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Title: The History of Herodotus — Volume 2

Author: Herodotus

Translator: G. C. Macaulay

Release date: January 1, 2001 [eBook #2456]
Most recently updated: August 26, 2025

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2456

Credits: Produced by John Bickers, Dagny, and David Widger

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY
OF HERODOTUS — VOLUME 2 ***

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

By Herodotus

Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. II.

{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois sunedomene, tois de kakois
sunalgousa}.—Dion. Halic.

Contents
PREPARER'S NOTE

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

BOOK V. THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED TERPSICHORE
NOTES TO BOOK V

BOOK VI. THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED ERATO
NOTES TO BOOK VI.

BOOK VII. THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED POLYMNIA
NOTES TO BOOK VII

BOOK VIII. THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED URANIA
NOTES TO BOOK VIII

BOOK IX. THE NINTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED CALLIOPE
NOTES TO BOOK IX

PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from the third edition,
printed in 1914, by MacMillan and Co., Limited, St.
Martin's Street, London.
Greek text has been transliterated and marked
with brackets, as in the opening citation above.

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

BOOK V. THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED TERPSICHORE
1. In the meantime those of the Persians who had been left behind in
Europe by Dareios, of whom Megabazos was the commander, had subdued
the people of Perinthos first of the Hellespontians, since they refused to be
subject to Dareios. These had in former times also been hardly dealt with by
the Paionians: for the Paionians from the Strymon had been commanded by
an oracle of their god to march against the Perinthians; and if the
Perinthians, when encamped opposite to them, should shout aloud and call
to them by their name, they were to attack them; but if they should not
shout to them, they were not to attack them: and thus the Paionians
proceeded to do. Now when the Perinthians were encamped opposite to
them in the suburb of their city, a challenge was made and a single combat
took place in three different forms; for they matched a man against a man,
and a horse against a horse, and a dog against a dog. Then, as the
Perinthians were getting the better in two of the three, in their exultation
they raised a shout of paion, 1 and the Paionians conjectured that this was
the very thing which was spoken of in the oracle, and said doubtless to one
another, "Now surely the oracle is being accomplished for us, now it is time
for us to act." So the Paionians attacked the Perinthians when they had
raised the shout of paion, and they had much the better in the fight, and left
but few of them alive.
2. Thus it happened with respect to those things which had been done to
them in former times by the Paionians; and at this time, although the
Perinthians proved themselves brave men in defence of their freedom, the
Persians and Megabazos got the better of them by numbers. Then after
Perinthos had been conquered, Megabazos marched his army through the
length of Thracia, forcing every city and every race of those who dwell
there to submit to the king, for so it had been commanded him by Dareios,
to subdue Thracia.
3. Now the Thracian race is the most numerous, except the Indians, in all
the world: and if it should come to be ruled over by one man, or to agree

together in one, it would be irresistible in fight and the strongest by far of
all nations, in my opinion. Since however this is impossible for them and
cannot ever come to pass among them, 2 they are in fact weak for that
reason. They have many names, belonging to their various tribes in
different places; but they all follow customs which are nearly the same in
all respects, except the Getai and Trausians and those who dwell above the
Crestonians.
4. Of these the practices of the Getai, who believe themselves to be
immortal, have been spoken of by me already: 3 and the Trausians perform
everything else in the same manner as the other Thracians, but in regard to
those who are born and die among them they do as follows:—when a child
has been born, the nearest of kin sit round it and make lamentation for all
the evils of which he must fulfil the measure, now that he is born, 301
enumerating the whole number of human ills; but when a man is dead, they
cover him up in the earth with sport and rejoicing, saying at the same time
from what great evils he has escaped and is now in perfect bliss.
5. Those who dwell above the Crestonians do as follows:—each man has
many wives, and when any man of them is dead, a great competition takes
place among his wives, with much exertion on the part of their friends,
about the question of which of them was most loved by their husband; and
she who is preferred by the decision and so honoured, is first praised by
both men and women, then her throat is cut over the tomb by her nearest of
kin, and afterwards she is buried together with her husband; and the others
are exceedingly grieved at it, for this is counted as the greatest reproach to
them.
6. Of the other Thracians the custom is to sell their children to be carried
away out of the country; and over their maidens they do not keep watch, but
allow them to have commerce with whatever men they please, but over
their wives they keep very great watch; and they buy their wives for great
sums of money from their parents. To be pricked with figures is accounted a
mark of noble rank, and not to be so marked is a sign of low birth. 4 Not to
work is counted most honourable, and to be a worker of the soil is above all
things dishonourable: to live on war and plunder is the most honourable
thing.
7. These are their most remarkable customs; and of the gods they worship
only Ares and Dionysos and Artemis. Their kings, however, apart from the

rest of the people, worship Hermes more than all gods, and swear by him
alone; and they say that they are descended from Hermes. 8. The manner of
burial for the rich among them is this:—for three days they expose the
corpse to view, and they slay all kinds of victims and feast, having first
made lamentation. Then they perform the burial rites, either consuming the
body with fire or covering it up in the earth without burning; and afterwards
when they have heaped up a mound they celebrate games with every kind
of contest, in which reasonably the greatest prizes are assigned for single
combat. 5 This is the manner of burial among the Thracians.
9. Of the region lying further on towards the North of this country no one
can declare accurately who the men are who dwell in it; but the parts which
lie immediately beyond the Ister are known to be uninhabited and vast in
extent. The only men of whom I can hear who dwell beyond the Ister are
those who are said to be called Sigynnai, and who use the Median fashion
of dress. Their horses, it is said, have shaggy hair all over their bodies, as
much as five fingers long; and these are small and flat-nosed and too weak
to carry men, but when yoked in chariots they are very high-spirited;
therefore the natives of the country drive chariots. The boundaries of this
people extend, it is said, to the parts near the Enetoi, who live on the
Adriatic; and people say that they are colonists from the Medes. In what
way however these have come to be colonists from the Medes I am not able
for my part to conceive, but everything is possible in the long course of
ages. However that may be, the Ligurians who dwell in the region inland
above Massalia call traders sigynnai, and the men of Cyprus give the same
name to spears.
10. Now the Thracians say that the other side of the Ister is occupied by
bees, and that by reason of them it is not possible to pass through and
proceed further: but to me it seems that when they so speak, they say that
which is not probable; for these creatures are known to be intolerant of
cold, and to me it seems that the regions which go up towards the pole are
uninhabitable by reason of the cold climate. These then are the tales
reported about this country; and however that may be, Megabazos was then
making the coast-regions of it subject to the Persians.
11. Meanwhile Dareios, so soon as he had crossed over the Hellespont
and come to Sardis, called to mind the service rendered to him by Histiaios
the Milesian and also the advice of the Mytilenian Coës, and having sent for

them to come to Sardis he offered them a choice of rewards. Histiaios then,
being despot of Miletos, did not make request for any government in
addition to that, but he asked for the district of Myrkinos which belonged to
the Edonians, desiring there to found a city. Histiaios chose this for himself;
but Coës, not being a despot but a man of the people, asked to be made
despot of Mitylene.
12. After the desires of both had been fulfilled, they betook themselves to
that which they had chosen: and at this same time it chanced that Dareios
saw a certain thing which made him desire to command Megabazos to
conquer the Paionians and remove them forcibly from Europe into Asia:
and the thing was this:—There were certain Paionians named Pigres and
Mantyas, who when Dareios had crossed over into Asia, came to Sardis,
because they desired themselves to have rule over the Paionians, and with
them they brought their sister, who was tall and comely. Then having
watched for a time when Dareios took his seat publicly in the suburb of the
Lydian city, they dressed up their sister in the best way they could, and sent
her to fetch water, having a water-jar upon her head and leading a horse
after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time spinning flax. Now
when the woman passed out of the city by him, Dareios paid attention to the
matter, for that which was done by the woman was not of Persian nor yet of
Lydian fashion, nor indeed after the manner of any people of Asia. He sent
therefore some of his spearmen, bidding them watch what the woman
would do with the horse. They accordingly followed after her; and she
having arrived at the river watered the horse, and having watered him and
filled her jar with the water, she passed along by the same way, bearing the
water upon her head, leading the horse after her by a bridle round her arm,
and at the same time turning the spindle.
13. Then Dareios, marvelling both at that which he heard from those who
went to observe and also at that which he saw himself, bade them bring her
into his presence: and when she was brought, her brothers also came, who
had been watching these things at no great distance off. So then when
Dareios asked of what country she was, the young men said that they were
Paionians and that she was their sister; and he replied: "Who then are these
Paionians, and where upon the earth do they dwell?" and he asked them
also what they desired, that they had come to Sardis. They declared to him
that they had come to give themselves up to him, and that Paionia was a
country situated upon the river Strymon, and that the Strymon was not far

from the Hellespont, and finally that they were colonists from the Teucrians
of Troy. All these things severally they told him; and he asked whether all
the women of that land were as industrious as their sister; and they very
readily replied to this also, saying that it was so, for it was with a view to
that very thing that they had been doing this.
14. Then Dareios wrote a letter to Megabazos, whom he had left to
command his army in Thrace, bidding him remove the Paionians from their
place of habitation and bring them to the king, both themselves and their
children and their wives. Then forthwith a horseman set forth to ride in
haste bearing the message to the Hellespont, and having passed over to the
other side he gave the paper to Megabazos. So he having read it and having
obtained guides from Thrace, set forth to march upon Paionia:
15. and the Paionians, being informed that the Persians were coming
against them, gathered all their powers together and marched out in the
direction of the sea, supposing that the Persians when they invaded them
would make their attack on that side. The Paionians then were prepared, as I
say, to drive off the army of Megabazos when it came against them; but the
Persians hearing that the Paionians had gathered their powers and were
guarding the entrance which lay towards the sea, directed their course with
guides along the upper road; and passing unperceived by the Paionians they
fell upon their cities, which were left without men, and finding them
without defenders they easily took possession of them. The Paionians when
they heard that their cities were in the hands of the enemy, at once
dispersed, each tribe to its own place of abode, and proceeded to deliver
themselves up to the Persians. Thus then it happened that these tribes of the
Paionians, namely the Siropaionians, 6 the Paioplians and all up to the lake
Prasias, were removed from their place of habitation and brought to Asia;
16, but those who dwell about mount Pangaion, and about the Doberians
and Agrianians and Odomantians, 7 and about the lake Prasias itself, were
not conquered at all by Megabazos. He tried however to remove even those
who lived in the lake and who had their dwellings in the following manner:
—a platform fastened together and resting upon lofty piles stood in the
middle of the water of the lake, with a narrow approach to it from the
mainland by a single bridge. The piles which supported the platform were
no doubt originally set there by all the members of the community working
together, but since that time they continue to set them by observance of this

rule, that is to say, every man who marries brings from the mountain called
Orbelos three piles for each wife and sets them as supports; and each man
takes to himself many wives. And they have their dwelling thus, that is each
man has possession of a hut upon the platform in which he lives and of a
trap-door 8 leading through the platform down to the lake: and their infant
children they tie with a rope by the foot, for fear that they should roll into
the water. To their horses and beasts of burden they give fish for fodder; and
of fish there is so great quantity that if a man open the trap-door and let
down an empty basket by a cord into the lake, after waiting quite a short
time he draws it up again full of fish. Of the fish there are two kinds, and
they call them paprax and tilon.
17. So then those of the Paionians who had been conquered were being
brought to Asia: and Megabazos meanwhile, after he had conquered the
Paionians, sent as envoys to Macedonia seven Persians, who after himself
were the men of most repute in the army. These were being sent to Amyntas
to demand of him earth and water for Dareios the king. Now from lake
Prasias there is a very short way into Macedonia; for first, quite close to the
lake, there is the mine from which after this time there came in regularly a
talent of silver every day to Alexander; and after the mine, when you have
passed over the mountain called Dysoron, you are in Macedonia.
18. These Persians then, who had been sent to Amyntas, having arrived
came into the presence of Amyntas and proceeded to demand earth and
water for king Dareios. This he was willing to give, and also he invited
them to be his guests; and he prepared a magnificent dinner and received
the Persians with friendly hospitality. Then when dinner was over, the
Persians while drinking pledges to one another 9 said thus: "Macedonian
guest-friend, it is the custom among us Persians, when we set forth a great
dinner, then to bring in also our concubines and lawful wives to sit beside
us. Do thou then, since thou didst readily receive us and dost now entertain
us magnificently as thy guests, and since thou art willing to give to king
Dareios earth and water, consent to follow our custom." To this Amyntas
replied: "Persians, among us the custom is not so, but that men should be
separate from women. Since however ye being our masters make this
request in addition, this also shall be given you." Having so said Amyntas
proceeded to send for the women; and when they came being summoned,
they sat down in order opposite to the Persians. Then the Persians, seeing
women of comely form, spoke to Amyntas and said that this which had

been done was by no means well devised; for it was better that the women
should not come at all, than that they should come and should not seat
themselves by their side, but sit opposite and be a pain to their eyes. So
Amyntas being compelled bade them sit by the side of the Persians; and
when the women obeyed, forthwith the Persians, being much intoxicated,
began to touch their breasts, and some no doubt also tried to kiss them.
19. Amyntas seeing this kept quiet, notwithstanding that he felt anger,
because he excessively feared the Persians; but Alexander the son of
Amyntas, who was present and saw this, being young and without
experience of calamity was not able to endure any longer; but being
impatient of it he said to Amyntas: "My father, do thou grant that which thy
age demands, and go away to rest, nor persevere longer in the drinking; but
I will remain here and give to our guests all that is convenient." On this
Amyntas, understanding that Alexander was intending to do some violence,
said: "My son, I think that I understand thy words, as the heat of anger
moves thee, namely that thou desirest to send me away and then do some
deed of violence: therefore I ask of thee not to do violence to these men,
that it may not be our ruin, but endure to see that which is being done: as to
my departure, however, in that I will do as thou sayest."
20. When Amyntas after having made of him this request had departed,
Alexander said to the Persians: "With these women ye have perfect
freedom, guests, to have commerce with all, if ye so desire, or with as many
of them as ye will. About this matter ye shall be they who give the word;
but now, since already the hour is approaching for you to go to bed and I
see that ye have well drunk, let these women go away, if so it is pleasing to
you, to bathe themselves; and when they have bathed, then receive them
back into your company." Having so said, since the Persians readily agreed,
he dismissed the women, when they had gone out, to the women's
chambers; and Alexander himself equipped men equal in number to the
women and smooth-faced, in the dress of the women, and giving them
daggers he led them into the banqueting-room; and as he led them in, he
said thus to the Persians: "Persians, it seems to me that ye have been
entertained with a feast to which nothing was wanting; for other things, as
many as we had, and moreover such as we were able to find out and
furnish, are all supplied to you, and there is this especially besides, which is
the chief thing of all, that is, we give you freely in addition our mothers and
our sisters, in order that ye may perceive fully that ye are honoured by us

with that treatment which ye deserve, and also in order that ye may report to
the king who sent you that a man of Hellas, ruler under him of the
Macedonians, entertained you well at board and bed." Having thus said
Alexander caused a Macedonian man in the guise of a woman to sit by each
Persian, and they, when the Persians attempted to lay hands on them, slew
them.
21. So these perished by this fate, both they themselves and their
company of servants; for there came with them carriages and servants and
all the usual pomp of equipage, and this was all made away with at the
same time as they. Afterwards in no long time a great search was made by
the Persians for these men, and Alexander stopped them with cunning by
giving large sums of money and his own sister, whose name was Gygaia;—
by giving, I say, these things to Bubares a Persian, commander of those who
were searching for the men who had been killed, Alexander stopped their
search.
22. Thus the death of these Persians was kept concealed. And that these
descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as they themselves say, I happen to
know myself, and not only so, but I will prove in the succeeding history that
they are Hellenes. 10 Moreover the Hellanodicai, who manage the games at
Olympia, decided that they were so: for when Alexander wished to contend
in the games and had descended for this purpose into the arena, the
Hellenes who were to run against him tried to exclude him, saying that the
contest was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since
however Alexander proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a
Hellene, and when he entered the contest of the foot-race his lot came out
with that of the first. 11
23. Thus then it happened with regard to these things: and at the same
time Megabazos had arrived at the Hellespont bringing with him the
Paionians; and thence after passing over the straits he came to Sardis. Then,
since Histiaios the Milesian was already engaged in fortifying with a wall
the place which he had asked and obtained from Dareios as a reward for
keeping safe the bridge of boats (this place being that which is called
Myrkinos, lying along the bank of the river Strymon), Megabazos, having
perceived that which was being done by Histiaios, as soon as he came to
Sardis bringing the Paionians, said thus to Dareios: "O king, what a thing is
this that thou hast done, granting permission to a Hellene who is skilful and

cunning to found a city in Thracia in a place where there is forest for
shipbuilding in abundance and great quantity of wood for oars and mines of
silver and great numbers both of Hellenes and Barbarians living round, who
when they have obtained a leader will do that which he shall command
them both by day and by night. Therefore stop this man from doing so, that
thou be not involved in a domestic war: and stop him by sending for him in
a courteous manner; but when thou hast got him in thy hands, then cause
that he shall never again return to the land of the Hellenes.".
24. Thus saying Megabazos easily persuaded Dareios, who thought that
he was a true prophet of that which was likely to come to pass: and upon
that Dareios sent a messenger to Myrkinos and said as follows: "Histiaios,
king Dareios saith these things:—By taking thought I find that there is no
one more sincerely well disposed than thou art to me and to my power; and
this I know having learnt by deeds not words. Now therefore, since I have it
in my mind to accomplish great matters, come hither to me by all means,
that I may communicate them to thee." Histiaios therefore, trusting to these
sayings and at the same time accounting it a great thing to become a
counsellor of the king, came to Sardis; and when he had come Dareios
spoke to him as follows: "Histiaios, I sent for thee for this reason, namely
because when I had returned from the Scythians and thou wert gone away
out of the sight of my eyes, never did I desire to see anything again within
so short a time as I desired then both to see thee and that thou shouldst
come to speech with me; since I perceived that the most valuable of all
possessions is a friend who is a man of understanding and also sincerely
well-disposed, both which qualities I know exist in thee, and I am able to
bear witness of them in regard to my affairs. Now therefore (for thou didst
well in that thou camest hither) this is that which I propose to thee:—leave
Miletos alone and also thy newly-founded city in Thracia, and coming with
me to Susa, have whatsoever things I have, eating at my table and being my
counseller.".
25. Thus said Dareios, and having appointed Artaphrenes 12 his own
brother and the son of his father to be governor of Sardis, he marched away
to Susa taking with him Histiaios, after he had first named Otanes to be
commander of those who dwelt along the sea coasts. This man's father
Sisamnes, who had been made one of the Royal Judges, king Cambyses
slew, because he had judged a cause unjustly for money, and flayed off all
his skin: then after he had torn away the skin he cut leathern thongs out of it

and stretched them across the seat where Sisamnes had been wont to sit to
give judgment; and having stretched them in the seat, Cambyses appointed
the son of that Sisamnes whom he had slain and flayed, to be judge instead
of his father, enjoining him to remember in what seat he was sitting to give
judgment..
26. This Otanes then, who was made to sit in that seat, had now become
the successor of Megabazos in the command: and he conquered the
Byzantians and Calchedonians, and he conquered Antandros in the land of
Troas, and Lamponion; and having received ships from the Lesbians he
conquered Lemnos and Imbros, which were both at that time still inhabited
by Pelasgians..
27. Of these the Lemnians fought well, and defending themselves for a
long time were at length brought to ruin; 13 and over those of them who
survived the Persians set as governor Lycaretos the brother of that
Maiandrios who had been king of Samos. This Lycaretos ruled in Lemnos
till his death. And the cause of it 14 was this:—he continued to reduce all to
slavery and subdue them, accusing some of desertion to the Scythians and
others of doing damage to the army of Dareios as it was coming back from
Scythia.
28. Otanes then effected so much when he was made commander: and
after this for a short time there was an abatement 15 of evils; and then again
evils began a second time to fall upon the Ionians, arising from Naxos and
Miletos. For Naxos was superior to all the other islands in wealth, and
Miletos at the same time had just then come to the very height of its
prosperity and was the ornament 16 of Ionia; but before these events for
two generations of men it had been afflicted most violently by faction until
the Parians reformed it; for these the Milesians chose of all the Hellenes to
be reformers of their State..
29. Now the Parians thus reconciled their factions:—the best men of
them came to Miletos, and seeing that the Milesians were in a grievously
ruined state, they said that they desired to go over their land: and while
doing this and passing through the whole territory of Miletos, whenever
they saw in the desolation of the land any field that was well cultivated,
they wrote down the name of the owner of that field. Then when they had
passed through the whole land and had found but few of such men, as soon
as they returned to the city they called a general gathering and appointed

these men to manage the State, whose fields they had found well cultivated;
for they said that they thought these men would take care of the public
affairs as they had taken care of their own: and the rest of the Milesians,
who before had been divided by factions, they commanded to be obedient
to these men.
30. The Parians then had thus reformed the Milesians; but at the time of
which I speak evils began to come to Ionia from these States 17 in the
following manner:—From Naxos certain men of the wealthier class 18 were
driven into exile by the people, and having gone into exile they arrived at
Miletos. Now of Miletos it happened that Aristagoras son of Molpagoras
was ruler in charge, being both a son-in-law and also a cousin of Histiaios
the son of Lysagoras, whom Dareios was keeping at Susa: for Histiaios was
despot of Miletos, and it happened that he was at Susa at this time when the
Naxians came, who had been in former times guest-friends of Histiaios. So
when the Naxians arrived, they made request of Aristagoras, to see if
perchance he would supply them with a force, and so they might return
from exile to their own land: and he, thinking that if by his means they
should return to their own State, he would be ruler of Naxos, but at the
same time making a pretext of the guest-friendship of Histiaios, made
proposal to them thus: "I am not able to engage that I can supply you with
sufficient force to bring you back from exile against the will of those
Naxians who have control of the State; for I hear that the Naxians have an
army which is eight thousand shields strong and many ships of war: but I
will use every endeavour to devise a means; and my plan is this:—it
chances that Artaphrenes is my friend: now Artaphrenes, ye must know,
1801 is a son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareios the king; and he is ruler
of all the people of the sea-coasts in Asia, with a great army and many
ships. This man then I think will do whatsoever we shall request of him."
Hearing this the Naxians gave over the matter to Aristagoras to manage as
best he could, and they bade him promise gifts and the expenses of the
expedition, saying that they would pay them; for they had full expectation
that when they should appear at Naxos, the Naxians would do all their
bidding, and likewise also the other islanders. For of these islands, that is
the Cyclades, not one was as yet subject to Dareios.
31. Aristagoras accordingly having arrived at Sardis, said to Artaphrenes
that Naxos was an island not indeed large in size, but fair nevertheless and
of fertile soil, as well as near to Ionia, and that there was in it much wealth

and many slaves: "Do thou therefore send an expedition against this land,
and restore it to those who are now exiles from it: and if thou shalt do this,
first I have ready for thee large sums of money apart from the expenses
incurred for the expedition (which it is fair that we who conduct it should
supply), and next thou wilt gain for the king not only Naxos itself but also
the islands which are dependent upon it, Paros and Andros and the others
which are called Cyclades; and setting out from these thou wilt easily attack
Euboea, an island which is large and wealthy, as large indeed as Cyprus,
and very easy to conquer. To subdue all these a hundred ships are
sufficient." He made answer in these words: "Thou makest thyself a
reporter of good things to the house of the king; and in all these things thou
advisest well, except as to the number of the ships: for instead of one
hundred there shall be prepared for thee two hundred by the beginning of
the spring. And it is right that the king himself also should join in approving
this matter.".
32. So Aristagoras hearing this went back to Miletos greatly rejoiced; and
Artaphrenes meanwhile, when he had sent to Susa and communicated that
which was said by Aristagoras, and Dareios himself also had joined in
approving it, made ready two hundred triremes and a very great multitude
both of Persians and their allies, and appointed to be commander of these
Megabates a Persian, one of the Achaimenidai and a cousin to himself and
to Dareios, to whose daughter afterwards Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus
the Lacedaemonian (at least if the story be true) betrothed himself, having
formed a desire to become a despot of Hellas. Having appointed Megabates,
I say, to be commander, Artaphrenes sent away the armament to
Aristagoras..
33. So when Megabates had taken force together with the Naxians, he
sailed with the pretence of going to the Hellespont; but when he came to
Chios, he directed his ships to Caucasa, in order that he might from thence
pass them over to Naxos with a North Wind. Then, since it was not fated
that the Naxians should be destroyed by this expedition, there happened an
event which I shall narrate. As Megabates was going round to visit the
guards set in the several ships, it chanced that in a ship of Myndos there
was no one on guard; and he being very angry bade his spearmen find out
the commander of the ship, whose name was Skylax, and bind him in an
oar-hole of his ship in such a manner 19 that his head should be outside and
his body within. When Skylax was thus bound, some one reported to

Aristagoras that Megabates had bound his guest-friend of Myndos and was
doing to him shameful outrage. He accordingly came and asked the Persian
for his release, and as he did not obtain anything of that which he requested,
he went himself and let him loose. Being informed of this Megabates was
exceedingly angry and broke out in rage against Aristagoras; and he replied:
"What hast thou to do with these matters? Did not Artaphrenes send thee to
obey me, and to sail whithersoever I should order? Why dost thou meddle
with things which concern thee not?" Thus said Aristagoras; and the other
being enraged at this, when night came on sent men in a ship to Naxos to
declare to the Naxians all the danger that threatened them..
34. For the Naxians were not at all expecting that this expedition would
be against them: but when they were informed of it, forthwith they brought
within the wall the property which was in the fields, and provided for
themselves food and drink as for a siege, and strengthened their wall. 20
These then were making preparations as for war to come upon them; and
the others meanwhile having passed their ships over from Chios to Naxos,
found them well defended when they made their attack, and besieged them
for four months. Then when the money which the Persians had brought with
them had all been consumed by them, and not only that, but Aristagoras
himself had spent much in addition, and the siege demanded ever more and
more, they built walls for the Naxian exiles and departed to the mainland
again with ill success..
35. And so Aristagoras was not able to fulfil his promise to Artaphrenes;
and at the same time he was hard pressed by the demand made to him for
the expenses of the expedition, and had fears because of the ill success of
the armament and because he had become an enemy of Megabates; and he
supposed that he would be deprived of his rule over Miletos. Having all
these various fears he began to make plans of revolt: for it happened also
that just at this time the man who had been marked upon the head had come
from Histiaios who was at Susa, signifying that Aristagoras should revolt
from the king. For Histiaios, desiring to signify to Aristagoras that he
should revolt, was not able to do it safely in any other way, because the
roads were guarded, but shaved off the hair of the most faithful of his
slaves, and having marked his head by pricking it, waited till the hair had
grown again; and as soon as it was grown, he sent him away to Miletos,
giving him no other charge but this, namely that when he should have
arrived at Miletos he should bid Aristagoras shave his hair and look at his

head: and the marks, as I have said before, signified revolt. This thing
Histiaios was doing, because he was greatly vexed by being detained at
Susa. He had great hopes then that if a revolt occurred he would be let go to
the sea-coast; but if no change was made at Miletos 2001 he had no
expectation of ever returning thither again.
36. Accordingly Histiaios with this intention was sending the messenger;
and it chanced that all these things happened to Aristagoras together at the
same time. He took counsel therefore with his partisans, declaring to them
both his own opinion and the message from Histiaios; and while all the rest
expressed an opinion to the same effect, urging him namely to make revolt,
Hecataios the historian urged first that they should not undertake war with
the king of the Persians, enumerating all the nations over whom Dareios
was ruler, and his power: and when he did not succeed in persuading him,
he counselled next that they should manage to make themselves masters of
the sea. Now this, he continued, could not come to pass in any other way, so
far as he could see, for he knew that the force of the Milesians was weak,
but if the treasures should be taken 21 which were in the temple at
Branchidai, which Croesus the Lydian dedicated as offerings, he had great
hopes that they might become masters of the sea; and by this means they
would not only themselves have wealth at their disposal, but the enemy
would not be able to carry the things off as plunder. Now these treasures
were of great value, as I have shown in the first part of the history. 22 This
opinion did not prevail; but nevertheless it was resolved to make revolt, and
that one of them should sail to Myus, to make the force which had returned
from Naxos and was then there, and endeavour to seize the commanders
who sailed in the ships..
37. So Iatragoras was sent for this purpose and seized by craft Oliatos the
son of Ibanollis of Mylasa, and Histiaios the son of Tymnes of Termera, and
Coës the son of Erxander, to whom Dareios had given Mytilene as a gift,
and Aristagoras the son of Heracleides of Kyme, and many others; and then
Aristagoras openly made revolt and devised all that he could to the hurt of
Dareios. And first he pretended to resign the despotic power and give to
Miletos equality, 23 in order that the Milesians might be willing to revolt
with him: then afterwards he proceeded to do this same thing in the rest of
Ionia also; and some of the despots he drove out, but those whom he had
taken from the ships which had sailed with him to Naxis, these he

surrendered, because he desired to do a pleasure to their cities, delivering
them over severally to that city from which each one came..
38. Now the men of Mitylene, so soon as they received Coës into their
hands, brought him out and stoned him to death; but the men of Kyme let
their despot go, and so also most of the others let them go. Thus then the
despots were deposed in the various cities; and Aristagoras the Milesian,
after having deposed the despots, bade each people appoint commanders in
their several cities, and then himself set forth as an envoy to Lacedemon;
for in truth it was necessary that he should find out some powerful alliance.
39. Now at Sparta Anaxandrides the son of Leon was no longer surviving
as king, but had brought his life to an end; and Cleomenes the son of
Anaxandrides was holding the royal power, not having obtained it by merit
but by right of birth. For Anaxandrides had to wife his own sister's daughter
and she was by him much beloved, but no children were born to him by her.
This being so, the Ephors summoned him before them and said: "If thou
dost not for thyself take thought in time, yet we cannot suffer this to
happen, that the race of Eurysthenes should become extinct. Do thou
therefore put away from thee the wife whom thou now hast, since, as thou
knowest, she bears thee no children, and marry another: and in doing so
thou wilt please the Spartans." He made answer saying that he would do
neither of these two things, and that they did not give him honourable
counsel, in that they advised him to send away the wife whom he had,
though she had done him no wrong, and to take to his house another; and in
short he would not follow their advice..
40. Upon this the Ephors and the Senators deliberated together and
proposed to Anaxandrides as follows: "Since then we perceive that thou art
firmly attached to the wife whom thou now hast, consent to do this, and set
not thyself against it, lest the Spartans take some counsel about thee other
than might be wished. We do not ask of thee the putting away of the wife
whom thou hast; but do thou give to her all that thou givest now and at the
same time take to thy house another wife in addition to this one, to bear
thee children." When they spoke to him after this manner, Anaxandrides
consented, having two wives, a thing which was not by any means after the
Spartan fashion..
41. Then when no long time had elapsed, the wife who had come in
afterwards bore this Cleomenes of whom we spoke; and just when she was

bringing to the light an heir to the kingdom of the Spartans, the former wife,
who had during the time before been childless, then by some means
conceived, chancing to do so just at that time: and though she was in truth
with child, the kinsfolk of the wife who had come in afterwards, when they
heard of it cried out against her and said that she was making a vain boast,
and that she meant to pass off another child as her own. Since then they
made a great show of indignation, as the time was fast drawing near, the
Ephors being incredulous sat round and watched the woman during the
birth of her child: and she bore Dorieos and then straightway conceived
Leonidas and after him at once Cleombrotos,—nay, some even say that
Cleombrotos and Leonidas were twins. The wife however who had born
Cleomenes and had come in after the first wife, being the daughter of
Primetades the son of Demarmenos, did not bear a child again..
42. Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not quite in his right senses but on the
verge of madness, 24 while Dorieos was of all his equals in age the first,
and felt assured that he would obtain the kingdom by merit. Seeing then
that he had this opinion, when Anaxandrides died and the Lacedemonians
followed the usual custom established the eldest, namely Cleomenes, upon
the throne, Dorieos being indignant and not thinking it fit that he should be
a subject of Cleomenes, asked the Spartans to give him a company of
followers and led them out to found a colony, without either inquiring of the
Oracle at Delphi to what land he should go to make a settlement, or doing
any of the things which are usually done; but being vexed he sailed away
with his ships to Libya, and the Theraians were his guides thither. Then
having come to Kinyps 25 he made a settlement in the fairest spot of all
Libya, along the banks of the river; but afterwards in the third year he was
driven out from thence by the Macai and the Libyans 26 and the
Carthaginians, and returned to Peloponnesus..
43. Then Antichares a man of Eleon gave him counsel out of the oracles
of Laïos to make a settlement at Heracleia 27 in Sicily, saying that the
whole land of Eryx belonged to the Heracleidai, since Heracles himself had
won it: and hearing this he went forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle
whether he would be able to conquer the land to which he was setting forth;
and the Pythian prophetess replied to him that he would conquer it. Dorieos
therefore took with him the armament which he conducted before to Libya,
and voyaged along the coast of Italy. 28

44. Now at this time, the men of Sybaris say that they and their king
Telys were about to make an expedition against Croton, and the men of
Croton being exceedingly alarmed asked Dorieos to help them and obtained
their request. So Dorieos joined them in an expedition against Sybaris and
helped them to conquer Sybaris. This is what the men of Sybaris say of the
doings of Dorieos and his followers; but those of Croton say that no
stranger helped them in the war against the Sybarites except Callias alone, a
diviner of Elis and one of the descendants of Iamos, and he in the following
manner:—he ran away, they say, from Telys the despot of the Sybarites,
when the sacrifices did not prove favourable, as he was sacrificing for the
expedition against Croton, and so he came to them.
45. Such, I say, are the tales which these tell, and they severally produce
as evidence of them the following facts:—the Sybarites point to a sacred
enclosure and temple by the side of the dried-up bed of the Crathis, 29
which they say that Dorieos, after he had joined in the capture of the city,
set up to Athene surnamed "of the Crathis"; and besides they consider the
death of Dorieos himself to be a very strong evidence, thinking that he
perished because he acted contrary to the oracle which was given to him;
for if he had not done anything by the way but had continued to do that for
which he was sent, he would have conquered the land of Eryx and having
conquered it would have become possessor of it, and he and his army would
not have perished. On the other hand the men of Croton declare that many
things were granted in the territory of Croton as special gifts to Callias the
Eleisan, of which the descendants of Callias were still in possession down
to my time, and that nothing was granted to Dorieos or the descendants of
Dorieos: but if Dorieos had in fact helped them in the way with Sybaris,
many times as much, they say, would have been given to him as to Callias.
These then are the evidences which the two sides produce, and we may
assent to whichever of them we think credible..
46. Now there sailed with Dorieos others also of the Spartans, to be joint-
founders with him of the colony, namely Thessalos and Paraibates and
Keleas and Euryleon; and these when they had reached Sicily with all their
armament, were slain, being defeated in battle by the Phenicians and the
men of Egesta; and Euryleon only of the joint-founders survived this
disaster. This man then having collected the survivors of the expedition,
took possession of Minoa the colony of Selinus, and he helped to free the
men of Selinus from their despot Peithagoras. Afterwards, when he had

deposed him, he laid hands himself upon the despotism in Selinus and
became sole ruler there, though but for a short time; for the men of Selinus
rose in revolt against him and slew him, notwithstanding that he had fled
for refuge to the altar of Zeus Agoraios. 30
47. There had accompanied Dorieos also and died with him Philip the
son of Butakides, a man of Croton, who having betrothed himself to the
daughter of Telys the Sybarite, became an exile from Croton; and then
being disappointed of this marriage he sailed away to Kyrene, whence he
set forth and accompanied Dorieos with a trireme of his own, himself
supplying the expenses of the crew. Now this man had been a victor at the
Olympic games, and he was the most beautiful of the Hellenes who lived in
his time; and on account of his beauty he obtained from the men of Egesta
that which none else ever obtained from them, for they established a hero-
temple over his tomb, and they propitiate him still with sacrifices.
48. In this manner Dorieos ended his life: but if he had endured to be a
subject of Cleomenes and had remained in Sparta, he would have been king
of Lacedemon; for Cleomenes reigned no very long time, and died leaving
no son to succeed him but a daughter only, whose name was Gorgo.
49. However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos arrived at Sparta while
Cleomenes was reigning: and accordingly with him he came to speech,
having, as the Lacedemonians say, a tablet of bronze, on which was
engraved a map 31 of the whole Earth, with all the sea and all the rivers.
And when he came to speech with Cleomenes he said to him as follows:
"Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming hither, for the case is
this.—That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a
reproach and a grief most of all indeed to ourselves, but of all others most
to you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now therefore I entreat
you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your
own kinsmen: and ye may easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not
valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the highest point of valour in
that which relates to war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely with
bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers
and with caps 32 on their heads. Thus they are easily conquered. Then again
they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantity as not all
the other nations of the world together possess; first gold, then silver and
bronze and embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all

which ye might have for yourselves, if ye so desired. And the nations
moreover dwell in such order one after the other as I shall declare:—the
Ionians here; and next to them the Lydians, who not only dwell in a fertile
land, but are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver," 33—and as he said
this he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him engraved
upon the tablet,—"and here next to the Lydians," continued Aristagoras,
"are the Eastern Phrygians, who have both the greatest number of sheep and
cattle 34 of any people that I know, and also the most abundant crops. Next
to the Phrygians are the Cappadokians, whom we call Syrians; and
bordering upon them are the Kilikians, coming down to this 35 sea, in
which lies the island of Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to
the king for their yearly tribute. Next to these Kilikians are the Armenians,
whom thou mayest see here, and these also have great numbers of sheep
and cattle. Next to the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country
here; and next to them is the land of Kissia here, in which land by the banks
of this river Choaspes is situated that city of Susa where the great king has
his residence, and where the money is laid up in treasuries. After ye have
taken this city ye may then with good courage enter into a contest with Zeus
in the matter of wealth. Nay, but can it be that ye feel yourselves bound to
take upon you the risk of 36 battles against Messenians and Arcadians and
Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the sake of land which is
not much in extent nor very fertile, and for confines which are but small,
though these peoples have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of
which desire incites one to fight and to die,—can this be, I say, and will ye
choose some other way now, when it is possible for you easily to have the
rule over all Asia?" Aristagoras spoke thus, and Cleomenes answered him
saying: "Guest-friend from Miletos, I defer my answer to thee until the day
after to-morrow." 37
50. Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when the appointed day
arrived for the answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon,
Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how many days' journey it was from the sea
of the Ionians to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other
respects acted cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point made a
mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him the truth, at least if he
desired to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey
up from the sea of three months: and the other cutting short the rest of the
account which Aristagoras had begun to give of the way, said: "Guest-friend

from Miletos, get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set; for thou
speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedemonians,
desiring to take them a journey of three months from the sea.".
51. Cleomenes accordingly having so said went away to his house: but
Aristagoras took the suppliant's branch and went to the house of
Cleomenes; and having entered in as a suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send
away the child and listen to him; for the daughter of Cleomenes was
standing by him, whose name was Gorgo, and this as it chanced was his
only child, being of the age now of eight or nine years. Cleomenes however
bade him say that which he desired to say, and not to stop on account of the
child. Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, beginning with
ten talents, if he would accomplish for him that for which he was asking;
and when Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras went on increasing the sums of
money offered, until at last he had promised fifty talents, and at that
moment the child cried out: "Father, the stranger will do thee hurt, 38 if
thou do not leave him and go." Cleomenes, then, pleased by the counsel of
the child, departed into another room, and Aristagoras went away from
Sparta altogether, and had no opportunity of explaining any further about
the way up from the sea to the residence of the king.
52. As regards this road the truth is as follows.—Everywhere there are
royal stages 39 and excellent resting-places, and the whole road runs
through country which is inhabited and safe. Through Lydia and Phrygia
there extend twenty stages, amounting to ninety-four and a half leagues; 40
and after Phrygia succeeds the river Halys, at which there is a gate 4001
which one must needs pass through in order to cross the river, and a strong
guard-post is established there. Then after crossing over into Cappadokia it
is twenty-eight stages, being a hundred and four leagues, by this way to the
borders of Kilikia; and on the borders of the Kilikians you will pass through
two several gates and go by two several guard-posts: then after passing
through these it is three stages, amounting to fifteen and a half leagues, to
journey through Kilikia; and the boundary of Kilikia and Armenia is a
navigable river called Euphrates. In Armenia the number of stages with
resting-places is fifteen, and of leagues fifty-six and a half, and there is a
guard-post on the way: then from Armenia, when one enters the land of
Matiene, 41 there are thirty-four stages, amounting to a hundred and thirty-
seven leagues; and through this land flow four navigable rivers, which
cannot be crossed but by ferries, first the Tigris, then a second and third

called both by the same name, 42 though they are not the same river nor do
they flow from the same region (for the first-mentioned of them flows from
the Armenian land and the other 43 from that of the Matienians), and the
fourth of the rivers is called Gyndes, the same which once Cyrus divided
into three hundred and sixty channels. 44 Passing thence into the Kissian
land, there are eleven stages, forty-two and a half leagues, to the river
Choaspes, which is also a navigable stream; and upon this is built the city of
Susa. The number of these stages amounts in all to one hundred and eleven..
53. This is the number of stages with resting-places, as one goes up from
Sardis to Susa: and if the royal road has been rightly measured as regards
leagues, and if the league 45 is equal to thirty furlongs, 46 (as undoubtedly
it is), the number of furlongs from Sardis to that which is called the palace
of Memnon is thirteen thousand five hundred, the number of leagues being
four hundred and fifty. So if one travels a hundred and fifty furlongs each
day, just ninety days are spent on the journey. 47.
54. Thus the Milesian Aristagoras, when he told Cleomenes the
Lacedemonian that the journey up from the sea to the residence of the king
was one of three months, spoke correctly: but if any one demands a more
exact statement yet than this, I will give him that also: for we ought to
reckon in addition to this the length of the road from Ephesos to Sardis; and
I say accordingly that the whole number of furlongs from the sea of Hellas
to Susa (for by that name the city of Memnon is known) is fourteen
thousand and forty; for the number of furlongs from Ephesos to Sardis is
five hundred and forty: thus the three months' journey is lengthened by
three days added.
55. Aristagoras then being driven out of Sparta proceeded to Athens;
which had been set free from the rule of despots in the way which I shall
tell.—When Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos and brother of the despot
Hippias, after seeing a vision of a dream which signified it to him plainly,
48 had been slain by Aristogeiton and Harmodios, who were originally by
descent Gephyraians, the Athenians continued for four years after this to be
despotically governed no less than formerly,—nay, even more..
56. Now the vision of a dream which Hipparchos had was this:—in the
night before the Panathenaia it seemed to Hipparchos that a man came and
stood by him, tall and of fair form, and riddling spoke to him these verses:

"With enduring soul as a lion endure unendurable evil:
No one of men who doth wrong shall escape from the judgment appointed."

These verses, as soon as it was day, he publicly communicated to the
interpreters of dreams; but afterwards he put away thought of the vision 49
and began to take part in that procession during which he lost his life.
57. Now the Gephyraians, of whom were those who murdered
Hipparchos, according to their own account were originally descended from
Eretria; but as I find by carrying inquiries back, they were Phenicians of
those who came with Cadmos to the land which is now called Boeotia, and
they dwelt in the district of Tanagra, which they had had allotted to them in
that land. Then after the Cadmeians had first been driven out by the
Argives, these Gephyraians next were driven out by the Boeotians and
turned then towards Athens: and the Athenians received them on certain
fixed conditions to be citizens of their State, laying down rules that they
should be excluded from a number of things not worth mentioning here..
58. Now these Phenicians who came with Cadmos, of whom were the
Gephyraians, brought in among the Hellenes many arts when they settled in
this land of Boeotia, and especially letters, which did not exist, as it appears
to me, among the Hellenes before this time; and at first they brought in
those which are used by the Phenician race generally, but afterwards, as
time went on, they changed with their speech the form of the letters also.
During this time the Ionians were the race of Hellenes who dwelt near them
in most of the places where they were; and these, having received letters by
instruction of the Phenicians, changed their form slightly and so made use
of them, and in doing so they declared them to be called "phenicians," as
was just, seeing that the Phenicians had introduced them into Hellas. Also
the Ionians from ancient time call paper "skins," because formerly, paper
being scarce, they used skins of goat and sheep; nay, even in my own time
many of the Barbarians write on such skins..
59. I myself too once saw Cadmeian characters in the temple of Ismenian
Apollo at Thebes of the Boeotians, engraved on certain 4901 tripods, and in
most respects resembling the Ionic letters: one of these tripods has the
inscription,
"Me Amphitryon offered from land Teleboian returning:" 50

this inscription would be of an age contemporary with Laïos the son of
Labdacos, the son of Polydoros, the son of Cadmos..

60. Another tripod says thus in hexameter rhythm:
"Me did Scaios offer to thee, far-darting Apollo,
Victor in contest of boxing, a gift most fair in thine honour:"

now Scaios would be the son of Hippocoön (at least if it were really he
who offered it, and not another with the same name as the son of
Hippocoön), being of an age contemporary with OEdipus the son of Laïos:
61, and the third tripod, also in hexameter rhythm, says:
"Me Laodamas offered to thee, fair-aiming Apollo,
He, of his wealth, 51 being king, as a gift most fair in thine honor:"

now it was in the reign of this very Laodamas the son of Eteocles that the
Cadmeians were driven out by the Argives and turned to go to the
Enchelians; and the Gephyraians being then left behind were afterwards
forced by the Boeotians to retire to Athens. Moreover they have temples
established in Athens, in which the other Athenians have no part, and
besides others which are different from the rest, there is especially a temple
of Demeter Achaia and a celebration of her mysteries.
62. I have told now of the vision of a dream seen by Hipparchos, and also
whence the Gephrynians were descended, of which race were the murderers
of Hipparchos; and in addition to this I must resume and continue the story
which I was about to tell at first, how the Athenians were freed from
despots. When Hippias was despot and was dealing harshly with the
Athenians because of the death of Hipparchos, the Alcmaionidai, who were
of Athenian race and were fugitives from the sons of Peisistratos, 52 as they
did not succeed in their attempt made together with the other Athenian
exiles to return by force, but met with great disaster when they attempted to
return and set Athens free, after they had fortified Leipsydrion which is
above Paionia,—these Alomaionidai after that, still devising every means
against the sons of Peisistratos, accepted the contract to build and complete
the temple at Delphi, that namely which now exists but then did not as yet:
and being wealthy and men of repute already from ancient time, they
completed the temple in a manner more beautiful than the plan required,
and especially in this respect, that having agreed to make the temple of
common limestone, 53 they built the front parts of it in Parian marble.
63. So then, as the Athenians say, these men being settled at Delphi
persuaded the Pythian prophetess by gifts of money, that whenever men of
the Spartans should come to inquire of the Oracle, either privately or

publicly sent, she should propose to them to set Athens free. The
Lacedemonians therefore, since the same utterance was delivered to them
on all occasions, sent Anchimolios the son of Aster, who was of repute
among their citizens, with an army to drive out the sons of Peisistratos from
Athens, although these were very closely connected with them by guest-
friendship; for they held that the concerns of the god 5301 should be
preferred to those of men: and this force they sent by sea in ships. He
therefore, having put in to shore at Phaleron, disembarked his army; but the
sons of Peisistratos being informed of this beforehand called in to their aid
an auxiliary force from Thessaly, for they had made an alliance with the
Thessalians; and the Thessalians at their request sent by public resolution a
body of a thousand horse and also their king Kineas, a man of Conion. 54
So having obtained these as allies, the sons of Peisistratos contrived as
follows:—they cut down the trees in the plain of Phaleron and made this
district fit for horsemen to ride over, and after that they sent the cavalry to
attack the enemy's camp, who falling upon it slew (besides many others of
the Lacedemonians) Anchimolios himself also: and the survivors of them
they shut up in their ships. Such was the issue of the first expedition from
Lacedemon: and the burial-place of Anchimolios is at Alopecai in Attica,
near the temple of Heracles which is at Kynosarges..
64. After this the Lacedemonians equipped a larger expedition and sent it
forth against Athens; and they appointed to be commander of the army their
king Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, and sent it this time not by sea
but by land. With these, when they had invaded the land of Attica, first the
Thessalian horse engaged battle; and in no long time they were routed and
there fell of them more than forty men; so the survivors departed without
more ado and went straight back to Thessaly. Then Cleomenes came to the
city together with those of the Athenians who desired to be free, and began
to besiege the despots shut up in the Pelasgian wall.
65. And the Lacedemonians would never have captured the sons of
Peisistratos at all; for they on their side had no design to make a long
blockade, and the others were well provided with food and drink; so that
they would have gone away back to Sparta after besieging them for a few
days only: but as it was, a thing happened just at this time which was
unfortunate for those, and at the same time of assistance to these; for the
children of the sons of Peisistratos were captured, while being secretly
removed out of the country: and when this happened, all their matters were

thereby cast into confusion, and they surrendered receiving back their
children on the terms which the Athenians desired, namely that they should
depart out of Attica within five days. After this they departed out of the
country and went to Sigeion on the Scamander, after their family had ruled
over the Athenians for six-and-thirty years. These also were originally
Pylians and sons of Neleus, descended from the same ancestors as the
family of Codros and Melanthos, who had formerly become kings of
Athens being settlers from abroad. Hence too Hippocrates had given to his
son the name of Peisistratos as a memorial, calling him after Peisistratos the
son of Nestor.
Thus the Athenians were freed from despots; and the things worthy to be
narrated which they did or suffered after they were liberated, up to the time
when Ionia revolted from Dareios and Aristagoras the Milesian came to
Athens and asked them to help him, these I will set forth first before I
proceed further.
66. Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having
been freed from despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men
exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaion, the same
who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son
of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original
descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the
Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife for power; and then
Cleisthenes was being worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with
the people. After this he caused the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were
formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were called after
the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and
invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians
except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no
Athenian.
67. Now in these things it seems to me that this Cleisthenes was imitating
his mother's father Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon: for Cleisthenes when
he went to war with Argos first caused to cease in Sikyon the contests of
rhapsodists, which were concerned with the poems of Homer, because
Argives and Argos are celebrated in them almost everywhere; then
secondly, since there was (as still there is) in the market-place itself of the
Sikyonians a hero-temple of Adrastos the son of Talaos, Cleisthenes had a

desire to cast him forth out of the land, because he was an Argive. So
having come to Delphi he consulted the Oracle as to whether he should cast
out Adrastos; and the Pythian prophetess answered him saying that Adrastos
was king of the Sikyonians, whereas he was a stoner 55 of them. So since
the god did not permit him to do this, he went away home and considered
means by which Adrastos should be brought to depart of his own accord:
and when he thought that he had discovered them, he sent to Thebes in
Boeotia and said that he desired to introduce into his city Melanippos the
son of Astacos, and the Thebans gave him leave. So Cleisthenes introduced
Melanippos into his city, and appointed for him a sacred enclosure within
the precincts of the City Hall 56 itself, and established him there in the
strongest position. Now Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos (for I must
relate this also) because he was the greatest enemy of Adrastos, seeing that
he had killed both his brother Mekisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus: and
when he had appointed the sacred enclosure for him, he took away the
sacrifices and festivals of Adrastos and gave them to Melanippos. Now the
Sikyonians were accustomed to honour Adrastos with very great honours;
for this land was formerly the land of Polybos, and Adrastos was daughter's
son to Polybos, and Polybos dying without sons gave his kingdom to
Adrastos: the Sikyonians then not only gave other honours to Adrastos, but
also with reference to his sufferings they specially honoured him with tragic
choruses, not paying the honour to Dionysos but to Adrastos. Cleisthenes
however gave back the choruses to Dionysos, and the other rites besides
this he gave to Melannipos..
68. Thus he had done to Adrastos; and he also changed the names of the
Dorian tribes, in order that the Sikyonians might not have the same tribes as
the Argives; in which matter he showed great contempt of the Sikyonians,
for the names he gave were taken from the names of a pig and an ass by
changing only the endings, except in the case of his own tribe, to which he
gave a name from his own rule. These last then were called Archelaoi, 57
while of the rest those of one tribe were called Hyatai, 58 of another
Oneatai, 59 and of the remaining tribe Choireatai. 60 These names of tribes
were used by the men of Sikyon not only in the reign of Cleisthenes, but
also beyond that for sixty years after his death; then however they
considered the matter and changed them into Hylleis, Pamphyloi, and
Dymanatai, adding to these a fourth, to which they gave the name Aigialeis
after Aigialeus the son of Adrastos.

69. Thus had the Cleisthenes of Sikyon done: and the Athenian
Cleisthenes, who was his daughter's son and was called after him,
despising, as I suppose, the Ionians, as he the Dorians, imitated his
namesake Cleisthenes in order that the Athenians might not have the same
tribes as the Ionians: for when at the time of which we speak he added to
his own party the whole body of the common people of the Athenians,
which in former time he had despised, 61 he changed the names of the
tribes and made them more in number than they had been; he made in fact
ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the demes
in the tribes; and having added the common people to his party he was
much superior to his opponents..
70. Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan
in opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the
Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since
the siege of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was accused of
being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent a herald
to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many
others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the curse: 62
this message he sent by instruction of Isagoras, for the Alcmaionidai and
their party were accused of the murder to which reference was thus made,
while he and his friends had no part in it..
71. Now the men of the Athenians who were "under the curse" got this
name as follows:—there was one Kylon among the Athenians, a man who
had gained the victory at the Olympic games: this man behaved with
arrogance, wishing to make himself despot; and having formed for himself
an association of men of his own age, he endeavoured to seize the
Acropolis: but not being able to get possession of it, he sat down as a
suppliant before the image of the goddess. 63 These men were taken from
their place as suppliants by the presidents of the naucraries, who then
administered affairs at Athens, on the condition that they should be liable to
any penalty short of death; and the Alcmaionidai are accused of having put
them to death. This had occurred before the time of Peisistratos..
72. Now when Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes
and of those under the curse, Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after
that nevertheless Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force,
and having arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred

Athenian families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names.
Having done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the
offices of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans
of Isagoras. The Senate however making opposition, and not being willing
to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans seized the Acropolis.
Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by common consent and
besieged them for two days; and on the third day so many of them as were
Lacedemonians departed out of the country under a truce. Thus was
accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying which was uttered to him:
for when he had ascended the Acropolis with the design of taking
possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary of the goddess, as to address
her in prayer; but the priestess stood up from her seat before he had passed
through the door, and said, "Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not
into the temple, for it is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither." He said:
"Woman, I am not a Dorian, but an Achaian." So then, paying no attention
to the ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again
with the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the Athenians laid in bonds
to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with regard
to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and courage which
he performed..
73. These then having been thus laid in bonds were put to death; and the
Athenians after this sent for Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven
hundred families which had been driven out by Cleomenes: and then they
sent envoys to Sardis, desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for
they were well assured that the Lacedemonians and Cleomenes had been
utterly made their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and
were saying that which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the
son of Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what men these were who
requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they dwelt;
and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer to them
thus, saying that if the Athenians were willing to give earth and water to
Dareios, he was willing to make alliance with them, but if not, he bade them
begone: and the envoys taking the matter upon themselves said that they
were willing to do so, because they desired to make the alliance..
74. These, when they returned to their own land, were highly censured:
and Cleomenes meanwhile, conceiving that he had been outrageously dealt
with by the Athenians both with words and with deeds, was gathering

together an army from the whole of the Peloponnese, not declaring the
purpose for which he was gathering it, but desiring to take vengeance on the
people of the Athenians, and intending to make Isagoras despot; for he too
had come out of the Acropolis together with Cleomenes. Cleomenes then
with a large army entered Eleusis, while at the same time the Boeotians by
agreement with him captured Oinoe and Hysiai, the demes which lay upon
the extreme borders of Attica, and the Chalkidians on the other side invaded
and began to ravage various districts of Attica. The Athenians then, though
attacked on more sides than one, thought that they would remember the
Boeotians and Chalkidians afterwards, and arrayed themselves against the
Peloponnesians who were in Eleusis..
75. Then as the armies were just about the join battle, the Corinthians
first, considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly, changed
their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of Ariston did
the same, who was king of the Spartans as well as Cleomenes, though he
had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon and had not
been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In consequence of this
dissension a law was laid down at Sparta that it should not be permitted,
when an army went out, that both the kings should go with it, for up to this
time both used to go with it, and that as one of the kings was set free from
service, so one of the sons of Tyndareus 64 also should be left behind; for
before this time both of these two were called upon by them for help and
went with the armies.
76. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies, seeing that the kings
of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that the Corinthians had
deserted their place in the ranks, themselves too departed and got them
away quickly. And this was the fourth time that the Dorians had come to
Attica, twice having invaded it to make war against it, and twice to help the
mass of the Athenian people,—first when they at the same time colonised
Megara (this expedition may rightly be designated as taking place when
Codros was king of the Athenians), for the second and third times when
they came making expeditions from Sparta to drive out the sons of
Peisistratos, and fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes at the head of
the Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians invaded Athens then
for the fourth time.

77. This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians
after that, desiring to avenge themselves, made expedition first against the
Chalkidians; and the Boeotians came to the Euripos to help the Chalkidians.
The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come to help, 6401
resolved first to attack the Boeotians before the Chalkidians. Accordingly
they engaged battle with the Boeotians, and had much the better of them,
and after having slain very many they took seven hundred of them captive.
On this very same day the Athenians passed over into Euboea and engaged
battle with the Chalkidians as well; and having conquered these also, they
left four thousand holders of allotments in the land belonging to the
"Breeders of Horses": 65 now the wealthier of the Chalkidians were called
the Breeders of Horses. And as many of them as they took captive, they
kept in confinement together with the Boeotians who had been captured,
bound with fetters; and then after a time they let them go, having fixed their
ransom at two pounds of silver apiece: 66 but their fetters, in which they
had been bound, they hung up on the Acropolis; and these were still
existing even to my time hanging on walls which had been scorched with
fire by the Mede, 67 and just opposite the sanctuary which lies towards the
West. The tenth part of the ransom also they dedicated for an offering, and
made of it a four-horse chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as
you enter the Propylaia in the Acropolis, and on it is the following
inscription:
"Matched in the deeds of war with the tribes of Boeotia and Chalkis
The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered and tamed them in fight:
In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit;
And to Athene present these, of their ransom a tithe."

78. The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not
by one instance only but in every way, that Equality 68 is an excellent
thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots were not better
in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas after they had got
rid of despots they became far the first. This proves that when they were
kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working for a
master, whereas when they had been set free each one was eager to achieve
something for himself.
79. These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to the
god, desiring to be avenged on the Athenians; the Pythian prophetess
however said that vengeance was not possible for them by their own

strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the "many-voiced" and
ask help of those who were "nearest" to them. So when those who were sent
to consult the Oracle returned, they made a general assembly and reported
the oracle; and then the Thebans heard them say that they were to ask help
of those who were nearest to them, they said: "Surely those who dwell
nearest to us are the men of Tanagra and Coroneia and Thespiai; and these
always fight zealously on our side and endure the war with us to the end:
what need is there that we ask of these? Rather perhaps that is not the
meaning of the oracle.".
80. While they commented upon it thus, at length one perceived "that
which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to have had two daughters
born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are sisters, I think that the god
gave us for answer that we should ask the men of Egina to become our
helpers." Then as there seemed to be no opinion expressed which was better
than this, they sent forthwith and asked the men of Egina to help them,
calling upon them in accordance with the oracle; and they, when these made
request, said that they sent with them the sons of Aiacos to help them..
81. After that the Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance of
the sons of Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians, sent
again and gave them back the sons of Aiacos and asked them for men. So
the Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an ancient
grudge against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans
commenced a war against the Athenians without notice: for while the
Athenians were intent on the Boeotians, they sailed against them to Attica
with ships of war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many demes in the
remainder of the coast region, and so doing they deeply stirred the
resentment of the Athenians. 69
82. Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the
Athenians came about from a beginning which was as follows:—The land
of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and accordingly with
reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to inquire at Delphi, and the
Pythian prophetess bade them set up images of Damia and Auxesia, and
said that when they had set up these, they would meet with better fortune.
The Epidaurians then asked further whether they should make images of
bronze or of stone; and the prophetess bade them not use either of these, but
make them of the wood of a cultivated olive-tree. The Epidaurians therefore

asked the Athenians to allow them to cut for themselves an olive-tree, since
they thought that their olives were the most sacred; nay some say that at
that time there were no olives in any part of the earth except at Athens. The
Athenians said that they would allow them on condition that they should
every year bring due offerings to Athene Polias 70 and to Erechtheus. The
Epidaurians, then, having agreed to these terms, obtained that which they
asked, and they made images out of these olive-trees and set them up: and
their land bore fruit and they continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that
which they had agreed to do..
83. Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans were subject
to the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were wont to pass over to
Epidauros to have their disputes with one another settled by law: 71 but
after this time they built for themselves ships and made revolt from the
Epidaurians, moved thereto by wilfulness. So as they were at variance with
them, they continued to inflict damage on them, since in fact they had
command of the sea, and especially they stole away from them these images
of Damia and Auxesia, and they brought them and set them up in the inland
part of their country at a place called Oia, which is about twenty furlongs
distant from their city. Having set them up in this spot they worshipped
them with sacrifices and choruses of women accompanied with scurrilous
jesting, ten men being appointed for each of the deities to provide the
choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no man, but only of the women of
the place. Now the Epidaurians also had the same rites; and they have also
rites which may not be divulged..
84. These images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer
continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed. The
Athenians accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the Epidaurians;
and they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for during the time
when they had the images in their country they continued to fulfil that
which they had agreed upon, but since they had been deprived of them, it
was not just that they should make the offerings any more; and they bade
them demand these from the men of Egina, who had the images. So the
Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images back; but the Eginetans
said that they had nothing to do with the Athenians.
85. The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were despatched
those of their citizens who were sent by the State after this demand; who

having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off their pedestals the
images, (alleging that they were made of wood which belonged to the
Athenians), in order to carry them back with them: but not being able to get
hold of them in this manner (say the Athenians) they threw ropes round
them and were pulling them, when suddenly, as they pulled, thunder came
on and an earthquake at the same time with the thunder; and the crew of the
trireme who were pulling were made beside themselves by these, and being
brought to this condition they killed one another as if they were enemies,
until at last but one of the whole number was left; and he returned alone to
Phaleron..
86. Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass: but the Eginetans say
that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians came; for a single ship,
and even a few more than one, they could have easily repelled, even if they
had not happened to have ships of their own: but they say that the Athenians
sailed upon their country with a large fleet of ships, and they gave way
before them and did not fight a sea-battle. They cannot however declare
with certainty whether they gave way thus because they admitted that they
were not strong enough to fight the battle by sea, or because they intended
to do something of the kind which they actually did. The Athenians then,
they say, as no one met them in fight, landed from their ships and made for
the images; but not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at last
they threw ropes round them and began to pull, until the images, as they
were being pulled, did both the same thing (and here they report something
which I cannot believe, but some other man may), for they say that the
images fell upon their knees to them and that they continue to be in that
position ever since this time. The Athenians, they say, were doing thus; and
meanwhile they themselves (say the Eginetans), being informed that the
Athenians were about to make an expedition against them, got the Argives
to help them; and just when the Athenians had disembarked upon the
Eginetan land, the Argives had come to their rescue, and not having been
perceived when they passed over from Epidauros to the island, they fell
upon the Athenians before these had heard anything of the matter, cutting
them off secretly from the way to their ships; and at this moment it was that
the thunder and the earthquake came upon them..
87. This is the report which is given by the Argives and Eginetans both,
and it is admitted by the Athenians also that but one alone of them survived
and came back to Attica: only the Argives say that this one remained alive

from destruction wrought by them upon the army of Athens, while the
Athenians say that the divine power was the destroyer. However, even this
one man did not remain alive, but perished, they say, in the following
manner:—when he returned to Athens he reported the calamity which had
happened; and the wives of the men who had gone on the expedition to
Egina, hearing it and being very indignant that he alone of all had survived,
came round this man and proceeded to stab him with the brooches of their
mantles, each one of them asking of him where her husband was. Thus he
was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed that the deed of the women was a
much more terrible thing even than the calamity which had happened; and
not knowing, it is said, how they should punish the women in any other
way, they changed their fashion of dress to that of Ionia,—for before this
the women of the Athenians wore Dorian dress, very like that of Corinth,—
they changed it therefore to the linen tunic, in order that they might not
have use for brooches..
88. In truth however this fashion of dress is not Ionian originally but
Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was universally the
same as that which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is said that with
reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom
among themselves in both countries 72 to have the brooches made half as
large again as the size which was then established in use, and that their
women should offer brooches especially in the temple of these goddesses,
73 and also that they should carry neither pottery of Athens nor anything
else of Athenian make to the temple, but that it should be the custom for the
future to drink there from pitchers made in the lands themselves.
89. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards
because of the quarrel with the Athenians continued to wear brooches larger
than before, and still do so even to my time; and the origin of the enmity of
the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner which has been
said. So at this time, when the Thebans invaded them, the Eginetans readily
came to the assistance of the Boeotians, calling to mind what occurred
about the images. The Eginetans then were laying waste, as I have said, the
coast regions of Attica; and when the Athenians were resolved to make an
expedition against the Eginetans, an oracle came to them from Delphi
bidding them stay for thirty years reckoned from the time of the wrong done
by the Eginetans, and in the one-and-thirtieth year to appoint a sacred
enclosure for Aiacos and then to begin the war against the Eginetans, and

they would succeed as they desired; but if they should make an expedition
against them at once, they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and
also inflict very much, but at last they would subdue them. When the
Athenians heard the report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure for
Aiacos, namely that which is now established close to the market-place, but
they could not endure to hear that they must stay for thirty years, when they
had suffered injuries from the Eginetans..
90. While however they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose
from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance to them: for the
Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the
Alcmaionidai with respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which had
been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against themselves and the sons of
Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they had driven out into
exile men who were their guest-friends, but also because after they had
done this no gratitude was shown to them by the Athenians. Moreover in
addition to this, they were urged on by the oracles which said that many
injuries would be suffered by them from the Athenians; of which oracles
they had not been aware of before, but they had come to know them, since
Cleomenes had brought them to Sparta. In fact Cleomenes had obtained
from the Acropolis of the Athenians those oracles which the sons of
Peisistratos possessed before and had left in the temple when they were
driven out; and Cleomenes recovered them after they had been left behind..
91. At this time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles
and when they saw that the Athenians were increasing in power and were
not at all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian race now
that it was free was becoming 74 a match for their own, whereas when held
down by despots it was weak and ready to be ruled,—perceiving, I say, all
these things, they sent for Hippias the son of Peisistratos to come from
Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of Peisistratos go for refuge;
75 and when Hippias had come upon the summons, the Spartans sent also
for envoys to come from their other allies and spoke to them as follows:
"Allies, we are conscious within ourselves that we have not acted rightly;
for incited by counterfeit oracles we drove out into exile men who were
very closely united with us as guest-friends and who undertook the task of
rendering Athens submissive to us, and then after having done this we
delivered over the State to a thankless populace, which so soon as it had
raised its head, having been freed by our means drove out us and our king

with wanton outrage; and now exalted with pride 76 it is increasing in
power, so that the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the Boeotians
and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others also will
afterwards learn, that they committed an error. 7601 As however we erred
in doing those things of which we have spoken, we will try now to take
vengeance on them, going thither together with you; 77 since it was for this
very purpose that we sent for Hippias, whom ye see here, and for you also,
to come from your cities, in order that with common counsel and a common
force we might conduct him to Athens and render back to him that which
we formerly took away."
92. Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of
their words. The rest however kept silence, but the Corinthian Socles 78
spoke as follows: (a) "Surely now the heaven shall be below the earth, and
the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men shall have their
dwelling in the sea, and fishes shall have that habitation which men had
before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are doing away with free
governments 79 and are preparing to bring back despotism again into our
cities, than which there is no more unjust or more murderous thing among
men. For if in truth this seems to you to be good, namely that the cities
should be ruled by despots, do ye yourselves first set up a despot in your
own State, and then endeavour to establish them also for others: but as it is,
ye are acting unfairly towards your allies, seeing that ye have had no
experience of despots yourselves and provide with the greatest care at
Sparta that this may never come to pass. If however ye had had experience
of it, as we have had, ye would be able to contribute juster opinions of it
than at present. (b) For the established order of the Corinthian State was
this:—the government was an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who were called
Bacchiadai, had control over the State and made marriages among
themselves. 80 Now one of these men, named Amphion, had a daughter
born to him who was lame, and her name was Labda. This daughter, since
none of the Bacchiadai wished to marry her, was taken to wife by Aëtion
the son of Echecrates, who was of the deme of Petra, but by original
descent a Lapith and of the race of Caineus. Neither from this wife nor from
another were children born to him, therefore he set out to Delphi to inquire
about offspring; and as he entered, forthwith the prophetess addressed him
in these lines:

"'Much to be honoured art thou, yet none doth render thee honour. 81
Labda conceives, and a rolling rock will she bear, which shall ruin
Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.'

This answer given to Aëtion was by some means reported to the
Bacchiadai, to whom the oracle which had come to Corinth before this was
not intelligible, an oracle which had reference to the same thing as that of
Aëtion and said thus:
"'An eagle conceives in the rocks 82 and shall bear a ravening lion,
Strong and fierce to devour, who the knees of many shall loosen.
Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling
Lies about fair Peirene's spring and in craggy Corinthos.' 83

(c) This oracle, I say, having come before to the Bacchiadai was obscure;
but afterwards when they heard that which had come to Aëtion, forthwith
they understood the former also, that it was in accord with that of Aëtion;
and understanding this one also they kept quiet, desiring to destroy the
offspring which should be born to Aëtion. Then, so soon as his wife bore a
child, they sent ten of their own number to the deme in which Aëtion had
his dwelling, to slay the child; and when these had come to Petra and had
passed into the court of Aëtion's house, they asked for the child; and Labda,
not knowing anything of the purpose for which they had come, and
supposing them to be asking for the child on account of friendly feeling
towards its father, brought it and placed it in the hands of one of them. Now
they, it seems, had resolved by the way that the first of them who received
the child should dash it upon the ground. However, when Labda brought
and gave it, it happened by divine providence that the child smiled at the
man who had received it; and when he perceived this, a feeling of
compassion prevented him from killing it, and having this compassion he
delivered it to the next man, and he to the third. Thus it passed through the
hands of all the ten, delivered from one to another, since none of them could
bring himself to destroy its life. So they gave the child back to its mother
and went out; and then standing by the doors they abused and found fault
with one another, laying blame especially on the one who had first received
the child, because he had not done according to that which had been
resolved; until at last after some time they determined again to enter and all
to take a share in the murder. (d) From the offspring of Aëtion however it
was destined that evils should spring up for Corinth: for Labda was
listening to all this as she stood close by the door, and fearing lest they
should change their mind and take the child a second time and kill it, she

carried it and concealed it in the place which seemed to her the least likely
to be discovered, that is to say a corn-chest, 84 feeling sure that if they
should return and come to a search, they were likely to examine everything:
and this in fact happened. So when they had come, and searching had failed
to find it, they thought it best to return and say to those who had sent them
that they had done all that which they had been charged by them to do. (e)
They then having departed said this; and after this the son of Aëtion grew,
and because he had escaped this danger, the name of Kypselos was given
him as a surname derived from the corn-chest. Then when Kypselos had
grown to manhood and was seeking divination, a two-edged 85 answer was
given him at Delphi, placing trust in which he made an attempt upon
Corinth and obtained possession of it. Now the answer was as follows:
"'Happy is this man's lot of a truth, who enters my dwelling,
Offspring of Aëtion, he shall rule in famous Corinthos,
Kypselos, he and his sons, but his children's children no longer.'

Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of
this character,—many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he
deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And when
he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a prosperous end,
his son Periander became his successor in the despotism. Now Periander at
first was milder than his father; but after he had had dealings through
messengers with Thrasybulos the despot of Miletos, he became far more
murderous even than Kypselos. For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and
asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for him to make, in order
that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the
messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a
field of growing corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while
inquiring and asking questions repeatedly 86 of the messenger about the
occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those
ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads
he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and
richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having
suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. When the
messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to hear the counsel
which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulos had given him no
counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending
him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his

own goods,—relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulos
do. (g) So Periander, understanding that which had been done and
perceiving that Thrasybulos counselled him to put to death those who were
eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil
treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever Kypselos had left
undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in
one day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on
account of his own wife Melissa. For when he had sent messengers to the
Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead about a
deposit made with him by a guest-friend, Melissa appeared and said she
would not tell in what place the deposit was laid, for she was cold and had
no clothes, since those which he had buried with her were of no use to her,
not having been burnt; and this, she said, would be an evidence to him that
she was speaking the truth, namely that when the oven was cold, Periander
had put his loaves into it. When the report of this was brought back to
Periander, the token made him believe, because he had had commerce with
Melissa after she was dead; and straightway after receiving the message he
caused proclamation to be made that all the wives of the Corinthians should
come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival in
their fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his guard in
ambush, stripped them all alike, both the free women and their attendant;
and having gathered together all their clothes in a place dug out, he set fire
to them, praying at the same time to Melissa. Then after he had done this
and had sent a second time, the apparition of Melissa told him in what spot
he had laid the deposit entrusted to him by his guest-friend.
"Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are
its deeds: and we Corinthians marvelled much at first when we saw that ye
were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more because ye say
these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas, not to
establish despotisms in the cities. If however ye will not cease from your
design, but endeavour to restore Hippias contrary to that which is just,
know that the Corinthians at least do not give their consent to that which ye
do."
93. Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made
answer to him, calling to witness the same gods as he, that assuredly the
Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons of
Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to be

troubled by the Athenians. Thus Hippias made answer, being acquainted
with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the rest of the allies,
who for a time had restrained themselves and kept silence, when they heard
Socles speak freely, gave utterance every one of them to that which they
felt, and adopted the opinion of the Corinthian envoy, adjuring the
Lacedemonians not to do any violence to a city of Hellas.
94. Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from
thence had Anthemus offered to him by Amyntas king of the Macedonians
and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these, but
retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by force of arms
from the Mytilenians, and having got possession of it, had appointed his
own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive woman, to be despot of it:
he however did not without a struggle keep possession of that which he
received from Peisistratos; for the Mytilenians and Athenians carried on
war for a long time, having their strongholds respectively at Achilleion and
at Sigeion, the one side demanding that the place be restored to them, and
the Athenians on the other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by
argument that the Aiolians had no better claim to the territory of Ilion than
they and the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in
exacting vengeance for the rape of Helen..
95. Now while these carried on the war, besides many other things of
various kinds which occurred in the battles, once when a fight took place
and the Athenians were conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight,
escaped indeed himself, but the Athenians retained possession of his arms
and hung them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion.
About this matter Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene,
reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who was his friend.
Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the Athenians
and the Mytilenians, 87 for to him they referred the matter as arbitrator; and
he made peace between them on the condition that each should continue to
occupy that territory which they then possessed..
96. Sigeion then in this matter had come under the rule of the Athenians.
And when Hippias had returned to Asia from Lacedemon, he set everything
in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians and Artaphrenes, and
using every means to secure that Athens should come under the rule of
himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say, was thus engaged; and the Athenians

meanwhile hearing of these things sent envoys to Sardis, and endeavoured
to prevent the Persians from following the suggestions of the exiled
Athenians. Artaphrenes however commanded them, if they desired to be
preserved from ruin, to receive Hippias back again. This proposal the
Athenians were not by any means disposed to accept when it was reported;
and as they did not accept this, it became at once a commonly received
opinion among them that they were enemies of the Persians.
97. While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the
Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from
Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this was the
city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras
came forward before the assembly of the people and said the same things as
he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and about
the Persian manner of making war, how they used neither shield nor spear
and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he said, and also he added this,
namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and that it was
reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great
power; and there was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent
in his request, until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is
easier to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able
to deceive Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to thirty
thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded, voted a
resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed to
command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in all things
highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of evils for the
Hellenes and the Barbarians.
98. Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then
having devised a plan from which no advantage was likely to come for the
Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that, but in
order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the Paionians who
had been taken captive by Megabazos from the river Strymon, and who
were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia apart by themselves; and
when the messenger came to the Paionians he spoke these words:
"Paionians, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos sent me to offer to you
salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says; for now all Ionia has
revolted from the king and ye have an opportunity of coming safe to your
own land: to reach the sea shall be your concern, and after this it shall be

thenceforth ours." The Paionians hearing this received it as a most welcome
proposal, and taking with them their children and their women they began a
flight to the sea; some of them however were struck with fear and remained
in the place where they were. Having come to the coast the Paionians
crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios there
arrived in their track a large body of Persian horsemen pursuing the
Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to Chios to bid
the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not accept their
proposal, but the men of Chios conveyed them from Chios to Lesbos, and
the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they proceeded by land
and came to Paionia.
99. Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had arrived with twenty
ships, bringing with them also five triremes of the Eretrians, joined the
expedition not for the sake of the Athenians but of the Milesians
themselves, to repay them a debt which they owed (for the Milesians in
former times had borne with the Eretrians the burden of all that war which
they had with the Chalkidians at the time when the Chalkidians on their side
were helped by the Samians against the Eretrians and Milesians),—when
these, I say, had arrived and the other allies were on the spot, Aristagoras
proceeded to make a march upon Sardis. On this march he did not go
himself, but remained at Miletos and appointed others to be in command of
the Milesians, namely his brother Charopinos and of the other citizens one
Hermophantos. 8701
100. With this force then the Ionians came to Ephesos, and leaving their
ships at Coresos in the land of Ephesos, went up themselves in a large body,
taking Ephesians to guide them in their march. So they marched along by
the river Caÿster, and then when they arrived after crossing the range of
Tmolos, they took Sardis without any resistance, all except the citadel, but
the citadel Artaphrenes himself saved from capture, having with him a
considerable force of men..
101. From plundering this city after they had taken it they were prevented
by this:—the houses in Sardis were mostly built of reeds, and even those of
them which were of brick had their roofs thatched with reeds: of these
houses one was set on fire by a soldier, and forthwith the fire going on from
house to house began to spread over the whole town. So then as the town
was on fire, the Lydians and all the Persians who were in the city being cut

off from escape, since the fire was prevailing in the extremities round about
them, and not having any way out of the town, flowed together to the
market-place and to the river Pactolos, which brings down gold-dust for
them from Tmolos, flowing through the middle of their market-place, and
then runs out into the river Hermos, and this into the sea;—to this Pactolos,
I say, and to the market-place the Lydians and Persians gathered themselves
together, and were compelled to defend themselves. The Ionians then,
seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence and others in great
numbers coming on to the attack, were struck with fear and retired to the
mountain called Tmolos, and after that at nightfall departed to go to their
ships.
102. Sardis was then destroyed by fire, and in it also the temple of the
native goddess Hybebe; which the Persians alleged afterwards as a reason
for setting on fire in return the temples in the land of the Hellenes. However
at the time of which I speak the Persians who occupied districts within the
river Halys, informed beforehand of this movement, were gathering
together and coming to the help of the Lydians; and, as it chanced, they
found when they came that the Ionians no longer were in Sardis; but they
followed closely in their track and came up with them at Ephesos: and the
Ionians stood indeed against them in array, but when they joined battle they
had very much the worse; and besides other persons of note whom the
Persians slaughtered, there fell also Eualkides commander of the Eretrians,
a man who had won wreaths in contests of the games and who was much
celebrated by Simonides of Keos: and those of them who survived the battle
dispersed to their various cities.
103. Thus then they fought at that time; and after the battle the Athenians
left the Ionians together, and when Aristagoras was urgent in calling upon
them by messengers for assistance, they said that they would not help them:
the Ionians, however, though deprived of the alliance of the Athenians, none
the less continued to prepare for the war with the king, so great had been
the offences already committed by them against Dareios. They sailed
moreover to the Hellespont and brought under their power Byzantion and
all the other cities which are in those parts; and then having sailed forth out
of the Hellespont, they gained in addition the most part of Caria to be in
alliance with them: for even Caunos, which before was not willing to be
their ally, then, after they had burnt Sardis, was added to them also..

104. The Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, were added
voluntarily to their alliance; for these also had revolted from the Medes in
the following manner:—there was one Onesilos, younger brother of Gorgos
king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, the son of Siromos, the son of
Euelthon. This man in former times too had been wont often to advise
Gorgos to make revolt from the king, and at this time, when he heard that
the Ionians had revolted, he pressed him very hard and endeavoured to urge
him to it. Since however he could not persuade Gorgos, Onesilos watched
for a time when he had gone forth out of the city of Salamis, and then
together with the men of his own faction he shut him out of the gates.
Gorgos accordingly being robbed of the city went for refuge to the Medes,
and Onesilos was ruler of Salamis and endeavoured to persuade all the men
of Cyprus to join him in revolt. The others then he persuaded; but since
those of Amathus were not willing to do as he desired, he sat down before
their city and besieged it.
105. Onesilos then was besieging Amathus; and meanwhile, when it was
reported to king Dareios that Sardis had been captured and burnt by the
Athenians and the Ionians together, and that the leader of the league for
being about these things 88 was the Milesian Aristagoras, it is said that at
first being informed of this he made no account of the Ionians, because he
knew that they at all events would not escape unpunished for their revolt,
but he inquired into who the Athenians were; and when he had been
informed, he asked for his bow, and having received it and placed an arrow
upon the string, he discharged it upwards towards heaven, and as he shot
into the air he said: "Zeus, that it may be granted me to take vengeance
upon the Athenians!" Having so said he charged one of his attendants, that
when dinner was set before the king he should say always three times:
"Master, remember the Athenians.".
106. When he had given this charge, he called into his presence Histiaios
the Milesian, whom Dareios had now been keeping with him for a long
time, and said: "I am informed, Histiaios, that thy deputy, to whom thou
didst depute the government of Miletos, has made rebellion against me; for
he brought in men against me from the other continent and persuaded the
Ionians also,—who shall pay the penalty to me for that which they did,—
these, I say, he persuaded to go together with them, and thus he robbed me
of Sardis. Now therefore how thinkest thou that this is well? and how
without thy counsels was anything of this kind done? Take heed lest thou

afterwards find reason to blame thyself for this." Histiaios replied: "O king,
what manner of speech is this that thou hast uttered, saying that I counselled
a matter from which it was likely that any vexation would grow for thee,
either great or small? What have I to seek for in addition to that which I
have, that I should do these things; and of what am I in want? for I have
everything that thou hast, and I am thought worthy by thee to hear all thy
counsels. Nay, but if my deputy is indeed acting in any such manner as thou
hast said, be assured that he has done it merely on his own account. I
however, for my part, do not even admit the report to be true, that the
Milesians and my deputy are acting in any rebellious fashion against thy
power: but if it prove that they are indeed doing anything of that kind, and
if that which thou hast heard, O king, be the truth, learn then what a thing
thou didst in removing me away from the sea-coast; for it seems that the
Ionians, when I had gone out of the sight of their eyes, did that which they
had long had a desire to do; whereas if I had been in Ionia, not a city would
have made the least movement. Now therefore as quickly as possible let me
set forth to go to Ionia, that I may order all these matters for thee as they
were before, and deliver into thy hands this deputy of Miletos who
contrived these things: and when I have done this after thy mind, I swear by
the gods of the royal house that I will not put off from me the tunic which I
wear when I go down to Ionia, until I have made Sardinia tributary to thee,
which is the largest of all islands.".
107. Thus saying Histiaios endeavoured to deceive the king, and Dareios
was persuaded and let him go, charging him, when he should have
accomplished that which he had promised, to return to him again at Susa.
108. In the meantime, while the news about Sardis was going up to the
king, and while Dareios, after doing that which he did with the bow, came
to speech with Histiaios, and Histiaios having been let go by Dareios was
making his journey to the sea-coast,—during all that time the events were
happening which here follow.—As Onesilos of Salamis was besieging those
of Amathus, it was reported to him that Artybios a Persian, bringing with
him in ships a large Persian army, was to be expected shortly to arrive in
Cyprus. Being informed of this, Onesilos sent heralds to different places in
Ionia to summon the Ionians to his assistance; and they took counsel
together and came without delay with a large force. Now the Ionians arrived
in Cyprus just at the time when the Persians having crossed over in ships
from Kilikia were proceeding by land to attack Salamis, while the

Phenicians with the ships were sailing round the headland which is called
the "Keys of Cyprus.".
109. This being the case, the despots of Cyprus called together the
commanders of the Ionians and said: "Ionians, we of Cyprus give you a
choice which enemy ye will rather fight with, the Persians or the
Phenicians: for if ye will rather array yourselves on land and make trial of
the Persians in fight, it is time now for you to disembark from your ships
and array yourselves on the land, and for us to embark in your ships to
contend against the Phenicians; but if on the other hand ye will rather make
trial of the Phenicians,—whichever of these two ye shall choose, ye must
endeavour that, so far as it rests with you, both Ionia and Cyprus shall be
free." To this the Ionians replied: "We were sent out by the common
authority of the Ionians to guard the sea, and not to deliver our ships to the
Cyprians and ourselves fight with the Persians on land. We therefore will
endeavour to do good service in that place to which we were appointed; and
ye must call to mind all the evils which ye suffered from the Medes, when
ye were in slavery to them, and prove yourselves good men.".
110. The Ionians made answer in these words; and afterwards, when the
Persians had come to the plain of Salamis, the kings of the Cyprians set in
order their array, choosing the best part of the troops of Salamis and of
Soloi to be arrayed against the Persians and setting the other Cyprians
against the rest of the enemy's troops; and against Artybios, the commander
of the Persians, Onesilos took up his place in the array by his own free
choice.
111. Now Artybios was riding a horse which had been trained to rear up
against a hoplite. Onesilos accordingly being informed of this, and having a
shield-bearer, by race of Caria, who was of very good repute as a soldier
and full of courage besides, 89 said to this man: "I am informed that the
horse of Artybios rears upright and works both with his feet and his mouth
against any whom he is brought to attack. Do thou therefore consider the
matter, and tell me forthwith which of the two thou wilt rather watch for
and strike, the horse or Artybios himself." To this his attendant replied: "O
king, I am ready to do both or either of these two things, and in every case
to do that which thou shalt appoint for me; but I will declare to thee the way
in which I think it will be most suitable 90 for thy condition. I say that it is
right for one who is king and commander to fight with a king and

commander; for if thou shalt slay the commander of the enemy, it turns to
great glory for thee; and again, if he shall slay thee, which heaven forbid,
even death when it is at the hands of a worthy foe is but half to be lamented:
but for us who are under thy command it is suitable to fight with the others
who are under his command and with his horse: and of the tricks of the
horse have thou no fear at all, for I engage to thee that after this at least he
shall never stand against any man more." Thus he spoke; and shortly
afterwards the opposed forces joined battle both on land and with their
ships..
112. On that day the Ionians for their part greatly distinguished
themselves and overcame the Phenicians, and of them the Samians were
best: and meanwhile on land, when the armies met, they came to close
quarters and fought; and as regards the two commanders, what happened
was this:—when Artybios came to fight with Onesilos sitting upon his
horse, Onesilos, as he had concerted with his shield-bearer, struck at
Artybios himself, when he came to fight with him; and when the horse put
its hoofs against the shield of Onesilos, then the Carian struck with a
falchion 91 and smote off the horse's feet..
113 So Artybios the commander of the Persians fell there on the spot
together with his horse: and while the others also were fighting, Stesenor
the despot of Curion deserted them, having with him a large force of men,
—now these Curians are said to be settlers from Argos,—and when the
Curians had deserted, forthwith also the war-chariots of the men of Salamis
proceeded to do the same as the Curians. When these things took place, the
Persians had the advantage over the Cyprians; and after their army had been
put to rout, many others fell and among them Onesilos the son of Chersis,
he who brought about the revolt of the Cyprians, and also the king of the
Solians, Aristokypros the son of Philokypros,—that Philokypros whom
Solon the Athenian, when he came to Cyprus, commended in verse above
all other despots..
114. So the men of Amathus cut off the head of Onesilos, because he had
besieged them; and having brought it to Amathus they hung it over the gate
of the city: and as the head hung there, when it had now become a hollow, a
swarm of bees entered into it and filled it with honeycomb. This having so
come to pass, the Amathusians consulted an Oracle about the head, and they
received an answer bidding them take it down and bury it and sacrifice to

Onesilos every year as a hero; and if they did this, it would go better with
them..
115. The Amathusians accordingly continued to do so even to my time.
But the Ionians who had fought the sea-fight in Cyprus, when they
perceived that the fortunes of Onesilos were ruined and that the cities of the
Cyprians were besieged, except Salamis, and that this city had been
delivered over by the Salaminians to Gorgos the former king,—as soon as
they perceived this, the Ionians sailed away back to Ionia. Now of the cities
in Cyprus Soloi held out for the longest time under the siege; and the
Persians took it in the fifth month by undermining the wall round.
116. The Cyprians then, after they had made themselves free for one year,
had again been reduced to slavery afresh: and meanwhile Daurises, who
was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and Otanes, who were
also Persian commanders and were married also to daughters of Dareios,
after they had pursued those Ionians who had made the expedition to Sardis
and defeating them in battle had driven them by force to their ships,—after
this distributed the cities amongst themselves and proceeded to sack them..
117. Daurises directed his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he
took Dardanos and Abydos and Percote and Lampsacos and Paisos, of these
he took on each day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the
city of Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause
with the Ionians and were in revolt from the Persians. He turned back
therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria..
118. And, as it chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before
Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed of it gathered together at
the place which is called the "White Pillars" and at the river Marsyas, which
flows from the region of Idrias and runs out into the Maiander. When the
Carians had been gathered together there, among many other counsels
which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was that of Pixodaros the son
of Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was married to the daughter of the king
of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The opinion of this man was to the effect that
the Carians should cross over the Maiander and engage battle with the
Persians having the river at their backs, in order that the Carians, not being
able to fly backwards and being compelled to remain where they were,
might prove themselves even better men in fight than they naturally would.
This opinion did not prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather than

themselves should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently 92 in order
that if there should be a flight of the Persians and they should be worsted in
the battle, they might never return home, but might fall into the river..
119. After this, when the Persians had come and had crossed the
Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians on the river Marsyas and
fought a battle which was obstinately contested and lasted long; but at
length they were worsted by superior numbers: and of the Persians there fell
as many as two thousand, but of the Carians ten thousand. Then those of
them who escaped were shut up in Labraunda 93 within the sanctuary of
Zeus Stratios, which is a large sacred grove of plane-trees; now the Carians
are the only men we know who offer sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men
then, being shut up there, were taking counsel together about their safety,
whether they would fare better if they delivered themselves over to the
Persians or if they left Asia altogether..
120. And while they were thus taking counsel, there came to their aid the
Milesians and their allies. Then the Carians dismissed the plans which they
were before considering and prepared to renew the war again from the
beginning: and when the Persians came to attack them, they engaged with
them and fought a battle, and they were worsted yet more completely than
before; and while many were slain of all parties, 94 the Milesians suffered
most..
121. Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved their
defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to march upon
their cities, they laid an ambush on the road which is by Pedasos, 95 and the
Persians falling into it by night were destroyed both they and their
commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and Sisimakes; and with them
died also Myrsos the son of Gyges. Of this ambush the leader was
Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of Mylasa.
122. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed; and meanwhile
Hymaies, who was another of those who pursued after the Ionians that had
made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis and took
Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was informed that
Daurises had left the Hellespont and was marching towards Caria, he left
the Propontis and led his army to the Hellespont: and he conquered all the
Aiolians who occupy the district of Ilion, and also the Gergithes, who were

left behind as a remnant of the ancient Teucrians. While conquering these
tribes Hymaies himself ended his life by sickness in the land of Troas..
123. He thus brought his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor of
the province of Sardis was appointed with Otanes the third of the
commanders to make the expedition against Ionia and that part of Aiolia
which bordered upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and of
the Aiolians Kyme.
124. While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian,
being, as he proved in this instance, not of very distinguished courage, since
after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of great matters 96 he
counselled running away when he saw these things, (moreover it had
become clear to him that it was impossible to overcome king Dareios),—he,
I say, having regard to these things, called together those of his own party
and took counsel with them, saying that it was better that there should be a
refuge prepared for them, in case that they should after all be driven out
from Miletos, and proposing the question whether he should lead them from
thence to Sardinia, to form a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the
Edonians, which Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a gift
from Dareios. This was the question proposed by Aristagoras..
125. Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian
97 was that he should not take a colony to either of these places, but build a
wall of defence for himself in the island of Leros and keep still, if he should
be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with this for his starting point he
would be able to return to Miletos..
126. This was the counsel of Hecataios; but Aristagoras was most
inclined to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the government of
Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute among the citizens, and he himself
sailed away to Thrace, taking with him every one who desired to go; and he
took possession of the region for which he had set out. But starting from
this to make war, he perished by the hands of the Thracians, that is both
Aristagoras himself and his army, when he was encamped about a certain
city and the Thracians desired to go out from it under a truce.
—————

NOTES TO BOOK V
1 (return)
[ {ie paion} (or {paian}), as the burden of a song of
triumph.]
2 (return)
[ {eggenetai}: many MSS. and some Editors read {en
genetai}, "and the race can never become united."]
3 (return)
[ iv. 93.]
301 (return)
[ Or "from the time that he was born."]
4 (return)
[ {to astikton} is probably for {to me estikhthai}: but
possibly the meaning may be, "those who are not so marked
are of low birth."]
5 (return)
[ "the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat in
proportion" (as it is more difficult).]
6 (return)
[ Or "Siriopaionians."]
7 (return)
[ The words "and about the Doberians and Agrianians and
Odomantians" are marked by Stein as an interpolation, on
the ground that the two tribes first mentioned are themselves
Paionian; but Doberians are distinguished from Paionians in
vii. 113.]
8 (return)
[ {theres katarraktes}: the MSS. have {thures katapaktes}
(which can hardly be right, since the Ionic form would be
{katapektes}), meaning "fastened down." Stein suggests
{thures katepaktes} (from {katepago}), which might mean
"a door closed downwards," but the word is not found. (The
Medicean MS. has {e} written over the last {a} of
{katapaktes}.)]
9 (return)
[ {diapinontes}: or perhaps, "drinking against one another."]
10 (return)
[ See viii. 137.]
11 (return)
[ i.e. "he was drawn to run in the first pair."]

12 (return)
[ The best MSS. give this form throughout, which is also
used by Æschylus: cp. iii. 70, note 60.]
13 (return)
[ {ekakothesan}.]
14 (return)
[ {toutou}: it is doubtful whether this means his power or his
death. Perhaps something has dropped out after {teleuta}.]
15 (return)
[ {anesis}: a conjectural emendation of {aneos}. (Perhaps
however, the word was rather {ananeosis}, "after a short
time there was a renewal of evils"). Grote wishes to translate
this clause, "after a short time there was an abatement of
evils," being of opinion that the {anesis kakon} lasted about
eight years. However the expression {ou pollon khronon} is
so loose that it might well cover the required period of time.]
16 (return)
[ {praskhema}.]
17 (return)
[ i.e. Miletos and Naxos.]
18 (return)
[ {ton pakheon}.]
1801 (return)
[ {umin}: omitted in some MSS. and editions.]
19 (return)
[ Lit. "dividing him in such a manner."]
20 (return)
[ {kai to teikhos esaxanto}: {esaxanto} from {satto}, which
generally means "load." Various conjectures have been
made, e.g. {kai to teikhos ephraxanto}, or {kata takhos
esaxanto}, the comma after {pota} being removed.]
2001 (return)
[ {me de neoteron ti poieuses tes Miletou}, "if Miletos made
no change (i.e. rebellion)."]
21 (return)
[ {katairetheie}, "taken down" from their place (cp.
{anetheke} below).]
22 (return)
[ {en to peoto ton logon}. The reference is to i. 92.]
23 (return)
[ {isonomien}: cp. iii. 80.]
24 (return)
[ {akromantes}: cp. {akrakholos}. It may mean "somewhat
mad," so {akrozumos}, "slightly leavened," and other
words.]

25 (return)
[ {Kinupa}: for this Stein reads by conjecture {Aibuen} and
afterwards {para Kinupa potamon} for {para potamon}: but
Kinyps was the name of the district about the river (iv. 198),
and the name of the river is easily supplied from this.]
26 (return)
[ {Makeon te kai Libuon}. The Macai were of course
Libyans, therefore perhaps we should read (with Niebuhr)
{Makeon te Libuon}: or {Makeon te kai allon Libuon}.]
27 (return)
[ Stein thinks that Heracleia Minoa on the S. coast of Sicily
cannot be meant, because too distant to be considered part of
the "land of Eryx." Evidently however this expression is
very vague, and there seems no need to correct the text as he
proposes.]
28 (return)
[ {para ten Italion}: the name applied anciently only to the
South-West of the peninsula.]
29 (return)
[ {Krathin}, the MSS. give {krastin} here, and {krastie}
below for {Krathie}. Sybaris was situated between the rivers
Crathis and Sybaris.]
30 (return)
[ i.e. "of the Market-place."]
31 (return)
[ {periodos}.]
32 (return)
[ {kurbasias}: see vii. 64.]
33 (return)
[ {poluargurotatoi}: this seems to include gold also, for
which Lydia was famous.]
34 (return)
[ {poluprobatotatoi}.]
35 (return)
[ {tende}, pointing to it in the map.]
36 (return)
[ If {anaballesthai} is the true reading here, it cannot mean,
"put off to another time," as Stein translates it; for the form
of the sentence proves that it is to be taken as a question, co-
ordinate with that which follows: {peri men khores ara ou
polles khreon esti umeas makhas anaballesthai, parekhon de
tes Asies arkhein allo ti airesesthe}; the first clause being in
sense subordinate to the second.]
37 (return)
[ {es triten emeren}.]
38 (return)
[ {diaphthereei se}. It is impossible to reproduce the double

meaning of {diaphtheirein}, "to destroy," and "to corrupt
with bribes." The child was apparently alarmed by the
vehement gestures of Aristagoras and supposed that he was
going to kill her father. Cleomenes accepts the omen.]
39 (return)
[ {stathmoi}: "stations," the distance between them
averaging here about 120 stades.]
40 (return)
[ {parasaggai}: the "parasang," as estimated at 30 stades,
would be nearly 3½ English miles.]
4001 (return)
[ i.e. a narrow pass; so also below in speaking of the passes
into Kilikia.]
41 (return)
[ In the MSS. this clause follows the account of the four
rivers, and the distance through Matiene is given as "four
stages" with no number of leagues added. By transposing the
clause we avoid placing the rivers in Armenia instead of
Matiene; and by making the number of stages thirty-four,
with a corresponding number of leagues, we make the total
right at the end and give the proper extension to Matiene.]
42 (return)
[ i.e. Zabatos: the name has perhaps fallen out of the text.]
43 (return)
[ {o d' usteron}: "the one mentioned afterwards." Stein reads
{o d' usteros}.]
44 (return)
[ See i. 189.]
45 (return)
[ {parasagges}.]
46 (return)
[ {stadia}: the stade being equal to 606¾ English feet.]
47 (return)
[ Reckoned for the march of an army.]
48 (return)
[ Omitting {to eoutou pathei} which stands in the MSS.
before {enargestaten}. If the words are retained, we must
translate "which clearly pointed to his fate."]
49 (return)
[ {apeipamenos ten opsin}, which some translate "he made
offerings to avert the dream."]
4901 (return)
[ {tisi}: many Editors adopt the conjecture {trisi}, three.]
50 (return)
[ {anetheken eon}: various conjectures have been made
here, e.g. {anetheken elon}, {anetheken ion}, {anetheke

theo}, {anetheken eont}, {anetheke neon}: the last, which is
Bentley's, is perhaps the best; but it is doubtful whether the
active form of the verb is admissible.]
51 (return)
[ {autos}: the MSS. have {auton}. If {autos} is right, the
meaning is "from his own property."]
52 (return)
[ The expression {Peisistratidai} is used loosely for the
family in general.]
53 (return)
[ {porinou lithou}, "tufa."]
5301 (return)
[ Or "of God."]
54 (return)
[ {Koniaion}. There is no such place as Conion known in
Thessaly, but we cannot correct the text with any certainty.]
55 (return)
[ There is perhaps a play of words in {basileus} and
{leuster}.]
56 (return)
[ {prutaneio}.]
57 (return)
[ "Rulers of the people."]
58 (return)
[ "Swine-ites."]
59 (return)
[ "Ass-ites."]
60 (return)
[ "Pig-ites."]
61 (return)
[ {proteron aposmenon, tote panta}: most of the MSS. read
{panton} for {panta}. The Editors propose various
corrections, e.g. {proteron apospenon panton, tote k.t.l.},
"which before were excluded from everything," or {proteron
apospenon, tote panton metadidous}, "giving the people,
which before he had despised, a share of all rights": or
{panton} is corrected to {epanion}, "on his return from
exile," temporary exile being supposed as the result of the
defeat mentioned in ch. 66.]
62 (return)
[ {tous enageas}.]
63 (return)
[ i.e. of Athene Polias in the Erechtheion.]
64 (return)
[ Cp. iv. 145.]

6401 (return)
[ {tous boethous}: most of the MSS. have {tous Boiotous}.]
65 (return)
[ {ippobotai}.]
66 (return)
[ {dimneos apotimesamenoi}.]
67 (return)
[ See viii. 53.]
68 (return)
[ {isegorin}: probably not "equal freedom of speech," but
practically the same as {isonomie}, ch. 37.]
69 (return)
[ Lit. "penetrated the Athenian greatly": most MSS. and
Editors read {esineonto} (or {esinonto}) for {esikneonto},
which is given by the first hand in at least two good MSS.]
70 (return)
[ i.e. "Athene (protectress) of the city," who shared with
Erechtheus the temple on the Acropolis called the
"Erechtheion"; see viii. 55.]
71 (return)
[ More lit. "to give and receive from one another
satisfaction."]
72 (return)
[ {eti tode poiesai nomon einai, para sphisi ekateroisi k.t.l.}
The Editors punctuate variously, and alterations have been
proposed in the text.]
73 (return)
[ i.e. Damia and Auxesia.]
74 (return)
[ {ginoito}: some MSS. read {an ginoito}, "would become":
so Stein and many other Editors.]
75 (return)
[ Some Editors omit this clause, "whither—refuge."]
76 (return)
[ "having grown a good opinion of itself."]
7601 (return)
[ Or, altering {oste} to {os ge} or {osper}, "as the
neighbours of these men first of all, that is the Boeotians and
Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others
will afterwards learn that they have committed an error."
The word {amarton} would thus be added as an
afterthought, with reference primarily to the Corinthians, see
ch. 75.]
77 (return)
[ {peiresometha spheas ama umin apikomenoi tisasthai}:
some MSS. read {akeomenoi} and omit {tisasthai}. Hence it

has been proposed to read {peisesometha sphea ama umin
akeomenoi}, "we will endeavour to remedy this with your
help," which may be right.]
78 (return)
[ So the name is given by the better class of MSS. Others,
followed by most Editors, make it "Sosicles."]
79 (return)
[ {isokratias}.]
80 (return)
[ Lit. "gave and took (in marriage) from one another."]
81 (return)
[ {Eetion, outis se tiei polutiton eonta}: the play upon
{Eetion} and {tio} can hardly be rendered. The "rolling
rock" in the next line is an allusion to Petra, the name of the
deme.]
82 (return)
[ {aietos en petresi kuei}, with a play upon the names
{Eetion} ({Aeton}) and {Petre} again.]
83 (return)
[ {ophruoenta}, "situated on a brow or edge," the regular
descriptive epithet of Corinth.]
84 (return)
[ {kupselen}: cp. Aristoph. Pax, 631.]
85 (return)
[ {amphidexion}: commonly translated "ambiguous," but in
fact the oracle is of the clearest, so much so that Abicht cuts
the knot by inserting {ouk}. Stein explains it to mean
"doubly favourable," {amphoterothen dexion}. I understand
it to mean "two-edged" (cp. {amphekes}), in the sense that
while promising success to Kypselos and his sons, it
prophesies also the deposition of the family in the generation
after, and so acts (or cuts) both ways.]
86 (return)
[ {anapodizon}, "calling him back over the same ground
again."]
87 (return)
[ Evidently the war must be dated earlier than the time of
Peisistratos.]
8701 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.), "another of the citizens,
named Hermophantos."]
88 (return)
[ {tes sulloges oste tauta sunuphanthenai}, "the assembling
together so that these things were woven."]
89 (return)
[ {kai allos lematos pleos}.]

90 (return)
[ {plospheresteron}, or perhaps {plopheresteron}, "to be
preferred"; so one MS.: {plospheres} ordinarily means
"like."]
91 (return)
[ {drepano}, cp. vii. 93.]
92 (return)
[ {delade}, ironical.]
93 (return)
[ Or, "Labranda."]
94 (return)
[ i.e. Carians, Persians, and Ionians.]
95 (return)
[ {en Pedaso}: the MSS. vary between {en Pidaso, epi
daso}, and {epi lasoisi}, and Valla's translation has "in viam
quae in Mylassa fert." Some Editors read {epi Mulasoisi},
others {epi Pedaso}.]
96 (return)
[ {egkerasamenos pregmata megala}.]
97 (return)
[ {andros logopoiou}.]

BOOK VI. THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED ERATO
1. Aristagoras accordingly, after having caused Ionia to revolt, thus
brought his life to an end; and meanwhile Histiaios the despot of Miletos,
having been let go by Dareios had arrived at Sardis: and when he came
from Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him for what reason
he supposed the Ionians had revolted; and he said that he could not tell, and
moreover he expressed wonder at that which had happened, pretending that
he knew nothing of the state of affairs. Then Artaphrenes seeing that he was
using dissimulation said, having knowledge of the truth about the revolt:
"Thus it is with thee, Histiaios, about these matters,—this shoe was stitched
by thee, and put on by Aristagoras.".
2. Thus said Artaphrenes with reference to the revolt; and Histiaios
fearing Artaphrenes because he understood the matter, ran away the next
night at nightfall and went to the sea-coast, having deceived king Dareios,
seeing that he had engaged to subdue Sardinia the largest of islands, and
instead of that he was endeavouring to take upon himself leadership of the
Ionians in the war against Dareios. Then having crossed over to Chios he
was put in bonds by the Chians, being accused by them of working for a
change of their State by suggestion of Dareios. When however the Chians
learnt the whole story and heard that he was an enemy to the king, they
released him..
3. Then Histiaios, being asked by the Ionians for what reason he had so
urgently charged Aristagoras to revolt from the king and had wrought so
great an evil for the Ionians, did not by any means declare to them that
which had been in truth the cause, but reported to them that king Dareios
had resolved to remove the Phenicians from their land and to settle them in
Ionia, and the Ionians in Phenicia; and for this reason, he said, he had given
the charge. Thus he attempted to alarm the Ionians, although the king had
never resolved to do so at all.
4. After this Histiaios acting through a messenger, namely Hermippos a
man of Atarneus, sent papers to the Persians who were at Sardis, implying

that he had already talked matters over with them about a revolt: and
Hermippos did not deliver them to those to whom he was sent, but bore the
papers and put them into the hands of Artaphrenes. He then, perceiving all
that was being done, bade Hermippos bear the papers sent by Histiaios and
deliver them to those to whom he was sent to bear them, and to deliver to
him the replies sent back by the Persians to Histiaios. These things having
been discovered, Artaphrenes upon that put to death many of the Persians.
5. As regards Sardis therefore there was confusion of the design; and
when Histiaios had been disappointed of this hope, the Chians attempted to
restore him to Miletos at the request of Histiaios himself. The Milesians,
however, who had been rejoiced before to be rid of Aristagoras, were by no
means eager to receive another despot into their land, seeing that they had
tasted of liberty: and in fact Histiaios, attempting to return to Miletos by
force and under cover of night, was wounded in the thigh by one of the
Milesians. He then, being repulsed from his own city, returned to Chios;
and thence, as he could not persuade the Chians to give him ships, he
crossed over to Mytilene and endeavoured to persuade the Lesbians to give
him ships. So they manned eight triremes and sailed with Histiaios to
Byzantion, and stationing themselves there they captured the ships which
sailed out of the Pontus, excepting where the crews of them said that they
were ready to do the bidding of Histiaios.
6. While Histiaios and the men of Mytilene were acting thus, a large
army both of sea and land forces was threatening to attack Miletos itself; for
the commanders of the Persians had joined together to form one single
army and were marching upon Miletos, considering the other towns of less
account. Of their naval force the most zealous were the Phenicians, and
with them also served the Cyprians, who had just been subdued, and the
Kilikians and Egyptians..
7. These, I say, were advancing upon Miletos and the rest of Ionia; and
meanwhile the Ionians being informed of this were sending deputies 1
chosen from themselves to the Panionion. 2 When these had arrived at that
place and took counsel together, they resolved not to gather a land-army to
oppose the Persians, but that the Milesians should defend their walls by
themselves, and that the Ionians should man their fleet, leaving out not one
of their ships, and having done so should assemble as soon as possible at

Lade, to fight a sea-battle in defence of Miletos. Now Lade is a small island
lying opposite the city of the Milesians..
8. Then the Ionians manned their ships and came thither, and with them
also those Aiolians who inhabit Lesbos; and they were drawn up in order
thus:—the extremity of the line towards the East was held by the Milesians
themselves, who furnished eighty ships; next to them were the Prienians
with twelve ships and the men of Myus with three; next to those of Myus
were the Teians with seventeen ships, and after the Teians the Chians with a
hundred; after these were stationed the men of Erythrai and of Phocaia, the
former furnishing eight ships and the latter three; next to the Phocaians
were the Lesbians with seventy ships, and last, holding the extremity of the
line towards the West, were stationed the Samians with sixty ships. Of all
these the total number proved to be three hundred and fifty-three triremes..
9. These were the ships of the Ionians; and of the Barbarians the number
of ships was six hundred. When these too were come to the Milesian coast
and their whole land-army was also there, then the commanders of the
Persians, being informed of the number of the Ionian ships, were struck
with fear lest they should be unable to overcome them, and thus on the one
hand should not be able to conquer Miletos from not having command of
the sea, and at the same time should run a risk of being punished by
Dareios. Reflecting upon these things they gathered together the despots of
the Ionians who were exiles with the Medes, having been deposed from
their governments by Aristagoras the Milesian, and who chanced to be then
joining in the expedition against Miletos,—of these men they called
together those who were present and spoke to them as follows: "Ionians,
now let each one of you show himself a benefactor of the king's house, that
is to say, let each one of you endeavour to detach his own countrymen from
the body of the alliance: and make your proposals promising at the same
time that they shall suffer nothing unpleasant on account of the revolt, and
neither their temples nor their private houses shall be burnt, nor shall they
have any worse treatment than they had before this; but if they will not do
so, but will by all means enter into a contest with us, threaten them and tell
them this, which in truth shall happen to them, namely that if they are
worsted in the fight they shall be reduced to slavery, and we shall make
their sons eunuchs, and their maidens we shall remove to Bactria, and
deliver their land to others.".

10. They thus spoke; and the despots of Ionia sent each one by night to
his own people announcing to them this. The Ionians however, that is those
to whom these messages came, continued obstinate and would not accept
the thought of treason to their cause; and each people thought that to them
alone the Persians were sending this message.
11. This happened as soon as the Persians came to Miletos; and after this
the Ionians being gathered together at Lade held meetings; and others no
doubt also made speeches to them, but especially the Phocaian commander
Dionysios, who said as follows: "Seeing that our affairs are set upon the
razor's edge, Ionians, whether we shall be free or slaves, and slaves too to
be dealt with as runaways, now therefore if ye shall be willing to take upon
yourselves hardships, ye will have labour for the time being, but ye will be
able to overcome the enemy and be free; whereas if ye continue to be self-
indulgent and without discipline, I have no hope for you that ye will not pay
the penalty to the king for your revolt. Nay, but do as I say, and deliver
yourselves over to me; and I engage, if the gods grant equal conditions, that
either the enemy will not fight with us, or that fighting he shall be greatly
discomfited.".
12. Hearing this the Ionians delivered themselves to Dionysios; and he
used to bring the ships out every day in single file, 3 that he might practise
the rowers by making the ships break through one another's line, 4 and that
he might get the fighting-men in the ships under arms; an then for the rest
of the day he would keep the ships at anchor; and thus he gave the Ionians
work to do during the whole day. For seven days then they submitted and
did that which he commanded; but on the day after these the Ionians, being
unaccustomed to such toils and being exhausted with hard work and hot
sun, spoke to one another thus: "Against which of the deities have we
offended, that we thus fill up the measure of evil? for surely we have
delivered ourselves to a Phocaian, an impostor, who furnishes but three
ships: and he has taken us into his hands and maltreats us with evil dealing
from which we can never recover; and many of us in fact have fallen into
sicknesses, and many others, it may be expected, will suffer the same thing
shortly; and for us it is better to endure anything else in the world rather
than these ills, and to undergo the slavery which will come upon us,
whatever that shall be, rather than to be oppressed by that which we have
now. Come, let us not obey him after this any more." So they said, and
forthwith after this every one refused to obey him, and they pitched their

tents in the island like an army, and kept in the shade, and would not go on
board their ships or practise any exercises.
13. Perceiving this which was being done by the Ionians, the
commanders of the Samians then at length accepted from Aiakes the son of
Syloson those proposals which Aiakes sent before at the bidding of the
Persians, asking them to leave the alliance of the Ionians; the Samians, I
say, accepted these proposals, perceiving that there was great want of
discipline on the part of the Ionians, while at the same time it was clear to
them that it was impossible to overcome the power of the king; and they
well knew also that even if they should overcome the present naval force of
Dareios, 5 another would be upon them five times as large. Having found
an occasion 6 then, so soon as they saw that the Ionians refused to be
serviceable, they counted it gain for themselves to save their temples and
their private property. Now Aiakes, from whom the Samians accepted the
proposals, was the son of Syloson, the son of Aiakes, and being despot of
Samos he had been deprived of his rule by Aristagoras the Milesian, like the
other despots of Ionia..
14. So when the Phenicians sailed to the attack, the Ionians also put out
their ships from shore against them, sailing in single file: and when they
came near and engaged battle with one another, as regards what followed I
am not able exactly to record which of the Ionians showed themselves
cowards or good men in this sea-fight, for they throw blame upon one
another. The Samians however, it is said, according to their agreement with
Aiakes put up their sails then and set forth from their place in the line to sail
back to Samos, excepting only eleven ships: of these the captains stayed in
their places and took part in the sea-fight, refusing to obey the commanders
of their division; and the public authority of the Samians granted them on
account of this to have their names written up on a pillar with their fathers'
names also, 601 as having proved themselves good men; and this pillar
exists still in the market-place. Then the Lesbians also, when they saw that
those next them in order were taking to flight, did the same things as the
Samians had done, and so also most of the Ionians did the very same thing..
15. Of those which remained in their places in the sea-fight the Chians
suffered very severely, 7 since they displayed brilliant deeds of valour and
refused to play the coward. These furnished, as was before said, a hundred
ships and in each of them forty picked men of their citizens served as

fighting-men; 8 and when they saw the greater number of their allies
deserting them, they did not think fit to behave like the cowards among
them, but left along with a few only of their allies they continued to fight
and kept breaking through the enemy's line; until at last, after they had
conquered many ships of the enemy, they lost the greater number of their
own..
16. The Chians then with the remainder of their ships fled away to their
own land; but those of the Chians whose ships were disabled by the damage
which they had received, being pursued fled for refuge to Mycale; and their
ships they ran ashore there and left them behind, while the men proceeded
over the mainland on foot: and when the Chians had entered the Ephesian
territory on their way, then since 801 they came into it by night and at a
time when a festival of Thesmophoria was being celebrated by the women
of the place, the Ephesians, not having heard beforehand how it was with
the Chians and seeing that an armed body had entered their land, supposed
certainly that they were robbers and had a design upon the women; so they
came out to the rescue in a body and slew the Chians.
17. Such was the fortune which befell these men: but Dionysios the
Phocaian, when he perceived that the cause of the Ionians was ruined, after
having taken three ships of the enemy sailed away, not to Phocaia any more,
for he knew well that it would be reduced to slavery together with the rest
of Ionia, and he sailed forthwith straight to Phenicia; and having there sunk
merchant ships and taken a great quantity of goods, he sailed thence to
Sicily. Then with that for his starting-point he became a freebooter, not
plundering any Hellenes, but Carthaginians and Tyrsenians only.
18. The Persians, then, being conquerors of the Ionians in the sea-fight,
besieged Miletos by land and sea, undermining the walls and bringing
against it all manner of engines; and they took it completely 9 in the sixth
year from the revolt of Aristagoras, and reduced the people to slavery; so
that the disaster agreed with the oracle which had been uttered with
reference to Miletos..
19. For when the Argives were inquiring at Delphi about the safety of
their city, there was given to them an oracle which applied to both, that is to
say, part of it had reference to the Argives themselves, while that which was
added afterwards referred to the Milesians. The part of it which had
reference to the Argives I will record when I reach that place in the history,

10 but that which the Oracle uttered with reference to the Milesians, who
were not there present, is as follows:
"And at that time, O Miletos, of evil deeds the contriver,
Thou shalt be made for many a glorious gift and a banquet:
Then shall thy wives be compelled to wash the feet of the long-haired,
And in Didyma then my shrine shall be tended by others."

At the time of which I speak these things came upon the Milesians, since
most of the men were killed by the Persians, who are long-haired, and the
women and children were dealt with as slaves; and the temple at Didyma,
with the sacred building and the sanctuary of the Oracle, was first plundered
and then burnt. Of the things in this temple I have made mention frequently
in other parts of the history. 11.
20. After this the Milesians who had been taken prisoner were conducted
to Susa; and king Dareios did to them no other evil, but settled them upon
the Sea called Erythraian, in the city of Ampe, by which the Tigris flows
when it runs out into the sea. Of the Milesian land the Persians themselves
kept the surroundings of the city and the plain, but the heights they gave to
the Carians of Pedasa for a possession.
21. When the Milesians suffered this treatment from the Persians, the
men of Sybaris, who were dwelling in Laos and Skidros, being deprived of
their own city, did not repay like with like: for when Sybaris was taken by
the men of Croton, the Milesians all from youth upwards shaved their heads
and put on great mourning: for these cities were more than all others of
which we know bound together by ties of friendship. Not like the Sybarites
were the Athenians; for these made it clear that they were grieved at the
capture of Miletos, both in many other ways and also by this, that when
Phrynichos had composed a drama called the "Capture of Miletos" and had
put it on the stage, the body of spectators fell to weeping, and the Athenians
moreover fined the poet a thousand drachmas on the ground that he had
reminded them of their own calamities; and they ordered also that no one in
future should represent this drama.
22. Miletos then had been stripped bare of its former inhabitants: but of
the Samians they who had substance were by no means satisfied with that
which had been concerted by the commanders of their fleet with the Medes;
and taking counsel forthwith after the sea-fight it seemed good to them,
before their despot Aiakes arrived in the country, to sail away and make a
colony, and not to stay behind and be slaves of the Medes and of Aiakes: for

just at this time the people of Zancle in Sicily were sending messengers to
Ionia and inviting the Ionians to come to the "Fair Strand," 1101 desiring
there to found a city of Ionians. Now this which is called the Fair Strand is
in the land of the Sikelians and on that side of Sicily which lies towards
Tyrsenia. So when these gave the invitation, the Samians alone of all the
Ionians set forth, having with them those of the Milesians who had escaped:
and in the course of this matter it happened as follows:—
23. The Samians as they made their way towards Sicily reached Locroi
Epizephyroi, and at the same time the people of Zancle, both themselves
and their king, whose name was Skythes, were encamped about a city of the
Sikelians, desiring to conquer it. Perceiving these things, Anaxilaos the
despot of Rhegion, being then at variance with those of Zancle,
communicated with the Samians and persuaded them that they ought to
leave the Fair Strand alone, to which they were sailing, and take possession
of Zancle instead, since it was left now without men to defend it. The
Samians accordingly did as he said and took possession of Zancle; and
upon this the men of Zancle, being informed that their city was possessed
by an enemy, set out to rescue it, and invited Hippocrates the despot of Gela
to help them, for he was their ally. When however Hippocrates also with his
army had come up to their rescue, first he put Skythes the ruler of the
Zanclaians in fetters, on the ground that he had been the cause of the city
being lost, and together with him his brother Pythogenes, and sent them
away to the town of Incyos; 12 then he betrayed the cause of the remaining
Zanclaians by coming to terms with the Samians and exchanging oaths with
them; and in return for this it had been promised by the Samians that
Hippocrates should receive as his share the half of all the movable goods in
the city and of the slaves, and the whole of the property in the fields round.
So the greater number of the Zanclaians he put in bonds and kept himself as
slaves, but the chief men of them, three hundred in number, he gave to the
Samians to put to death; which however the Samians did not do.
24. Now Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians escaped from Incyos to
Himera, and thence he came to Asia and went up to the court of Dareios:
and Dareios accounted him the most righteous of all the men who had come
up to him from Hellas; for he obtained leave of the king and went away to
Sicily, and again came back from Sicily to the king; and at last he brought
his life to an end among the Persians in old age and possessing great wealth.

The Samians then, having got rid of the rule of the Medes, had gained for
themselves without labour the fair city of Zancle.
25. After the sea-battle which was fought for Miletos, the Phenicians by
the command of the Persians restored to Samos Aiakes the son of Syloson,
since he had been to them of much service and had done for them great
things; and the Samians alone of all who revolted from Dareios, because of
the desertion of their ships which were in the sea-fight, 13 had neither their
city nor their temples burnt. Then after the capture of Miletos the Persians
forthwith got possession of Caria, some of the cities having submitted to
their power voluntarily, while others of them they brought over by force.
26. Thus it came to pass as regards these matters: and meanwhile
Histiaios the Milesian, who was at Byzantion and was seizing the merchant
vessels of the Ionians as they sailed forth out of the Pontus, received the
report of that which had happened about Miletos. Upon that he entrusted the
matters which had to do with the Hellespont to Bisaltes the son of
Apollophanes, a man of Abydos, while he himself with the Lesbians sailed
to Chios; and when a body of the Chians who were on guard did not allow
him to approach, he fought with them at that spot in the Chian land which is
called the "Hollows." 14 Histiaios then not only slew many of these, but
also, taking Polichne of the Chians as his base, he conquered with the help
of the Lesbians the remainder of the Chians as well, since they had suffered
great loss by the sea-fight..
27. And heaven is wont perhaps to give signs beforehand whenever great
evils are about to happen to a city or a race of men; for to the Chians also
before these events remarkable signs had come. In the first place when they
had sent to Delphi a chorus of a hundred youths, two only returned home,
the remaining ninety-eight of them having been seized by a plague and
carried off; and then secondly in their city about the same time, that is
shortly before the sea-fight, as some children were being taught 15 in
school the roof fell in upon them, so that of a hundred and twenty children
only one escaped. These signs God showed to them beforehand; and after
this the sea-fight came upon them and brought their State down upon its
knees; and as the Chians had suffered great loss, he without difficulty
effected the conquest of them.
28. Thence Histiaios made an expedition against Thasos, taking with him
a large force of Ionians and Aiolians; and while he was encamped about the

town of Thasos, a report came to him that the Phenicians were sailing up
from Miletos to conquer the rest of Ionia. Being informed of this he left
Thasos unconquered and himself hastened to Lesbos, taking with him his
whole army. Then, as his army was in want of food, 16 he crossed over
from Lesbos to reap the corn in Atarneus and also that in the plain of the
Caïcos, which belonged to the Mysians. In these parts there chanced to be a
Persian named Harpagos commanding a considerable force; and this man
fought a battle with him after he had landed, and he took Histiaios himself
prisoner and destroyed the greater part of his army..
29. And Histiaios was taken prisoner in the following manner:—As the
Hellenes were fighting with the Persians at Malene in the district of
Atarneus, after they had been engaged in close combat for a long time, the
cavalry at length charged and fell upon the Hellenes; and the cavalry in fact
decided the battle. 17 So when the Hellenes had been turned to flight,
Histiaios trusting that he would not be put to death by the king on account
of his present fault, conceived a love of life, so that when he was being
caught in his flight by a Persian and was about to be run through by him in
the moment of his capture, he spoke in Persian and made himself known,
saying that he was Histiaios the Milesian..
30. If then upon being taken prisoner he had been brought to king
Dareios, he would not, as I think, have suffered any harm, but Dareios
would have forgiven the crime with which he was charged; as it was,
however, for this very reason and in order that he might not escape from
punishment and again become powerful with the king, Artaphrenes the
governor of Sardis and Harpagos who had captured him, when he had
reached Sardis on his way to the king, put him to death there and then, and
his body they impaled, but embalmed his head and brought it up to Dareios
at Susa. Dareios having been informed of this, found fault with those who
had done so, because they had not brought him up to his presence alive; and
he bade wash the head of Histiaios and bestow upon it proper care, and then
bury it, as that of one who had been greatly a benefactor both of the king
himself and of the Persians.
31. Thus it happened about Histiaios; and meanwhile the Persian fleet,
after wintering near Miletos, when it put to sea again in the following year
conquered without difficulty the islands lying near the mainland, Chios,
Lesbos, and Tenedos; and whenever they took one of the islands, the

Barbarians, as each was conquered, swept the inhabitants off it; 18 and this
they do in the following manner:—they extend themselves from the sea on
the North to the sea on the South, each man having hold of the hand of the
next, and then they pass through the whole island hunting the people out of
it. They took also the Ionian cities on the mainland in the same manner,
except that they did not sweep off the inhabitants thus, for it was not
possible..
32. Then the commanders of the Persians proved not false to the threats
with which they had threatened the Ionians when these were encamped
opposite to them: for in fact when they conquered the cities, they chose out
the most comely of the boys and castrated them, making eunuchs of them,
and the fairest of the maidens they carried off by force to the king; and not
only this, but they also burnt the cities together with the temples. Thus for
the third time had the Ionians been reduced to slavery, first by the Lydians
and then twice in succession by the Persians.
33. Departing from Ionia the fleet proceeded to conquer all the places of
the Hellespont on the left as one sails in, for those on the right had been
subdued already by the Persians themselves, approaching them by land.
Now the cities of the Hellespont in Europe are these:—first comes the
Chersonese, in which there are many cities, then Perinthos, the strongholds
of the Thracian border, Selymbria, and Byzantion. The people of Byzantion
and those of Calchedon opposite did not even wait for the coming of the
Persian ships, but had left their own land first and departed, going within
the Euxine; and there they settled in the city of Mesambria. 19 So the
Phenicians, having burnt these places which have been mentioned, directed
their course next to Proconnesos and Artake; and when they had delivered
these also to the flames, they sailed back to the Chersonese to destroy the
remaining cities which they had not sacked when they touched there before:
but against Kyzicos they did not sail at all; for the men of Kyzicos even
before the time when the Phenicians sailed in had submitted to the king of
their own accord, and had made terms with Oibares the son of Megabazos,
the Persian governor at Daskyleion. 20.
34. In the Chersonese then the Phenicians made themselves masters of all
the other cities except the city of Cardia. Of these cities up to that time
Miltiades the son of Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, had been despot,
Miltiades the son of Kypselos having obtained this government in the

manner which here follows:—The inhabitants of this Chersonese were
Dolonkian Thracians; and these Dolonkians, being hard pressed in war by
the Apsinthians, sent their kings to Delphi to consult the Oracle about the
war. And the Pythian prophetess answered them that they must bring into
their land as founder of a settlement the man who should first offer them
hospitality as they returned from the temple. The Dolonkians then passed
along the Sacred Road through the land of the Phokians and of the
Boeotians, and as no man invited them, they turned aside and came to
Athens..
35. Now at that time in Athens the government was held by Peisistratos,
but Miltiades also the son of Kypselos had some power, who belonged to a
family which kept four-horse chariot teams, and who was descended
originally from Aiacos and Egina, though in more recent times his family
was Athenian, Philaios the son of Ajax having been the first of his house
who became an Athenian. This Miltiades was sitting in the entrance of his
own dwelling, and seeing the Dolonkians going by with dress that was not
of the native Athenian fashion and with spears, he shouted to them; and
when they approached, he offered them lodging and hospitality. They then
having accepted and having been entertained by him, proceeded to declare
all the utterances of the Oracle; and having declared it they asked him to do
as the god had said: and Miltiades when he heard it was at once disposed to
agree, because he was vexed by the rule of Peisistratos and desired to be
removed out of the way. He set out therefore forthwith to Delphi to inquire
of the Oracle whether he should do that which the Dolonkians asked of
him:.
36, and as the Pythian prophetess also bade him do so, Miltiades the son
of Kypselos, who had before this been victor at Olympia with a four-horse
chariot, now taking with him of the Athenians everyone who desired to
share in the expedition, sailed with the Dolonkians and took possession of
the land: and they who had invited him to come to them made him despot
over them. First then he made a wall across the isthmus of the Chersonese
from the city of Cardia to Pactye, in order that the Apsinthians might not be
able to invade the land and do them damage. Now the number of furlongs
21 across the isthmus at this place is six-and-thirty, and from this isthmus
the Chersonese within is altogether four hundred and twenty furlongs in
length..

37. Having made a wall then across the neck of the Chersonese and
having in this manner repelled the Apsinthians, Miltiades made war upon
the people of Lampsacos first of all others; and the people of Lampsacos
laid an ambush and took him prisoner. Now Miltiades had come to be a
friend 22 of Croesus the Lydian; and Croesus accordingly, being informed
of this event, sent and commanded the people of Lampsacos to let Miltiades
go; otherwise he threatened to destroy them utterly like a pine-tree. 23 Then
when the people of Lampsacos were perplexed in their counsels as to what
that saying should mean with which Croesus had threatened them, namely
that he would destroy them utterly like a pine-tree, at length one of the elder
men with difficulty perceived the truth, and said that a pine alone of all
trees when it has been cut down does not put forth any further growth but
perishes, being utterly destroyed. The people of Lampsacos therefore
fearing Croesus loosed Miltiades and let him go..
38. He then escaped by means of Croesus, but afterwards he brought his
life to an end leaving no son to succeed him, but passing over his rule and
his possessions to Stesagoras, who was the son of Kimon, his brother on the
mother's side: 24 and the people of the Chersonese still offer sacrifices to
him after his death as it is usual to do to a founder, and hold in his honour a
contest of horse-races and athletic exercises, in which none of the men of
Lampsacos are allowed to contend. After this there was war with those of
Lampsacos; and it happened to Stesagoras also that he died without leaving
a son, having been struck on the head with an axe in the City Hall by a man
who pretended to be a deserter, but who proved himself to be in fact an
enemy and a rather hot one moreover..
39. Then after Stesagoras also had ended his life in this manner,
Miltiades son of Kimon and brother of that Stesagoras who was dead, was
sent in a trireme to the Chersonese to take possession of the government by
the sons of Peisistratos, who had dealt well with him at Athens also,
pretending that they had had no share in the death of his father Kimon, of
which in another part of the history I will set forth how it came to pass. 25
Now Miltiades, when he came to the Chersonese, kept himself within his
house, paying honours in all appearance 26 to the memory of his brother
Stesagoras; and the chief men of the inhabitants of the Chersonese in every
place, being informed of this, gathered themselves together from all the
cities and came in a body to condole with him, and when they had come
they were laid in bonds by him. Miltiades then was in possession of the

Chersonese, supporting a body of five hundred mercenary troops; and he
married the daughter of Oloros the king of the Thracians, who was named
Hegesipyle.
40. Now this Miltiades son of Kimon had at the time of which we speak
but lately returned 27 to the Chersonese; and after he had returned, there
befell him other misfortunes worse than those which had befallen him
already; for two years before this he had been a fugitive out of the land
from the Scythians, since the nomad Scythians provoked by king Dareios
had joined all in a body and marched as far as this Chersonese, and
Miltiades had not awaited their attack but had become a fugitive from the
Chersonese, until at last the Scythians departed and the Dolonkians brought
him back again. These things happened two years before the calamities
which now oppressed him:.
41, and now, being informed that the Phenicians were at Tenedos, he
filled five triremes with the property which he had at hand and sailed away
for Athens. And having set out from the city of Cardia he was sailing
through the gulf of Melas; and as he passed along by the shore of the
Chersonese, the Phenicians fell in with his ships, and while Miltiades
himself with four of his ships escaped to Imbros, the fifth of his ships was
captured in the pursuit by the Phenicians. Of this ship it chanced that
Metiochos the eldest of the sons of Miltiades was in command, not born of
the daughter of Oloros the Thracian, but of another woman. Him the
Phenicians captured together with his ship; and being informed about him,
that he was the son of Miltiades, they brought him up to the king, supposing
that they would lay up for themselves a great obligation; because it was
Miltiades who had declared as his opinion to the Ionians that they should do
as the Scythians said, at that time when the Scythians requested them to
break up the bridge of boats and sail away to their own land. Dareios
however, when the Phenicians brought up to him Metiochos the son of
Miltiades, did Metiochos no harm but on the contrary very much good; for
he gave him a house and possessions and a Persian wife, by whom he had
children born who have been ranked as Persians. Miltiades meanwhile came
from Imbros to Athens.
42. In the course of this year there was done by the Persians nothing
more which tended to strife with the Ionians, but these things which follow
were done in this year very much to their advantage.—Artaphrenes the

governor of Sardis sent for envoys from all the cities and compelled the
Ionians to make agreements among themselves, so that they might give
satisfaction for wrongs and not plunder one another's land. This he
compelled them to do, and also he measured their territories by parasangs,
—that is the name which the Persians give to the length of thirty furlongs,
28—he measured, I say, by these, and appointed a certain amount of tribute
for each people, which continues still unaltered from that time even to my
own days, as it was appointed by Artaphrenes; and the tribute was
appointed to be nearly of the same amount for each as it had been before..
43. These were things which tended to peace for the Ionians; but at the
beginning of the spring, the other commanders having all been removed by
the king, Mardonios the son of Gobryas came down to the sea, bringing
with him a very large land-army and a very large naval force, being a young
man and lately married to Artozostra daughter of king Dareios. When
Mardonios leading this army came to Kilikia, he embarked on board a ship
himself and proceeded together with the other ships, while other leaders led
the land-army to the Hellespont. Mardonios however sailing along the coast
of Asia came to Ionia: and here I shall relate a thing which will be a great
marvel to those of the Hellenes who do not believe that to the seven men of
the Persians Otanes declared as his opinion that the Persians ought to have
popular rule; 29 for Mardonios deposed all the despots of the Ionians and
established popular governments in the cities. Having so done he hastened
on to the Hellespont; and when there was collected a vast number of ships
and a large land-army, they crossed over the Hellespont in the ships and
began to make their way through Europe, and their way was directed
against Eretria and Athens..
44. These, I say, furnished them the pretence for the expedition, but they
had it in their minds to subdue as many as they could of the Hellenic cities;
and in the first place they subdued with their ships the Thasians, who did
not even raise a hand to defend themselves: then with the land-army they
gained the Macedonians to be their servants in addition to those whom they
had already; for all the nations on the East of the Macedonians 30 had
become subject to them already before this. Crossing over then from Thasos
to the opposite coast, they proceeded on their way near the land as far as
Acanthos, and then starting from Acanthos they attempted to get round
Mount Athos; but as they sailed round, there fell upon them a violent North
Wind, against which they could do nothing, and handled them very roughly,

casting away very many of their ships on Mount Athos. It is said indeed that
the number of the ships destroyed was three hundred, 3001, and more than
twenty thousand men; for as this sea which is about Athos is very full of sea
monsters, some were seized by these and so perished, while others were
dashed against the rocks; and some of them did not know how to swim and
perished for that cause, others again by reason of cold..
45. Thus fared the fleet; and meanwhile Mardonios and the land-army
while encamping in Macedonia were attacked in the night by the Brygian
Thracians, and many of them were slain by the Brygians and Mardonios
himself was wounded. However not even these escaped being enslaved by
the Persians, for Mardonios did not depart from that region until he had
made them subject. But when he had subdued these, he proceeded to lead
his army back, since he had suffered great loss with his land-army in
fighting against the Brygians and with his fleet in going round Athos. So
this expedition departed back to Asia having gained no honour by its
contests.
46. In the next year after this Dareios first sent a messenger to the men of
Thasos, who had been accused by their neighbours of planning revolt, and
bade them take away the wall around their town and bring their ships to
Abdera. The Thasians in fact, as they had been besieged by Histiaios the
Milesian and at the same time had large revenues coming in, were using
their money in building ships of war and in surrounding their city with a
stronger wall. Now the revenues came to them from the mainland and from
the mines: from the gold-mines in Scapte Hyle 31 there came in generally
eighty talents a year, and from those in Thasos itself a smaller amount than
this but so much that in general the Thasians, without taxes upon the
produce of their soil, had a revenue from the mainland and from the mines
amounting yearly to two hundred talents, and when the amount was highest,
to three hundred..
47. I myself saw these mines, and by much the most marvellous of them
were those which the Phenicians discovered, who made the first settlement
in this island in company with Thasos; and the island had the name which it
now has from this Thasos the Phenician. These Phenician mines are in that
part of Thasos which is between the places called Ainyra and Koinyra and
opposite Samothrake, where there is a great mountain which has been all
turned up in the search for metal. Thus it is with this matter: and the

Thasians on the command of the king both razed their walls and brought all
their ships to Abdera.
48. After this Dareios began to make trial of the Hellenes, what they
meant to do, whether to make war with him or to deliver themselves up. He
sent abroad heralds therefore, and appointed them to go some to one place
and others to another throughout Hellas, bidding them demand earth and
water for the king. These, I say, he sent to Hellas; and meanwhile he was
sending abroad other heralds to his own tributary cities which lay upon the
sea-coast, and he bade them have ships of war built and also vessels to carry
horses..
49. They then were engaged in preparing these things; and meanwhile
when the heralds had come to Hellas, many of those who dwelt upon the
mainland gave that for which the Persian made demand, 32 and all those
who dwelt in the islands did so, to whomsoever they came to make their
demand. The islanders, I say, gave earth and water to Dareios, and among
them also those of Egina, and when these had done so, the Athenians went
forthwith urgent against them, supposing that the Eginetans had given with
hostile purpose against themselves, in order to make an expedition against
them in combination with the Persians; and also they were glad to get hold
of an occasion against them. Accordingly they went backward and forwards
to Sparta and accused the Eginetans of that which they had done, as having
proved themselves traitors to Hellas..
50. In consequence of this accusation Cleomenes the son of
Anaxandrides, king of the Spartans, crossed over to Egina meaning to seize
those of the Eginetans who were the most guilty; but as he was attempting
to seize them, certain of the Eginetans opposed him, and among them
especially Crios the son of Polycritos, who said that he should not with
impunity carry off a single Eginetan, for he was doing this (said he) without
authority from the Spartan State, having been persuaded to it by the
Athenians with money; otherwise he would have come and seized them in
company with the other king: and this he said by reason of a message
received from Demaratos. Cleomenes then as he departed from Egina,
asked Crios 33 what was his name, and he told him the truth; and
Cleomenes said to him: "Surely now, O Ram, thou must cover over thy
horns with bronze for thou wilt shortly have a great trouble to contend
with."

51. Meanwhile Demaratos the son of Ariston was staying behind in
Sparta and bringing charges against Cleomenes, he also being king of the
Spartans but of the inferior house; which however is inferior in no other
way (for it is descended from the same ancestor), but the house of
Eurysthenes has always been honoured more, apparently because he was
the elder brother..
52. For the Lacedemonians, who herein agree with none of the poets, say
that Aristodemos the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of
Hyllos, being their king, led them himself (and not the sons of Aristodemos)
to this land which they now possess. Then after no long time the wife of
Aristodemos, whose name was Argeia,—she was the daughter, they say, of
Autesion, the son of Tisamenes, the son of Thersander, the son of
Polyneikes,—she, it is said, brought forth twins; and Aristodemos lived but
to see his children and then ended his life by sickness. So the
Lacedemonians of that time resolved according to established custom to
make the elder of the children their king; but they did not know which of
them they should take, because they were like one another and of equal
size; and when they were not able to make out, or even before this, they
inquired of their mother; and she said that even she herself did not know
one from the other. She said this, although she knew in truth very well,
because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The
Lacedemonians then were in a strait; and being in a strait they sent to
Delphi to inquire what they should do in the matter. And the Pythian
prophetess bade them regard both children as their kings, but honour most
the first in age. 34 The prophetess, they say, thus gave answer to them; and
when the Lacedemonians were at a loss none the less how to find out the
elder of them, a Messenian whose name was Panites made a suggestion to
them: this Panites, I say, suggested to the Lacedemonians that they should
watch the mother and see which of the children she washed and fed before
the other; and if she was seen to do this always in the same order, then they
would have all that they were seeking and desiring to find out, but if she too
was uncertain and did it in a different order at different times, it would be
plain to them that even she had no more knowledge than any other, and they
must turn to some other way. Then the Spartans following the suggestion of
the Messenian watched the mother of the sons of Aristodemos and found
that she gave honour thus to the first-born both in feeding and in washing;
for she did not know with that design she was being watched. They took

therefore the child which was honoured by its mother and brought it up as
the first-born in the public hall, 35 and to it was given the name of
Eurysthenes, while the other was called Procles. These, when they had
grown up, both themselves were at variance, they say, with one another,
though they were brothers, throughout the whole time of their lives, and
their descendants also continued after the same manner.
53. This is the report given by the Lacedemonians alone of all the
Hellenes; but this which follows I write in accordance with that which is
reported by the Hellenes generally,—I mean that the names of these kings
of the Dorians are rightly enumerated by the Hellenes up to Perseus the son
of Danae (leaving the god out of account), 36 and proved to be of Hellenic
race; for even from that time they were reckoned as Hellenes. I said "up to
Perseus" and did not take the descent from a yet higher point, because there
is no name mentioned of a mortal father for Perseus, as Amphitryon is for
Heracles. Therefore with reason, as is evident, I have said "rightly up to
Perseus"; but if one enumerates their ancestors in succession going back
from Danae the daughter of Acrisios, the rulers of the Dorians will prove to
be Egyptians by direct descent..
54. Thus I have traced the descent according to the account given by the
Hellenes; but as the story is reported which the Persians tell, Perseus
himself was an Assyrian and became a Hellene, whereas the ancestors of
Perseus were not Hellenes; and as for the ancestors of Acrisios, who
(according to this account) belonged not to Perseus in any way by kinship,
they say that these were, as the Hellenes report, Egyptians..
55. Let it suffice to have said so much about these matters; and as to the
question how and by what exploits being Egyptians they received the
sceptres of royalty over the Dorians, we will omit these things, since others
have told about them; but the things with which other narrators have not
dealt, of these I will make mention.
56. These are the royal rights which have been given by the Spartans to
their kings, namely, two priesthoods, of Zeus Lakedaimon and Zeus
Uranios; 37 and the right of making war against whatsoever land they
please, and that no man of the Spartans shall hinder this right, or if he do, he
shall be subject to the curse; and that when they go on expeditions the kings
shall go out first and return last; that a hundred picked men shall be their
guard upon expeditions; and that they shall use in their goings forth to war

as many cattle as they desire, and take both the hides and the backs of all
that are sacrificed..
57. These are their privileges in war; and in peace moreover things have
been assigned to them as follows:—if any sacrifice is performed at the
public charge, it is the privilege of the kings to sit down at the feast before
all others, and that the attendants shall begin with them first, and serve to
each of them a portion of everything double of that which is given to the
other guests, and that they shall have the first pouring of libations and the
hides of the animals slain in sacrifice; that on every new moon and seventh
day of the month there shall be delivered at the public charge to each one of
these a full-grown victim in the temple of Apollo, and a measure 38 of
barley-groats and a Laconian "quarter" 39 of wine; and that at all the games
they shall have seats of honour specially set apart for them: moreover it is
their privilege to appoint as protectors of strangers 40 whomsoever they
will of the citizens, and to choose each two "Pythians:" now the Pythians
are men sent to consult the god at Delphi, and they eat with the kings at the
public charge. And if the kings do not come to the dinner, it is the rule that
there shall be sent out for them to their houses two quarts 41 of barley-
groats for each one and half a pint 42 of wine; but if they are present,
double shares of everything shall be given them, and moreover they shall be
honoured in this same manner when they have been invited to dinner by
private persons. The kings also, it is ordained, shall have charge of the
oracles which are given, but the Pythians also shall have knowledge of
them. It is the rule moreover that the kings alone give decision on the
following cases only, that is to say, about the maiden who inherits her
father's property, namely who ought to have her, if her father have not
betrothed her to any one, and about public ways; also if any man desires to
adopt a son, he must do it in presence of the kings: and it is ordained that
they shall sit in council with the Senators, who are in number eight-and-
twenty, and if they do not come, those of the Senators who are most closely
related to them shall have the privileges of the kings and give two votes
besides their own, making three in all. 4201.
58. These rights have been assigned to the kings for their lifetime by the
Spartan State; and after they are dead these which follow:—horsemen go
round and announce that which has happened throughout the whole of the
Laconian land, and in the city women go about and strike upon a copper
kettle. Whenever this happens so, two free persons of each household must

go into mourning, a man and a woman, and for those who fail to do this
great penalties are appointed. Now the custom of the Lacedemonians about
the deaths of their kings is the same as that of the Barbarians who dwell in
Asia, for most of the Barbarians practise the same customs as regards the
death of their kings. Whensoever a king of the Lacedemonians is dead, then
from the whole territory of Lacedemon, not reckoning the Spartans, a
certain fixed number of the "dwellers round" 43 are compelled to go to the
funeral ceremony:
59. and when there have been gathered together of these and of the
Helots and of the Spartans themselves many thousands in the same place,
with their women intermingled, they beat their foreheads with a good will
and make lamentation without stint, saying that this one who has died last
of their kings was the best of all: and whenever any of their kings has been
killed in war, they prepare an image to represent him, laid upon a couch
with fair coverings, and carry it out to be buried. Then after they have
buried him, no assembly is held among them for ten days, nor is there any
meeting for choice of magistrates, but they have mourning during these
days. In another respect too these resemble the Persians; that is to say, when
the king is dead and another is appointed king, this king who is newly
coming in sets free any man of the Spartans who was a debtor to the king or
to the State; while among the Persians the king who comes to the throne
remits to all the cities the arrears of tribute which are due.
60. In the following point also the Lacedemonians resemble the
Egyptians; that is to say, their heralds and fluteplayers and cooks inherit the
crafts of their fathers, and a fluteplayer is the son of a fluteplayer, a cook of
a cook, and a herald of a herald; other men do not lay hands upon the office
because they have loud and clear voices, and so shut them out of it, but they
practise their craft by inheritance from their fathers.
61. Thus are these things done: and at this time of which we speak, 44
while Cleomenes was in Egina doing deeds 45 which were for the common
service of Hellas, Demaratos brought charges against him, not so much
because he cared for the Eginetans as because he felt envy and jealousy of
him. Then Cleomenes, after he returned from Egina, planned to depose
Demaratos from being king, making an attempt upon him on account of this
matter which follows:—Ariston being king in Sparta and having married
two wives, yet had no children born to him; and since he did not

acknowledge that he himself was the cause of this, he married a third wife;
and he married her thus:—he had a friend, a man of the Spartans, to whom
of all the citizens Ariston was most inclined; and it chanced that this man
had a wife who was of all the women in Sparta the fairest by far, and one
too who had become the fairest from having been the foulest. For as she
was mean in her aspect, her nurse, considering that she was the daughter of
wealthy persons and was of uncomely aspect, and seeing moreover that her
parents were troubled by it,—perceiving I say these things, her nurse
devised as follows:—every day she bore her to the temple of Helen, which
is in the place called Therapne, lying above the temple of Phoebus; and
whenever the nurse bore her thither, she placed her before the image and
prayed the goddess to deliver the child from her unshapeliness. And once as
the nurse was going away out of the temple, it is said that a woman
appeared to her, and having appeared asked her what she was bearing in her
arms; and she told her that she was bearing a child; upon which the other
bade her show the child to her, but she refused, for it had been forbidden to
her by the parents to show it to any one: but the woman continued to urge
her by all means to show it to her. So then perceiving that the woman
earnestly desired to see it, the nurse showed her the child. Then the woman
stroking the head of the child said that she should be the fairest of all the
women in Sparta; and from that day her aspect was changed. Afterwards
when she came to the age for marriage, she was married to Agetos the son
of Alkeides, this friend of Ariston of whom we spoke..
62. Now Ariston it seems was ever stung by the desire of this woman,
and accordingly he contrived as follows:—he made an engagement himself
with his comrade, whose wife this woman was, that he would give him as a
gift one thing of his own possessions, whatsoever he should choose, and he
bade his comrade make return to him in similar fashion. He therefore,
fearing nothing for his wife, because he saw that Ariston also had a wife,
agreed to this; and on these terms they imposed oaths on one another. After
this Ariston on his part gave that which Agetos had chosen from the
treasures of Ariston, whatever the thing was; and he himself, seeking to
obtain from him the like return, endeavoured then to take away the wife of
his comrade from him: and he said that he consented to give anything else
except this one thing only, but at length being compelled by the oath and by
the treacherous deception, 46 he allowed her to be taken away from him..

63. Thus had Ariston brought into his house the third wife, having
dismissed the second: and this wife, not having fulfilled the ten months 47
but in a shorter period of time, bore him that Demaratos of whom we were
speaking; and one of his servants reported to him as he was sitting in
council 48 with the Ephors, that a son had been born to him. He then,
knowing the time when he took to him his wife, and reckoning the months
upon his fingers, said, denying with an oath, "The child would not be
mine." This the Ephors heard, but they thought it a matter of no importance
at the moment; and the child grew up and Ariston repented of that which he
had said, for he thought Demaratos was certainly his own son; and he gave
him the name "Demaratos" for this reason, namely because before these
things took place the Spartan people all in a body 49 had made a vow 50
praying that a son might be born to Ariston, as one who was pre-eminent in
renown over all the kings who had ever arisen in Sparta.
64. For this reason the name Demaratos 51 was given to him. And as
time went on Ariston died, and Demaratos obtained the kingdom: but it was
fated apparently that these things should become known and should cause
Demaratos to be deposed from the kingdom; and therefore 52 Demaratos
came to be at variance greatly with Cleomenes both at the former time
when he withdrew his army from Eleusis, and also now especially, when
Cleomenes had crossed over to take those of the Eginetans who had gone
over to the Medes..
65. Cleomenes then, being anxious to take vengeance on him, concerted
matters with Leotychides the son of Menares, the son of Agis, who was of
the same house as Demaratos, under condition that if he should set him up
as king instead of Demaratos, he would go with him against the Eginetans.
Now Leotychides had become a bitter foe of Demaratos on account of this
matter which follows:—Leotychides had betrothed himself to Percalos the
daughter of Chilon son of Demarmenos; and Demaratos plotted against him
and deprived Leotychides of his marriage, carrying off Percalos himself
beforehand, and getting her for his wife. Thus had arisen the enmity of
Leotychides against Demaratos; and now by the instigation of Cleomenes
Leotychides deposed against Demaratos, saying that he was not rightfully
reigning over the Spartans, not being a son of Ariston: and after this
deposition he prosecuted a suit against him, recalling the old saying which
Ariston uttered at the time when his servant reported to him that a son was
born to him, and he reckoning up the months denied with an oath, saying

that it was not his. Taking his stand upon this utterance, Leotychides
proceeded to prove that Demaratos was not born of Ariston nor was
rightfully reigning over Sparta; and he produced as witnesses those Ephors
who chanced then to have been sitting with Ariston in council and to have
heard him say this..
66. At last, as there was contention about those matters, the Spartans
resolved to ask the Oracle at Delphi whether Demaratos was the son of
Ariston. The question then having been referred by the arrangement of
Cleomenes to the Pythian prophetess, thereupon Cleomenes gained over to
his side Cobon the son of Aristophantos, who had most power among the
Delphians, and Cobin persuaded Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle 53 to
say that which Cleomenes desired to have said. Thus the Pythian
prophetess, when those who were sent to consult the god asked her their
question, gave decision that Demaratos was not the son of Ariston.
Afterwards however these things became known, and both Cobon went into
exile from Delphi and Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle was removed
from her office.
67. With regard to the deposing of Demaratos from the kingdom it
happened thus: but Demaratos became an exile from Sparta to the Medes on
account of a reproach which here follows:—After he had been deposed
from the kingdom Demaratos was holding a public office to which he had
been elected. Now it was the time of the Gymnopaidiai; and as Demaratos
was a spectator of them, Leotychides, who had now become king himself
instead of Demaratos, sent his attendant and asked Demaratos in mockery
and insult what kind of a thing it was to be a magistrate after having been
king; and he vexed at the question made answer and said that he himself
had now had experience of both, but Leotychides had not; this question
however, he said, would be the beginning either of countless evil or
countless good fortune for the Lacedemonians. Having thus said, he veiled
his head and went forth out of the theatre to his own house; and forthwith
he made preparations and sacrificed an ox to Zeus, and after having
sacrificed he called his mother..
68. Then when his mother had come, he put into her hands some of the
inner parts 54 of the victim, and besought her, saying as follows: "Mother, I
beseech thee, appealing to the other gods and above all to this Zeus the
guardian of the household, 55 to tell me the truth, who is really and truly

my father. For Leotychides spoke in his contention with me, saying that
thou didst come to Ariston with child by thy former husband; and others
besides, reporting that which is doubtless an idle tale, 56 say that thou didst
go in to one of the servants, namely the keeper of the asses, and that I am
his son. I therefore entreat thee by the gods to tell me the truth; for if thou
hast done any of these things which are reported, thou hast not done them
alone, but with many other women; and the report is commonly believed in
Sparta that there was not in Ariston seed which should beget children; for if
so, then his former wives also would have borne children.".
69. Thus he spoke, and she made answer as follows: "My son, since thou
dost beseech me with entreaties to speak the truth, the whole truth shall be
told to thee. When Ariston had brought me into his house, on the third night
57 there came to me an apparition in the likeness of Ariston, and having lain
with me it put upon me the garlands which it had on; and the apparition
straitway departed, and after this Ariston came; and when he saw me with
garlands, he asked who it was who had given me them; and I said that he
had given them, but he did not admit it; and I began to take oath of it,
saying that he did not well to deny it, for he had come (I said) a short time
before and had lain with me and given me the garlands. Then Ariston,
seeing that I made oath of it, perceived that the matter was of the gods; and
first the garlands were found to be from the hero-temple which stands by
the outer door of the house, which they call the temple of Astrabacos, 58
and secondly the diviners gave answer that it was this same hero. Thus, my
son, thou hast all, as much as thou desirest to learn; for either thou art
begotten of this hero and the hero Astrabacos is thy father, or Ariston is thy
father, for on that night I conceived thee: but as to that wherein thy foes
most take hold of thee, saying that Ariston himself, when thy birth was
announced to him, in the hearing of many declared that thou wert not his
son, because the time, the ten months namely, had not yet been fulfilled, in
ignorance of such matters he cast forth that saying; for women bring forth
children both at the ninth month and also at the seventh, and not all after
they have completed ten months; and I bore thee, my son, at the seventh
month: and Ariston himself also perceived after no long time that he had
uttered this saying in folly. Do not thou then accept any other reports about
thy begetting, for thou hast heard in all the full truth; but to Leotychides and
to those who report these things may their wives bear children by keepers of
asses!"

70. Thus she spoke; and he, having learnt that which he desired to learn,
took supplies for travelling and set forth to go to Elis, pretending that he
was going to Delphi to consult the Oracle: but the Lacedemonians,
suspecting that he was attempting to escape, pursued after him; and it
chanced that before they came Demaratos had passed over to Zakynthos
from Elis; and the Lacedemonians crossing over after him laid hands on his
person and carried away his attendants from him. Afterwards however,
since those of Zakynthos refused to give him up, he passed over from
thence to Asia, to the presence of king Dareios; and Dareios both received
him with great honour as a guest, and also gave him land and cities. Thus
Demaratos had come to Asia, and such was the fortune which he had had,
having been distinguished in the estimation of the Lacedemonians 59 in
many other ways both by deeds and by counsels, and especially having
gained for them an Olympic victory with the four-horse chariot, being the
only one who achieved this of all the kings who ever arose in Sparta.
71. Demaratos being deposed, Leotychides the son of Menares succeeded
to the kingdom; and he had born to him a son Zeuxidemos, whom some of
the Spartans called Kyniscos. This Zeuxidemos did not become king of
Sparta, for he died before Leotychides, leaving a son Archidemos: and
Leotychides having lost Zeuxidemos married a second wife Eurydame, the
sister of Menios and daughter of Diactorides, by whom he had no male
issue, but a daughter Lampito, whom Archidemos the son of Zeuxidemos
took in marriage, she being given to him by Leotychides..
72. Leotychides however did not himself 60 live to old age in Sparta, but
paid a retribution for Demaratos as follows:—he went as commander of the
Lacedemonians to invade Thessaly, and when he might have reduced all to
subjection, he accepted gifts of money amounting to a large sum; and being
taken in the act there in the camp, as he was sitting upon a glove full of
money, he was brought to trial and banished from Sparta, and his house was
razed to the ground. So he went into exile to Tegea and ended his life there..
73. These things happened later; but at this time, when Cleomenes had
brought to a successful issue the affair which concerned Demaratos,
forthwith he took with him Leotychides and went against the Eginetans,
being very greatly enraged with them because of their insults towards him.
So the Eginetans on their part, since both the kings had come against them,
thought fit no longer to resist; and the Spartans selected ten men who were

the most considerable among the Eginetans both by wealth and by birth,
and took them away as prisoners, and among others also Crios 61 the son of
Polycritos and Casambos the son of Aristocrates, who had the greatest
power among them; and having taken these away to the land of Attica, they
deposited them as a charge with the Athenians, who were the bitterest
enemies of the Eginetans.
74. After this Cleomenes, since it had become known that he had devised
evil against Demaratos, was seized by fear of the Spartans and retired to
Thessaly. Thence he came to Arcadia, and began to make mischief 62 and
to combine the Arcadians against Sparta; and besides other oaths with
which he caused them to swear that they would assuredly follow him
whithersoever he should lead them, he was very desirous also to bring the
chiefs of the Arcadians to the city of Nonacris and cause them to swear by
the water of Styx; for near this city it is said by the Arcadians 63 that there
is the water of Styx, and there is in fact something of this kind: a small
stream of water is seen to trickle down from a rock into a hollow ravine,
and round the ravine runs a wall of rough stones. Now Nonacris, where it
happens that this spring is situated, is a city of Arcadia near Pheneos..
75. The Lacedemonians, hearing that Cleomenes was acting thus, were
afraid, and proceeded to bring him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms
as before: but when he had come back, forthwith a disease of madness
seized him (who had been even before this somewhat insane 64), and
whenever he met any of the Spartans, he dashed his staff against the man's
face. And as he continued to do this and had gone quite out of his senses,
his kinsmen bound him in stocks. Then being so bound, and seeing his
warder left alone by the rest, he asked him for a knife; and the warder not
being at first willing to give it, he threatened him with that which he would
do to him afterwards if he did not; until at last the warder fearing the
threats, for he was one of the Helots, gave him a knife. Then Cleomenes,
when he had received the steel, began to maltreat himself from the legs
upwards: for he went on cutting his flesh lengthways from the legs to the
thighs and from the thighs to the loins and flanks, until at last he came to
the belly; and cutting this into strips he died in that manner. And this
happened, as most of the Hellenes report, because he persuaded the Pythian
prophetess to advise that which was done about Demaratos; but as the
Athenians alone report, it was because when he invaded Eleusis he laid
waste the sacred enclosure of the goddesses; 65 and according to the report

of the Argives, because from their sanctuary dedicated to Argos he caused
to come down those of the Argives who had fled for refuge from the battle
and slew them, and also set fire to the grove itself, holding it in no regard..
76. For when Cleomenes was consulting the Oracle at Delphi, the answer
was given him that he should conquer Argos; so he led the Spartans and
came to the river Erasinos, which is said to flow from the Stymphalian lake;
for this lake, they say, running out into a viewless chasm, appears again
above ground in the land of Argos; and from thence onwards this water is
called by the Argives Erasinos: having come, I say, to this river, Cleomenes
did sacrifice to it; and since the sacrifices were not at all favourable for him
to cross over, he said that he admired the Erasinos for not betraying the men
of its country, but the Argives should not even so escape. After this he
retired back from thence and led his army down to Thyrea; and having done
sacrifice to the Sea by slaying a bull, he brought them in ships to the land of
Tiryns and Nauplia..
77. Being informed of this, the Argives came to the rescue towards the
sea; and when they had got near Tiryns and were at the place which is
called Hesipeia, 66 they encamped opposite to the Lacedemonians leaving
no very wide space between the armies. There the Argives were not afraid
of the open fighting, but only lest they should be conquered by craft; for to
this they thought referred the oracle which the Pythian prophetess gave in
common to these and to the Milesians, 67 saying as follows:
"But when the female at length shall conquer the male in the battle,
Conquer and drive him forth, and glory shall gain among Argives,
Then many wives of the Argives shall tear both cheeks in their mourning;
So that a man shall say some time, of the men that came after,
'Quelled by the spear it perished, the three-coiled terrible serpent,'

The conjunction of all these things caused fear to the Argives, and with a
view to this they resolved to make use of the enemy's herald; and having so
resolved they proceeded to do as follows:—whenever the Spartan herald
proclaimed anything to the Lacedemonians, the Argives also did that same
thing..
78. So Cleomenes, perceiving that the Argives were doing whatever the
herald of the Lacedemonians proclaimed, passed the word to the
Lacedemonians that when the herald should proclaim that they were to get
breakfast, then they should take up their arms and go to attack the Argives.
This was carried out even so by the Lacedemonians; for as the Argives were

getting breakfast according to the herald's proclamation, they attacked
them; and many of them they slew, but many more yet took refuge in the
sacred grove of Argos, and upon these they kept watch, sitting round about
the place. Then Cleomenes did this which follows:—
79. He had with him deserters, and getting information by inquiring of
these, he sent a herald and summoned forth those of the Argives who were
shut up in the sanctuary, mentioning each by name; and he summoned them
forth saying that he had received their ransom. Now among the
Peloponnesians ransom is two pounds weight of silver 68 appointed to be
paid for each prisoner. So Cleomenes summoned forth about fifty of the
Argives one by one and slew them; and it chanced that the rest who were in
the enclosure did not perceive that this was being done; for since the grove
was thick, those within did not see how it fared with those who were
without, at least until one of them climbed up a tree and saw from above
that which was being done. Accordingly they then no longer came forth
when they were called.
80. So Cleomenes thereupon ordered all the Helots to pile up brushwood
round the sacred grove; and they obeying, he set fire to the grove. And
when it was now burning, he asked one of the deserters to what god the
grove was sacred, and the man replied that it was sacred to Argos. When he
heard that, he groaned aloud and said, "Apollo who utterest oracles, surely
thou hast greatly deceived me, saying that I should conquer Argos: I
conjecture that the oracle has had its fulfilment for me already.".
81. After this Cleomenes sent away the greater part of his army to go
back to Sparta, but he himself took a thousand of the best men and went to
the temple of Hera to sacrifice: and when he wished to sacrifice upon the
altar, the priest forbade him, saying that it was not permitted by religious
rule for a stranger to sacrifice in that place. Cleomenes however bade the
Helots take away the priest from the altar and scourge him, and he himself
offered the sacrifice. Having so done he returned back to Sparta;.
82, and after his return his opponents brought him up before the Ephors,
saying that he had received gifts and therefore had not conquered Argos,
when he might easily have conquered it. He said to them,—but whether he
was speaking falsely or whether truly I am not able with certainty to say,—
however that may be, he spoke and said that when he had conquered the
sanctuary of Argos, it seemed to him that the oracle of the god had had its

fulfilment for him; therefore he did not think it right to make an attempt on
the city, at least until he should have had recourse to sacrifice, and should
have learnt whether the deity 69 permitted him or whether she stood
opposed to him: and as he was sacrificing for augury 70 in the temple of
Hera, a flame of fire blazed forth from the breasts of the image; and thus he
knew the certainty of the matter, namely that he would not conquer Argos:
for if fire had blazed forth from the head of the image, he would have been
conqueror of the city from top to bottom, 71 but since it blazed from the
breasts, everything had been accomplished for him which the god desired
should come to pass. Thus speaking he seemed to the Spartans to speak
credibly and reasonably, and he easily escaped his pursuers. 72
83. Argos however was so bereft of men that their slaves took possession
of all the State, ruling and managing it until the sons of those who had
perished grew to be men. Then these, endeavouring to gain Argos back to
themselves, cast them out; and the slaves being driven forth gained
possession of Tiryns by fighting. Now for a time these two parties had
friendly relations with one another; but afterwards there came to the slaves
a prophet named Cleander, by race a Phigalian from Arcadia: this man
persuaded the slaves to attack their masters, and in consequence of this
there was war between them for a long time, until at last with difficulty the
Argives overcame them.
84. The Argives then say that this was the reason why Cleomenes went
mad and had an evil end: but the Spartans themselves say that Cleomenes
was not driven mad by any divine power, but that he had become a drinker
of unmixed wine from having associated with Scythians, and that he went
mad in consequence of this: for the nomad Scythians, they say, when
Dareios had made invasion of their land, desired eagerly after this to take
vengeance upon him; and they sent to Sparta and tried to make an alliance,
and to arrange that while the Scythians themselves attempted an invasion of
Media by the way of the river Phasis, the Spartans should set forth from
Ephesos and go up inland, and then that they should meet in one place: and
they say that Cleomenes when the Scythians had come for this purpose,
associated with them largely, and that thus associating more than was fit, he
learnt the practice of drinking wine unmixed with water; and for this cause
(as the Spartans think) he went mad. Thenceforth, as they say themselves,
when they desire to drink stronger wine, they say "Fill up in Scythian

fashion." 73 Thus the Spartans report about Cleomenes; but to me it seems
that this was a retribution which Cleomenes paid for Demaratos.
85. Now when the Eginetans heard that Cleomenes had met his end, they
sent messengers to Sparta to denounce Leotychides for the matter of the
hostages which were being kept at Athens: and the Lacedemonians caused a
court to assemble and judged that the Eginetans had been dealt with
outrageously by Leotychides; and they condemned him to be taken to Egina
and delivered up in place of the men who were being kept at Athens. Then
when the Eginetans were about to take Leotychides, Theasides the son of
Leoprepes, a man of repute in Sparta, said to them: "What are ye proposing
74 to do, men of Egina? Do ye mean to take away the king of the Spartans,
thus delivered up to you by his fellow-citizens? If the Spartans now being in
anger have decided so, beware lest at some future time, if ye do this, they
bring an evil upon your land which may destroy it." Hearing this the
Eginetans abstained from taking him; but they came to an agreement that
Leotychides should accompany them to Athens and restore the men to the
Eginetans.
86. When however Leotychides came to Athens and asked for the deposit
back, the Athenians, not being willing to give up the hostages, produced
pretexts for refusing, and alleged that two kings had deposited them and
they did not think it right to give them back to the one without the other: so
since the Athenians said that they would not give them back, Leotychides
spoke to them as follows:
(a) "Athenians, do whichever thing ye yourselves desire; for ye know that
if ye give them up, ye do that which religion commands, and if ye refuse to
give them up, ye do the opposite of this: but I desire to tell you what kind of
a thing came to pass once in Sparta about a deposit. We Spartans report that
there was in Lacedemon about two generations before my time on Glaucos
the son of Epikydes. This man we say attained the highest merit in all things
besides, and especially he was well reported of by all who at that time dwelt
in Lacedemon for his uprightness: and we relate that in due time 75 it
happened to him thus:—a man of Miletos came to Sparta and desired to
have speech with him, alleging the reasons which follow: 'I am a Milesian,'
he said, 'and I am come hither desiring to have benefit from thy uprightness,
Glaucos; for as there was much report of thy uprightness throughout all the
rest of Hellas and also in Ionia, I considered with myself that Ionia is ever

in danger, whereas Peloponnesus is safely established, and also that we
never see wealth continue in the possession of the same persons long;—
reflecting, I say, on these things and taking counsel with myself, I resolved
to turn into money the half of my possessions, and to place it with thee,
being well assured that if it were placed with thee I should have it safe. Do
thou therefore, I pray thee, receive the money, and take and keep these
tallies; and whosoever shall ask for the money back having the tokens
answering to these, to him do thou restore it.' (b) The stranger who had
come from Miletos said so much; and Glaucos accepted the deposit on the
terms proposed. Then after a long time had gone by, there came to Sparta
the sons of him who had deposited the money with Glaucos; and they came
to speech with Glaucos, and producing the tokens asked for the money to be
given back: but he repulsed them answering them again thus: 'I do not
remember the matter, nor does my mind bring back to me any knowledge of
those things whereof ye speak; but I desire to recollect and do all that is
just; for if I received it, I desire to restore it honestly; and if on the other
hand I did not receive it at all, I will act towards you in accordance with the
customs of the Hellenes: 76 therefore I defer the settling of the matter with
you for three months from now.' (c) The Milesians accordingly went away
grieved, for they supposed that they had been robbed of the money; but
Glaucos set forth to Delphi to consult the Oracle: and when he inquired of
the Oracle whether he should rob them of the money by an oath, the Pythian
prophetess rebuked him with these lines:
"'Glaucos, thou, Epikydes' son, yea, this for the moment,
This, to conquer their word by an oath and to rob, is more gainful.
Swear, since the lot of death waits also for him who swears truly.
But know thou that Oath has a son, one nameless and handless and
footless, Yet without feet he pursues, without hands he seizes, and
wholly He shall destroy the race and the house of the man who offendeth.
But for the man who swears truly his race is the better hereafter.'

Having heard this Glaucos entreated that the god would pardon him for
that which he had said, but the prophetess said that to make trial of the god
and to do the deed were things equivalent. (d) Glaucos then, having sent for
the Milesians, gave back to them the money: but the reason for which, O
Athenians, I set forth to relate to you this story, shall now be told. At the
present time there is no descendant of Glaucos existing, nor any hearth
which is esteemed to be that of Glaucos, but he has been utterly destroyed
and rooted up out of Sparta. Thus it is good not even to entertain a thought

about a deposit other than that of restoring it, when they who made it ask
for it again."
87. When Leotychides had thus spoken, since not even so were the
Athenians willing to listen to him, he departed back; and the Eginetans,
before paying the penalty for their former wrongs wherein they did outrage
to the Athenians to please the Thebans, 77 acted as follows:—complaining
of the conduct of the Athenians and thinking that they were being wronged,
they made preparations to avenge themselves upon the Athenians; and since
the Athenians were celebrating a four-yearly festival 78 at Sunion, they lay
in wait for the sacred ship which was sent to it and took it, the vessel being
full of men who were the first among the Athenians; and having taken it
they laid the men in bonds..
88. The Athenians after they had suffered this wrong from the Eginetans
no longer delayed to contrive all things possible to their hurt. And there was
79 in Egina a man of repute, one Nicodromos the son of Cnithos: 80 this
man had cause of complaint against the Eginetans for having before this
driven him forth out of the island; and hearing now that the Athenians had
resolved to do mischief to the Eginetans, he agreed with the Athenians to
deliver up Egina to them, telling them on what day he would make his
attempt and by what day it would be necessary for them to come to his
assistance..
89. After this Nicodromos, according as he had agreed with the
Athenians, seized that which is called the old city, but the Athenians did not
come to his support at the proper time; for, as it chanced, they had not ships
sufficient to fight with the Eginetans; so while they were asking the
Corinthians to lend them ships, during this time their cause went to ruin.
The Corinthians however, being at this time exceedingly friendly with
them, gave the Athenians twenty ships at their request; and these they gave
by selling them at five drachmas apiece, for by the law it was not permitted
to give them as a free gift. Having taken these ships of which I speak and
also their own, the Athenians with seventy ships manned in all sailed to
Egina, and they were later by one day than the time agreed..
90. Nicodromos meanwhile, as the Athenians did not come to his support
at the proper time, embarked in a ship and escaped from Egina, and with
him also went others of the Eginetans; and the Athenians gave them Sunion

to dwell in, starting from whence these men continued to plunder the
Eginetans who were in the island..
91. This happened afterwards: but at the time of which we speak the
well-to-do class among the Eginetans prevailed over the men of the people,
who had risen against them in combination with Nicodromos, and then
having got them into their power they were bringing their prisoners forth to
execution. From this there came upon them a curse which they were not
able to expiate by sacrifice, though they devised against it all they could;
but they were driven forth from the island before the goddess became
propitious to them. For they had taken as prisoners seven hundred of the
men of the people and were bringing them forth to execution, when one of
them escaped from his bonds and fled for refuge to the entrance of the
temple of Demeter the Giver of Laws, 81 and he took hold of the latch of
the door and clung to it; and when they found that they could not drag him
from it by pulling him away, they cut off his hands and so carried him off,
and those hands remained clinging to the latch of the door..
92. Thus did the Eginetans to one another: and when the Athenians came,
they fought against them with seventy ships, and being worsted in the sea-
fight they called to their assistance the same whom they had summoned
before, namely the Argives. These would no longer come to their help,
having cause of complaint because the ships of Egina compelled by
Cleomenes had put in to the land of Argos and their crews had landed with
the Lacedemonians; with whom also had landed men from ships of Sikyon
in this same invasion: and as a penalty for this there was laid upon them by
the Argives a fine of a thousand talents, five hundred for each State. The
Sikyonians accordingly, acknowledging that they had committed a wrong,
had made an agreement to pay a hundred talents and be free from the
penalty; the Eginetans however did not acknowledge their wrong, but were
more stubborn. For this reason then, when they made request, none of the
Argives now came to their help at the charge of the State, but volunteers
came to the number of a thousand; and their leader was a commander
named Eurybates, a man who had practised the five contests. 82 Of these
men the greater number never returned back, but were slain by the
Athenians in Egina; and the commander himself, Eurybates, fighting in
single combat 83 killed in this manner three men and was himself slain by
the fourth, Sophanes namely of Dekeleia.

93. The Eginetans however engaged in contest with the Athenians in
ships, when these were in disorder, and defeated them; and they took of
them four ships together with their crews.
94. So the Athenians were at war with the Eginetans; and meanwhile the
Persian was carrying forward his design, since he was put in mind ever by
his servant to remember the Athenians, and also because of the sons of
Peisistratos were near at hand and brought charges continually against the
Athenians, while at the same time Dareios himself wished to take hold of
this pretext and subdue those nations of Hellas which had not given him
earth and water. Mardonios then, since he had fared miserably in his
expedition, he removed from his command; and appointing other generals
to command he despatched them against Eretria and Athens, namely Datis,
who was a Mede by race, and Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, a nephew
of the king: and he sent them forth with the charge to reduce Athens and
Eretria to slavery and to bring the slaves back into his presence..
95. When these who had been appointed to command came in their
march from the king to the Aleïan plain in Kilikia, taking with them a large
and well-equipped land-army, then while they were encamping there, the
whole naval armament came up, which had been appointed for several
nations to furnish; and there came to them also the ships for carrying
horses, which in the year before Dareios had ordered his tributaries to make
ready. In these they placed their horses, and having embarked the land-army
in the ships they sailed for Ionia with six hundred triremes. After this they
did not keep their ships coasting along the mainland towards the Hellespont
and Thrace, but they started from Samos and made their voyage by the
Icarian Sea 84 and between the islands; because, as I think, they feared
more than all else the voyage round Athos, seeing that in the former year 85
while making the passage by this way they had come to great disaster.
Moreover also Naxos compelled them, since it had not been conquered at
the former time. 86.
96. And when they had arrived at Naxos, coming against it from the
Icarian Sea (for it was against Naxos first that the Persians intended to make
expedition, remembering the former events), the Naxians departed
forthwith fleeing to the mountains, and did not await their attack; but the
Persians made slaves of those of them whom they caught and set fire to

both the temples and the town. Having so done they put out to sea to attack
the other islands.
97. While these were doing thus, the Delians also had left Delos and fled
away to Tenos; and when the armament was sailing in thither, Datis sailed
on before and did not allow the ships to anchor at the island of Delos, but at
Rhenaia on the other side of the channel; and he himself, having found out
by inquiry where the men of Delos were, sent a herald and addressed them
thus: "Holy men, why are ye fled away and departed, having judged of me
that which is not convenient? for even I of myself have wisdom at least so
far, and moreover it has been thus commanded me by the king, not to harm
at all that land in which the two divinities were born, neither the land itself
nor the inhabitants of it. Now therefore return to your own possessions and
dwell in your island." Thus he proclaimed by a herald to the Delians; and
after this he piled up and burned upon the altar three hundred talents' weight
of frankincense.
98. Datis having done these things sailed away with his army to fight
against Eretria first, taking with him both Ionians and Aiolians; and after he
had put out to sea from thence, Delos was moved, not having been shaken
(as the Delians reported to me) either before that time or since that down to
my own time; and this no doubt the god 8601 manifested as a portent to
men of the evils that were about to be; for in the time of Dareios the son of
Hystaspes and Xerxes the son of Dareios and Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes,
three generations following upon one another, there happened more evils to
Hellas than during the twenty other generations which came before Dareios,
some of the evils coming to it from the Persians, and others from the leaders
themselves of Hellas warring together for supremacy. Thus it was not
unreasonable that Delos should be moved, which was before unmoved.
[And in an oracle it was thus written about it: 87
"Delos too will I move, unmoved though it hath been aforetime."]

Now in the Hellenic tongue the names which have been mentioned have
this meaning—Dareios means "compeller," 88 Xerxes "warrior," 89
Artoxerxes "great warrior." 90 Thus then might the Hellenes rightly call
these kings in their own tongue.
99. The Barbarians then, when they had departed from Delos, touched at
the islands as they went, and from them received additional forces and took
sons of the islanders as hostages: and when in sailing round about the

islands they put in also to Carystos, seeing that the Carystians would neither
give them hostages nor consent to join in an expedition against cities that
were their neighbours, meaning Eretria and Athens, they began to besiege
them and to ravage their land; until at last the Carystians also came over to
the will of the Persians..
100. The Eretrians meanwhile being informed that the armament of the
Persians was sailing to attack them, requested the Athenians to help them;
and the Athenians did not refuse their support, but gave as helpers those
four thousand to whom had been allotted the land of the wealthy 91
Chalkidians. The Eretrians however, as it turned out, had no sound plan of
action, for while they sent for the Athenians, they had in their minds two
different designs: some of them, that is, proposed to leave the city and go to
the heights of Euboea; while others of them, expecting to win gain for
themselves from the Persian, were preparing to surrender the place. Having
got knowledge of how things were as regards both these plans, Aischines
the son of Nothon, one of the leaders of the Eretrians, told the whole
condition of their affairs to those of the Athenians who had come, and
entreated them to depart and go to their own land, that they might not also
perish. So the Athenians did according to this counsel given to them by
Aischines..
101. And while these passed over to Oropos and saved themselves, the
Persians sailed on and brought their ships to land about Temenos and
Chioreai and Aigilea in the Eretrian territory; and having taken possession
of these places, 9101 forthwith they began to disembark their horses and
prepared to advance against the enemy. The Eretrians however did not
intend to come forth against them and fight; but their endeavour was if
possible to hold out by defending their walls, since the counsel prevailed
not to leave the city. Then a violent assault was made upon the wall, and for
six days there fell many on both sides; but on the seventh day Euphorbos
the son of Alkimachos and Philagros the son of Kyneos, men of repute
among the citizens, gave up the city to the Persians. These having entered
the city plundered and set fire to the temples in retribution for the temples
which were burned at Sardis, and also reduced the people to slavery
according to the commands of Dareios.
102. Having got Eretria into their power, they stayed a few days and then
sailed for the land of Attica, pressing on 92 hard and supposing that the

Athenians would do the same as the Eretrians had done. And since
Marathon was the most convenient place in Attica for horsemen to act and
was also very near to Eretria, therefore Hippias the son of Peisistratos was
guiding them thither..
103. When the Athenians had information of this, they too went to
Marathon to the rescue of their land; and they were led by ten generals, of
whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father Kimon of Stesagoras had been
compelled to go into exile from Athens because of Peisistratos the son of
Hippocrates: and while he was in exile it was his fortune to win a victory at
the Olympic games with a four-horse chariot, wherein, as it happened, he
did the same thing as his half-brother Miltiades 93 had done, who had the
same mother as he. Then afterwards in the next succeeding Olympic games
he gained a victory with the same mares and allowed Peisistratos to be
proclaimed as victor; and having resigned to him the victory he returned to
his own native land under an agreement for peace. Then after he had won
with the same mares at another Olympic festival, it was his hap to be slain
by the sons of Peisistratos, Peisistratos himself being no longer alive. These
killed him near the City Hall, having set men to lie in wait for him by night;
and the burial-place of Kimon is in the outskirts of the city, on the other
side of the road which is called the way through Coile, and just opposite
him those mares are buried which won in three Olympic games. This same
thing was done also by the mares belonging to Euagoras the Laconian, but
besides these by none others. Now the elder of the sons of Kimon,
Stesagoras, was at that time being brought up in the house of his father's
brother Miltiades in the Chersonese, while the younger son was being
brought up at Athens with Kimon himself, having been named Miltiades
after Miltiades the settler of the Chersonese..
104. This Miltiades then at the time of which we speak had come from
the Chersonese and was a general of the Athenians, after escaping death in
two forms; for not only did the Phenicians, who had pursued after him as
far as Imbros, endeavour earnestly to take him and bring him up to the
presence of the king, but also after this, when he had escaped from these
and had come to his own native land and seemed to be in safety from that
time forth, his opponents, who had laid wait for him there, brought him up
before a court and prosecuted him for his despotism in the Chersonese.
Having escaped these also, he had then been appointed a general of the
Athenians, being elected by the people.

105. First of all, while they were still in the city, the generals sent off to
Sparta a herald, namely Pheidippides 94 an Athenian and for the rest a
runner of long day-courses and one who practised this as his profession.
With this man, as Pheidippides himself said and as he made report to the
Athenians, Pan chanced to meet by mount Parthenion, which is above
Tegea; and calling aloud the name of Pheidippides, Pan bade him report to
the Athenians and ask for what reason they had no care of him, though he
was well disposed to the Athenians and had been serviceable to them on
many occasions before that time, and would be so also yet again. Believing
that this tale was true, the Athenians, when their affairs had been now
prosperously settled, established under the Acropolis a temple of Pan; and
in consequence of this message they propitiate him with sacrifice offered
every year and with a torch-race..
106. However at that time, the time namely when he said that Pan
appeared to him, this Pheidippides having been sent by the generals was in
Sparta on the next day after that on which he left the city of the Athenians;
and when he had come to the magistrates he said: "Lacedemonians, the
Athenians make request of you to come to their help and not to allow a city
most anciently established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the
means of Barbarians; for even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas
has become the weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, reported to them
that with which he had been charged, and it pleased them well to come to
help the Athenians; but it was impossible for them to do so at once, since
they did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day of the month,
and on the ninth day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle
of the moon should be full. 95
107. These men were waiting for the full moon: and meanwhile Hippias
the son of Peisistratos was guiding the Barbarians in to Marathon, after
having seen on the night that was just past a vision in his sleep of this kind,
—it seemed to Hippias that he lay with his own mother. He conjectured
then from the dream that he should return to Athens and recover his rule,
and then bring his life to an end in old age in his own land. From the dream,
I say, he conjectured this; and after this, as he guided them in, first he
disembarked the slaves from Eretria on the island belonging to the Styrians,
called Aigleia; 96 and then, as the ships came in to shore at Marathon, he
moored them there, and after the Barbarians had come from their ships to
land, he was engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was

ordering these things, it came upon him to sneeze and cough more violently
than was his wont. Then since he was advanced in years, most of his teeth
were shaken thereby, and one of these teeth he cast forth by the violence of
the cough: 97 and the tooth having fallen from him upon the sand, he was
very desirous to find it; since however the tooth was not to be found when
he searched, he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him: "This
land is not ours, nor shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so much
part in it as belonged to me the tooth possesses."
108. Hippias then conjectured that his vision had been thus fulfilled: and
meanwhile, after the Athenians had been drawn up in the sacred enclosure
of Heracles, there joined them the Plataians coming to their help in a body:
for the Plataians had given themselves to the Athenians, and the Athenians
before this time undertook many toils on behalf of them; and this was the
manner in which they gave themselves:—Being oppressed by the Thebans,
the Plataians at first desired to give themselves to Cleomenes the son of
Anaxandrides and to the Lacedemonians, who chanced to come thither; but
these did not accept them, and said to them as follows: "We dwell too far
off, and such support as ours would be to you but cold comfort; for ye
might many times be reduced to slavery before any of us had information of
it: but we counsel you rather to give yourselves to the Athenians, who are
both neighbours and also not bad helpers." Thus the Lacedemonians
counselled, not so much on account of their goodwill to the Plataians as
because they desired that the Athenians should have trouble by being
involved in a conflict with the Boetians. The Lacedemonians, I say, thus
counselled the men of Plataia; and they did not fail to follow their counsel,
but when the Athenians were doing sacrifice to the twelve gods, they sat
down as suppliants at the altar and so gave themselves. Then the Thebans
having been informed of these things marched against the Plataians, and the
Athenians came to their assistance: and as they were about to join battle, the
Corinthians did not permit them to do so, but being by chance there, they
reconciled their strife; and both parties having put the matter into their
hands, they laid down boundaries for the land, with the condition that the
Thebans should leave those of the Boeotians alone who did not desire to be
reckoned with the other Boeotians. The Corinthians having given this
decision departed; but as the Athenians were going back, the Boeotians
attacked them, and having attacked them they were worsted in the fight.
Upon that the Athenians passed beyond the boundaries which the

Corinthians had set to be for the Plataians, and they made the river Asopos
itself to be the boundary of the Thebans towards the land of Plataia and
towards the district of Hysiai. The Plataians then had given themselves to
the Athenians in the manner which has been said, and at this time they came
to Marathon to bring them help.
109. Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were divided, and
the one party urged that they should not fight a battle, seeing that they were
too few to fight with the army of the Medes, while the others, and among
them Miltiades, advised that they should do so: and when they were divided
and the worse opinion was like to prevail, then, since he who had been
chosen by lot 98 to be polemarch of the Athenians had a vote in addition to
the ten (for in old times the Athenians gave the polemarch an equal vote
with the generals) and at that time the polemarch was Callimachos of the
deme of Aphidnai, to him came Miltiades and said as follows: "With thee
now it rests, Callimachos, either to bring Athens under slavery, or by
making her free to leave behind thee for all the time that men shall live a
memorial such as not even Harmodios and Aristogeiton have left. For now
the Athenians have come to a danger the greatest to which they have ever
come since they were a people; and on the one hand, if they submit to the
Medes, it is determined what they shall suffer, being delivered over to
Hippias, while on the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory, it may
become the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it
comes to thee of all men 99 to have the decision of these matters, I am now
about to tell. Of us the generals, who are ten in number, the opinions are
divided, the one party urging that we fight a battle and the others that we do
not fight. Now if we do not, I expect that some great spirit of discord will
fall upon the minds of the Athenians and so shake them that they shall go
over to the Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in
any part of the Athenian people, then we are able to gain the victory in the
fight, if the gods grant equal conditions. These things then all belong to thee
and depend on thee; for if thou attach thyself to my opinions, thou hast both
a fatherland which is free and a native city which shall be the first among
the cities of Hellas; but if thou choose the opinion of those who are earnest
against fighting, thou shalt have the opposite of those good things of which
I told thee.".
110. Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachos to his side; and the
opinion of the polemarch being added, it was thus determined to fight a

battle. After this, those generals whose opinion was in favour of fighting, as
the turn of each one of them to command for the day 100 came round, gave
over their command to Miltiades; and he, accepting it, would not however
yet bring about a battle, until his own turn to command had come..
111. And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up
for battle in the order which here follows:—On the right wing the
polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of the Athenians then
was this, that the polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading,
next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after
another, and last were drawn up the Plataians occupying the left wing: for
101 ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn
assemblies 102 which are made at the four-yearly festivals, 103 the herald
of the Athenians prays thus, "that blessings 104 may come to the Athenians
and to the Plataians both." On this occasion however, when the Athenians
were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done:—their
army being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to
drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks, and here their army
was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers..
112. And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices
proved favourable, then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a
run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less
than eight furlongs: 105 and the Persians seeing them advancing to the
attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they
charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they
were few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry
nor archers. 106 Such was the thought of the Barbarians; but the Athenians
when all in a body they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in
a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom
we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also
who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them,
whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a
terror to hear..
113. Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in
the centre of the army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were
drawn up, the Barbarians were winning,—here, I say, the Barbarians had
broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on

both wings the Athenians and the Plataians severally were winning the
victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had
been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings
they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were
victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering
them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to
take hold of the ships..
114. In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Callimachos after
having proved himself a good man, and also one of the generals, Stesilaos
the son of Thrasylaos, was killed; and besides this Kynegeiros the son of
Euphorion while taking hold 107 there of the ornament at the stern of a ship
had his hand cut off with an axe and fell; and many others also of the
Athenians who were men of note were killed..
115. Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in this manner,
but with the rest the Barbarians pushed off from land, and after taking the
captives from Eretria off the island where they had left them, they sailed
round Sunion, purposing to arrive at the city before the Athenians. And an
accusation became current among the Athenians to the effect that they
formed this design by contrivance of the Alcmaionidai; for these, it was
said, having concerted matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield
when they had now embarked in their ships..
116. These then, I say, were sailing round Sunion; and meanwhile the
Athenians came to the rescue back to the city as speedily as they could, and
they arrived there before the Barbarians came; and having arrived from the
temple of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another temple of
Heracles, namely that which is in Kynosarges. The Barbarians however
came and lay with their ships in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this was
then the seaport of the Athenians), they anchored their ships, I say, off this
place, and then proceeded to sail back to Asia.
117. In this fight at Marathon there were slain of the Barbarians about six
thousand four hundred men, and of the Athenians a hundred and ninety and
two. Such was the number which fell on both sides; and it happened also
that a marvel occurred there of this kind:—an Athenian, Epizelos the son of
Cuphagoras, while fighting in the close combat and proving himself a good
man, was deprived of the sight of his eyes, neither having received a blow
in any part of his body nor having been hit with a missile, and for the rest of

his life from this time he continued to be blind: and I was informed that he
used to tell about that which had happened to him a tale of this kind,
namely that it seemed to him that a tall man in full armour stood against
him, whose beard overshadowed his whole shield; and this apparition
passed him by, but killed his comrade who stood next to him. Thus, as I was
informed, Epizelos told the tale.
118. Datis, however, as he was going with his army to Asia, when he had
come to Myconos saw a vision in his sleep; and of what nature the vision
was it is not reported, but as soon as day dawned he caused a search to be
made of the ships, and finding in a Phenician ship an image of Apollo
overlaid with gold, he inquired from whence it had been carried off. Then
having been informed from what temple it came, he sailed in his own ship
to Delos: and finding that the Delians had returned then to the island, he
deposited the image in the temple and charged the men of Delos to convey
it back to Delion in the territory of the Thebans, which is situated by the
sea-coast just opposite Chalkis. Datis having given this charge sailed away:
the Delians however did not convey the statue back, but after an interval of
twenty years the Thebans themselves brought it to Delion by reason of an
oracle..
119. Now as to those Eretrians who had been reduced to slavery, Datis
and Artaphrenes, when they reached Asia in their voyage, brought them up
to Susa; and king Dareios, though he had great anger against the Eretrians
before they were made captive, because the Eretrians had done wrong to
him unprovoked, yet when he saw that they had been brought up to him and
were in his power, he did them no more evil, but established them as settlers
in the Kissian land upon one of his own domains, of which the name is
Ardericca: and this is distant two hundred and ten furlongs from Susa and
forty from the well which produces things of three different kinds; for they
draw from it asphalt, salt and oil, in the manner which here follows:—the
liquid is drawn with a swipe, to which there is fastened half a skin instead
of a bucket, and a man strikes this down into it and draws up, and then
pours it into a cistern, from which it runs through into another vessel, taking
three separate ways. The asphalt and the salt become solid at once, and the
oil 108 which is called by the Persians rhadinake, is black and gives out a
disagreeable smell. Here king Dareios established the Eretrians as settlers;
and even to my time they continued to occupy this land, keeping still their
former language. Thus it happened with regard to the Eretrians.

120. Of the Lacedemonians there came to Athens two thousand after the
full moon, making great haste to be in time, so that they arrived in Attica on
the third day after leaving Sparta: and though they had come too late for the
battle, yet they desired to behold the Medes; and accordingly they went out
to Marathon and looked at the bodies of the slain: then afterwards they
departed home, commending the Athenians and the work which they had
done.
121. Now it is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not accept the report,
that the Alcmaionidai could ever have displayed to the Persians a shield by
a previous understanding, with the desire that the Athenians should be
under the Barbarians and under Hippias; seeing that they are evidently
proved to have been haters of despots as much or more than Callias the son
of Phainippos and father of Hipponicos, while Callias for his part was the
only man of all the Athenians who dared, when Peisistratos was driven out
of Athens, to buy his goods offered for sale by the State, and in other ways
also he contrived against him everything that was most hostile:
122. Of this Callias it is fitting that every one should have remembrance
for many reasons: first because of that which has been before said, namely
that he was a man of excellence in freeing his country; and then also for that
which he did at the Olympic games, wherein he gained a victory in the
horse-race and was second in the chariot-race, and he had before this been a
victor at the Pythian games, so that he was distinguished in the sight of all
Hellenes by the sums which he expended; and finally because he showed
himself a man of such liberality towards his daughters, who were three in
number; for when they came to be of ripe age for marriage, he gave them a
most magnificent dowry and also indulged their inclinations; for
whomsoever of all the Athenians each one of them desired to choose as a
husband for herself, to that man he gave her.] 109.
123, and similarly, 110 the Alcmaionidai were haters of despots equally
or more 111 than he. Therefore this is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not
admit the accusation that these they were who displayed the shield; seeing
that they were in exile from the despots during their whole time, and that by
their contrivance the sons of Peisistratos gave up their rule. Thus it follows
that they were the men who set Athens free much more than Harmodios and
Aristogeiton, as I judge: for these my slaying Hipparchos exasperated the
rest of the family of Peisistratos, and did not at all cause the others to cease

from their despotism; but the Alcmaionidai did evidently set Athens free, at
least if these were in truth the men who persuaded the Pythian prophetess to
signify to the Lacedemonians that they should set Athens free, as I have set
forth before..
124. It may be said however that they had some cause of complaint
against the people of the Athenians, and therefore endeavoured to betray
their native city. But on the contrary there were no men in greater repute
than they, among the Athenians at least, nor who had been more highly
honoured. Thus it is not reasonable to suppose that by them a shield should
have been displayed for any such purpose. A shield was displayed,
however; that cannot be denied, for it was done: but as to who it was who
displayed it, I am not able to say more than this.
125. Now the family of Alcmaionidai was distinguished in Athens in the
earliest times also, and from the time of Alcmaion and of Megacles after
him they became very greatly distinguished. For first Alcmaion the son of
Megacles showed himself a helper of the Lydians from Sardis who came
from Croesus to the Oracle at Delphi, and assisted them with zeal; and
Croesus having heard from the Lydians who went to the Oracle that this
man did him service, sent for him to Sardis; and when he came, he offered
to give him a gift of as much gold as he could carry away at once upon his
own person. With a view to this gift, its nature being such, Alcmaion made
preparations and used appliances as follows:—he put on a large tunic
leaving a deep fold in the tunic to hang down in front, and he draw on his
feet the widest boots which he could find, and so went to the treasury to
which they conducted him. Then he fell upon a heap of gold-dust, and first
he packed in by the side of his legs so much of the gold as his boots would
contain, and then he filled the whole fold of the tunic with the gold and
sprinkled some of the gold dust on the hair of his head and took some into
his mouth, and having so done he came forth out of the treasury, with
difficulty dragging along his boots and resembling anything in the world
rather than a man; for his mouth was stuffed full, and every part of him was
swelled out: and upon Croesus came laughter when he saw him, and he not
only gave him all that, but also presented him in addition with more not
inferior in value to that. Thus this house became exceedingly wealthy, and
thus the Alcmaion of whom I speak became a breeder of chariot-horses and
won a victory at Olympia..

126. Then in the next generation after this, Cleisthenes the despot of
Sikyon exalted the family, so that it became of much more note among the
Hellenes than it had been formerly. For Cleisthenes the son of Arisonymos,
the son of Myron, the son of Andreas, had a daughter whose name was
Agariste; and as to her he formed a desire to find out the best man of all the
Hellenes and to assign her to him in marriage. So when the Olympic games
were being held and Cleisthenes was victor in them with a four-horse
chariot, he caused a proclamation to be made, that whosoever of the
Hellenes thought himself worthy to be the son-in-law of Cleisthenes should
come on the sixtieth day, or before that if he would, to Sikyon; for
Cleisthenes intended to conclude the marriage within a year, reckoning
from the sixtieth day. Then all those of the Hellenes who had pride either in
themselves or in their high descent, 112 came as wooers, and for them
Cleisthenes had a running-course and a wrestling-place made and kept them
expressly for their use..
127. From Italy came Smindyrides the son of Hippocrates of Sybaris,
who of all men on earth reached the highest point of luxury (now Sybaris at
this time was in the height of its prosperity), and Damasos of Siris, the son
of that Amyris who was called the Wise; these came from Italy: from the
Ionian gulf came Amphimnestos the son of Epistrophos of Epidamnos, this
man from the Ionian gulf: from Aitolia came Males, the brother of that
Titormos who surpassed all the Hellenes in strength and who fled from the
presence of men to the furthest extremities of the Aitolian land: from
Peloponnesus, Leokedes the son of Pheidon the despot of the Argives, that
Pheidon who established for the Peloponnesians the measures which they
use, and who went beyond all other Hellenes in wanton insolence, since he
removed from their place the presidents of the games appointed by the
Eleians and himself presided over the games at Olympia,—his son, I say,
and Amiantos the son of Lycurgos an Arcadian from Trapezus, and
Laphanes an Azanian from the city of Paios, son of that Euphorion who
(according to the story told in Arcadia) received the Dioscuroi as guests in
his house and from thenceforth was wont to entertain all men who came,
and Onomastos the son of Agaios of Elis; these, I say, came from
Peloponnesus itself: from Athens came Megacles the son of that Alcmaion
who went to Croesus, and besides him Hippocleides the son of Tisander,
one who surpassed the other Athenians in wealth and in comeliness of form:
from Eretria, which at that time was flourishing, came Lysanias, he alone

from Euboea: from Thessalia came Diactorides of Crannon, one of the
family of the Scopadai: and from the Molossians, Alcon..
128. So many in number did the wooers prove to be: and when these had
come by the appointed day, Cleisthenes first inquired of their native
countries and of the descent of each one, and then keeping them for a year
he made trial continually both of their manly virtue and of their disposition,
training and temper, associating both with each one separately and with the
whole number together: and he made trial of them both by bringing out to
bodily exercises those of them who were younger, and also especially in the
common feast: for during all the time that he kept them he did everything
that could be done, and at the same time he entertained them magnificently.
Now it chanced that those of the wooers pleased him most who had come
from Athens, and of these Hippocleides the son of Tisander was rather
preferred, both by reason of manly virtues and also because he was
connected by descent with the family of Kypselos at Corinth.
129. Then when the appointed day came for the marriage banquet and for
Cleisthenes himself to declare whom he selected from the whole number,
Cleisthenes sacrificed a hundred oxen and feasted both the wooers
themselves and all the people of Sikyon; and when the dinner was over, the
wooers began to vie with one another both in music and in speeches for the
entertainment of the company; 113 and as the drinking went forward and
Hippocleides was very much holding the attention of the others, 114 he
bade the flute-player play for him a dance-measure; and when the flute-
player did so, he danced: and it so befell that he pleased himself in his
dancing, but Cleisthenes looked on at the whole matter with suspicion.
Then Hippocleides after a certain time bade one bring in a table; and when
the table came in, first he danced upon it Laconian figures, and then also
Attic, and thirdly he planted his head upon the table and gesticulated with
his legs. Cleisthenes meanwhile, when he was dancing the first and the
second time, though he abhorred the thought that Hippocleides should now
become his son-in-law, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, yet
restrained himself, not desiring to break out in anger against him; but when
he saw that he thus gesticulated with his legs, he was no longer able to
restrain himself, but said: "Thou hast danced away thy marriage however,
115 son of Tisander!" and Hippocleides answered and said: "Hippocleides
cares not!"

130. and hence comes this saying. Then Cleisthenes caused silence to be
made, and spoke to the company as follows: "Men who are wooers of my
daughter, I commend you all, and if it were possible I would gratify you all,
neither selecting one of you to be preferred, nor rejecting the remainder.
Since however it is not possible, as I am deliberating about one maiden
only, to act so as to please all, therefore to those of you who are rejected
from this marriage I give as a gift a talent of silver to each one for the
worthy estimation ye had of me, in that ye desired to marry from my house,
and for the time of absence from your homes; and to the son of Alcmaion,
Megacles, I offer my daughter Agariste in betrothal according to the
customs of the Athenians." Thereupon Megacles said that he accepted the
betrothal, and so the marriage was determined by Cleisthenes.
131. Thus it happened as regards the judgment of the wooers, and thus
the Alcmaionidai got renown over all Hellas. And these having been
married, there was born to them that Cleisthenes who established the tribes
and the democracy for the Athenians, he being called after the Sikyonian
Cleisthenes, his mother's father; this son, I say, was born to Megacles, and
also Hippocrates: and of Hippocrates came another Megacles and another
Agariste, called after Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, who having
been married to Xanthippos the son of Ariphron and being with child, saw a
vision in her sleep, and it seemed to her that she had brought forth a lion:
then after a few days she bore to Xanthippos Pericles.
132. After the defeat at Marathon, Miltiades, who even before was well
reputed with the Athenians, came then to be in much higher estimation: and
when he asked the Athenians for seventy ships and an army with supplies of
money, not declaring to them against what land he was intending to make
an expedition, but saying that he would enrich them greatly if they would
go with him, for he would lead them to a land of such a kind that they
would easily get from it gold in abundance,—thus saying he asked for the
ships; and the Athenians, elated by these words, delivered them over to
him..
133. Then Miltiades, when he had received the army, proceeded to sail to
Paris with the pretence that the Parians had first attacked Athens by making
expedition with triremes to Marathon in company with the Persian: this was
the pretext which he put forward, but he had also a grudge against the
Parians on account of Lysagoras the son of Tisias, who was by race of

Paros, for having accused him to Hydarnes the Persian. So when Miltiades
had arrived at the place to which he was sailing, he began to besiege the
Parians with his army, first having shut them up within their wall; and
sending in to them a herald he asked for a hundred talents, saying that if
they refused to give them, his army should not return back 116 until it had
conquered them completely. The Parians however had no design of giving
any money to Miltiades, but contrived only how they might defend their
city, devising various things besides and also this,—wherever at any time
the wall proved to be open to attack, that point was raised when night came
on to double its former height..
134. So much of the story is reported by all the Hellenes, but as to what
followed the Parians alone report, and they say that it happened thus:—
When Miltiades was at a loss, it is said, there came a woman to speech with
him, who had been taken prisoner, a Parian by race whose name was Timo,
an under-priestess 117 of the Earth goddesses; 118 she, they say, came into
the presence of Miltiades and counselled him that if he considered it a
matter of much moment to conquer Paros, he could do that which she
should suggest to him; and upon that she told him her meaning. He
accordingly passed through to the hill which is before the city and leapt
over the fence of the temple of Demeter Giver of Laws, 119 not being able
to open the door; and then having leapt over he went on towards the
sanctuary 120 with the design of doing something within, whether it were
that he meant to lay hands on some of the things which should not be
touched, or whatever else he intended to do; and when he had reached the
door, forthwith a shuddering fear came over him and he set off to go back
the same way as he came, and as he leapt down from the wall of rough
stones his thigh was dislocated, or, as others say, he struck his knee against
the wall..
135. Miltiades accordingly, being in a wretched case, set forth to sail
homewards, neither bringing wealth to the Athenians nor having added to
them the possession of Paros, but having besieged the city for six-and-
twenty days and laid waste the island: and the Parians being informed that
Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had acted as a guide to Miltiades,
desired to take vengeance upon her for this, and they sent messengers to
Delphi to consult the god, so soon as they had leisure from the siege; and
these messengers they sent to ask whether they should put to death the
under-priestess of the goddesses, who had been a guide to their enemies for

the capture of her native city and had revealed to Miltiades the mysteries
which might not be uttered to a male person. The Pythian prophetess
however forbade them, saying that Timo was not the true author of these
things, but since it was destined that Miltiades should end his life not well,
she had appeared to guide him to his evil fate..
136. Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Parians: and the
Athenians, when Miltiades had returned back from Paros, began to talk of
him, and among the rest especially Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, who
brought Miltiades up before the people claiming the penalty of death and
prosecuted him for his deception of the Athenians: and Miltiades did not
himself make his own defence, although he was present, for he was unable
to do so because his thigh was mortifying; but he lay in public view upon a
bed, while his friends made a defence for him, making mention much both
of the battle which had been fought at Marathon and of the conquest of
Lemnos, namely how he had conquered Lemnos and taken vengeance on
the Pelasgians, and had delivered it over to the Athenians: and the people
came over to his part as regards the acquittal from the penalty of death, but
they imposed a fine of fifty talents for the wrong committed: and after this
Miltiades died, his thigh having gangrened and mortified, and the fifty
talents were paid by his son Kimon.
137. Now Miltiades son of Kimon had thus taken possession of the
Lemnos:—After the Pelasgians had been cast out of Attica by the
Athenians, whether justly or unjustly,—for about this I cannot tell except
the things reported, which are these:—Hecataois on the one hand, the son of
Hegesander, said in his history that it was done unjustly; for he said that
when the Athenians saw the land which extends below Hymettos, which
they had themselves given them 121 to dwell in, as payment for the wall
built round the Acropolis in former times, when the Athenians, I say, saw
that this land was made good by cultivation, which before was bad and
worthless, they were seized with jealousy and with longing to possess the
land, and so drove them out, not alleging any other pretext: but according to
the report of the Athenians themselves they drove them out justly; for the
Pelasgians being settled under Hymettos made this a starting-point and
committed wrong against them as follows:—the daughters and sons of the
Athenians were wont ever to go for water to the spring of Enneacrunos; for
at that time neither they nor the other Hellenes as yet had household
servants; and when these girls came, the Pelasgians in wantonness and

contempt of the Athenians would offer them violence; and it was not
enough for them even to do this, but at last they were found in the act of
plotting an attack upon the city: and the narrators say that they herein
proved themselves better men than the Pelasgians, inasmuch as when they
might have slain the Pelasgians, who had been caught plotting against them,
they did not choose to do so, but ordered them merely to depart out of the
land: and thus having departed out of the land, the Pelasgians took
possession of several older places and especially of Lemnos. The former
story is that which was reported by Hecataios, while the latter is that which
is told by the Athenians..
138. These Pelasgians then, dwelling after that in Lemnos, desired to take
vengeance on the Athenians; and having full knowledge also of the festivals
of the Athenians, they got 122 fifty-oared galleys and laid wait for the
women of the Athenians when they were keeping festival to Artemis in
Brauron; and having carried off a number of them from thence, they
departed and sailed away home, and taking the women to Lemnos they kept
them as concubines. Now when these women had children gradually more
and more, they made it their practice to teach their sons both the Attic
tongue and the manners of the Athenians. And these were not willing to
associate with the sons of the Pelasgian women, and moreover if any of
them were struck by any one of those, they all in a body came to the rescue
and helped one another. Moreover the boys claimed to have authority over
the other boys and got the better of them easily. Perceiving these things the
Pelasgians considered the matter; and when they took counsel together, a
fear came over them and they thought, if the boys were indeed resolved
now to help one another against the sons of the legitimate wives, and were
endeavouring already from the first to have authority over them, what
would they do when they were grown up to be men? Then they determined
to put to death the sons of the Athenian women, and this they actually did;
and in addition to them they slew their mothers also. From this deed and
from that which was done before this, which the women did when they
killed Thoas and the rest, who were their own husbands, it has become a
custom in Hellas that all deeds of great cruelty should be called "Lemnian
deeds.".
139. After the Pelasgians had killed their own sons and wives, the earth
did not bear fruit for them, nor did their women or their cattle bring forth
young as they did before; and being hard pressed by famine and by

childlessness, they sent to Delphi to ask for a release from the evils which
were upon them; and the Pythian prophetess bade them pay such penalty to
the Athenians as the Athenians themselves should appoint. The Pelasgians
came accordingly to Athens and professed that they were willing to pay the
penalty for all the wrong which they had done: and the Athenians laid a
couch in the fairest possible manner in the City Hall, and having set by it a
table covered with all good things, they bade the Pelasgians deliver up to
them their land in that condition. Then the Pelasgians answered and said:
"When with a North Wind in one single day a ship shall accomplish the
voyage from your land to ours, then we will deliver it up," feeling assured
that it was impossible for this to happen, since Attica lies far away to the
South of Lemnos..
140. Such were the events which happened then: and very many years
later, after the Chersonese which is by the Hellespont had come to be under
the Athenians, Miltiades the son of Kimon, when the Etesian Winds blew
steadily, accomplished the voyage in a ship from Elaius in the Chersonese
to Lemnos, and proclaimed to the Pelasgians that they should depart out of
the island, reminding them of the oracle, which the Pelasgians had never
expected would be accomplished for them. The men of Hephaistia
accordingly obeyed; but those of Myrina, not admitting that the Chersonese
was Attica, suffered a siege, until at last these also submitted. Thus it was
that the Athenians and Miltiades took possession of Lemnos.
—————

NOTES TO BOOK VI.
1 (return)
[ {proboulous}.]
2 (return)
[ See i. 148.]
3 (return)
[ {epi keras}.]
4 (return)
[ {diekploon poieumenos tesi neusi di alleleon}.]
5 (return)
[ {tou Dareiou}: a conjecture based upon Valla's translation.
The MSS. have {ton Dareion}.]
6 (return)
[ {prophasios epilabomenoi}.]
601 (return)
[ {en stele anagraphenai patrothen}.]
7 (return)
[ "were very roughly handled."]
8 (return)
[ {epibateuontas}.]
801 (return)
[ {nuktos te gar}: so Stein for {nuktos te}.]
9 (return)
[ {kat akres}, lit. "from the top downwards," i.e. town and
citadel both.]
10 (return)
[ See ch. 77.]
11 (return)
[ See i. 92 and v. 36.]
1101 (return)
[ {Kalen akten}.]
12 (return)
[ Possibly the reading should be {Inuka}, "Inyx."]
13 (return)
[ {ton en te naumakhie}: perhaps we should read {ten en te
naumakhin}, "which took place in the sea-fight."]
14 (return)
[ {en Koiloisi kaleomenoisi}.]
15 (return)
[ {grammata didaskomenoisi}.]

16 (return)
[ {limainouses}: a conjectural reading for {deimainouses}.]
17 (return)
[ Lit. "and it became in fact the work of the cavalry."]
18 (return)
[ {esagenouon}.]
19 (return)
[ Or (according to some good MSS.) "Thelymbri01."]
20 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 120.]
21 (return)
[ {stadioi}: the distances here mentioned are equal to a little
more than four and a little less than fifty miles respectively.]
22 (return)
[ {en gnome gegonos}.]
23 (return)
[ {pituos tropon}: the old name of the town was Pityuss01.]
24 (return)
[ That is to say, Kimon was his half-brother, and Stesagoras
and the younger Miltiades his nephews.]
25 (return)
[ See ch. 103.]
26 (return)
[ {delade}.]
27 (return)
[ {eleluthee}, but the meaning must be this, and it is
explained by the clause, {trito men gar etei k.t.l.}]
28 (return)
[ {stadia}: see v. 52, note 40.]
29 (return)
[ See iii. 80.]
30 (return)
[ {entos Makedonon}, "on their side of the Macedonians."]
3001 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.) "about three hundred."]
31 (return)
[ Or "Scaptesyle." (The Medicean MS. however has
{skaptes ules}, not {skaptesules}, as reported by Stein.)]
32 (return)
[ {ta proiskheto aiteon}, "that which he put forward
demanding it."]
33 (return)
[ i.e. "ram."]
34 (return)
[ {ton geraiteron}.]

35 (return)
[ {en to demosio}.]
36 (return)
[ This is commonly understood to mean, leaving out of
account the god who was father of Perseus; but the reason
for stopping short at Perseus is given afterwards, and the
expression {tou theou apeontos} refers perhaps rather to the
case of Heracles, the legend of whose birth is rejected by
Herodotus (see ii. 43), and rejected also by this genealogy,
which passes through Amphitryon up to Perseus. I take it
that {tou theou apeontos} means "reckoning Heracles" (who
is mentioned by name just below in this connexion) "as the
son of Amphitryon and not of Zeus."]
37 (return)
[ i.e. "of heaven."]
38 (return)
[ {medimnon}, the Lacedemonian {medimnos} being equal
to rather more than two bushels.]
39 (return)
[ {tetarten Lakomiken}, quantity uncertain.]
40 (return)
[ {proxeinous}.]
41 (return)
[ {khoinikas}. There were 48 {khoinikes} in the
{medimnos}.]
42 (return)
[ {kotulen}.]
4201 (return)
[ The loose manner in which this is expressed, leaving it
uncertain whether each king was supposed by the writer to
have two votes given for him (cp. Thuc. i. 20), or whether
the double vote was one for each king, must of course be
reproduced in the translation.]
43 (return)
[ {perioikon}.]
44 (return)
[ See ch. 51.]
45 (return)
[ {proergazomenon}: a conjectural emendation of
{prosergazomenon}.]
46 (return)
[ {tes apates te paragoge}, "by the misleading of the
deception."]
47 (return)
[ i.e. lunar months.]

48 (return)
[ {en thoko katemeno}.]
49 (return)
[ {pandemei}.]
50 (return)
[ {aren}.]
51 (return)
[ i.e. "prayed for by the people."]
52 (return)
[ {di a}: a conjectural emendation of {dia ta}. Some Editors
suppose that other words have dropped out.]
53 (return)
[ {promantin}: cp. vii. III.]
54 (return)
[ {ton splagkhnon}.]
55 (return)
[ {tou erkeiou}.]
56 (return)
[ {ton mataioteron logon legontes}.]
57 (return)
[ Lit. "on the third night after the first," but the meaning is as
given.]
58 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. have "Astrobacos," which may be right.]
59 (return)
[ Or "to the honour of the Lacedemonians."]
60 (return)
[ i.e. any more than his predecessor.]
61 (return)
[ See ch. 50.]
62 (return)
[ {neotera epresse pregmata}.]
63 (return)
[ {up Arkadon}: several good MSS. have {ton Arkadon},
which is adopted by some Editors. The meaning would be
"near this city it is said that there is the Styx water of the
Arcadians."]
64 (return)
[ {upomargoteron}.]
65 (return)
[ Demeter and Core.]
66 (return)
[ The MSS. give also "Sepeia" and "Sipei01." The place is
not elsewhere mentioned.]

67 (return)
[ See ch. 19.]
68 (return)
[ {duo mneai}: cp. v. 77.]
69 (return)
[ {o theos}, i.e. Hera: cp. i. 105.]
70 (return)
[ {kalliereumeno}.]
71 (return)
[ {kat akres}: cp. ch. 18.]
72 (return)
[ i.e. was acquitted of the charge brought against him.]
73 (return)
[ {episkuthison}.]
74 (return)
[ {bouleuesthe}: some MSS. and editions have {boulesthe},
"desiring."]
75 (return)
[ {en khrono ikneumeno}.]
76 (return)
[ i.e. take an oath to that effect.]
77 (return)
[ See v. 80.]
78 (return)
[ {penteteris}. The reading {penteres}, which is given by
most of the MSS. and by several Editors, can hardly be
defended.]
79 (return)
[ {kai en gar}, "and since there was."]
80 (return)
[ {Knoithou kaleomenos}: cp. vii. 143.]
81 (return)
[ {thesmophorou}.]
82 (return)
[ {pentaethlon epaskesas}.]
83 (return)
[ {mounomakhien epaskeon}, "practising single combat," as
if training for the games.]
84 (return)
[ {para te Ikarion}: the use of {para} and the absence of the
article may justify the conjecture {para te Ikarion} (or
{Ikaron}) "by Icaria" (or "Icaros"), the island from which
the Icarian Sea had its name.]
85 (return)
[ This perhaps should be emended, for the event referred to

occurred two years before, cp. ch. 46 and 48: The reading
{trito proteron etei} has been proposed.]
86 (return)
[ See v. 33 ff.]
8601 (return)
[ i.e. Apollo: or perhaps more generally, "God," as in ch. 27.]
87 (return)
[ This in brackets is probably an interpolation. It is omitted
by some of the best MSS. Some Editors suspect the
genuineness of the next four lines also, on internal grounds.]
88 (return)
[ {erxies}, perhaps meaning "worker."]
89 (return)
[ {areios}.]
90 (return)
[ {megas areios}.]
91 (return)
[ {ippoboteon}, lit. "horse-breeding": see v. 77.]
9101 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.), "having come to shore at
these places."]
92 (return)
[ {katergontes}: the word is not elsewhere found
intransitive, yet it is rather difficult to supply {tous
Athenaious}. Some alterations have been proposed, but none
probable.]
93 (return)
[ Lit. "and it happened that in winning this victory he won
the same victory as his half-brother Miltiades." See ch. 36.]
94 (return)
[ Or, according to some authorities, "Philippides."]
95 (return)
[ Lit. "except the circle were full."]
96 (return)
[ Or "Aigilei01."]
97 (return)
[ Lit. "by violence, having coughed."]
98 (return)
[ "by the bean."]
99 (return)
[ {es se toi}, a conjectural emendation of {es se ti}.]
100 (return)
[ {prutaneie tes emeres}.]
101 (return)
[ Some Editors propose to omit {gar} or alter it. If it be

allowed to stand, the meaning must be that the importance of
the place is testified by the commemoration mentioned.]
102 (return)
[ {es tas panegurias}, some MSS. have {kai panegurias},
"hold sacrifices and solemn assemblies."]
103 (return)
[ {penteterisi}.]
104 (return)
[ Lit. "the good things."]
105 (return)
[ {stadioi}: the distance would be rather over 1600 yards.]
106 (return)
[ Whether this is thrown in here by the historian as an
explanation of the rapid advance, or as an additional source
of wonder on the part of the Persians at the boldness of the
Athenians, is not clear.]
107 (return)
[ Or (according to some MSS.) "having taken hold."]
108 (return)
[ The account of how the oil was dealt with has perhaps
dropt out: one MS. and the Aldine edition have "the oil they
collect in vessels, and this," etc.]
109 (return)
[ This chapter is omitted by several of the best MSS., and is
almost certainly an interpolation. (In the Medicean MS. it
has been added in the margin by a later hand.)]
110 (return)
[ Answering to "Callias for his part" at the end of ch. 121,
the connexion being broken by the interpolated passage.]
111 (return)
[ {ouden esson}.]
112 (return)
[ {patre}, "family," or possibly "country," as in ch. 128.]
113 (return)
[ {to legomeno es to meson}: perhaps only "general
conversation."]
114 (return)
[ {katekhon pollon tous allous}.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. "though the dancing may be good."]
116 (return)
[ {aponostesein}: some MSS. have {apanastesein}, "he
would not take away his army thence."]
117 (return)
[ {upozakoron}.]

118 (return)
[ {ton khthonion theon}, i.e. Demeter and Persephone: cp.
vii. 153.]
119 (return)
[ {thesmophorou}.]
120 (return)
[ {to megaron}.]
121 (return)
[ {sphi autoi}: a conjectural rendering of {sphisi autoisi},
which can only be taken with {eousan}, meaning "belonging
to them" i.e. the Athenians, and involves the insertion of
{Pelasgoisi} or something equivalent with {edosan}.]
122 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: some MSS. and editions have {stesamenoi},
"set fifty-oared galleys in place."]

BOOK VII. THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE
HISTORIES, CALLED POLYMNIA
1. Now when the report came to Dareios the son of Hystaspes of the
battle which was fought at Marathon, the king, who even before this had
been greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the attack made
upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed indignation, and was far
more desirous of making a march against Hellas. Accordingly at once he
sent messengers to the various cities and ordered that they should get ready
a force, appointing to each people to supply much more than at the former
time, and not only ships of war, but also horses and provisions and transport
vessels; 1 and when these commands were carried round, all Asia was
moved for three years, for all the best men were being enlisted for the
expedition against Hellas, and were making preparations. In the fourth year
however the Egyptians, who had been reduced to subjection by Cambyses,
revolted from the Persians; and then he was even more desirous of
marching against both these nations.
2. While Dareios was thus preparing to set out against Egypt and against
Athens, there arose a great strife among his sons about the supreme power;
and they said that he must not make his expeditions until he had designated
one of them to be king, according to the custom of the Persians. For to
Dareios already before he became king three sons had been born of his
former wife the daughter of Gobryas, and after he became king four other
sons of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus: of the first the eldest was
Artobazanes, and of those who had been born later, Xerxes. These being not
of the same mother were at strife with one another, Artobazanes contending
that he was the eldest of all the sons, and that it was a custom maintained by
all men that the eldest should have the rule, and Xerxes arguing that he was
the son of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, and that Cyrus was he who had
won for the Persians their freedom.
3. Now while Dareios did not as yet declare his judgment, it chanced that
Demaratos also, the son of Ariston, had come up to Susa at this very same
time, having been deprived of the kingdom in Sparta and having laid upon

himself a sentence of exile from Lacedemon. This man, hearing of the
difference between the sons of Dareios, came (as it is reported of him) and
counselled Xerxes to say in addition to those things which he was wont to
say, that he had been born to Dareios at the time when he was already
reigning as king and was holding the supreme power over the Persians,
while Artobazanes had been born while Dareios was still in a private
station: it was not fitting therefore nor just that another should have the
honour before him; for even in Sparta, suggested Demaratos, this was the
custom, that is to say, if some of the sons had been born first, before their
father began to reign, and another came after, born later while he was
reigning, the succession of the kingdom belonged to him who had been
born later. Xerxes accordingly made use of the suggestion of Demaratos;
and Dareios perceiving that he spoke that which was just, designated him to
be king. It is my opinion however that even without this suggestion Xerxes
would have become king, for Atossa was all-powerful.
4. Then having designated Xerxes to the Persians as their king, Dareios
wished to go on his expeditions. However in the next year after this and
after the revolt of Egypt, it came to pass that Dareios himself died, having
been king in all six-and-thirty years; and thus he did not succeed in taking
vengeance either upon the revolted Egyptians or upon the Athenians.
5. Dareios being dead the kingdom passed to his son Xerxes. Now
Xerxes at the first was by no means anxious to make a march against
Hellas, but against Egypt he continued to gather a force. Mardonios
however, the son of Gobryas, who was a cousin of Xerxes, being sister's son
to Dareios, was ever at his side, and having power with him more than any
other of the Persians, he kept continually to such discourse as this which
follows, saying: "Master, it is not fitting that the Athenians, after having
done to the Persians very great evil, should not pay the penalty for that
which they have done. What if thou shouldest 2 at this present time do that
which thou hast in thy hands to do; and when thou hast tamed the land of
Egypt, which has broken out insolently against us, then do thou march an
army against Athens, that a good report may be made of thee by men, and
that in future every one may beware of making expeditions against thy
land." Thus far his speech had to do with vengeance, 3 and to this he would
make addition as follows, saying that Europe was a very fair land and bore
all kinds of trees that are cultivated for fruit, and was of excellent fertility,
and such that the king alone of all mortals was worthy to possess it.

6. These things he was wont to say, since he was one who had a desire for
perilous enterprise and wished to be himself the governor of Hellas under
the king. So in time he prevailed upon Xerxes and persuaded him to do this;
for other things also assisted him and proved helpful to him in persuading
Xerxes. In the first place there had come from Thessaly messengers sent by
the Aleuadai, who were inviting the king to come against Hellas and were
showing great zeal in his cause, (now these Aleuadai were kings of
Thessaly): and then secondly those of the sons of Peisistratos who had
come up to Susa were inviting him also, holding to the same arguments as
the Aleuadai; and moreover they offered him yet more inducement in
addition to these; for there was one Onomacritos an Athenian, who both
uttered oracles and also had collected and arranged the oracles of Musaios;
4 and with this man they had come up, after they had first reconciled the
enmity between them. For Onomacritos had been driven forth from Athens
by Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos, having been caught by Lasos of
Hermion interpolating in the works of Musaios an oracle to the effect that
the islands which lie off Lemnos should disappear 5 under the sea. For this
reason Hipparchos drove him forth, having before this time been very much
wont to consult him. Now however he had gone up with them; and when he
had come into the presence of the king, the sons of Peisistratos spoke of
him in magnificent terms, and he repeated some of the oracles; and if there
was in them anything which imported disaster to the Barbarians, of this he
said nothing; but choosing out of them the most fortunate things he told
how it was destined that the Hellespont should be yoked with a bridge by a
Persian, and he set forth the manner of the march. He then thus urged
Xerxes with oracles, while the sons of Peisistratos and the Aleuadai pressed
him with their advice.
7. So when Xerxes had been persuaded to make an expedition against
Hellas, then in the next year after the death of Dareios he made a march
first against those who had revolted. Having subdued these and having
reduced all Egypt to slavery much greater than it had suffered in the reign
of Dareios, he entrusted the government of it to Achaimenes his own
brother, a son of Dareios. Now this Achaimenes being a governor of Egypt
was slain afterwards by Inaros the son of Psammetichos, a Libyan.
8. Xerxes then after the conquest of Egypt, being about to take in hand
the expedition against Athens, summoned a chosen assembly of the best
men among the Persians, that he might both learn their opinions and himself

in the presence of all declare that which he intended to do; and when they
were assembled, Xerxes spoke to them as follows: (a) "Persians, I shall not
be the first to establish this custom in your nation, but having received it
from others I shall follow it: for as I am informed by those who are older
than myself, we never yet have kept quiet since we received this supremacy
in succession to the Medes, when Cyrus overthrew Astyages; but God thus
leads us, and for ourselves tends to good that we are busied about many
things. Now about the nations which Cyrus and Cambyses and my father
Dareios subdued and added to their possessions there is no need for me to
speak, since ye know well: and as for me, from the day when I received by
inheritance this throne upon which I sit 6 I carefully considered always how
in this honourable place I might not fall short of those who have been
before me, nor add less power to the dominion of the Persians: and thus
carefully considering I find a way by which not only glory may be won by
us, together with a land not less in extent nor worse than that which we now
possess, (and indeed more varied in its productions), but also vengeance
and retribution may be brought about. Wherefore I have assembled you
together now, in order that I may communicate to you that which I have it
in my mind to do. (b) I design to yoke the Hellespont with a bridge, and to
march an army through Europe against Hellas, in order that I may take
vengeance on the Athenians for all the things which they have done both to
the Persians and to my father. Ye saw how my father Dareios also was
purposing to make an expedition against these men; but he has ended his
life and did not succeed in taking vengeance upon them. I however, on
behalf of him and also of the other Persians, will not cease until I have
conquered Athens and burnt it with fire; seeing that they did wrong
unprovoked to me and to my father. First they went to Sardis, having come
with Aristagoras the Milesian our slave, and they set fire to the sacred
groves and the temples; and then secondly, what things they did to us when
we disembarked in their land, at the time when Datis and Artaphrenes were
commanders of our army, ye all know well, as I think. 7 (c) For these
reasons 8 I have resolved to make an expedition against them, and
reckoning I find in the matter so many good things as ye shall hear:—if we
shall subdue these and the neighbours of these, who dwell in the land of
Pelops the Phrygian, we shall cause the Persian land to have the same
boundaries as the heaven of Zeus; since in truth upon no land will the sun
look down which borders ours, but I with your help shall make all the lands

into one land, having passed through the whole extent of Europe. For I am
informed that things are so, namely that there is no city of men nor any race
of human beings remaining, which will be able to come to a contest with us,
when those whom I just now mentioned have been removed out of the way.
Thus both those who have committed wrong against us will have the yoke
of slavery, and also those who have not committed wrong. (d) And ye will
please me best if ye do this:—whensoever I shall signify to you the time at
which ye ought to come, ye must appear every one of you with zeal for the
service; and whosoever shall come with a force best equipped, to him I will
give gifts such as are accounted in our land to be the most honourable. Thus
must these things be done: but that I may not seem to you to be following
my own counsel alone, I propose the matter for discussion, bidding any one
of you who desires it, declare his opinion."
9. Having thus spoken he ceased; and after him Mardonios said: "Master,
thou dost surpass not only all the Persians who were before thee, but also
those who shall come after, since thou didst not only attain in thy words to
that which is best and truest as regards other matters, but also thou wilt not
permit the Ionians who dwell in Europe to make a mock of us, having no
just right to do so: for a strange thing it would be if, when we have subdued
and kept as our servants Sacans, Indians, Ethiopians, Assyrians, and other
nations many in number and great, who have done no wrong to the
Persians, because we desired to add to our dominions, we should not take
vengeance on the Hellenes who committed wrong against us unprovoked.
(a) Of what should we be afraid?—what gathering of numbers, or what
resources of money? for their manner of fight we know, and as for their
resources, we know that they are feeble; and we have moreover subdued
already their sons, those I mean who are settled in our land and are called
Ionians, Aiolians, and Dorians. Moreover I myself formerly made trial of
marching against these men, being commanded thereto by thy father; and
although I marched as far as Macedonia, and fell but little short of coming
to Athens itself, no man came to oppose me in fight. (b) And yet it is true
that the Hellenes make wars, but (as I am informed) very much without
wise consideration, by reason of obstinacy and want of skill: for when they
have proclaimed war upon one another, they find out first the fairest and
smoothest place, and to this they come down and fight; so that even the
victors depart from the fight with great loss, and as to the vanquished, of
them I make no mention at all, for they are utterly destroyed. They ought

however, being men who speak the same language, to make use of heralds
and messengers and so to take up their differences and settle them in any
way rather than by battles; but if they must absolutely war with one another,
they ought to find out each of them that place in which they themselves are
hardest to overcome, and here to make their trial. Therefore the Hellenes,
since they use no good way, when I had marched as far as the land of
Macedonia, did not come to the resolution of fighting with me. (c) Who
then is likely to set himself against thee, O king, offering war, when thou art
leading both all the multitudes of Asia and the whole number of the ships? I
for my part am of opinion that the power of the Hellenes has not attained to
such a pitch of boldness: but if after all I should prove to be deceived in my
judgment, and they stirred up by inconsiderate folly should come to battle
with us, they would learn that we are the best of all men in the matters of
war. However that may be, let not anything be left untried; for nothing
comes of itself, but from trial all things are wont to come to men."
10. Mardonios having thus smoothed over the resolution expressed by
Xerxes had ceased speaking: and when the other Persians were silent and
did not venture to declare an opinion contrary to that which had been
proposed, then Artabanos the son of Hystaspes, being father's brother to
Xerxes and having reliance upon that, spoke as follows: (a) "O king, if
opinions opposed to one another be not spoken, it is not possible to select
the better in making the choice, but one must accept that which has been
spoken; if however opposite opinions be uttered, this is possible; just as we
do not distinguish the gold which is free from alloy when it is alone by
itself, but when we rub it on the touchstone in comparison with other gold,
then we distinguish that which is the better. Now I gave advice to thy father
Dareios also, who was my brother, not to march against the Scythians, men
who occupied no abiding city in any part of the earth. He however,
expecting that he would subdue the Scythians who were nomads, did not
listen to me; but he made a march and came back from it with the loss of
many good men of his army. But thou, O king, art intending to march
against men who are much better than the Scythians, men who are reported
to be excellent both by sea and on land: and the thing which is to be feared
in this matter it is right that I should declare to thee. (b) Thou sayest that
thou wilt yoke the Hellespont with a bridge and march an army through
Europe to Hellas. Now supposing it chance that we are 9 worsted either by
land or by sea, or even both, for the men are reported to be valiant in fight,

(and we may judge for ourselves that it is so, since the Athenians by
themselves destroyed that great army which came with Datis and
Artaphrenes to the Attic land),—suppose however that they do not succeed
in both, yet if they shall attack with their ships and conquer in a sea-fight,
and then sail to the Hellespont and break up the bridge, this of itself, O
king, will prove to be a great peril. (c) Not however by any native wisdom
of my own do I conjecture that this might happen: I am conjecturing only
such a misfortune as all but came upon us at the former time, when thy
father, having yoked the Bosphorus of Thracia and made a bridge over the
river Ister, had crossed over to go against the Scythians. At that time the
Scythians used every means of entreaty to persuade the Ionians to break up
the passage, to whom it had been entrusted to guard the bridges of the Ister.
At that time, if Histiaios the despot of Miletos had followed the opinion of
the other despots and had not made opposition to them, the power of the
Persians would have been brought to an end. Yet it is a fearful thing even to
hear it reported that the whole power of the king had come to depend upon
one human creature. 10 (d) Do not thou therefore propose to go into any
such danger when there is no need, but do as I say:—at the present time
dissolve this assembly; and afterwards at whatever time it shall seem good
to thee, when thou hast considered prudently with thyself, proclaim that
which seems to thee best: for good counsel I hold to be a very great gain;
since even if anything shall prove adverse, the counsel which has been
taken is no less good, though it has been defeated by fortune; while he who
took counsel badly at first, if good fortune should go with him has lighted
on a prize by chance, but none the less for that his counsel was bad. (e)
Thou seest how God strikes with thunderbolts the creatures which stand
above the rest and suffers them not to make a proud show; while those
which are small do not provoke him to jealousy: thou seest also how he
hurls his darts ever at those buildings which are the highest and those trees
likewise; for God is wont to cut short all those things which stand out above
the rest. Thus also a numerous army is destroyed by one of few men in
some such manner as this, namely when God having become jealous of
them casts upon them panic or thundering from heaven, then they are
destroyed utterly and not as their worth deserves; for God suffers not any
other to have high thoughts save only himself. (f) Moreover the hastening
of any matter breeds disasters, whence great losses are wont to be produced;
but in waiting there are many good things contained, as to which, if they do

not appear to be good at first, yet one will find them to be so in course of
time. (g) To thee, O king, I give this counsel: but thou son of Gobryas,
Mardonios, cease speaking foolish words about the Hellenes, since they in
no way deserve to be spoken of with slight; for by uttering slander against
the Hellenes thou art stirring the king himself to make an expedition, and it
is to this very end that I think thou art straining all thy endeavour. Let not
this be so; for slander is a most grievous thing: in it the wrongdoers are two,
and the person who suffers wrong is one. The slanderer does a wrong in that
he speaks against one who is not present, the other in that he is persuaded of
the thing before he gets certain knowledge of it, and he who is not present
when the words are spoken suffers wrong in the matter thus,—both because
he has been slandered by the one and because he has been believed to be
bad by the other. (h) However, if it be absolutely needful to make an
expedition against these men, come, let the king himself remain behind in
the abodes of the Persians, and let us both set to the wager our sons; and
then do thou lead an army by thyself, choosing for thyself the men whom
thou desirest, and taking an army as large as thou thinkest good: and if
matters turn out for the king as thou sayest, let my sons be slain and let me
also be slain in addition to them; but if in the way which I predict, let thy
sons suffer this, and with them thyself also, if thou shalt return back. But if
thou art not willing to undergo this proof, but wilt by all means lead an
army against Hellas, then I say that those who are left behind in this land
will hear 11 that Mardonios, after having done a great mischief to the
Persians, is torn by dogs and birds, either in the land of the Athenians, or
else perchance thou wilt be in the land of the Lacedemonians (unless indeed
this should have come to pass even before that upon the way), and that thou
hast at length been made aware against what kind of men thou art
persuading the king to march."
11. Artabanos thus spoke; and Xerxes enraged by it made answer as
follows: "Artabanos, thou art my father's brother, and this shall save thee
from receiving any recompense such as thy foolish words deserve. Yet I
attach to thee this dishonour, seeing that thou art a coward and spiritless,
namely that thou do not march with me against Hellas, but remain here
together with the women; and I, even without thy help, will accomplish all
the things which I said: for I would I might not be descended from Dareios,
the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames, the son of Ariaramnes, the son of
Teïspes, or from Cyrus, 12 the son of Cambyses, the son of Teïspes, the son

of Achaimenes, if I take not vengeance on the Athenians; since I know well
that if we shall keep quiet, yet they will not do so, but will again 13 march
against our land, if we may judge by the deeds which have been done by
them to begin with, since they both set fire to Sardis and marched upon
Asia. It is not possible therefore that either side should retire from the
quarrel, but the question before us is whether we shall do or whether we
shall suffer; whether all these regions shall come to be under the Hellenes
or all those under the Persians: for in our hostility there is no middle course.
It follows then now that it is well for us, having suffered wrong first, to take
revenge, that I may find out also what is this terrible thing which I shall
suffer if I lead an army against these men,—men whom Pelops the
Phrygian, who was the slave of my forefathers, so subdued that even to the
present day both the men themselves and their land are called after the
name of him who subdued them."
12. Thus far was it spoken then; but afterwards when darkness came on,
the opinion of Artabanos tormented Xerxes continually; and making night
his counsellor he found that it was by no means to his advantage to make
the march against Hellas. So when he had thus made a new resolve, he fell
asleep, and in the night he saw, as is reported by the Persians, a vision as
follows:—Xerxes thought that a man tall and comely of shape came and
stood by him and said: "Art thou indeed changing thy counsel, O Persian, of
leading an expedition against Hellas, now that thou hast made proclamation
that the Persians shall collect an army? Thou dost not well in changing thy
counsel, nor will he who is here present with thee excuse thee from it; 1301
but as thou didst take counsel in the day to do, by that way go."
13. After he had said this, Xerxes thought that he who had spoken flew
away; and when day had dawned he made no account of this dream, but
gathered together the Persians whom he had assembled also the former time
and said to them these words: "Persians, pardon me that I make quick
changes in my counsel; for in judgment not yet am I come to my prime, and
they who advise me to do the things which I said, do not for any long time
leave me to myself. However, although at first when I heard the opinion of
Artabanos my youthful impulses burst out, 14 so that I cast out unseemly
words 15 against a man older than myself; yet now I acknowledge that he is
right, and I shall follow his opinion. Consider then I have changed my
resolve to march against Hellas, and do ye remain still."

14. The Persians accordingly when they heard this were rejoiced and
made obeisance: but when night had come on, the same dream again came
and stood by Xerxes as he lay asleep and said: "Son of Dareios, it is
manifest then that thou hast resigned this expedition before the assembly of
the Persians, and that thou hast made no account of my words, as if thou
hadst heard them from no one at all. Now therefore be well assured of this:
—if thou do not make thy march forthwith, there shall thence spring up for
thee this result, namely that, as thou didst in short time become great and
mighty, so also thou shalt speedily be again brought low."
15. Xerxes then, being very greatly disturbed by fear of the vision, started
up from his bed and sent a messenger to summon Artabanos; to whom when
he came Xerxes spoke thus: "Artabanos, at the first I was not discreet, when
I spoke to thee foolish words on account of thy good counsel; but after no
long time I changed my mind and perceived that I ought to do these things
which thou didst suggest to me. I am not able however to do them, although
I desire it; for indeed, now that I have turned about and changed my mind, a
dream appears haunting me and by no means approving that I should do so;
and just now it has left me even with a threat. If therefore it is God who
sends it to me, and it is his absolute will and pleasure that an army should
go against Hellas, this same dream will fly to thee also, laying upon thee a
charge such as it has laid upon me; and it occurs to my mind that this might
happen thus, namely if thou shouldst take all my attire and put it on, and
then seat thyself on my throne, and after that lie down to sleep in my bed."
16. Xerxes spoke to him thus; and Artabanos was not willing to obey the
command at first, since he did not think himself worthy to sit upon the royal
throne; but at last being urged further he did that which was commanded,
first having spoken these words: (a) "It is equally good in my judgment, O
king, whether a man has wisdom himself or is willing to follow the counsel
of him who speaks well: and thou, who hast attained to both these good
things, art caused to err by the communications of evil men; just as they say
that the Sea, which is of all things the most useful to men, is by blasts of
winds falling upon it prevented from doing according to its own nature. I
however, when I was evil spoken of by thee, was not so much stung with
pain for this, as because, when two opinions were laid before the Persians,
the one tending to increase wanton insolence and the other tending to check
it and saying that it was a bad thing to teach the soul to endeavour always to
have something more than the present possession,—because, I say, when

such opinions as these were laid before us, thou didst choose that one which
was the more dangerous both for thyself and for the Persians. (b) And now
that thou hast turned to the better counsel, thou sayest that when thou art
disposed to let go the expedition against the Hellenes, a dream haunts thee
sent by some god, which forbids thee to abandon thy enterprise. Nay, but
here too thou dost err, my son, since this is not of the Deity; 16 for the
dreams of sleep which come roaming about to men, are of such nature as I
shall inform thee, being by many years older than thou. The visions of
dreams are wont to hover above us 17 in such form 18 for the most part as
the things of which we were thinking during the day; and we in the days
preceding were very much occupied with this campaign. (c) If however
after all this is not such a thing as I interpret it to be, but is something which
is concerned with God, thou hast summed the matter up in that which thou
hast said: let it appear, as thou sayest, to me also, as to thee, and give
commands. But supposing that it desires to appear to me at all, it is not
bound to appear to me any the more if I have thy garments on me than if I
have my own, nor any more if I take my rest in thy bed than if I am in thy
own; for assuredly this thing, whatever it may be, which appears to thee in
thy sleep, is not so foolish as to suppose, when it sees me, that it is thou,
judging so because the garments are thine. That however which we must
find out now is this, namely if it will hold me in no account, and not think
fit to appear to me, whether I have my own garments or whether I have
thine, but continue still to haunt thee; 19 for if it shall indeed haunt thee
perpetually, I shall myself also be disposed to say that it is of the Deity. But
if thou hast resolved that it shall be so, and it is not possible to turn aside
this thy resolution, but I must go to sleep in thy bed, then let it appear to me
also, when I perform these things: but until then I shall hold to the opinion
which I now have."
17. Having thus said Artabanos, expecting that he would prove that
Xerxes was speaking folly, did that which was commanded him; and having
put on the garments of Xerxes and seated himself in the royal throne, he
afterwards went to bed: and when he had fallen asleep, the same dream
came to him which used to come to Xerxes, and standing over Artabanos
spoke these words: "Art thou indeed he who endeavours to dissuade Xerxes
from making a march against Hellas, pretending to have a care of him?
However, neither in the future nor now at the present shalt thou escape
unpunished for trying to turn away that which is destined to come to pass:

and as for Xerxes, that which he must suffer if he disobeys, hath been
shown already to the man himself."
18. Thus it seemed to Artabanos that the dream threatened him, and at the
same time was just about to burn out his eyes with hot irons; and with a
loud cry he started up from his bed, and sitting down beside Xerxes he
related to him throughout the vision of the dream, and then said to him as
follows: "I, O king, as one who has seen before now many great things
brought to their fall by things less, urged thee not to yield in all things to the
inclination of thy youth, since I knew that it was evil to have desire after
many things; remembering on the one hand the march of Cyrus against the
Massagetai, what fortune it had, and also that of Cambyses against the
Ethiopians; and being myself one who took part with Dareios in the
campaign against the Scythians. Knowing these things I had the opinion
that thou wert to be envied of all men, so long as thou shouldest keep still.
Since however there comes a divine impulse, and, as it seems, a destruction
sent by heaven is taking hold of the Hellenes, I for my part am both
changed in myself and also I reverse my opinions; and do thou signify to
the Persians the message which is sent to thee from God, bidding them
follow the commands which were given by thee at first with regard to the
preparations to be made; and endeavour that on thy side nothing may be
wanting, since God delivers the matter into thy hands." These things having
been said, both were excited to confidence by the vision, and so soon as it
became day, Xerxes communicated the matter to the Persians, and
Artabanos, who before was the only man who came forward to dissuade
him, now came forward to urge on the design.
19. Xerxes being thus desirous to make the expedition, there came to him
after this a third vision in his sleep, which the Magians, when they heard it,
explained to have reference to the dominion of the whole Earth and to mean
that all men should be subject to him; and the vision was this:—Xerxes
thought that he had been crowned with a wreath of an olive-branch and that
the shoots growing from the olive-tree covered the whole Earth; and after
that, the wreath, placed as it was about his head, disappeared. When the
Magians had thus interpreted the vision, forthwith every man of the
Persians who had been assembled together departed to his own province
and was zealous by all means to perform the commands, desiring each one
to receive for himself the gifts which had been proposed: and thus Xerxes
was gathering his army together, searching every region of the continent.

20. During four full years from the conquest of Egypt he was preparing
the army and the things that were of service for the army, and in the course
of the fifth year 20 he began his campaign with a host of great multitude.
For of all the armies of which we have knowledge this proved to be by far
the greatest; so that neither that led by Dareios against the Scythians
appears anything as compared with it, nor the Scythian host, when the
Scythians pursuing the Kimmerians made invasion of the Median land and
subdued and occupied nearly all the upper parts of Asia, for which invasion
afterwards Dareios attempted to take vengeance, nor that led by the sons of
Atreus to Ilion, to judge by that which is reported of their expedition, nor
that of the Mysians and Teucrians, before the Trojan war, who passed over
into Europe by the Bosphorus and not only subdued all the Thracians, but
came down also as far as the Ionian Sea 21 and marched southwards to the
river Peneios.
21. All these expeditions put together, with others, if there be any, added
to them, 22 are not equal to this one alone. For what nation did Xerxes not
lead out of Asia against Hellas? and what water was not exhausted, being
drunk by his host, except only the great rivers? For some supplied ships,
and others were appointed to serve in the land-army; to some it was
appointed to furnish cavalry, and to others vessels to carry horses, while
they served in the expedition themselves also; 23 others were ordered to
furnish ships of war for the bridges, and others again ships with provisions.
22. Then in the first place, since the former fleet had suffered disaster in
sailing round Athos, preparations had been going on for about three years
past with regard to Athos: for triremes lay at anchor at Elaius in the
Chersonese, and with this for their starting point men of all nations
belonging to the army worked at digging, compelled by the lash; and the
men went to the work regularly in succession: moreover those who dwelt
round about Athos worked also at the digging: and Bubares the son of
Megabazos and Artachaies the son of Artaios, Persians both, were set over
the work. Now Athos is a mountain great and famous, running down to the
sea and inhabited by men: and where the mountain ends on the side of the
mainland the place is like a peninsula with an isthmus about twelve
furlongs 24 across. Here it is plain land or hills of no great size, extending
from the sea of the Acanthians to that which lies off Torone; and on this
isthmus, where Athos ends, is situated a Hellenic city called Sane: moreover
there are others beyond Sane 25 and within the peninsula of Athos, all

which at this time the Persian had resolved to make into cities of an island
and no longer of the mainland; these are, Dion, Olophyxos, Acrothoon,
Thyssos, Cleonai.
23. These are the cities which occupy Athos: and they dug as follows, the
country being divided among the Barbarians by nations for the work:—at
the city of Sane they drew a straight line across the isthmus, and when the
channel became deep, those who stood lowest dug, while others delivered
the earth as it was dug out to other men who stood above, as upon steps,
and they again to others when it was received, until they came to those that
were highest; and these bore it away and cast it forth. Now the others except
the Phenicians had double toil by the breaking down of the steep edges of
their excavation; for since they endeavoured to make the opening at the top
and that at the bottom both of the same measure, some such thing was likely
to result, as they worked: but the Phenicians, who are apt to show ability in
their works generally, did so in this work also; for when they had had
assigned to them by lot so much as fell to their share, they proceeded to dig,
making the opening of the excavation at the top twice as wide as the
channel itself was to be; and as the work went forward, they kept
contracting the width; so that, when they came to the bottom, their work
was made of equal width with that of the others. Now there is a meadow
there, in which there was made for them a market and a place for buying
and selling; and great quantities of corn came for them regularly from Asia,
ready ground.
24. It seems to me, making conjecture of this work, that Xerxes when he
ordered this to be dug was moved by a love of magnificence and by a desire
to make a display of his power and to leave a memorial behind him; for
though they might have drawn the ships across the isthmus with no great
labour, he bade them dig a channel for the sea of such breadth that two
triremes might sail through, propelled side by side. To these same men to
whom the digging had been appointed, it was appointed also to make a
bridge over the river Strymon, yoking together the banks.
25. These things were being done by Xerxes thus; and meanwhile he
caused ropes also to be prepared for the bridges, made of papyrus and of
white flax, 26 appointing this to the Phenicians and Egyptians; and also he
was making preparations to store provisions for his army on the way, that
neither the army itself nor the baggage animals might suffer from scarcity,

as they made their march against Hellas. Accordingly, when he had learnt
by inquiry of the various places, he bade them make stores where it was
most convenient, carrying supplies to different parts by merchant ships and
ferry-boats from all the countries of Asia. So they conveyed the greater part
of the corn 27 to the place which is called Leuke Acte in Thrace, while
others conveyed stores to Tyrodiza of the Perinthians, others to Doriscos,
others to Eïon on the Strymon, and others to Macedonia, the work being
distributed between them.
26. During the time that these were working at the task which had been
proposed to them, the whole land-army had been assembled together and
was marching with Xerxes to Sardis, setting forth from Critalla in
Cappadokia; for there it had been ordered that the whole army should
assemble, which was to go with Xerxes himself by the land: but which of
the governors of provinces brought the best equipped force and received
from the king the gifts proposed, I am not able to say, for I do not know that
they even came to a competition in this matter. Then after they had crossed
the river Halys and had entered Phrygia, marching through this land they
came to Kelainai, where the springs of the river Maiander come up, and
also those of another river not less than the Maiander, whose name is
Catarractes; 28 this rises in the market-place itself of Kelainai and runs into
the Maiander: and here also is hanging up in the city the skin of Marsyas
the Silenos, which is said by the Phrygians to have been flayed off and hung
up by Apollo.
27. In this city Pythios the son of Atys, a Lydian, was waiting for the king
and entertained his whole army, as well as Xerxes himself, with the most
magnificent hospitality: moreover he professed himself ready to supply
money for the war. So when Pythios offered money, Xerxes asked those of
the Persians who were present, who Pythios was and how much money he
possessed, that he made this offer. They said: "O king, this is he who
presented thy father Dareios with the golden plane-tree and the golden vine;
and even now he is in wealth the first of all men of whom we know,
excepting thee only."
28. Marvelling at the conclusion of these words Xerxes himself asked of
Pythios then, how much money he had; and he said: "O king, I will not
conceal the truth from thee, nor will I allege as an excuse that I do not know
my own substance, but I will enumerate it to thee exactly, since I know the

truth: for as soon as I heard that thou wert coming down to the Sea of
Hellas, desiring to give thee money for the war I ascertained the truth, and
calculating I found that I had of silver two thousand talents, and of gold
four hundred myriads 29 of daric staters 30 all but seven thousand: and with
this money I present thee. For myself I have sufficient livelihood from my
slaves and from my estates of land."
29. Thus he said; and Xerxes was pleased by the things which he had
spoken, and replied: "Lydian host, ever since I went forth from the Persian
land I have encountered no man up to this time who was desirous to
entertain my army, or who came into my presence and made offer of his
own free will to contribute money to me for the war, except only thee: and
thou not only didst entertain my army magnificently, but also now dost
make offer of great sums of money. To thee therefore in return I give these
rewards,—I make thee my guest-friend, and I will complete for thee the
four hundred myriads of staters by giving from myself the seven thousand,
in order that thy four hundred myriads may not fall short by seven
thousand, but thou mayest have a full sum in thy reckoning, completed thus
by me. Keep possession of that which thou hast got for thyself, and be sure
to act always thus; for if thou doest so, thou wilt have no cause to repent
either at the time or afterwards."
30. Having thus said and having accomplished his promise, he continued
his march onwards; and passing by a city of the Phrygians called Anaua and
a lake whence salt is obtained, he came to Colossai, a great city of Phrygia,
where the river Lycos falls into an opening of the earth and disappears from
view, and then after an interval of about five furlongs it comes up to view
again, and this river also flows into the Maiander. Setting forth from
Colossai towards the boundaries of the Phrygians and Lydians, the army
arrived at the city of Kydrara, where a pillar 3001 is fixed, set up by
Croesus, which declares by an inscription that the boundaries are there.
31. From Phrygia then he entered Lydia; and here the road parts into two,
and that which goes to the left leads towards Caria, while that which goes to
the right leads to Sardis; and travelling by this latter road one must needs
cross the river Maiander and pass by the city of Callatebos, where men live
whose trade it is to make honey of the tamarisk-tree and of wheat-flour. By
this road went Xerxes and found a plane-tree, to which for its beauty he
gave an adornment of gold, and appointed that some one should have

charge of it always in undying succession; 31 and on the next day he came
to the city of the Lydians.
32. Having come to Sardis he proceeded first to send heralds to Hellas, to
ask for earth and water, and also to give notice beforehand to prepare meals
for the king; except that he sent neither to Athens nor Lacedemon to ask for
earth, but to all the other States: and the reason why he sent the second time
to ask for earth and water was this,—as many as had not given at the former
time to Dareios when he sent, these he thought would certainly give now by
reason of their fear: this matter it was about which he desired to have
certain knowledge, and he sent accordingly.
33. After this he made his preparations intending to march to Abydos:
and meanwhile they were bridging over the Hellespont from Asia to
Europe. Now there is in the Chersonese of the Hellespont between the city
of Sestos and Madytos, a broad foreland 32 running down into the sea right
opposite Abydos; this is the place where no long time afterwards the
Athenians under the command of Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, having
taken Artaÿctes a Persian, who was the governor of Sestos, nailed him alive
to a board with hands and feet extended (he was the man who was wont to
take women with him to the temple of Protesilaos at Elaius and to do things
there which are not lawful).
34. To this foreland they on whom this work was laid were making their
bridges, starting from Abydos, the Phenicians constructing the one with
ropes of white flax, and the Egyptians the other, which was made with
papyrus rope. Now from Abydos to the opposite shore is a distance of seven
furlongs. But when the strait had been bridged over, a great storm came on
and dashed together all the work that had been made and broke it up. Then
when Xerxes heard it he was exceedingly enraged, and bade them scourge
the Hellespont with three hundred strokes of the lash and let down into the
sea a pair of fetters. Nay, I have heard further that he sent branders also with
them to brand the Hellespont. However this may be, he enjoined them, as
they were beating, to say Barbarian and presumptuous words as follows:
"Thou bitter water, thy master lays upon thee this penalty, because thou
didst wrong him not having suffered any wrong from him: and Xerxes the
king will pass over thee whether thou be willing or no; but with right, as it
seems, no man doeth sacrifice to thee, seeing that thou art a treacherous 33
and briny stream." The sea he enjoined them to chastise thus, and also he

bade them cut off the heads of those who were appointed to have charge
over the bridging of the Hellespont.
36. Thus then the men did, to whom this ungracious office belonged; and
meanwhile other chief-constructors proceeded to make the bridges; and thus
they made them:—They put together fifty-oared galleys and triremes, three
hundred and sixty to be under the bridge towards the Euxine Sea, and three
hundred and fourteen to be under the other, the vessels lying in the direction
of the stream of the Hellespont (though crosswise in respect to the Pontus),
to support the tension of the ropes. 34 They placed them together thus, and
let down very large anchors, those on the one side 35 towards the Pontus
because of the winds which blow from within outwards, and on the other
side, towards the West and the Egean, because of the South-East 36 and
South Winds. They left also an opening for a passage through, so that any
who wished might be able to sail into the Pontus with small vessels, 37 and
also from the Pontus outwards. Having thus done, they proceeded to stretch
tight the ropes, straining them with wooden windlasses, not now appointing
the two kinds of rope to be used apart from one another, but assigning to
each bridge two ropes of white flax and four of the papyrus ropes. The
thickness and beauty of make was the same for both, but the flaxen ropes
were heavier in proportion, 38 and of this rope a cubit weighed one talent.
When the passage was bridged over, they sawed up logs of wood, and
making them equal in length to the breadth of the bridge they laid them
above the stretched ropes, and having set them thus in order they again
fastened them above. 39 When this was done, they carried on brushwood,
and having set the brushwood also in place, they carried on to it earth; and
when they had stamped down the earth firmly, they built a barrier along on
each side, so that the baggage-animals and horses might not be frightened
by looking out over the sea.
37. When the construction of the bridges had been finished, and the
works about Athos, both the embankments about the mouths of the channel,
which were made because of the breaking of the sea upon the beach, that
the mouths of it might not be filled up, and the channel itself, were reported
to be fully completed, then, after they had passed the winter at Sardis, the
army set forth from thence fully equipped, at the beginning of spring, to
march to Abydos; and when it had just set forth, the Sun left his place in the
heaven and was invisible, though there was no gathering of clouds and the
sky was perfectly clear; and instead of day it became night. When Xerxes

saw and perceived this, it became a matter of concern to him; and he asked
the Magians what the appearance meant to portend. These declared that the
god was foreshowing to the Hellenes a leaving 40 of their cities, saying that
the Sun was the foreshower of events for the Hellenes, but the Moon for the
Persians. Having been thus informed, Xerxes proceeded on the march with
very great joy.
38. Then as he was leading forth his army on its march, Pythios the
Lydian, being alarmed by the appearance in the heavens and elated by the
gifts which he had received, came to Xerxes, and said as follows: "Master, I
would desire to receive from thee a certain thing at my request, which, as it
chances, is for thee an easy thing to grant, but a great thing for me, if I
obtain it." Then Xerxes, thinking that his request would be for anything
rather than that which he actually asked, said that he would grant it, and
bade him speak and say what he desired. He then, when he heard this, was
encouraged, and spoke these words: "Master, I have, as it chances, five
sons, and it is their fortune to be all going together with thee on the march
against Hellas. Do thou, therefore, O king, have compassion upon me, who
have come to so great an age, and release from serving in the expedition
one of my sons, the eldest, in order that he may be caretaker both of myself
and of my wealth: but the other four take with thyself, and after thou hast
accomplished that which thou hast in thy mind, mayest thou have a safe
return home."
38. Then Xerxes was exceedingly angry and made answer with these
words: "Thou wretched man, dost thou dare, when I am going on a march
myself against Hellas, and am taking my sons and my brothers and my
relations and friends, dost thou dare to make any mention of a son of thine,
seeing that thou art my slave, who ought to have been accompanying me
thyself with thy whole household and thy wife as well? Now therefore be
assured of this, that the passionate spirit of man dwells within the ears; and
when it has heard good things, it fills the body with delight, but when it has
heard the opposite things to this, it swells up with anger. As then thou canst
not boast of having surpassed the king in conferring benefits formerly,
when thou didst to us good deeds and madest offer to do more of the same
kind, so now that thou hast turned to shamelessness, thou shalt receive not
thy desert but less than thou deservest: for thy gifts of hospitality shall
rescue from death thyself and the four others of thy sons, but thou shalt pay
the penalty with the life of the one to whom thou dost cling most." Having

answered thus, he forthwith commanded those to whom it was appointed to
do these things, to find out the eldest of the sons of Pythios and to cut him
in two in the middle; and having cut him in two, to dispose the halves, one
on the right hand of the road and the other on the left, and that the army
should pass between them by this way.
40. When these had so done, the army proceeded to pass between; and
first the baggage-bearers led the way together with their horses, and after
these the host composed of all kinds of nations mingled together without
distinction: and when more than the half had gone by, an interval was left
and these were separated from the king. For before him went first a
thousand horsemen, chosen out of all the Persians; and after them a
thousand spearmen chosen also from all the Persians, having the points of
their spears turned down to the ground; and then ten sacred horses, called
"Nesaian," 41 with the fairest possible trappings. Now the horses are called
Nesaian for this reason:—there is a wide plain in the land of Media which is
called the Nesaian plain, and this plain produces the great horses of which I
speak. Behind these ten horses the sacred chariot of Zeus was appointed to
go, which was drawn by eight white horses; and behind the horses again
followed on foot a charioteer holding the reins, for no human creature
mounts upon the seat of that chariot. Then behind this came Xerxes himself
in a chariot drawn by Nesaian horses, and by the side of him rode a
charioteer, whose name was Patiramphes, son of Otanes a Persian.
41. Thus did Xerxes march forth out of Sardis; and he used to change,
whenever he was so disposed, from the chariot to a carriage. And behind
him went spearmen, the best and most noble of the Persians, a thousand in
number, holding their spear-points in the customary way; 42 and after them
another thousand horsemen chosen out from the Persians; and after the
horsemen ten thousand men chosen out from the remainder of the Persians.
This body went on foot; and of these a thousand had upon their spears
pomegranates of gold instead of the spikes at the butt-end, and these
enclosed the others round, while the remaining nine thousand were within
these and had silver pomegranates. And those also had golden
pomegranates who had their spear-points turned towards the earth, while
those who followed next after Xerxes had golden apples. Then to follow the
ten thousand there was appointed a body of ten thousand Persian cavalry;
and after the cavalry there was an interval of as much as two furlongs. Then
the rest of the host came marching without distinction.

42. So the army proceeded on its march from Lydia to the river Caïcos
and the land of Mysia; and then setting forth from the Caïcos and keeping
the mountain of Cane on the left hand, it marched through the region of
Atarneus to the city of Carene. From this it went through the plain of Thebe,
passing by the cities of Adramytteion and Antandros of the Pelasgians; and
taking mount Ida on the left hand, it came on to the land of Ilion. And first,
when it had stopped for the night close under mount Ida, thunder and bolts
of lightning fell upon it, and destroyed here in this place a very large
number of men. 43
43. Then when the army had come to the river Scamander,—which of all
rivers to which they had come, since they set forth from Sardis and
undertook their march, was the first of which the stream failed and was not
sufficient for the drinking of the army and of the animals with it,—when, I
say, Xerxes had come to this river, he went up to the Citadel of Priam, 44
having a desire to see it; and having seen it and learnt by inquiry of all those
matters severally, he sacrificed a thousand heifers to Athene of Ilion, and
the Magians poured libations in honour of the heroes: and after they had
done this, a fear fell upon the army in the night. Then at break of day he set
forth from thence, keeping on his left hand the cities of Rhoition and
Ophryneion and Dardanos, which last borders upon Abydos, and having on
the right hand the Gergith Teucrians.
44. When Xerxes had come into the midst of Abydos, 45 he had a desire
to see all the army; and there had been made purposely for him beforehand
upon a hill in this place a raised seat of white stone, 46 which the people of
Abydos had built at the command of the king given beforehand. There he
took his seat, and looking down upon the shore he gazed both upon the
land-army and the ships; and gazing upon them he had a longing to see a
contest take place between the ships; and when it had taken place and the
Phenicians of Sidon were victorious, he was delighted both with the contest
and with the whole armament.
45. And seeing all the Hellespont covered over with the ships, and all the
shores and the plains of Abydos full of men, then Xerxes pronounced
himself a happy man, and after that he fell to weeping.
46. Artabanos his uncle therefore perceiving him,—the same who at first
boldly declared his opinion advising Xerxes not to march against Hellas,—
this man, I say, having observed that Xerxes wept, asked as follows: "O

king, how far different from one another are the things which thou hast
done now and a short while before now! for having pronounced thyself a
happy man, thou art now shedding tears." He said: "Yea, for after I had
reckoned up, it came into my mind to feel pity at the thought how brief was
the whole life of man, seeing that of these multitudes not one will be alive
when a hundred years have gone by." He then made answer and said: "To
another evil more pitiful than this we are made subject in the course of our
life; for in the period of life, short as it is, no man, either of these here or of
others, is made by nature so happy, that there will not come to him many
times, and not once only, the desire to be dead rather than to live; for
misfortunes falling upon us and diseases disturbing our happiness make the
time of life, though short indeed, seem long: thus, since life is full of
trouble, death has become the most acceptable refuge for man; and God,
having given him to taste of the sweetness of life, is discovered in this
matter to be full of jealousy."
47. Xerxes made answer saying: "Artabanos, of human life, which is
such as thou dost define it to be, let us cease to speak, and do not remember
evils when we have good things in hand: but do thou declare to me this:—If
the vision of the dream had not appeared with so much evidence, wouldest
thou still be holding thy former opinion, endeavouring to prevent me from
marching against Hellas, or wouldest thou have changed from it? Come, tell
me this exactly." He answered saying: "O king, may the vision of the dream
which appeared have such fulfilment as we both desire! but I am even to
this moment full of apprehension and cannot contain myself, taking into
account many things besides, and also seeing that two things, which are the
greatest things of all, are utterly hostile to thee."
48. To this Xerxes made answer in these words: "Thou strangest of men,
47 of what nature are these two things which thou sayest are utterly hostile
to me? Is it that the land-army is to be found fault with in the matter of
numbers, and that the army of the Hellenes appears to thee likely to be
many times as large as ours? or dost thou think that our fleet will fall short
of theirs? or even that both of these things together will prove true? For if
thou thinkest that in these respects our power is deficient, one might make
gathering at once of another force."
49. Then he made answer and said: "O king, neither with this army would
any one who has understanding find fault, nor with the number of the ships;

and indeed if thou shalt assemble more, the two things of which I speak will
be made thereby yet more hostile: and these two things are—the land and
the sea. For neither in the sea is there, as I suppose, a harbour anywhere
large enough to receive this fleet of thine, if a storm should arise, and to
ensure the safety of the ships till it be over; and yet not one alone 48 ought
this harbour to be, but there should be such harbours along the whole coast
of the continent by which thou sailest; and if there are not harbours to
receive thy ships, know that accidents will rule men and not men the
accidents. Now having told thee of one of the two things, I am about to tell
thee of the other. The land, I say, becomes hostile to thee in this way:—if
nothing shall come to oppose thee, the land is hostile to thee by so much the
more in proportion as thou shalt advance more, ever stealing on further and
further, 49 for there is no satiety of good fortune felt by men: and this I say,
that with no one to stand against thee the country traversed, growing more
and more as time goes on, will produce for thee famine. Man, however, will
be in the best condition, if when he is taking counsel he feels fear,
reckoning to suffer everything that can possibly come, but in doing the deed
he is bold."
50. Xerxes made answer in these words: "Artabanos, reasonably dost
thou set forth these matters; but do not thou fear everything nor reckon
equally for everything: for if thou shouldest set thyself with regard to all
matters which come on at any time, to reckon for everything equally, thou
wouldest never perform any deed. It is better to have good courage about
everything and to suffer half the evils which threaten, than to have fear
beforehand about everything and not to suffer any evil at all: and if, while
contending against everything which is said, thou omit to declare the course
which is safe, thou dost incur in these matters the reproach of failure
equally with him who says the opposite to this. This then, I say, is evenly
balanced: but how should one who is but man know the course which is
safe? I think, in no way. To those then who choose to act, for the most part
gain is wont to come; but to those who reckon for everything and shrink
back, it is not much wont to come. Thou seest the power of the Persians, to
what great might it has advanced: if then those who came to be kings before
me had had opinions like to thine, or, though not having such opinions, had
had such counsellors as thou, thou wouldest never have seen it brought
forward to this point. As it is however, by running risks they conducted it on
to this: for great power is in general gained by running great risks. We

therefore, following their example, are making our march now during the
fairest season of the year; and after we have subdued all Europe we shall
return back home, neither having met with famine anywhere nor having
suffered any other thing which is unpleasant. For first we march bearing
with us ourselves great store of food, and secondly we shall possess the
corn-crops of all the peoples to whose land and nation we come; and we are
making a march now against men who plough the soil, and not against
nomad tribes."
51. After this Artabanos said: "O king, since thou dost urge us not to have
fear of anything, do thou I pray thee accept a counsel from me; for when
speaking of many things it is necessary to extend speech to a greater length.
Cyrus the son of Cambyses subdued all Ionia except the Athenians, so that
it was tributary to the Persians. These men therefore I counsel thee by no
means to lead against their parent stock, seeing that even without these we
are able to get the advantage over our enemies. For supposing that they go
with us, either they must prove themselves doers of great wrong, if they join
in reducing their mother city to slavery, or doers of great right, if they join
in freeing her: now if they show themselves doers of great wrong, they
bring us no very large gain in addition; but if they show themselves doers of
great right, they are able then to cause much damage to thy army. Therefore
lay to heart also the ancient saying, how well it has been said that at the first
beginning of things the end does not completely appear."
52. To this Xerxes made answer: "Artabanos, of all the opinions which
thou hast uttered, thou art mistaken most of all in this; seeing that thou
fearest lest the Ionians should change side, about whom we have a most
sure proof, of which thou art a witness thyself and also the rest are
witnesses who went with Dareios on his march against the Scythians,—
namely this, that the whole Persian army then came to be dependent upon
these men, whether they would destroy or whether they would save it, and
they displayed righteous dealing and trustworthiness, and nought at all that
was unfriendly. Besides this, seeing that they have left children and wives
and wealth in our land, we must not even imagine that they will make any
rebellion. 50 Fear not then this thing either, but have a good heart and keep
safe my house and my government; for to thee of all men I entrust my
sceptre of rule."

53. Having thus spoken and having sent Artabanos back to Susa, next
Xerxes summoned to his presence the men of most repute among the
Persians, and when they were come before him, he spoke to them as
follows: "Persians, I assembled you together desiring this of you, that ye
should show yourselves good men and should not disgrace the deeds done
in former times by the Persians, which are great and glorious; but let us
each one of us by himself, and all together also, be zealous in our
enterprise; for this which we labour for is a common good for all. And I
exhort you that ye preserve in the war without relaxing your efforts,
because, as I am informed, we are marching against good men, and if we
shall overcome them, there will not be any other army of men which will
ever stand against us. Now therefore let us begin the crossing, after having
made prayer to those gods who have the Persians 51 for their allotted
charge."
54. During this day then they were making preparation to cross over; and
on the next day they waited for the Sun, desiring to see him rise, and in the
meantime they offered all kinds of incense upon the bridges and strewed the
way with branches of myrtle. Then, as the Sun was rising, Xerxes made
libation from a golden cup into the sea, and prayed to the Sun, that no
accident might befall him such as should cause him to cease from subduing
Europe, until he had come to its furthest limits. After having thus prayed he
threw the cup into the Hellespont and with it a golden mixing-bowl and a
Persian sword, which they call akinakes: but whether he cast them into the
sea as an offering dedicated to the Sun, or whether he had repented of his
scourging of the Hellespont and desired to present a gift to the sea as
amends for this, I cannot for certain say.
55. When Xerxes had done this, they proceeded to cross over, the whole
army both the footmen and the horsemen going by one bridge, namely that
which was on the side of the Pontus, while the baggage-animals and the
attendants went over the other, which was towards the Egean. First the ten
thousand Persians led the way, all with wreaths, and after them came the
mixed body of the army made up of all kinds of nations: these on that day;
and on the next day, first the horsemen and those who had their spear-points
turned downwards, these also wearing wreaths; and after them the sacred
horses and the sacred chariot, and then Xerxes himself and the spear-bearers
and the thousand horsemen; and after them the rest of the army. In the
meantime the ships also put out from shore and went over to the opposite

side. I have heard however another account which says that the king crossed
over the very last of all.
56. When Xerxes had crossed over into Europe, he gazed upon the army
crossing under the lash; and his army crossed over in seven days and seven
nights, going on continuously without any pause. Then, it is said, after
Xerxes had now crossed over the Hellespont, a man of that coast exclaimed:
"Why, O Zeus, in the likeness of a Persian man and taking for thyself the
name of Xerxes instead of Zeus, art thou proposing to lay waste Hellas,
taking with thee all the nations of men? for it was possible for thee to do so
even without the help of these."
57. When all had crossed over, after they had set forth on their way a
great portent appeared to them, of which Xerxes made no account, although
it was easy to conjecture its meaning,—a mare gave birth to a hare. Now
the meaning of this was easy to conjecture in this way, namely that Xerxes
was about to march an army against Hellas very proudly and magnificently,
but would come back again to the place whence he came, running for his
life. There happened also a portent of another kind while he was still at
Sardis,—a mule brought forth young and gave birth to a mule which had
organs of generation of two kinds, both those of the male and those of the
female, and those of the male were above. Xerxes however made no
account of either of these portents, but proceeded on his way, and with him
the land-army.
58. The fleet meanwhile was sailing out of the Hellespont and coasting
along, going in the opposite direction to the land-army; for the fleet was
sailing towards the West, making for the promontory of Sarpedon, to which
it had been ordered beforehand to go, and there wait for the army; but the
land-army meanwhile was making its march towards the East and the
sunrising, through the Chersonese, keeping on its right the tomb of Helle
the daughter of Athamas, and on its left the city of Cardia, and marching
through the midst of a town the name of which is Agora. 52 Thence bending
round the gulf called Melas and having crossed over the river Melas, the
stream of which did not suffice at this time for the army but failed,—having
crossed, I say, this river, from which the gulf also has its name, it went on
Westwards, passing by Ainos a city of the Aiolians, and by the lake
Stentoris, until at last it came to Doriscos.

59. Now Doriscos is a sea-beach and plain of great extent in Thrace, and
through it flows the great river Hebros: here a royal fortress had been built,
the same which is now called Doriscos, and a garrison of Persians had been
established in it by Dareios, ever since the time when he went on his march
against the Scythians. It seemed then to Xerxes that the place was
convenient to order his army and to number it throughout, and so he
proceeded to do. The commanders of the ships at the bidding of Xerxes had
brought all their ships, when they arrived at Doriscos, up to the sea-beach
which adjoins Doriscos, on which there is situated both Sale a city of the
Samothrakians, and also Zone, and of which the extreme point is the
promontory of Serreion, which is well known; and the region belonged in
ancient time to the Kikonians. To this beach then they had brought in their
ships, and having drawn them up on land they were letting them get dry:
and during this time he proceeded to number the army at Doriscos.
60. Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I am not able
to give certain information, for this is not reported by any persons; but of
the whole land-army taken together the number proved to be one hundred
and seventy myriads: 53 and they numbered them throughout in the
following manner:—they gathered together in one place a body of ten
thousand men, and packing them together 54 as closely as they could, they
drew a circle round outside: and thus having drawn a circle round and
having let the ten thousand men go from it, they built a wall of rough stones
round the circumference of the circle, rising to the height of a man's navel.
Having made this, they caused others to go into the space which had been
built round, until they had in this manner numbered them all throughout:
and after they had numbered them, they ordered them separately by nations.
61. Now those who served were as follows:—The Persians with this
equipment:—about their heads they had soft 55 felt caps called tiaras, and
about their body tunics of various colours with sleeves, presenting the
appearance of iron scales like those of a fish, 56 and about the legs trousers;
and instead of the ordinary shields they had shields of wicker-work, 57
under which hung quivers; and they had short spears and large bows and
arrows of reed, and moreover daggers hanging by the right thigh from the
girdle: and they acknowledged as their commander Otanes the father of
Amestris the wife of Xerxes. Now these were called by the Hellenes in
ancient time Kephenes; by themselves however and by their neighbours
they were called Artaians: but when Perseus, the son of Danae and Zeus,

came to Kepheus the son of Belos 58 and took to wife his daughter
Andromeda, there was born to them a son to whom he gave the name
Perses, and this son he left behind there, for it chanced that Kepheus had no
male offspring: after him therefore this race was named.
62. The Medes served in the expedition equipped in precisely the same
manner; for this equipment is in fact Median and not Persian: and the
Medes acknowledged as their commander Tigranes an Achaimenid. These
in ancient time used to be generally called Arians; but when Medea the
Colchian came from Athens to these Arians, they also changed their name.
Thus the Medes themselves report about themselves. The Kissians served
with equipment in other respects like that of the Persians, but instead of the
felt caps they wore fillets: 59and of the Kissians Anaphes the son of Otanes
was commander. The Hyrcanians were armed like the Persians,
acknowledging as their leader Megapanos, the same who after these events
became governor of Babylon.
63. The Assyrians served with helmets about their heads made of bronze
or plaited in a Barbarian style which it is not easy to describe; and they had
shields and spears, and daggers like the Egyptian knives, 60 and moreover
they had wooden clubs with knobs of iron, and corslets of linen. These are
by the Hellenes called Syrians, but by the Barbarians they have been called
always 61 Assyrians: [among these were the Chaldeans]: 62 and the
commander of them was Otaspes the son of Artachaies.
64. The Bactrians served wearing about their heads nearly the same
covering as the Medes, and having native bows of reed and short spears.
The Scaran Scythians had about their heads caps 63 which were carried up
to a point and set upright and stiff; and they wore trousers, and carried
native bows and daggers, and besides this axes of the kind called sagaris.
These were called Amyrgian Sacans, being in fact Scythians; for the
Persians call all the Scythians Sacans: and of the Bactrians and Sacans the
commander was Hystaspes, the son of Dareios and of Atossa the daughter
of Cyrus.
65. The Indians wore garments made of tree-wool, and they had bows of
reed and arrows of reed with iron points. Thus were the Indians equipped;
and serving with the rest they had been assigned to Pharnazathres the son of
Artabates.

66. The Arians 64 were equipped with Median bows, and in other
respects like the Bactrians: and of the Arians Sisamnes the son of Hydarnes
was in command. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and
Gandarians and Dadicans served with the same equipment as the Bactrians.
Of these the commanders were, Artabazos the son of Pharnakes of the
Parthians and Chorasmians, Azanes the son of Artaios of the Sogdians, and
Artyphios the son of Artabanos of the Gandarians and Dadicans. The
Caspians served wearing coats of skin 65 and having native bows of reed
and short swords: 66 thus were these equipped; and they acknowledged as
their leader Ariomardos the brother of Artyphios. The Sarangians were
conspicuous among the rest by wearing dyed garments; and they had boots
reaching up to the knee, and Median bows and spears: of these the
commander was Pherendates the son of Megabazos. The Pactyans were
wearers of skin coats 67 and had native bows and daggers: these
acknowledged as their commander Artaÿntes the son of Ithamitres.
68. The Utians and Mycans and Paricanians were equipped like the
Pactyans: of these the commanders were, Arsamenes the son of Dareios of
the Utians and Mycans, and of the Paricanians Siromitres the son of
Oiobazos.
69. The Arabians wore loose mantles 68 girt up, and they carried at their
right side bows that bent backward 69 of great length. The Ethiopians had
skins of leopards and lions tied upon them, and bows made of a slip 70 of
palm-wood, which were of great length, not less than four cubits, and for
them small arrows of reed with a sharpened stone at the head instead of
iron, the same stone with which they engrave seals: in addition to this they
had spears, and on them was the sharpened horn of a gazelle by way of a
spear-head, and they had also clubs with knobs upon them. Of their body
they used to smear over half with white, 71 when they went into battle, and
the other half with red. 72 Of the Arabians and the Ethiopians who dwelt
above Egypt the commander was Arsames, the son of Dareios and of
Artystone, the daughter of Cyrus, whom Dareios loved most of all his
wives, and had an image made of her of beaten gold.
70. Of the Ethiopians above Egypt and of the Arabians the commander, I
say, was Arsames; but the Ethiopians from the direction of the sunrising (for
the Ethiopians were in two bodies) had been appointed to serve with the
Indians, being in no way different from the other Ethiopians, but in their

language and in the nature of their hair only; for the Ethiopians from the
East are straight-haired, but those of Libya have hair more thick and woolly
than that of any other men. These Ethiopians from Asia were armed for the
most part like the Indians, but they had upon their heads the skin of a
horse's forehead flayed off with the ears and the mane, and the mane served
instead of a crest, while they had the ears of the horse set up straight and
stiff: and instead of shields they used to make defences to hold before
themselves of the skins of cranes.
71. The Libyans went with equipments of leather, and they used javelins
burnt at the point. These acknowledged as their commander Massages the
son of Oarizos.
72. The Paphlagonians served with plaited helmets upon their heads,
small shields, and spears of no great size, and also javelins and daggers; and
about their feet native boots reaching up to the middle of the shin. The
Ligyans and Matienians and Mariandynoi and Syrians served with the same
equipment as the Paphlagonians: these Syrians are called by the Persians
Cappadokians. Of the Paphlagonians and Matienians the commander was
Dotos the son of Megasidros, and of the Mariandynoi and Lygians and
Syrians, Gobryas, who was the son of Dareios and Artystone.
73. The Phrygians had an equipment very like that of the Paphlagonians
with some slight difference. Now the Phrygians, as the Macedonians say,
used to be called Brigians during the time that they were natives of Europe
and dwelt with the Macedonians; but after they had changed into Asia, with
their country they changed also their name and were called Phrygians. The
Armenians were armed just like the Phrygians, being settlers from the
Phrygians. Of these two together the commander was Artochmes, who was
married to a daughter of Dareios.
74. The Lydians had arms very closely resembling those of the Hellenes.
Now the Lydians were in old time called Medonians, and they were named
again after Lydos the son of Atys, changing their former name. The Mysians
had upon their heads native helmets, and they bore small shields and used
javelins burnt at the point. These are settlers from the Lydians, and from
mount Olympos they are called Olympienoi. Of the Lydians and Mysians
the commander was Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, he who invaded
Marathon together with Datis.

75. The Thracians served having fox-skins upon their heads and tunics
about their body, with loose mantles of various colours thrown round over
them; and about their feet and lower part of the leg they wore boots of deer-
skin; and besides this they had javelins and round bucklers and small
daggers. These when they had crossed over into Asia came to be called
Bithynians, but formerly they were called, as they themselves report,
Strymonians, since they dwelt upon the river Strymon; and they say that
they were driven out of their abode by the Teucrians and Mysians. Of the
Thracians who lived in Asia the commander was Bassakes the son of
Artabanos.
76.... 73 and they had small shields of raw ox-hide, and each man carried
two hunting-spears of Lykian workmanship. 74 On their heads they wore
helmets of bronze, and to the helmets the ears and horns of an ox were
attached, in bronze, and upon them also there were crests; and the lower
part of their legs was wrapped round with red-coloured strips of cloth.
Among these men there is an Oracle of Ares.
77. The Meonian Cabelians, who are called Lasonians, had the same
equipment as the Kilikians, and what this was I shall explain when in the
course of the catalogue I come to the array of the Kilikians. The Milyans
had short spears, and their garments were fastened on with buckles; some of
them had Lykian bows, and about their heads they had caps made of leather.
Of all these Badres the son of Hystanes was in command.
78. The Moschoi had wooden caps upon their heads, and shields and
small spears, on which long points were set. The Tibarenians and
Macronians and Mossynoicoi served with equipment like that of the
Moschoi, and these were arrayed together under the following commanders,
—the Moschoi and Tibarenians under Ariomardos, who was the son of
Dareios and of Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis son of Cyrus; the
Macronians and Mossynoicoi under Artaÿctes the son of Cherasmis, who
was governor of Sestos on the Hellespont.
79. The Mares wore on their heads native helmets of plaited work, and
had small shields of hide and javelins; and the Colchians wore wooden
helmets about their heads, and had small shields of raw ox-hide and short
spears, and also knives. Of the Mares and Colchians the commander was
Pharandates the son of Teaspis. The Alarodians and Saspeirians served

armed like the Colchians; and of these the commander was Masistios the
son of Siromitres.
80. The island tribes which came with the army from the Erythraian Sea,
belonging to the islands in which the king settles those who are called the
"Removed," 75 had clothing and arms very like those of the Medes. Of
these islanders the commander was Mardontes the son of Bagaios, who in
the year after these events was a commander of the army at Mykale and lost
his life in the battle.
81. These were the nations which served in the campaign by land and had
been appointed to be among the foot-soldiers. Of this army those who have
been mentioned were commanders; and they were the men who sit it in
order by divisions and numbered it and appointed commanders of
thousands and commanders of tens of thousands, but the commanders of
hundreds and of tens were appointed by the commanders of ten thousands;
and there were others who were leaders of divisions and nations.
82. These, I say, who have been mentioned were commanders of the
army; and over these and over the whole army together that went on foot
there were in command Mardonios the son of Gobryas, Tritantaichmes the
son of that Artabanos who gave the opinion that they should not make the
march against Hellas, Smerdomenes the son of Otanes (both these being
sons of brothers of Dareios and so cousins of Xerxes), 76 Masistes the son
of Dareios and Atossa, Gergis the son of Ariazos, and Megabyzos the son of
Zopyros.
83. These were generals of the whole together that went on foot,
excepting the ten thousand; and of these ten thousand chosen Persians the
general was Hydarnes the son of Hydarnes; and these Persians were called
"Immortals," because, if any one of them made the number incomplete,
being overcome either by death or disease, another man was chosen to his
place, and they were never either more or fewer than ten thousand. Now of
all the nations, the Persians showed the greatest splendour of ornament and
were themselves the best men. They had equipment such as has been
mentioned, and besides this they were conspicuous among the rest for great
quantity of gold freely used; and they took with them carriages, and in them
concubines and a multitude of attendants well furnished; and provisions for
them apart from the soldiers were borne by camels and beasts of burden.

84. The nations who serve as cavalry are these; not all however supplied
cavalry, but only as many as here follow:—the Persians equipped in the
same manner as their foot-soldiers, except that upon their heads some of
them had beaten-work of metal, either bronze or iron.
85. There are also certain nomads called Sagartians, Persian in race and
in language and having a dress which is midway between that of the
Persians and that of the Pactyans. These furnished eight thousand horse, and
they are not accustomed to have any arms either of bronze or of iron
excepting daggers, but they use ropes twisted of thongs, and trust to these
when they go into war: and the manner of fighting of these men is as
follows:—when they come to conflict with the enemy, they throw the ropes
with nooses at the end of them, and whatsoever the man catches by the
throw, 77 whether horse or man, he draws to himself, and they being
entangled in toils are thus destroyed.
86. This is the manner of fighting of these men, and they were arrayed
next to the Persians. The Medes had the same equipment as their men on
foot, and the Kissians likewise. The Indians were armed in the same manner
as those of them who served on foot, and they both rode horses 78 and
drove chariots, in which were harnessed horses or wild asses. The Bactrians
were equipped in the same way as those who served on foot, and the
Caspians likewise. The Libyans too were equipped like those who served on
foot, and these also all drove chariots. So too the Caspians 79 and
Paricanians were equipped like those who served on foot, and they all rode
on camels, which in swiftness were not inferior to horses.
87. These nations alone served 80 as cavalry, and the number of the
cavalry proved to be eight myriads, 81 apart from the camels and the
chariots. Now the rest of the cavalry was arrayed in squadrons, but the
Arabians were placed after them and last of all, for the horses could not
endure the camels, and therefore they were placed last, in order that the
horses might not be frightened.
88. The commanders of the cavalry were Harmamithras and Tithaios sons
of Datis, but the third, Pharnuches, who was in command of the horse with
them, had been left behind at Sardis sick: for as they were setting forth from
Sardis, an accident befell him of an unwished-for kind,—as he was riding, a
dog ran up under his horse's feet, and the horse not having seen it
beforehand was frightened, and rearing up he threw Pharnuches off his

back, who falling vomited blood, and his sickness turned to a consumption.
To the horse however they forthwith at the first did as he commanded, that
is to say, the servants led him away to the place where he had thrown his
master and cut off his legs at the knees. Thus was Pharnuches removed
from his command.
89. Of the triremes the number proved to be one thousand two hundred
and seven, and these were they who furnished them:—the Phenicians,
together with the Syrians 82 who dwell in Palestine furnished three
hundred; and they were equipped thus, that is to say, they had about their
heads leathern caps made very nearly in the Hellenic fashion, and they wore
corslets of linen, and had shields without rims and javelins. These
Phenicians dwelt in ancient time, as they themselves report, upon the
Erythraian Sea, and thence they passed over and dwell in the country along
the sea coast of Syria; and this part of Syria and all as far as Egypt is called
Palestine. The Egyptians furnished two hundred ships: these men had about
their heads helmets of plaited work, and they had hollow shields with the
rims large, and spears for sea-fighting, and large axes: 83 the greater
number of them wore corslets, and they had large knives.
90. These men were thus equipped; and the Cyprians furnished a hundred
and fifty ships, being themselves equipped as follows,—their kings had
their heads wound round with fillets, 84 and the rest had tunics, 85 but in
other respects they were like the Hellenes. Among these there are various
races as follows,—some of them are from Salamis and Athens, others from
Arcadia, others from Kythnos, others again from Phenicia and others from
Ethiopia, as the Cyprians themselves report.
91. The Kilikians furnished a hundred ships; and these again had about
their heads native helmets, and for shields they carried targets made of raw
ox-hide: they wore tunics 86 of wool and each man had two javelins and a
sword, this last being made very like the Egyptian knives. These in old time
were called Hypachaians, and they got their later name from Kilix the son
of Agenor, a Phenician. The Pamphylians furnished thirty ships and were
equipped in Hellenic arms. These Pamphylians are of those who were
dispersed from Troy together with Amphilochos and Calchas.
92. The Lykians furnished fifty ships; and they were wearers of corslets
and greaves, and had bows of cornel-wood and arrows of reeds without
feathers and javelins and a goat-skin hanging over their shoulders, and

about their heads felt caps wreathed round with feathers; also they had
daggers and falchions. 87 The Lykians were formerly called Termilai, being
originally of Crete, and they got their later name from Lycos the son of
Pandion, an Athenian.
93. The Dorians of Asia furnished thirty ships; and these had Hellenic
arms and were originally from the Peloponnese. The Carians supplied
seventy ships; and they were equipped in other respects like Hellenes but
they had also falchions and daggers. What was the former name of these has
been told in the first part of the history. 88
94. The Ionians furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like
Hellenes. Now the Ionians, so long time as they dwelt in the Peloponnese,
in the land which is now called Achaia, and before the time when Danaos
and Xuthos came to the Peloponnese, were called, as the Hellenes report,
Pelasgians of the Coast-land, 89 and then Ionians after Ion the son of
Xuthos.
95. The islanders furnished seventeen ships, and were armed like
Hellenes, this also being a Pelasgian race, though afterwards it came to be
called Ionian by the same rule as the Ionians of the twelve cities, who came
from Athens. The Aiolians supplied sixty ships; and these were equipped
like Hellenes and used to be called Pelasgians in the old time, as the
Hellenes report. The Hellespontians, excepting those of Abydos (for the
men of Abydos had been appointed by the king to stay in their place and be
guards of the bridges), the rest, I say, of those who served in the expedition
from the Pontus furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like
Hellenes: these are colonists of the Ionians and Dorians.
96. In all the ships there served as fighting-men Persians, Medes, or
Sacans;: and of the ships, those which sailed best were furnished by the
Phenicians, and of the Phenicians the best by the men of Sidon. Over all
these men and also over those of them who were appointed to serve in the
land-army, there were for each tribe native chieftains, of whom, since I am
not compelled by the course of the inquiry, I make no mention by the way;
for in the first place the chieftains of each separate nation were not persons
worthy of mention, and then moreover within each nation there were as
many chieftains as there were cities. These went with the expedition too not
as commanders, but like the others serving as slaves; for the generals who

had the absolute power and commanded the various nations, that is to say
those who were Persians, having already been mentioned by me.
97. Of the naval force the following were commanders,—Ariabignes the
son of Dareios, Prexaspes the son of Aspathines, Megabazos the son of
Megabates, and Achaimenes the son of Dareios; that is to say, of the Ionian
and Carian force Ariabignes, who was the son of Dareios and of the
daughter of Gobryas; of the Egyptians Achaimenes was commander, being
brother of Xerxes by both parents; and of the rest of the armament the other
two were in command: and galleys of thirty oars and of fifty oars, and light
vessels, 90 and long 91 ships to carry horses had been assembled together,
as it proved, to the number of three thousand.
98. Of those who sailed in the ships the men of most note after the
commanders were these,—of Sidon, Tetramnestos son of Anysos; of Tyre,
Matten 92 son of Siromos; or Arados, Merbalos son of Agbalos; of Kilikia,
Syennesis son of Oromedon; of Lykia, Kyberniscos son of Sicas; of Cyprus,
Gorgos son of Chersis and Timonax son of Timagoras; of Caria, Histiaios
son of Tymnes, Pigres son of Hysseldomos, 93 and Damasithymos son of
Candaules.
99. Of the rest of the officers I make no mention by the way (since I am
not bound to do so), but only of Artemisia, at whom I marvel most that she
joined the expedition against Hellas, being a woman; for after her husband
died, she holding the power herself, although she had a son who was a
young man, went on the expedition impelled by high spirit and manly
courage, no necessity being laid upon her. Now her name, as I said, was
Artemisia and she was the daughter of Lygdamis, and by descent she was of
Halicarnassos on the side of her father, but of Crete by her mother. She was
ruler of the men of Halicarnassos and Cos and Nisyros and Calydna,
furnishing five ships; and she furnished ships which were of all the fleet
reputed the best after those of the Sidonians, and of all his allies she set
forth the best counsels to the king. Of the States of which I said that she was
leader I declare the people to be all of Dorian race, those of Halicarnassos
being Troizenians, and the rest Epidaurians. So far then I have spoken of the
naval force.
100. Then when Xerxes had numbered the army, and it had been arranged
in divisions, he had a mind to drive through it himself and inspect it: and
afterwards he proceeded so to do; and driving through in a chariot by each

nation, he inquired about them and his scribes wrote down the names, until
he had gone from end to end both of the horse and of the foot. When he had
done this, the ships were drawn down into the sea, and Xerxes changing
from his chariot to a ship of Sidon sat down under a golden canopy and
sailed along by the prows of the ships, asking of all just as he had done with
the land-army, and having the answers written down. And the captains had
taken their ships out to a distance of about four hundred feet from the beach
and were staying them there, all having turned the prows of the ships
towards the shore in an even line 94 and having armed all the fighting-men
as for war; and he inspected them sailing within, between the prows of the
ships and the beach.
101. Now when he had sailed through these and had disembarked from
his ship, he sent for Demaratos the son of Ariston, who was marching with
him against Hellas; and having called him he asked as follows: "Demaratos,
now it is my pleasure to ask thee somewhat which I desire to know. Thou
art not only a Hellene, but also, as I am informed both by thee and by the
other Hellenes who come to speech with me, of a city which is neither the
least nor the feeblest of Hellas. Now therefore declare to me this, namely
whether the Hellenes will endure to raise hands against me: for, as I
suppose, even if all the Hellenes and the remaining nations who dwell
towards the West should be gathered together, they are not strong enough in
fight to endure my attack, supposing them to be my enemies. 95 I desire
however to be informed also of thy opinion, what thou sayest about these
matters." He inquired thus, and the other made answer and said: "O king,
shall I utter the truth in speaking to thee, or that which will give pleasure?"
and he bade him utter the truth, saying that he should suffer nothing
unpleasant in consequence of this, any more than he suffered before.
102. When Demaratos heard this, he spoke as follows: "O king, since
thou biddest me by all means utter the truth, and so speak as one who shall
not be afterwards convicted by thee of having spoken falsely, I say this:—
with Hellas poverty is ever an inbred growth, while valour is one that has
been brought in, being acquired by intelligence and the force of law; and of
it Hellas makes use ever to avert from herself not only poverty but also
servitude to a master. Now I commend all the Hellenes who are settled in
those Dorian lands, but this which I am about to say has regard not to all,
but to the Lacedemonians alone: of these I say, first that it is not possible
that they will ever accept thy terms, which carry with them servitude for

Hellas; and next I say that they will stand against thee in fight, even if all
the other Hellenes shall be of thy party: and as for numbers, ask now how
many they are, that they are able to do this; for whether it chances that a
thousand of them have come out into the field, these will fight with thee, or
if there be less than this, or again if there be more."
103. Xerxes hearing this laughed, and said: "Demaratos, what a speech is
this which thou hast uttered, saying that a thousand men will fight with this
vast army! Come tell me this:—thou sayest that thou wert thyself king of
these men; wilt thou therefore consent forthwith to fight with ten men? and
yet if your State is such throughout as thou dost describe it, thou their king
ought by your laws to stand in array against double as many as another
man; that is to say, if each of them is a match for ten men of my army, I
expect of thee that thou shouldest be a match for twenty. Thus would be
confirmed the report which is made by thee: but if ye, who boast thus
greatly are such men and in size so great only as the Hellenes who come
commonly to speech with me, thyself included, then beware lest this which
has been spoken prove but an empty vaunt. For come, let me examine it by
all that is probable: how could a thousand or ten thousand or even fifty
thousand, at least if they were all equally free and were not ruled by one
man, stand against so great an army? since, as thou knowest, we shall be
more than a thousand coming about each one of them, supposing them to be
in number five thousand. If indeed they were ruled by one man after our
fashion, they might perhaps from fear of him become braver than it was
their nature to be, or they might go compelled by the lash to fight with
greater numbers, being themselves fewer in number; but if left at liberty,
they would do neither of these things: and I for my part suppose that, even
if equally matched in numbers, the Hellenes would hardly dare to fight with
the Persians taken alone. With us however this of which thou speakest is
found in single men, 96 not indeed often, but rarely; for there are Persians
of my spearmen who will consent to fight with three men of the Hellenes at
once: but thou hast had no experience of these things and therefore thou
speakest very much at random."
104. To this Demaratos replied: "O king, from the first I was sure that if I
uttered the truth I should not speak that which was pleasing to thee; since
however thou didst compel me to speak the very truth, I told thee of the
matters which concern the Spartans. And yet how I am at this present time
attached to them by affection thou knowest better than any; seeing that first

they took away from me the rank and privileges which came to me from my
fathers, and then also they have caused me to be without native land and an
exile; but thy father took me up and gave me livelihood and a house to
dwell in. Surely it is not to be supposed likely that the prudent man will
thrust aside friendliness which is offered to him, but rather that he will
accept it with full contentment. 97 And I do not profess that I am able to
fight either with ten men or with two, nay, if I had my will, I would not
even fight with one; but if there were necessity or if the cause which urged
me to the combat were a great one, I would fight most willingly with one of
these men who says that he is a match for three of the Hellenes. So also the
Lacedemonians are not inferior to any men when fighting one by one, and
they are the best of all men when fighting in a body: for though free, yet
they are not free in all things, for over them is set Law as a master, whom
they fear much more even than thy people fear thee. It is certain at least that
they do whatsoever that master commands; and he commands ever the same
thing, that is to say, he bids them not flee out of battle from any multitude
of men, but stay in their post and win the victory or lose their life. But if
when I say these things I seem to thee to be speaking at random, of other
things for the future I prefer to be silent; and at this time I spake only
because I was compelled. May it come to pass however according to thy
mind, O king."
105. He thus made answer, and Xerxes turned the matter to laughter and
felt no anger, but dismissed him with kindness. Then after he had conversed
with him, and had appointed Mascames son of Megadostes to be governor
at this place Doriscos, removing the governor who had been appointed by
Dareios, Xerxes marched forth his army through Thrace to invade Hellas.
106. And Mascames, whom he left behind here, proved to be a man of
such qualities that to him alone Xerxes used to send gifts, considering him
the best of all the men whom either he himself or Dareios had appointed to
be governors,—he used to send him gifts, I say, every year, and so also did
Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes to the descendants of Mascames. For even
before this march governors had been appointed in Thrace and everywhere
about the Hellespont; and these all, both those in Thrace and in the
Hellespont, were conquered by the Hellenes after this expedition, except
only the one who was at Doriscos; but Mascames at Doriscos none were
ever 98 able to conquer, though many tried. For this reason the gifts are sent
continually for him from the king who reigns over the Persians.

107. Of those however who were conquered by the Hellenes Xerxes did
not consider any to be a good man except only Boges, who was at Eïon:
him he never ceased commending, and he honoured very highly his
children who survived him in the land of Persia. For in truth Boges proved
himself worthy of great commendation, seeing that when he was besieged
by the Athenians under Kimon the son of Miltiades, though he might have
gone forth under a truce and so returned home to Asia, he preferred not to
do this, for fear that the king should that it was by cowardice that he
survived; and he continued to hold out till the last. Then when there was no
longer any supply of provisions within the wall, he heaped together a great
pyre, and he cut the throats of his children, his wife, his concubines and his
servants, and threw them into the fire; and after this he scattered all the gold
and silver in the city from the wall into the river Strymon, and having so
done he threw himself into the fire. Thus he is justly commended even to
this present time by the Persians.
108. Xerxes from Doriscos was proceeding onwards to invade Hellas;
and as he went he compelled those who successively came in his way, to
join his march: for the whole country as far as Thessaly had been reduced to
subjection, as has been set forth by me before, and was tributary under the
king, having been subdued by Megabazos and afterwards by Mardonios.
And he passed in his march from Doriscos first by the Samothrakian
strongholds, of which that which is situated furthest towards the West is a
city called Mesambria. Next to this follows Stryme, a city of the Thasians,
and midway between them flows the river Lisos, which at this time did not
suffice when supplying its water to the army of Xerxes, but the stream
failed. This country was in old time called Gallaïke, but now Briantike;
however by strict justice this also belongs to the Kikonians.
109. Having crossed over the bed of the river Lisos after it had been dried
up, he passed by these Hellenic cities, namely Maroneia, Dicaia and
Abdera. These I say he passed by, and also the following lakes of note lying
near them,—the Ismarian lake, lying between Maroneia and Stryme; the
Bistonian lake near Dicaia, into which two rivers pour their waters, the
Trauos 99 and the Compsantos; 100 and at Abdera no lake indeed of any
note was passed by Xerxes, but the river Nestos, which flows there into the
sea. Then after passing these places he went by the cities of the mainland,
101 near one of which there is, as it chances, a lake of somewhere about
thirty furlongs in circumference, abounding in fish and very brackish; this

the baggage-animals alone dried up, being watered at it: and the name of
this city is Pistyros. 102
110. These cities, I say, lying by the sea coast and belonging to Hellenes,
he passed by, leaving them on the left hand; and the tribes of Thracians
through whose country he marched were as follows, namely the Paitians,
Kikonians, Bistonians, Sapaians, Dersaians, Edonians, Satrians. Of these
they who were settled along the sea coast accompanied him with their ships,
and those of them who dwelt inland and have been enumerated by me, were
compelled to accompany him on land, except the Satrians:
111, the Satrians however never yet became obedient to any man, so far
as we know, but they remain up to my time still free, alone of all the
Thracians; for they dwell in lofty mountains, which are covered with forest
of all kinds and with snow, and also they are very skilful in war. These are
they who possess the Oracle of Dionysos; which Oracle is on their most
lofty mountains. Of the Satrians those who act as prophets 103 of the
temple are the Bessians; it is a prophetess 104 who utters the oracles, as at
Delphi; and beyond this there is nothing further of a remarkable character.
105
112. Xerxes having passed over the land which has been spoken of, next
after this passed the strongholds of the Pierians, of which the name of the
one is Phagres and of the other Pergamos. By this way, I say, he made his
march, going close by the walls of these, and keeping Mount Pangaion on
the right hand, which is both great and lofty and in which are mines both of
gold and of silver possessed by the Pierians and Odomantians, and
especially by the Satrians.
113. Thus passing by the Paionians, Doberians and Paioplians, who dwell
beyond Pangaion towards the North Wind, he went on Westwards, until at
last he came to the river Strymon and the city of Eïon, of which, so long as
he lived, Boges was commander, the same about whom I was speaking a
short time back. This country about Mount Pangaion is called Phyllis, and it
extends Westwards to the river Angites, which flows into the Strymon, and
Southwards it stretches to the Strymon itself; and at this river the Magians
sacrificed for good omens, slaying white horses.
114. Having done this and many other things in addition to this, as
charms for the river, at the Nine Ways 106 in the land of the Edonians, they
proceeded by the bridges, for they had found the Strymon already yoked

with bridges; and being informed that this place was called the Nine Ways,
they buried alive in it that number of boys and maidens, children of the
natives of the place. Now burying alive is a Persian custom; for I am
informed that Amestris also, the wife of Xerxes, when she had grown old,
made return for her own life to the god who is said to be beneath the earth
by burying twice seven children of Persians who were men of renown.
115. As the army proceeded on its march from the Strymon, it found after
this a sea-beach stretching towards the setting of the sun, and passed by the
Hellenic city, Argilos, which was there placed. This region and that which
lies above it is called Bisaltia. Thence, keeping on the left hand the gulf
which lies of Posideion, he went through the plain which is called the plain
of Syleus, passing by Stageiros a Hellenic city, and so came to Acanthos,
taking with him as he went each one of these tribes and also of those who
dwell about Mount Pangaion, just as he did those whom I enumerated
before, having the men who dwelt along the sea coast to serve in the ships
and those who dwelt inland to accompany him on foot. This road by which
Xerxes the king marched his army, the Thracians do not disturb nor sow
crops over, but pay very great reverence to it down to my own time.
116. Then when he had come to Acanthos, Xerxes proclaimed a guest-
friendship with the people of Acanthos and also presented them with the
Median dress 107 and commended them, perceiving that they were zealous
to serve him in the war and hearing of that which had been dug.
117. And while Xerxes was in Acanthos, it happened that he who had
been set over the making of the channel, Artachaies by name, died of
sickness, a man who was highly esteemed by Xerxes and belonged to the
Achaimenid family; also he was in stature the tallest of all the Persians,
falling short by only four fingers of being five royal cubits 108 in height,
and he had a voice the loudest of all men; so that Xerxes was greatly
grieved at the loss of him, and carried him forth and buried him with great
honour, and the whole army joined in throwing up a mound for him. To this
Artachaies the Acanthians by the bidding of an oracle do sacrifice as a hero,
calling upon his name in worship.
118. King Xerxes, I say, was greatly grieved at the loss of Artachaies: and
meanwhile the Hellenes who were entertaining his army and providing
Xerxes with dinners had been brought to utter ruin, so that they were being
driven from house and home; seeing that when the Thasians, for example,

entertained the army of Xerxes and provided him with a dinner on behalf of
their towns upon the mainland, Antipater the son of Orgeus, who had been
appointed for this purpose, a man of repute among the citizens equal to the
best, reported that four hundred talents of silver had been spent upon the
dinner.
119. Just so or nearly so in the other cities also those who were set over
the business reported the reckoning to be: for the dinner was given as
follows, having been ordered a long time beforehand, and being counted by
them a matter of great importance:—In the first place, so soon as they heard
of it from the heralds who carried round the proclamation, the citizens in
the various cities distributed corn among their several households, and all
continued to make wheat and barley meal for many months; then they fed
cattle, finding out and obtaining the finest animals for a high price; and they
kept birds both of the land and of the water, in cages or in pools, all for the
entertainment of the army. Then again they had drinking-cups and mixing-
bowls made of gold and of silver, and all the other things which are placed
upon the table: these were made for the king himself and for those who ate
at his table; but for the rest of the army only the things appointed for food
were provided. Then whenever the army came to any place, there was a tent
pitched ready wherein Xerxes himself made his stay, while the rest of the
army remained out in the open air; and when it came to be time for dinner,
then the entertainers had labour; but the others, after they had been satiated
with food and had spent the night there, on the next day tore up the tent and
taking with them all the movable furniture proceeded on their march,
leaving nothing, but carrying all away with them.
120. Then was uttered a word well spoken by Megacreon, a man of
Abdera, who advised those of Abdera to go in a body, both themselves and
their wives, to their temples, and to sit down as suppliants of the gods,
entreating them that for the future also they would ward off from them the
half of the evils which threatened; and he bade them feel great thankfulness
to the gods for the past events, because king Xerxes had not thought good to
take food twice in each day; for if it had been ordered to them beforehand to
prepare breakfast also in like manner as the dinner, it would have remained
for the men of Abdera either not to await the coming of Xerxes, or if they
stayed, to be crushed by misfortune more than any other men upon the
Earth.

121. They then, I say, though hard put to it, yet were performing that
which was appointed to them; and from Acanthos Xerxes, after having
commanded the generals to wait for the fleet at Therma, let the ships take
their course apart from himself, (now this Therma is that which is situated
on the Thermaic gulf, from which also this gulf has its name); and thus he
did because he was informed that this was the shortest way: for from
Doriscos as far as Acanthos the army had been making its march thus:—
Xerxes had divided the whole land-army into three divisions, and one of
them he had set to go along the sea accompanying the fleet, of which
division Mardonios and Masistes were commanders; another third of the
army had been appointed to go by the inland way, and of this the generals in
command were Tritantaichmes and Gergis; and meanwhile the third of the
subdivisions, with which Xerxes himself went, marched in the middle
between them, and acknowledged as its commanders Smerdomenes and
Megabyzos.
122. The fleet, when it was let go by Xerxes and had sailed right through
the channel made in Athos (which went across to the gulf on which are
situated the cities of Assa, Piloros, Singos and Sarte), having taken up a
contingent from these cities also, sailed thence with a free course to the
Thermaïc gulf, and turning round Ampelos the headland of Torone, it left on
one side the following Hellenic cities, from which it took up contingents of
ships and men, namely Torone, Galepsos, Sermyle, Mekyberna, Olynthos:
this region is called Sithonia.
123. And the fleet of Xerxes, cutting across from the headland of
Ampelos to that of Canastron, which runs out furthest to sea of all Pallene,
took up there contingents of ships and men from Potidaia, Aphytis,
Neapolis, Aige, Therambo, Skione, Mende and Sane, for these are the cities
which occupy the region which now is called Pallene, but was formerly
called Phlegra. Then sailing along the coast of this country also the fleet
continued its course towards the place which has been mentioned before,
taking up contingents also from the cities which come next after Pallene
and border upon the Thermaïc gulf; and the names of them are these,—
Lipaxos, Combreia, Lisai, Gigonos, Campsa, Smila, Aineia; and the region
in which these cities are is called even to the present day Crossaia. Then
sailing from Aineia, with which name I brought to an end the list of the
cities, at once the fleet came into the Thermaïc gulf and to the region of
Mygdonia, and so it arrived at the aforesaid Therma and at the cities of

Sindos and Chalestra upon the river Axios. This river is the boundary
between the land of Mygdonia and Bottiaia, of which district the narrow
region which lies on the sea coast is occupied by the cities of Ichnai and
Pella.
124. Now while his naval force was encamped about the river Axios an
the city of Therma and the cities which lie between these two, waiting for
the coming of the king, Xerxes and the land-army were proceeding from
Acanthos, cutting through the middle by the shortest way 109 with a view
to reaching Therma: and he was proceeding through Paionia and Crestonia
to the river Cheidoros, 110 which beginning from the land of the
Crestonians, runs through the region of Mygdonia and comes out alongside
of the marsh which is by the river Axios.
125. As he was proceeding by this way, lions attacked the camels which
carried his provisions; for the lions used to come down regularly by night,
leaving their own haunts, but they touched nothing else, neither beast of
burden nor man, but killed the camels only: and I marvel what was the
cause, and what was it that impelled the lions to abstain from all else and to
attack the camels only, creatures which they had never seen before, and of
which they had had no experience.
126. Now there are in these parts both many lions and also wild oxen,
those that have the very large horns which are often brought into Hellas:
and the limit within which these lions are found is on the one side the river
Nestos, which flows through Abdera, and on the other the Achelos, which
flows through Acarnania; for neither do the East of the Nestos, in any part
of Europe before you come to this, would you see a lion, nor again in the
remaining part of the continent to the West of the Acheloos, but they are
produced in the middle space between these rivers.
127. When Xerxes had reached Therma he established the army there;
and his army encamping there occupied of the land along by the sea no less
than this,—beginning from the city of Therma and from Mygdonia it
extended as far as the river Lydias and the Haliacmon, which form the
boundary between the lands of Bottiaia and Macedonia, mingling their
waters together in one and the same stream. The Barbarians, I say, were
encamped in these regions; and of the rivers which have been enumerated,
only the river Cheidoros flowing from the Crestonian land was insufficient
for the drinking of the army and failed in its stream.

128. Then Xerxes seeing from Therma the mountains of Thessaly,
Olympos and Ossa, that they were of very great height, and being informed
that in the midst between them there was a narrow channel, through which
flows the Peneios, and hearing also that by this way there was a good road
leading to Thessaly, formed a desire to sail thither and look at the outlet of
the Peneios, because he was meaning to march by the upper road, through
the land of the Macedonians who dwell inland, until he came to the
Perraibians, passing by the city of Gonnos; for by this way he was informed
that it was safest to go. And having formed this desire, so also he proceeded
to do; that is, he embarked in a Sidonian ship, the same in which he used
always to embark when he wished to do anything of this kind, and he
displayed a signal for the others to put out to sea also, leaving there the
land-army. Then when Xerxes had looked at the outlet of the Peneios, he
was possessed by great wonder, and summoning his guides he asked them
whether it was possible to turn the river aside and bring it out to the sea by
another way.
129. Now it is said that Thessaly was in old time a lake, being enclosed
on all sides by very lofty mountains: for the parts of it which lie towards the
East are shut in by the ranges of Pelion and Ossa, which join one another in
their lower slopes, the parts towards the North Wind by Olympos, those
towards the West by Pindos and those towards the mid-day and the South
Wind by Othrys; and the region in the midst, between these mountains
which have been named, is Thessaly, forming as it were a hollow. Whereas
then many rivers flow into it and among them these five of most note,
namely Peneios, Apidanos, Onochonos, Enipeus and Pamisos, these, which
collect their waters from the mountains that enclose Thessaly round, and
flow into this plain, with names separate each one, having their outflow into
the sea by one channel and that a narrow one, first mingling their waters all
together in one and the same stream; and so soon as they are mingled
together, from that point onwards the Peneios prevails with its name over
the rest and causes the others to lose their separate names. And it is said that
in ancient time, there not being yet this channel and outflow between the
mountains, these rivers, and besides these rivers the lake Boibeïs also, had
no names as they have now, but by their waters they made Thessaly to be all
sea. The Thessalians themselves say that Poseidon made the channel
through which the Peneios flows; and reasonably they report it thus,
because whosoever believes that it is Poseidon who shakes the Earth and

that the partings asunder produced by earthquake are the work of this god,
would say, if he saw this, that it was made by Poseidon; for the parting
asunder of the mountains is the work of an earthquake, as is evident to me.
130. So the guides, when Xerxes asked whether there was any other
possible outlet to the sea for the Peneios, said with exact knowledge of the
truth: "O king, for this river there is no other outgoing which extends to the
sea, but this alone; for all Thessaly is circled about with mountains as with a
crown." To this Xerxes is said to have replied: "The Thessalians then are
prudent men. This it appears was that which they desired to guard against in
good time 111 when they changed their counsel, 112 reflecting on this
especially besides other things, namely that they had a country which, it
appears, is easy to conquer and may quickly be taken: for it would have
been necessary only to let the river flow over their land by making an
embankment to keep it from going through the narrow channel and so
diverting the course by which now it flows, in order to put all Thessaly
under water except the mountains." This he said in reference to the sons of
Aleuas, because they, being Thessalians, were the first of the Hellenes who
gave themselves over to the king; for Xerxes thought that they offered him
friendship on behalf of their whole nation. Having said thus and having
looked at the place, he sailed back to Therma.
131. He then was staying in the region of Pieria many days, for the road
over the mountains of Macedonia was being cut meanwhile by a third part
of his army, that all the host might pass over by this way into the land of the
Perraibians: and now the heralds returned who had been sent to Hellas to
demand the gift of earth, some empty-handed and others bearing earth and
water.
132. And among those who gave that which was demanded were the
following, namely the Thessalians, Dolopians, Enianians, 113 Perraibians,
Locrians, Megnesians, Malians, Achaians of Phthiotis, and Thebans, with
the rest of the Boeotians also excepting the Thespians and Plataians.
Against these the Hellenes who took up war with the Barbarian made an
oath; and the oath was this,—that whosoever being Hellenes had given
themselves over to the Persian, not being compelled, these, if their own
affairs should come to a good conclusion, they would dedicate as an
offering 114 to the god at Delphi.

133. Thus ran the oath which was taken by the Hellenes: Xerxes however
had not sent to Athens or to Sparta heralds to demand the gift of earth, and
for this reason, namely because at the former time when Dareios had sent
for this very purpose, the one people threw the men who made the demand
into the pit 115 and the others into a well, and bade them take from thence
earth and water and bear them to the king. For this reason Xerxes did not
send men to make this demand. And what evil thing 116 came upon the
Athenians for having done this to the heralds, I am not able to say, except
indeed that their land and city were laid waste; but I do not think that this
happened for that cause:
134, on the Lacedemonians however the wrath fell of Talthybios, the
herald of Agamemnon; for in Sparta there is a temple of Talthybios, and
there are also descendants of Talthybios called Talthybiads, to whom have
been given as a right all the missions of heralds which go from Sparta; and
after this event it was not possible for the Spartans when they sacrificed to
obtain favourable omens. This was the case with them for a long time; and
as the Lacedemonians were grieved and regarded it as a great misfortune,
and general assemblies were repeatedly gathered together and proclamation
made, asking if any one of the Lacedemonians was willing to die for Sparta,
at length Sperthias the son of Aneristos and Bulis the son of Nicolaos,
Spartans of noble birth and in wealth attaining to the first rank, voluntarily
submitted to pay the penalty to Xerxes for the heralds of Dareios which had
perished at Sparta. Thus the Spartans sent these to the Medes to be put to
death.
135. And not only the courage then shown by these men is worthy of
admiration, but also the following sayings in addition: for as they were on
their way to Susa they came to Hydarnes (now Hydarnes was a Persian by
race and commander of those who dwelt on the sea coasts of Asia), and he
offered them hospitality and entertained them; and while they were his
guests he asked them as follows: "Lacedemonians, why is it that ye flee
from becoming friends to the king? for ye may see that the king knows how
to honour good men, when ye look at me and at my fortunes. So also ye,
Lacedemonians, if ye gave yourselves to the king, since ye have the
reputation with him already of being good men, would have rule each one
of you over Hellenic land by the gift of the king." To this they made answer
thus: "Hydarnes, thy counsel with regard to us is not equally balanced, 117
for thou givest counsel having made trial indeed of the one thing, but being

without experience of the other: thou knowest well what it is to be a slave,
but thou hast never yet made trial of freedom, whether it is pleasant to the
taste or no; for if thou shouldest make trial of it, thou wouldest then counsel
us to fight for it not with spears only but also with axes."
136. Thus they answered Hydarnes; and then, after they had gone up to
Susa and had come into the presence of the king, first when the spearmen of
the guard commanded them and endeavoured to compel them by force to do
obeisance to the king by falling down before him, they said that they would
not do any such deed, though they should be pushed down by them head
foremost; for it was not their custom to do obeisance to a man, and it was
not for this that they had come. Then when they had resisted this, next they
spoke these words or words to this effect: "O king of the Medes, the
Lacedemonians sent us in place of the heralds who were slain in Sparta, to
pay the penalty for their lives." When they said this, Xerxes moved by a
spirit of magnanimity replied that he would not be like the Lacedemonians;
for they had violated the rules which prevailed among all men by slaying
heralds, but he would not do that himself which he blamed them for having
done, nor would he free the Lacedemonians from their guilt by slaying
these in return.
137. Thus the wrath of Talthybios ceased for the time being, even though
the Spartans had done no more than this and although Sperthias and Bulis
returned back to Sparta; but a long time after this it was roused again during
the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the Lacedemonians
report. This I perceive to have been most evidently the act of the Deity: for
in that the wrath of Talthybios fell upon messengers and did not cease until
it had been fully satisfied, so much was but in accordance with justice; but
that it happened to come upon the sons of these men who went up to the
king on account of the wrath, namely upon Nicolaos the son of Bulis and
Aneristos the son of Sperthias (the same who conquered the men of Halieis,
who came from Tiryns, by sailing into their harbour with a merchant ship
filled with fighting men),—by this it is evident to me that the matter came
to pass by the act of the Deity caused by this wrath. For these men, sent by
the Lacedemonians as envoys to Asia, having been betrayed by Sitalkes the
son of Teres king of the Thracians and by Nymphodoros the son of Pythes a
man of Abdera, were captured at Bisanthe on the Hellespont; and then
having been carried away to Attica they were put to death by the Athenians,
and with them also Aristeas the son of Adeimantos the Corinthian. These

things happened many years after the expedition of the king; and I return
now to the former narrative.
138. Now the march of the king's army was in name against Athens, but
in fact it was going against all Hellas: and the Hellenes being informed of
this long before were not all equally affected by it; for some of them having
given earth and water to the Persian had confidence, supposing that they
would suffer no hurt from the Barbarian; while others not having given
were in great terror, seeing that there were not ships existing in Hellas
which were capable as regards number of receiving the invader in fight, and
seeing that the greater part of the States were not willing to take up the war,
but adopted readily the side of the Medes.
139. And here I am compelled by necessity to declare an opinion which
in the eyes of most men would seem to be invidious, but nevertheless I will
not abstain from saying that which I see evidently to be the truth. If the
Athenians had been seized with fear of the danger which threatened them
and had left their land, 118 or again, without leaving their land, had stayed
and given themselves up to Xerxes, none would have made any attempt by
sea to oppose the king. If then none had opposed Xerxes by sea, it would
have happened on the land somewhat thus:—even if many tunics of walls
119 had been thrown across the Isthmus by the Peloponnesians, the
Lacedemonians would have been deserted by their allies, not voluntarily but
of necessity, since these would have been conquered city after city by the
naval force of the Barbarian, and so they would have been left alone: and
having been left alone and having displayed great deeds of valour, they
would have met their death nobly. Either they would have suffered this fate,
or before this, seeing the other Hellenes also taking the side of the Medes,
they would have made an agreement with Xerxes; and thus in either case
Hellas would have come to be under the rule of the Persians: for as to the
good to be got from the walls thrown across the Isthmus, I am unable to
discover what it would have been, when the king had command of the sea.
As it is however, if a man should say that the Athenians proved to be the
saviours of Hellas, he would not fail to hit the truth; for to whichever side
these turned, to that the balance was likely to incline: and these were they
who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom, roused up
all of Hellas which remained, so much, that is, as had not gone over to the
Medes, and (after the gods at least) these were they who repelled the king.
Nor did fearful oracles, which came from Delphi and cast them into dread,

induce them to leave Hellas, but they stayed behind and endured to receive
the invader of their land.
140. For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and were
preparing to consult the Oracle; and after these had performed the usual
rites in the sacred precincts, when they had entered the sanctuary 120 and
were sitting down there, the Pythian prophetess, whose name was
Aristonike, uttered to them this oracle:
"Why do ye sit, O ye wretched? Flee thou 121 to the uttermost
limits, Leaving thy home and the heights of the wheel-round city
behind thee! Lo, there remaineth now nor the head nor the body in
safety,—Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are
left thee,—All are destroyed 122 together; for fire and the
passionate War-god, 123 Urging the Syrian 124 car to speed, doth
hurl them 125 to ruin. Not thine alone, he shall cause many more
great strongholds to perish, Yes, many temples of gods to the
ravening fire shall deliver,—Temples which stand now surely with
sweat of their terror down-streaming, Quaking with dread; and lo!
from the topmost roof to the pavement Dark blood trickles,
forecasting the dire unavoidable evil. Forth with you, forth from
the shrine, and steep your soul in the sorrow!" 126

141. Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to consult
the Oracle were very greatly distressed; and as they were despairing by
reason of the evil which had been prophesied to them, Timon the son of
Androbulos, a man of the Delphians in reputation equal to the first,
counselled them to take a suppliant's bough and to approach the second
time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The Athenians did as he advised
and said: "Lord, 127 we pray thee utter to us some better oracle about our
native land, having respect to these suppliant boughs which we have come
to thee bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart away from the
sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now, even until we bring our
lives to an end." When they spoke these words, the prophetess gave them a
second oracle as follows:
"Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympos, Though she
with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him. But I will
tell thee this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine: Then
when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary 128 of Kecrops
Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Kithairon, A
bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess
Sole to remain unwasted, which thee and thy children shall profit.
Stay thou not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen
unnumbered; Stay thou not still for the host from the mainland to
come, but retire thee, Turning thy back to the foe, for yet thou
shalt face him hereafter. Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause
sons of women to perish, Or when the grain 129 is scattered or
when it is gathered together."

142. This seemed to them to be (as in truth it was) a milder utterance than
the former one; therefore they had it written down and departed with it to
Athens: and when the messengers after their return made report to the
people, many various opinions were expressed by persons inquiring into the
meaning of the oracle, and among them these, standing most in opposition
to one another:—some of the elder men said they thought that the god had
prophesied to them that the Acropolis should survive; for the Acropolis of
the Athenians was in old time fenced with a thorn hedge; and they
conjectured accordingly that this saying about the "bulwark of wood"
referred to the fence: others on the contrary said that the god meant by this
their ships, and they advised to leave all else and get ready these. Now they
who said that the ships were the bulwark of wood were shaken in their
interpretation by the two last verses which the prophetess uttered:
"Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of women to perish,
Or when the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together."

In reference to these verses the opinions of those who said that the ships
were the bulwark of wood were disturbed; for the interpreters of oracles
took these to mean that it was fated for them, having got ready for a sea-
fight, to suffer defeat round about Salamis.
143. Now there was one man of the Athenians who had lately been
coming forward to take a place among the first, whose name was
Themistocles, called son of Neocles. This man said that the interpreters of
oracles did not make right conjecture of the whole, and he spoke as follows,
saying that if these words that had been uttered referred really to the
Athenians, he did not think it would have been so mildly expressed in the
oracle, but rather thus, "Salamis, thou the merciless," instead of "Salamis,
thou the divine," at least if its settlers were destined to perish round about it:
but in truth the oracle had been spoken by the god with reference to the
enemy, if one understood it rightly, and not to the Athenians: therefore he
counselled them to get ready to fight a battle by sea, for in this was their
bulwark of wood. When Themistocles declared his opinion thus, the
Athenians judged that this was to be preferred by them rather than the
advice of the interpreters of oracles, who bade them not make ready for a
sea-fight, nor in short raise their hands at all in opposition, but leave the
land of Attica and settle in some other.

144. Another opinion too of Themistocles before this one proved the best
at the right moment, when the Athenians, having got large sums of money
in the public treasury, which had come in to them from the mines which are
at Laureion, were intending to share it among themselves, taking each in
turn the sum of ten drachmas. Then Themistocles persuaded the Athenians
to give up this plan of division and to make for themselves with this money
two hundred ships for the war, meaning by that the war with the Eginetans:
for this war having arisen 130 proved in fact the salvation of Hellas at that
time, by compelling the Athenians to become a naval power. And the ships,
not having been used for the purpose for which they had been made, thus
proved of service at need to Hellas. These ships then, I say, the Athenians
had already, having built them beforehand, and it was necessary in addition
to these to construct others. They resolved then, when they took counsel
after the oracle was given, to receive the Barbarian invading Hellas with
their ships in full force, following the commands of the god, in combination
with those of the Hellenes who were willing to join them.
145. These oracles had been given before to the Athenians: and when
those Hellenes who had the better mind about Hellas 131 came together to
one place, and considered their affairs and interchanged assurances with
one another, then deliberating together they thought it well first of all things
to reconcile the enmities and bring to an end the wars which they had with
one another. Now there were wars engaged 132 between others also, and
especially between the Athenians and the Eginetans. After this, being
informed that Xerxes was with his army at Sardis, they determined to send
spies to Asia to make observation of the power of the king; and moreover
they resolved to send envoys to Argos to form an alliance against the
Persian, and to send others to Sicily to Gelon the son of Deinomenes and
also to Corcyra, to urge them to come to the assistance of Hellas, and others
again to Crete; for they made it their aim that if possible the Hellenic race
might unite in one, and that they might join all together and act towards the
same end, since dangers were threatening all the Hellenes equally. Now the
power of Gelon was said to be great, far greater than any other Hellenic
power.
146. When they had thus resolved, they reconciled their enmities and
then sent first three men as spies to Asia. These having come to Sardis and
having got knowledge about the king's army, were discovered, and after
having been examined by the generals of the land-army were being led off

to die. For these men, I say, death had been determined; but Xerxes, being
informed of this, found fault with the decision of the generals and sent some
of the spearmen of his guard, enjoining them, if they should find the spies
yet alive, to bring them to his presence. So having found them yet surviving
they brought them into the presence of the king; and upon that Xerxes,
being informed for what purpose they had come, commanded the spearmen
to lead them round and to show them the whole army both foot and horse,
and when they should have had their fill of looking at these things, to let
them go unhurt to whatsoever land they desired.
147. Such was the command which he gave, adding at the same time this
saying, namely that if the spies had been put to death, the Hellenes would
not have been informed beforehand of his power, how far beyond
description it was; while on the other hand by putting to death three men
they would not very greatly have damaged the enemy; but when these
returned back to Hellas, he thought it likely that the Hellenes, hearing of his
power, would deliver up their freedom to him themselves, before the
expedition took place which was being set in motion; and thus there would
be no need for them to have the labour of marching an army against them.
This opinion of his is like his manner of thinking at other times; 133 for
when Xerxes was in Abydos, he saw vessels which carried corn from the
Pontus sailing out through the Hellespont on their way to Egina and the
Peloponnese. Those then who sat by his side, being informed that the ships
belonged to the enemy, were prepared to capture them, and were looking to
the king to see when he would give the word; but Xerxes asked about them
whither the men were sailing, and they replied: "Master, to thy foes,
conveying to them corn": he then made answer and said: "Are we not also
sailing to the same place as these men, furnished with corn as well as with
other things necessary? How then do these wrong us, since they are
conveying provisions for our use?"
148. The spies then, having thus looked at everything and after that
having been dismissed, returned back to Europe: and meanwhile those of
the Hellenes who had sworn alliance against the Persian, after the sending
forth of the spies proceeded to send envoys next to Argos. Now the Argives
report that the matters concerning themselves took place as follows:—They
were informed, they say, at the very first of the movement which was being
set on foot by the Barbarian against Hellas; and having been informed of
this and perceiving that the Hellenes would endeavour to get their alliance

against the Persians, they had sent messengers to inquire of the god at
Delphi, and to ask how they should act in order that it might be best for
themselves: because lately there had been slain of them six thousand men
by the Lacedemonians and by Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, 134 and
this in fact was the reason that they were sending to inquire: and when they
inquired, the Pythian prophetess made answer to them as follows:
"Thou to thy neighbours a foe, by the gods immortal beloved,
Keep thou thy spear 135 within bounds, and sit well-guarded behind it:
Guard well the head, and the head shall preserve the limbs and the body."

Thus, they say, the Pythian prophetess had replied to them before this;
and afterwards when the messengers of the Hellenes came, as I said, to
Argos, they entered the Council-chamber and spoke that which had been
enjoined to them; and to that which was said the Council replied that the
Argives were ready to do as they were requested, on condition that they got
peace made with the Lacedemonians for thirty years and that they had half
the leadership of the whole confederacy: and yet by strict right (they said)
the whole leadership fell to their share, but nevertheless it was sufficient for
them to have half.
149. Thus they report that the Council made answer, although the oracle
forbade them to make the alliance with the Hellenes; and they were
anxious, they say, that a truce from hostilities for thirty years should be
made, although they feared the oracle, in order, as they allege, that their
sons might grow to manhood in these years; whereas if a truce did not exist,
they had fear that, supposing another disaster should come upon them in
fighting against the Persian in addition to that which had befallen them
already, they might be for all future time subject to the Lacedemonians. To
that which was spoken by the Council those of the envoys who were of
Sparta replied, that as to the truce they would refer the matter to their public
assembly, 136 but as to the leadership they had themselves been
commissioned to make reply, and did in fact say this, namely that they had
two kings, while the Argives had one; and it was not possible to remove
either of the two who were of Sparta from the leadership, but there was
nothing to prevent the Argive king from having an equal vote with each of
their two. Then, say the Argives, they could not endure the grasping
selfishness of the Spartans, but chose to be ruled by the Barbarians rather
than to yield at all to the Lacedemonians; and they gave notice to the

envoys to depart out of the territory of the Argives before sunset, or, if not,
they would be dealt with as enemies.

150. The Argives themselves report so much about these matters: but
there is another story reported in Hellas to the effect that Xerxes sent a
herald to Argos before he set forth to make an expedition against Hellas,
and this herald, they say, when he had come, spoke as follows: "Men of
Argos, king Xerxes says to you these things:—We hold that Perses, from
whom we are descended, was the son of Perseus, the son of Danae, and was
born of the daughter of Kepheus, Andromeda; and according to this it
would seem that we are descended from you. It is not fitting then that we
should go forth on an expedition against those from whom we trace our
descent, nor that ye should set yourselves in opposition to us by rendering
assistance to others; but it is fitting that ye keep still and remain by
yourselves: for if things happen according to my mind, I shall not esteem
any people to be of greater consequence than you." Having heard this the
Argives, it is said, considered it a great matter; and therefore at first they
made no offer of help nor did they ask for any share; but afterwards, when
the Hellenes tried to get them on their side, then, since they knew well that
the Lacedemonians would not give them a share in the command, they
asked for this merely in order that they might have a pretext for remaining
still.
151. Also some of the Hellenes report that the following event, in
agreement with this account, came to pass many years after these things:—
there happened, they say, to be in Susa the city of Memnon 137 envoys of
the Athenians come about some other matter, namely Callias the son of
Hipponicos and the others who went up with him; and the Argives at that
very time had also sent envoys to Susa, and these asked Artoxerxes the son
of Xerxes, whether the friendship which they had formed with Xerxes still
remained unbroken, if they themselves desired to maintain it, 138 or
whether they were esteemed by him to be enemies; and king Artoxerxes
said that it most certainly remained unbroken, and that there was no city
which he considered to be more his friend than Argos.
152. Now whether Xerxes did indeed send a herald to Argos saying that
which has been reported, and whether envoys of the Argives who had gone
up to Susa inquired of Artoxerxes concerning friendship, I am not able to
say for certain; nor do I declare any opinion about the matters in question
other than that which the Argives themselves report: but I know this much,
that if all the nations of men should bring together into one place the evils

which they have suffered themselves, desiring to make exchange with their
neighbours, each people of them, when they had examined closely the evils
suffered by their fellows, would gladly carry away back with them those
which they had brought. 139 Thus it is not the Argives who have acted most
basely of all. I however am bound to report that which is reported, though I
am not bound altogether to believe it; and let this saying be considered to
hold good as regards every narrative in the history: for I must add that this
also is reported, namely that the Argives were actually those who invited
the Persian to invade Hellas, because their war with the Lacedemonians had
had an evil issue, being willing to suffer anything whatever rather than the
trouble which was then upon them.
153. That which concerns the Argives has now been said: and meanwhile
envoys had come to Sicily from the allies, to confer with Gelon, among
whom was also Syagros from the Lacedemonians. Now the ancestor of this
Gelon, he who was at Gela as a settler, 140 was a native of the island of
Telos, which lies off Triopion; and when Gela was founded by the Lindians
of Rhodes and by Antiphemos, he was not left behind. Then in course of
time his descendants became and continued to be priests of the mysteries of
the Earth goddesses, 141 an office which was acquired by Telines one of
their ancestors in the following manner:—certain of the men of Gela, being
worsted in a party struggle, had fled to Mactorion, the city which stands
above Gela: these men Telines brought back to Gela from exile with no
force of men but only with the sacred rites of these goddesses; but from
whom he received them, or whether he obtained them for himself, 142 this I
am not able to say; trusting in these however, he brought the men back from
exile, on the condition that his descendants should be priests of the
mysteries of the goddesses. To me it has caused wonder also that Telines
should have been able to perform so great a deed, considering that which I
am told; for such deeds, I think, are not apt to proceed from every man, but
from one who has a brave spirit and manly vigour, whereas Telines is said
by the dwellers in Sicily to have been on the contrary a man of effeminate
character and rather poor spirit.
154. He then had thus obtained the privilege of which I speak: and when
Cleander the son of Pantares brought his life to an end, having been despot
of Gela for seven years and being killed at last by Sabyllos a man of Gela,
then Hippocrates succeeded to the monarchy, who was brother of Cleander.
And while Hippocrates was despot, Gelon, who was a descendant of Telines

the priest of the mysteries, was spearman of the guard 143 to Hippocrates
with many others and among them Ainesidemos the son of Pataicos. Then
after no long time he was appointed by reason of valour to be commander
of the whole cavalry; for when Hippocrates besieged successively the cities
of Callipolis, Naxos, Zancle, Leontini, and also Syracuse and many towns
of the Barbarians, in these wars Gelon showed himself a most brilliant
warrior; and of the cities which I just now mentioned, not one except
Syracuse escaped being reduced to subjection by Hippocrates: the
Syracusans however, after they had been defeated in battle at the river
Eloros, were rescued by the Corinthians and Corcyreans; these rescued
them and brought the quarrel to a settlement on this condition, namely that
the Syracusans should deliver up Camarina to Hippocrates. Now Camarina
used in ancient time to belong to the men of Syracuse.
155. Then when it was the fate of Hippocrates also, after having been
despot for the same number of years as his brother Cleander, to be killed at
the city of Hybla, whither he had gone on an expedition against the
Sikelians, then Gelon made a pretence of helping the sons of Hippocrates,
Eucleides and Cleander, when the citizens were no longer willing to submit;
but actually, when he had been victorious in a battle over the men of Gela,
he robbed the sons of Hippocrates of the power and was ruler himself. After
this stroke of fortune Gelon restored those of the Syracusans who were
called "land-holders," 144 after they had been driven into exile by the
common people and by their own slaves, who were called Kyllyrians, 145
these, I say, he restored from the city of Casmene to Syracuse, and so got
possession of this last city also, for the common people of Syracuse, when
Gelon came against them, delivered up to him their city and themselves.
156. So after he had received Syracuse into his power, he made less
account of Gela, of which he was ruler also in addition, and he gave it in
charge to Hieron his brother, while he proceeded to strengthen Syracuse. So
forthwith that city rose and shot up to prosperity; for in the first place he
brought all those of Camarina to Syracuse and made them citizens, and
razed to the ground the city of Camarina; then secondly he did the same to
more than half of the men of Gela, as he had done to those of Camarina:
and as regards the Megarians of Sicily, when they were besieged and had
surrendered by capitulation, the well-to-do men 146 of them, though they
had stirred up war with him and expected to be put to death for this reason,
he brought to Syracuse and made them citizens, but the common people of

the Megarians, who had no share in the guilt of this war and did not expect
that they would suffer any evil, these also he brought to Syracuse and sold
them as slaves to be carried away from Sicily: and the same thing he did
moreover to the men of Euboia in Sicily, making a distinction between
them: and he dealt thus with these two cities because he thought that a body
of commons was a most unpleasant element in the State.
157. In the manner then which has been described Gelon had become a
powerful despot; and at this time when the envoys of the Hellenes had
arrived at Syracuse, they came to speech with him and said as follows: "The
Lacedemonians and their allies sent us to get thee to be on our side against
the Barbarian; for we suppose that thou art certainly informed of him who is
about to invade Hellas, namely that a Persian is designing to bridge over the
Hellespont, and to make an expedition against Hellas, leading against us out
of Asia all the armies of the East, under colour of marching upon Athens,
but in fact meaning to bring all Hellas to subjection under him. Do thou
therefore, seeing that 147 thou hast attained to a great power and hast no
small portion of Hellas for thy share, being the ruler of Sicily, come to the
assistance of those who are endeavouring to free Hellas, and join in making
her free; for if all Hellas be gathered together in one, it forms a great body,
and we are made a match in fight for those who are coming against us; but
if some of us go over to the enemy and others are not willing to help, and
the sound portion of Hellas is consequently small, there is at once in this a
danger that all Hellas may fall to ruin. For do not thou hope that if the
Persian shall overcome us in battle he will not come to thee, but guard
thyself against this beforehand; for in coming to our assistance thou art
helping thyself; and the matter which is wisely planned has for the most
part a good issue afterwards."
158. The envoys spoke thus; and Gelon was very vehement with them,
speaking to them as follows: "Hellenes, a selfish speech is this, with which
ye have ventured to come and invite me to be your ally against the
Barbarian; whereas ye yourselves, when I in former time requested of you
to join with me in fighting against an army of Barbarians, contention having
arisen between me and the Carthaginians, and when I charged you to exact
vengeance of the men of Egesta for the death of Dorieos the son of
Anaxandrides, 148 while at the same time I offered to help in setting free
the trading-places, from which great advantages and gains have been reaped
by you,—ye, I say, then neither for my own sake came to my assistance, nor

in order to exact vengeance for the death of Dorieos; and, so far as ye are
concerned, all these parts are even now under the rule of Barbarians. But
since it turned out well for us and came to a better issue, now that the war
has come round and reached you, there has at last arisen in your minds a
recollection of Gelon. However, though I have met with contempt at your
hands, I will not act like you; but I am prepared to come to your assistance,
supplying two hundred triremes and twenty thousand hoplites, with two
thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen, two thousand slingers and two
thousand light-armed men to run beside the horsemen; and moreover I will
undertake to supply corn for the whole army of the Hellenes, until we have
finished the war. These things I engage to supply on this condition, namely
that I shall be commander and leader of the Hellenes against the Barbarian;
but on any other condition I will neither come myself nor will I send
others."
159. Hearing this Syagros could not contain himself but spoke these
words: "Deeply, I trow, would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, 149 if he
heard that the Spartans had had the leadership taken away from them by
Gelon and by the Syracusans. Nay, but make thou no further mention of this
condition, namely that we should deliver the leadership to thee; but if thou
art desirous to come to the assistance of Hellas, know that thou wilt be
under the command of the Lacedemonians; and if thou dost indeed claim
not to be under command, come not thou to our help at all."
160. To this Gelon, seeing that the speech of Syagros was adverse, set
forth to them his last proposal thus: "Stranger from Sparta, reproaches
sinking into the heart of a man are wont to rouse his spirit in anger against
them; thou however, though thou hast uttered insults against me in thy
speech, wilt not bring me to show myself unseemly in my reply. But
whereas ye so strongly lay claim to the leadership, it were fitting that I
should lay claim to it more than ye, seeing that I am the leader of an army
many times as large and of ships many more. Since however this condition
is so distasteful to you, 150 we will recede somewhat from our former
proposal. Suppose that ye should be leaders of the land-army and I of the
fleet; or if it pleases you to lead the sea-forces, I am willing to be leader of
those on land; and either ye must be contented with these terms or go away
without the alliance which I have to give."

161. Gelon, I say, made these offers, and the envoy of the Athenians,
answering before that of the Lacedemonians, replied to him as follows: "O
king of the Syracusans, it was not of a leader that Hellas was in want when
it sent us to thee, but of an army. Thou however dost not set before us the
hope that thou wilt send an army, except thou have the leadership of Hellas;
and thou art striving how thou mayest become commander of the armies of
Hellas. So long then as it was thy demand to be leader of the whole army of
the Hellenes, it was sufficient for us Athenians to keep silence, knowing
that the Lacedemonian would be able to make defence even for us both; but
now, since being repulsed from the demand for the whole thou art
requesting to be commander of the naval force, we tell that thus it is:—not
even if the Lacedemonian shall permit thee to be commander of it, will we
permit thee; for this at least is our own, if the Lacedemonians do not
themselves desire to have it. With these, if they desire to be the leaders, we
do not contend; but none others beside ourselves shall we permit to be in
command of the ships: for then to no purpose should we be possessors of a
sea-force larger than any other which belongs to the Hellenes, if, being
Athenians, we should yield the leadership to Syracusans, we who boast of a
race which is the most ancient of all and who are of all the Hellenes the
only people who have not changed from one land to another; to whom also
belonged a man whom Homer the Epic poet said was the best of all who
came to Ilion in drawing up an army and setting it in array. 151 Thus we are
not justly to be reproached if we say these things."
162. To this Gelon made answer thus: "Stranger of Athens, it would seem
that ye have the commanders, but that ye will not have the men to be
commanded. Since then ye will not at all give way, but desire to have the
whole, it were well that ye should depart home as quickly as possible and
report to the Hellenes that the spring has been taken out of their year." Now
this is the meaning of the saying:—evidently the spring is the noblest part
of the year; and so he meant to say that his army was the noblest part of the
army of the Hellenes: for Hellas therefore, deprived of his alliance, it was,
he said, as if the spring had been taken out of the year. 152
163. The envoys of the Hellenes, having thus had conference with Gelon,
sailed away; and Gelon upon this, fearing on the one hand about the
Hellenes, lest they should not be able to overcome the Barbarian, and on the
other hand considering it monstrous and not to be endured that he should
come to Peloponnesus and be under the command of the Lacedemonians,

seeing that he was despot of Sicily, gave up the thought of this way and
followed another: for so soon as he was informed that the Persian had
crossed over the Hellespont, he sent Cadmos the son of Skythes, a man of
Cos, with three fifty-oared galleys to Delphi, bearing large sums of money
and friendly proposals, to wait there and see how the battle would fall out:
and if the Barbarian should be victorious, he was to give him the money and
also to offer him earth and water from those over whom Gelon had rule; but
if the Hellenes should be victorious, he was bidden to bring it back.
164. Now this Cadmos before these events, having received from his
father in a prosperous state the government 153 of the people of Cos, had
voluntarily and with no danger threatening, but moved merely by
uprightness of nature, placed the government in the hands of the people of
Cos 154 and had departed to Sicily, where he took from 155 the Samians
and newly colonised the city of Zancle, which had changed its name to
Messene. This same Cadmos, having come thither in such manner as I have
said, Gelon was now sending, having selected him on account of the
integrity which in other matters he had himself found to be in him; and this
man, in addition to the other upright acts which had been done by him, left
also this to be remembered, which was not the least of them: for having got
into his hands that great sum of money which Gelon entrusted to his charge,
though he might have taken possession of it himself he did not choose to do
so; but when the Hellenes had got the better in the sea-fight and Xerxes had
marched away and departed, he also returned to Sicily bringing back with
him the whole sum of money.
165. The story which here follows is also reported by those who dwell in
Sicily, namely that, even though he was to be under the command of the
Lacedemonians, Gelon would have come to the assistance of the Hellenes,
but that Terillos, the son of Crinippos and despot of Himera, having been
driven out of Himera by Theron the son of Ainesidemos 156 the ruler of the
Agrigentines, was just at this very time bringing in an army of Phenicians,
Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Elisycans, Sardinians and Corsicans, to the
number of thirty myriads, 157 with Amilcas the son of Annon king of the
Carthaginians as their commander, whom Terillos had persuaded partly by
reason of his own guest-friendship, and especially by the zealous assistance
of Anaxilaos the son of Cretines, who was despot of Rhegion, and who to
help his father-in-law endeavoured to bring in Amilcas to Sicily, and had
given him his sons as hostages; for Anaxilaos was married to the daughter

of Terillos, whose name was Kydippe. Thus it was, they say, that Gelon was
not able to come to the assistance of the Hellenes, and sent therefore the
money to Delphi.
166. In addition to this they report also that, as it happened, Gelon and
Theron were victorious over Amilcas the Carthaginian on the very same day
when the Hellenes were victorious at Salamis over the Persian. And this
Amilcas, who was a Carthaginian on the father's side but on the mother's
Syracusan, and who had become king of the Carthaginians by merit, when
the engagement took place and he was being worsted in the battle,
disappeared, as I am informed; for neither alive nor dead did he appear
again anywhere upon the earth, though Gelon used all diligence in the
search for him.
167. Moreover there is also this story reported by the Carthaginians
themselves, who therein relate that which is probable in itself, namely that
while the Barbarians fought with the Hellenes in Sicily from the early
morning till late in the afternoon (for to such a length the combat is said to
have been protracted), during this time Amilcas was remaining in the camp
and was making sacrifices to get good omens of success, offering whole
bodies of victims upon a great pyre: and when he saw that there was a rout
of his own army, he being then, as it chanced, in the act of pouring a
libation over the victims, threw himself into the fire, and thus he was burnt
up and disappeared. Amilcas then having disappeared, whether it was in
such a manner as this, as it is reported by the Phenicians, or in some other
way, 159 the Carthaginians both offer sacrifices to him now, and also they
made memorials of him then in all the cities of their colonies, and the
greatest in Carthage itself.
168. So far of the affairs of Sicily: and as for the Corcyreans, they made
answer to the envoys as follows, afterwards acting as I shall tell: for the
same men who had gone to Sicily endeavoured also to obtain the help of
these, saying the same things which they said to Gelon; and the Corcyreans
at the time engaged to send a force and to help in the defence, declaring that
they must not permit Hellas to be ruined without an effort on their part, for
if it should suffer disaster, they would be reduced to subjection from the
very first day; but they must give assistance so far as lay in their power.
Thus speciously they made reply; but when the time came to send help,
they manned sixty ships, having other intentions in their minds, and after

making much difficulty they put out to sea and reached Peloponnese; and
then near Pylos and Tainaron in the land of the Lacedemonians they kept
their ships at anchor, waiting, as Gelon did, to see how the war would turn
out: for they did not expect that the Hellenes would overcome, but thought
that the Persian would gain the victory over them with ease and be ruler of
all Hellas. Accordingly they were acting of set purpose, in order that they
might be able to say to the Persian some such words as these: "O king,
when the Hellenes endeavoured to obtain our help for this war, we, who
have a power which is not the smallest of all, and could have supplied a
contingent of ships in number not the smallest, but after the Athenians the
largest, did not choose to oppose thee or to do anything which was not to
thy mind." By speaking thus they hoped that they would obtain some
advantage over the rest, and so it would have happened, as I am of opinion:
while they had for the Hellenes an excuse ready made, that namely of
which they actually made use: for when the Hellenes reproached them
because they did not come to help, they said that they had manned sixty
triremes, but had not been able to get past Malea owing to the Etesian
Winds; therefore it was that they had not come to Salamis, nor was it by any
want of courage on their part that they had been left of the sea-fight.
169. These then evaded the request of the Hellenes thus: but the Cretans,
when those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to deal with these
endeavoured to obtain their help, did thus, that is to say, they joined
together and sent men to inquire of the god at Delphi whether it would be
better for them if they gave assistance to Hellas: and the Pythian prophetess
answered: "Ye fools, do ye think those woes too few, 160 which Minos sent
upon you in his wrath, 161 because of the assistance that ye gave to
Menelaos? seeing that, whereas they did not join with you in taking
vengeance for his death in Camicos, ye nevertheless joined with them in
taking vengeance for the woman who by a Barbarian was carried off from
Sparta." When the Cretans heard this answer reported, they abstained from
the giving of assistance.
170. For the story goes that Minos, having come to Sicania, which is now
called Sicily, in search of Daidalos, died there by a violent death; and after a
time the Cretans, urged thereto by a god, all except the men of Polichne and
Praisos, came with a great armament to Sicania and besieged for seven
years the city of Camicos, which in my time was occupied by the
Agrigentines; and at last not being able either to capture it or to remain

before it, because they were hard pressed by famine, they departed and
went away. And when, as they sailed, they came to be off the coast of
Iapygia, a great storm seized them and cast them away upon the coast; and
their vessels being dashed to pieces, they, since they saw no longer any way
of coming to Crete, founded there the city of Hyria; and there they stayed
and were changed so that they became instead of Cretans, Messapians of
Iapygia, and instead of islanders, dwellers on the mainland: then from the
city of Hyria they founded those other settlements which the Tarentines
long afterwards endeavoured to destroy and suffer great disaster in that
enterprise, so that this in fact proved to be the greatest slaughter of Hellenes
that is known to us, and not only of the Tarentines themselves but of those
citizens of Rhegion who were compelled by Mikythos the son of Choiros to
go to the assistance of the Tarentines, and of whom there were slain in this
manner three thousand men: of the Tarentines themselves however, who
were slain there, there was no numbering made. This Mikythos, who was a
servant of Anaxilaos, had been left by him in charge of Rhegion; and he it
was who after being driven out of Rhegion took up his abode at Tegea of
the Arcadians and dedicated those many statues at Olympia.
171. This of the men of Rhegion and of the Tarentines has been an
episode 162 in my narrative: in Crete however, as the men of Praisos report,
after it had been thus stripped of inhabitants, settlements were made by
various nations, but especially by Hellenes; and in the next generation but
one after the death of Minos came the Trojan war, in which the Cretans
proved not the most contemptible of those who came to assist Menelaos.
Then after this, when they had returned home from Troy, famine and
pestilence came upon both the men and their cattle, until at last Crete was
stripped of its inhabitants for the second time, and a third population of
Cretans now occupy it together with those which were left of the former
inhabitants. The Pythian prophetess, I say, by calling these things to their
minds stopped them from giving assistance to the Hellenes, though they
desired to do so.
172. As for the Thessalians, they at first had taken the side of the Persians
against their will, and they gave proof that they were not pleased by that
which the Aleuadai were designing; for so soon as they heard that the
Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent envoys to the
Isthmus: now at the Isthmus were assembled representatives of Hellas
chosen by the cities which had the better mind about Hellas: having come

then to these, the envoys of the Thessalians said: "Hellenes, ye must guard
the pass by Olympos, in order that both Thessaly and the whole of Hellas
may be sheltered from the war. We are prepared to join with you in
guarding it, but ye must send a large force as well as we; for if ye shall not
send, be assured that we shall make agreement with the Persian; since it is
not right that we, standing as outposts so far in advance of the rest of
Hellas, should perish alone in your defence: and not being willing 163 to
come to our help, ye cannot apply to us any force to compel inability; 164
but we shall endeavour to devise some means of safety for ourselves."
173. Thus spoke the Thessalians; and the Hellenes upon this resolved to
send to Thessaly by sea an army of men on foot to guard the pass: and when
the army was assembled it set sail through Euripos, and having come to
Alos in the Achaian land, it disembarked there and marched into Thessaly
leaving the ships behind at Alos, and arrived at Tempe, the pass which leads
from lower Macedonia into Thessaly by the river Peneios, going between
the mountains of Olympos and Ossa. There the Hellenes encamped, being
assembled to the number of about ten thousand hoplites, and to them was
added the cavalry of the Thessalians; and the commander of the
Lacedemonians was Euainetos the son of Carenos, who had been chosen
from the polemarchs, 165 not being of the royal house, and of the Athenians
Themistocles the son of Neocles. They remained however but few days
here, for envoys came from Alexander the son of Amyntas the Macedonian,
who advised them to depart thence and not to remain in the pass and be
trodden under foot by the invading host, signifying to them at the same time
both the great numbers of the army and the ships which they had. When
these gave them this counsel, they followed the advice, for they thought that
the counsel was good, and the Macedonian was evidently well-disposed
towards them. Also, as I think, it was fear that persuaded them to it, when
they were informed that there was another pass besides this to the
Thessalian land by upper Macedonia through the Perraibians and by the city
of Gonnos, the way by which the army of Xerxes did in fact make its
entrance. So the Hellenes went down to their ships again and made their
way back to the Isthmus.
174. Such was the expedition to Thessaly, which took place when the
king was about to cross over from Asia to Europe and was already at
Abydos. So the Thessalians, being stripped of allies, upon this took the side

of the Medes with a good will and no longer half-heartedly, so that in the
course of events they proved very serviceable to the king.
175. When the Hellenes had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated,
having regard to that which had been said by Alexander, where and in what
regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which prevailed
was to guard the pass at Thermopylai; for it was seen to be narrower than
that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was single, 166 and
nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by means of which were
taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the enemy at Thermopylai,
they did not even know of its existence until they were informed by the
people of Trachis after they had come to Thermopylai. This pass then they
resolved to guard, and not permit the Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and
they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemision in the territory of
Histiaia: for these points are near to one another, so that each division of
their forces could have information of what was happening to the other. And
the places are so situated as I shall describe.
176. As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian Sea the space is
contracted from great width to that narrow channel which lies between the
island of Skiathos and the mainland of Magnesia; and after the strait there
follows at once in Euboea the sea-beach called Artemision, upon which
there is a temple of Artemis. Then secondly the passage into Hellas by
Trechis is, where it is narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is not here however
that the narrowest part of this whole region lies, but in front of Thermopylai
and also behind it, consisting of a single wheel-track only 167 both by
Alpenoi, which lies behind Thermopylai and again by the river Phoinix near
the town of Anthela there is no space but a single wheel-track only: and on
the West of Thermopylai there is a mountain which is impassable and
precipitous, rising up to a great height and extending towards the range of
Oite, while on the East of the road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at
once. In this passage there are hot springs, which the natives of the place
call the "Pots," 168 and an altar of Heracles is set up near them. Moreover a
wall had once been built at this pass, and in old times there was a gate set in
it; which wall was built by the Phokians, who were struck with fear because
the Thessalians had come from the land of the Thesprotians to settle in the
Aiolian land, the same which they now possess. Since then the Thessalians,
as they supposed, were attempting to subdue them, the Phokians guarded
themselves against this beforehand; and at that time they let the water of the

hot springs run over the passage, that the place might be converted into a
ravine, and devised every means that the Thessalians might not make
invasion of their land. Now the ancient wall had been built long before, and
the greater part of it was by that time in ruins from lapse of time; the
Hellenes however resolved to set it up again, and at this spot to repel the
Barbarian from Hellas: and very near the road there is a village called
Alpenoi, from which the Hellenes counted on getting supplies.
177. These places then the Hellenes perceived to be such as their purpose
required; for they considered everything beforehand and calculated that the
Barbarians would not be able to take advantage either of superior numbers
or of cavalry, and therefore they resolved here to receive the invader of
Hellas: and when they were informed that the Persian was in Pieria, they
broke up from the Isthmus and set forth for the campaign, some going to
Thermopylai by land, and others making for Artemision by sea.
178. The Hellenes, I say, were coming to the rescue with speed, having
been appointed to their several places: and meanwhile the men of Delphi
consulted the Oracle of the god on behalf of themselves and on behalf of
Hellas, being struck with dread; and a reply was given them that they
should pray to the Winds, for these would be powerful helpers of Hellas in
fight. So the Delphians, having accepted the oracle, first reported the
answer which had been given them to those of the Hellenes who desired to
be free; and having reported this to them at a time when they were in great
dread of the Barbarian, they laid up for themselves an immortal store of
gratitude: then after this the men of Delphi established an altar for the
Winds in Thuia, where is the sacred enclosure of Thuia the daughter of
Kephisos, after whom moreover this place has its name; and also they
approached them with sacrifices.
179. The Delphians then according to the oracle even to this day make
propitiary offerings to the Winds: and meanwhile the fleet of Xerxes setting
forth from the city of Therma had passed over with ten of its ships, which
were those that sailed best, straight towards Skiathos, where three Hellenic
ships, a Troizenian, an Eginetan and an Athenian, were keeping watch in
advance. When the crews of these caught sight of the ships of the
Barbarians, they set off to make their escape:
180, and the ship of Troizen, of which Prexinos was in command, was
pursued and captured at once by the Barbarians; who upon that took the

man who was most distinguished by beauty among the fighting-men on
board of her, 169 and cut his throat at the prow of the ship, making a good
omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they had captured
who was pre-eminent for beauty. The name of this man who was sacrificed
was Leon, and perhaps he had also his name to thank in some degree for
what befell him.
181. The ship of Egina however, of which Asonides was master, even
gave them some trouble to capture it, seeing that Pytheas the son of
Ischenoös served as a fighting-man on board of her, who proved himself a
most valiant man on this day; for when the ship was being taken, he held
out fighting until he was hacked all to pieces: and as when he had fallen he
did not die, but had still breath in him, the Persians who served as fighting-
men on board the ships, because of his valour used all diligence to save his
life, both applying unguents of myrrh to heal his wounds and also wrapping
him up in bands of the finest linen; and when they came back to their own
main body, they showed him to all the army, making a marvel of him and
giving him good treatment; but the rest whom they had taken in this ship
they treated as slaves.
182. Two of the three ships, I say, were captured thus; but the third, of
which Phormos an Athenian was master, ran ashore in its flight at the mouth
of the river Peneios; and the Barbarians got possession of the vessel but not
of the crew; for so soon as the Athenians had run the ship ashore, they leapt
out of her, and passing through Thessaly made their way to Athens.
183. Of these things the Hellenes who were stationed at Artemision were
informed by fire-signals from Skiathos; and being informed of them and
being struck with fear, they removed their place of anchorage from
Atermision to Chalkis, intending to guard the Euripos, but leaving at the
same time watchers by day 170 on the heights of Euboea. Of the ten ships
of the Barbarians three sailed up to the reef called Myrmex, 171 which lies
between Skiathos and Magnesia; and when the Barbarians had there erected
a stone pillar, which for that purpose they brought to the reef, they set forth
with their main body 172 from Therma, the difficulties of the passage
having now been cleared away, and sailed thither with all their ships,
having let eleven days go by since the king set forth on his march from
Therma. Now of this reef lying exactly in the middle of the fairway they
were informed by Pammon of Skyros. Sailing then throughout the day the

Barbarians accomplished the voyage to Sepias in Magnesia and to the sea-
beach which is between the city of Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias.
184. So far as this place and so far as Thermopylai the army was exempt
from calamity; and the number was then still, as I find by computation, this:
—Of the ships which came from Asia, which were one thousand two
hundred and seven, the original number of the crews supplied by the several
nations I find to have been twenty-four myriads and also in addition to them
one thousand four hundred, 173 if one reckons at the rate of two hundred
men to each ship: and on board of each of these ships there served as
fighting-men, 174 besides the fighting-men belonging to its own nation in
each case, thirty men who were Persians, Medes, or Sacans; and this
amounts to three myriads six thousand two hundred and ten 175 in addition
to the others. I will add also to this and to the former number the crews of
the fifty-oared galleys, assuming that there were eighty men, more or less,
176 in each one. Of these vessels there were gathered together, as was
before said, three thousand: it would follow therefore that there were in
them four-and-twenty myriads 177 of men. This was the naval force which
came from Asia, amounting in all to fifty-one myriads and also seven
thousand six hundred and ten in addition. 178 Then of the footmen there
had been found to be a hundred and seventy myriads, 179 and of the
horsemen eight myriads: 180 and I will add also to these the Arabian camel-
drivers and the Libyan drivers of chariots, assuming them to amount to
twenty thousand men. The result is then that the number of the ships' crews
combined with that of the land-army amounts to two hundred and thirty-one
myriads and also in addition seven thousand six hundred and ten. 181 This
is the statement of the Army which was brought up out of Asia itself,
without counting the attendants which accompanied it or the corn-transports
and the men who sailed in these.
185. There is still to be reckoned, in addition to all this which has been
summed up, the force which was being led from Europe; and of this we
must give a probable estimate. 182 The Hellenes of Thrace and of the
islands which lie off the coast of Thrace supplied a hundred and twenty
ships; from which ships there results a sum of twenty-four thousand men:
and as regards the land-force which was supplied by the Thracians,
Paionians, Eordians, Bottiaians, the race which inhabits Chalkidike, the
Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, Perraibians, Enianians, 183 Dolopians,
Magnesians, Achaians, and all those who dwell in the coast-region of

Thrace, of these various nations I estimate that there were thirty myriads.
184 These myriads then added to those from Asia make a total sum of two
hundred and sixty-four myriads of fighting men and in addition to these
sixteen hundred and ten. 185
186. Such being the number of this body of fighting-men, 186 the
attendants who went with these and the men who were in the small vessels
187 which carried corn, and again in the other vessels which sailed with the
army, these I suppose were not less in number but more than the fighting
men. I assume them to be equal in number with these, and neither at all
more nor less; and so, being supposed equal in number with the fighting
body, they make up the same number of myriads as they. Thus five hundred
and twenty-eight myriads three thousand two hundred and twenty 188 was
the number of men whom Xerxes son of Dareios led as far as Sepias and
Thermopylai.
187. This is the number of the whole army of Xerxes; but of the women
who made bread for it, and of the concubines and eunuchs no man can state
any exact number, nor again of the draught-animals and other beasts of
burden or of the Indian hounds, which accompanied it, could any one state
the number by reason of their multitude: so that it does not occur to me to
wonder that the streams of some rivers should have failed them, but I
wonder rather how the provisions were sufficient to feed so many myriads;
for I find on computation that if each man received a quart 189 of wheat
every day and nothing more, there would be expended every day eleven
myriads of medimnoi 190 and three hundred and forty medimnoi besides:
and here I am not reckoning anything for the women, eunuchs, baggage-
animals, or dogs. Of all these men, amounting to so many myriads, not one
was for beauty and stature more worthy than Xerxes himself to possess this
power.
188. The fleet, I say, set forth and sailed: and when it had put in to land in
the region of Magnesia at the beach which is between the city of Casthanaia
and the headland of Sepias, the first of the ships which came lay moored by
the land and the others rode at anchor behind them; for, as the beach was
not large in extent, they lay at anchor with prows projecting 191 towards the
sea in an order which was eight ships deep. For that night they lay thus; but
at early dawn, after clear sky and windless calm, the sea began to be
violently agitated and a great storm fell upon them with a strong East 192

Wind, that wind which they who dwell about those parts call Hellespontias.
Now as many of them as perceived that the wind was rising and who were
so moored that it was possible for them to do so, drew up their ships on land
before the storm came, and both they and their ships escaped; but as for
those of the ships which it caught out at sea, some it cast away at the place
called Ipnoi 193 in Pelion and others on the beach, while some were
wrecked on the headland of Sepias itself, others at the city of Meliboia, and
others were thrown up on shore 194 at Casthanaia: and the violence of the
storm could not be resisted.
189. There is a story reported that the Athenians had called upon Boreas
to aid them, by suggestion of an oracle, because there had come to them
another utterance of the god bidding them call upon their brother by
marriage to be their helper. Now according to the story of the Hellenes
Boreas has a wife who is of Attica, Oreithuia the daughter of Erechththeus.
By reason of this affinity, I say, the Athenians, according to the tale which
has gone abroad, conjectured that their "brother by marriage" was Boreas,
and when they perceived the wind rising, as they lay with their ships at
Chalkis in Euboea, or even before that, they offered sacrifices and called
upon Boreas and Oreithuia to assist them and to destroy the ships of the
Barbarians, as they had done before round about mount Athos. Whether it
was for this reason that the wind Boreas fell upon the Barbarians while they
lay at anchor, I am not able to say; but however that may be, the Athenians
report that Boreas had come to their help in former times, and that at this
time he accomplished those things for them of which I speak; and when
they had returned home they set up a temple dedicated to Boreas by the
river Ilissos.
190. In this disaster the number of the ships which were lost was not less
than four hundred, according to the report of those who state the number
which is lowest, with men innumerable and an immense quantity of
valuable things; insomuch that to Ameinocles the son of Cretines, a
Magnesian who held lands about Sepias, this shipwreck proved very
gainful; for he picked up many cups of gold which were thrown up
afterwards on the shore, and many also of silver, and found treasure-chests
195 which had belonged to the Persians, and made acquisition of other
things of gold 196 more than can be described. This man however, though
he became very wealthy by the things which he found, yet in other respects

was not fortunate; for he too suffered misfortune, being troubled by the
slaying of a child. 197
191. Of the corn-transports and other vessels which perished there was
no numbering made; and so great was the loss that the commanders of the
fleet, being struck with fear lest the Thessalians should attack them now
that they had been brought into an evil plight, threw round their camp a
lofty palisade built of the fragments of wreck. For the storm continued
during three days; but at last the Magians, making sacrifice of victims and
singing incantations to appease the Wind by enchantments, 198 and in
addition to this, offering to Thetis and the Nereïds, caused it to cease on the
fourth day, or else for some other reason it abated of its own will. Now they
offered sacrifice to Thetis, being informed by the Ionians of the story that
she was carried off from the place by Peleus, and that the whole headland of
Sepias belonged to her and to the other Nereïds.
192. The storm then had ceased on the fourth day; and meanwhile the
day-watchers had run down from the heights of Euboea on the day after the
first storm began, and were keeping the Hellenes informed of all that had
happened as regards the shipwreck. They then, being informed of it, prayed
first to Poseidon the Saviour and poured libations, and then they hastened to
go back to Artemision, expecting that there would be but a very few ships
of the enemy left to come against them.
193. They, I say, came for the second time and lay with their ships about
Artemision: and from that time even to this they preserve the use of the
surname "Saviour" for Poseidon. Meanwhile the Barbarians, when the wind
had ceased and the swell of the sea had calmed down, drew their ships into
the sea and sailed on along the shore of the mainland, and having rounded
the extremity of Magnesia they sailed straight into the gulf which leads
towards Pagasai. In this gulf of Magnesia there is a place where it is said
that Heracles was left behind by Jason and his comrades, having been sent
from the Argo to fetch water, at the time when they were sailing for the
fleece to Aia in the land of Colchis: for from that place they designed, when
they had taken in water, to loose 199 their ship into the open sea; and from
this the place has come to have the name Aphetai. Here then the fleet of
Xerxes took up its moorings.
194. Now it chanced that fifteen of these ships put out to sea a good deal
later than the rest, and they happened to catch sight of the ships of the

Hellenes at Artemision. These ships the Barbarians supposed to be their
own, and they sailed thither accordingly and fell among the enemy. Of these
the commander was Sandokes the son of Thamasios, the governor of Kyme
in Aiolia, whom before this time king Dareios had taken and crucified (he
being one of the Royal Judges) for this reason, 19901 namely that Sandokes
had pronounced judgment unjustly for money. So then after he was hung
up, Dareios reckoned and found that more good services had been done by
him to the royal house than were equal to his offences; and having found
this, and perceived that he had himself acted with more haste than wisdom,
he let him go. Thus he escaped from king Dareios, and did not perish but
survived; now, however, when he sailed in toward the Hellenes, he was
destined not to escape the second time; for when the Hellenes saw them
sailing up, perceiving the mistake which was being made they put out
against them and captured them without difficulty.
195. Sailing in one of these ships Aridolis was captured, the despot of
Alabanda in Caria, and in another the Paphian commander Penthylos son of
Demonoös, who brought twelve ships from Paphos, but had lost eleven of
them in the storm which had come on by Sepias, and now was captured
sailing in towards Artemision with the one which had escaped. These men
the Hellenes sent away in bonds to the Isthmus of the Corinthians, after
having inquired of them that which they desired to learn of the army of
Xerxes.
196. The fleet of the Barbarians then, except the fifteen ships of which I
said that Sandokes was in command, had arrived at Aphetai; and Xerxes
meanwhile with the land-army, having marched through Thessalia and
Achaia, had already entered the land of the Malians two days before, 200
after having held in Thessaly a contest for his own horses, making trial also
of the Thessalian cavalry, because he was informed that it was the best of
all among the Hellenes; and in this trial the horses of Hellas were far
surpassed by the others. Now of the rivers in Thessalia the Onochonos
alone failed to suffice by its stream for the drinking of the army; but of the
rivers which flow in Achaia even that which is the largest of them, namely
Epidanos, even this, I say, held out but barely.
197. When Xerxes had reached Alos of Achaia, the guides who gave him
information of the way, wishing to inform him fully of everything, reported
to him a legend of the place, the things, namely, which have to do with the

temple of Zeus Laphystios; 201 how Athamas the son of Aiolos contrived
death for Phrixos, having taken counsel with Ino, and after this how by
command of an oracle the Achaians propose to his descendants the
following tasks to be performed:—whosoever is the eldest of this race, on
him they lay an injunction that he is forbidden to enter the City Hall, 202
and they themselves keep watch; now the City Hall is called by the
Achaians the "Hall of the People"; 203 and if he enter it, it may not be that
he shall come forth until he is about to be sacrificed. They related moreover
in addition to this, that many of these who were about to be sacrificed had
before now run away and departed to another land, because they were
afraid; and if afterwards in course of time they returned to their own land
and were caught, they were placed 204 in the City Hall: and they told how
the man is sacrificed all thickly covered with wreaths, and with what form
of procession he is brought forth to the sacrifice. This is done to the
descendants of Kytissoros the son of Phrixos, because, when the Achaians
were making of Athamas the son of Aiolos a victim to purge the sins of the
land according to the command of an oracle, and were just about to
sacrifice him, this Kytissoros coming from Aia of the Colchians rescued
him; and having done so he brought the wrath of the gods upon his own
descendants. Having heard these things, Xerxes, when he came to the
sacred grove, both abstained from entering it himself, and gave the
command to his whole army to so likewise; and he paid reverence both to
the house and to the sacred enclosure of the descendants of Athamas.
198. These then are the things which happened in Thessalia and in
Achaia; and from these regions he proceeded to the Malian land, going
along by a gulf of the sea, in which there is an ebb and flow of the tide
every day. Round about this gulf there is a level space, which in parts is
broad but in other parts very narrow; and mountains lofty and inaccessible
surrounding this place enclose the whole land of Malis and are called the
rocks of Trachis. The first city upon this gulf as one goes from Achaia is
Antikyra, by which the river Spercheios flowing from the land of the
Enianians 205 runs out into the sea. At a distance of twenty furlongs 206 or
thereabouts from this river there is another, of which the name is Dyras; this
is said to have appeared that it might bring assistance to Heracles when he
was burning: then again at a distance of twenty furlongs from this there is
another river called Melas.

199. From this river Melas the city of Trachis is distant five furlongs; and
here, in the parts where Trachis is situated, is even the widest portion of all
this district, as regards the space from the mountains to the sea; for the plain
has an extent of twenty-two thousand plethra. 207 In the mountain-range
which encloses the land of Trachis there is a cleft to the South of Trachis
itself; and through this cleft the river Asopos flows, and runs along by the
foot of the mountain.
200. There is also another river called Phoinix, to the South of the
Asopos, of no great size, which flowing from these mountains runs out into
the Asopos; and at the river Phoinix is the narrowest place, for here has
been constructed a road with a single wheel-track only. Then from the river
Phoinix it is a distance of fifteen furlongs to Thermopylai; and in the space
between the river Phoinix and Thermopylai there is a village called Anthela,
by which the river Asopos flows, and so runs out into the sea; and about this
village there is a wide space in which is set up a temple dedicated to
Demeter of the Amphictyons, and there are seats for the Amphictyonic
councillors and a temple dedicated to Amphictyon himself.
201. King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in
the land of the Malians, and the Hellenes within the pass. This place is
called by the Hellenes in general Thermopylai, but by the natives of the
place and those who dwell in the country round it is called Pylai. Both sides
then were encamped hereabout, and the one had command of all that lies
beyond Trachis 208 in the direction of the North Wind, and the others of
that which tends towards the South Wind and the mid-day on this side of
the continent. 209
202. These were the Hellenes who awaited the attack of the Persian in
this place:—of the Spartans three hundred hoplites; of the men of Tegea and
Mantineia a thousand, half from each place, from Orchomenos in Arcadia a
hundred and twenty, and from the rest of Arcadia a thousand,—of the
Arcadians so many; from Corinth four hundred, from Phlius two hundred,
and of the men of Mykene eighty: these were they who came from the
Peloponnese; and from the Boeotians seven hundred of the Thespians, and
of the Thebans four hundred.
203. In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to
come in their full force, and of the Phokians a thousand: for the Hellenes
had of themselves sent a summons to them, saying by messengers that they

had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest of the allies were to be
expected every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being watched by the
Athenians and the Eginetans and by those who had been appointed to serve
in the fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for he was not a god, they said,
who was coming to attack Hellas, but a man; and there was no mortal, nor
would be any, with those fortunes evil had not been mingled at his very
birth, and the greatest evils for the greatest men; therefore he also who was
marching against them, being mortal, would be destined to fail of his
expectation. They accordingly, hearing this, came to the assistance of the
others at Trachis.
204. Of these troops, although there were other commanders also
according to the State to which each belonged, yet he who was most held in
regard and who was leader of the whole army was the Lacedemonian
Leonidas son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of
Anaxander, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydoros, son of Alcamenes, son of
Teleclos, son of Archelaos, son of Hegesilaos, son of Doryssos, son of
Leobotes, son of Echestratos, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of
Aristodemos, son of Aristomachos, son of Cleodaios, son of Hyllos, son of
Heracles; who had obtained the kingdom of Sparta contrary to expectation.
205. For as he had two brothers each older than himself, namely
Cleomenes and Dorieos, he had been far removed from the thought of
becoming king. Since however Cleomenes had died without male child, and
Dorieos was then no longer alive, but he also had brought his life to an end
in Sicily, 210 thus the kingdom came to Leonidas, both because was of
elder birth than Cleombrotos (for Cleombrotos was the youngest of the sons
of Anaxandrides) and also because he had in marriage the daughter of
Cleomenes. He then at this time went to Thermopylai, having chosen the
three hundred who were appointed by law 211 and men who chanced to
have sons; and he took with him besides, before he arrived, those Thebans
whom I mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the troops, of
whom the commander was Leontiades the son of Eurymachos: and for this
reason Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all the Hellenes,
namely because accusations had been strongly brought against them that
they were taking the side of the Medes; therefore he summoned them to the
war, desiring to know whether they would send troops with them or
whether they would openly renounce the alliance of the Hellenes; and they
sent men, having other thoughts in their mind the while.

206. These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that
seeing them the other allies might join in the campaign, and for fear that
they also might take the side of the Medes, if they heard that the Spartans
were putting off their action. Afterwards, however, when they had kept the
festival, (for the festival of the Carneia stood in their way), they intended
then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to help in full force with
speed: and just so also the rest of the allies had thought of doing
themselves; for it chanced that the Olympic festival fell at the same time as
these events. Accordingly, since they did not suppose that the fighting in
Thermopylai would so soon be decided, they sent only the forerunners of
their force.
207. These, I say, had intended to do thus: and meanwhile the Hellenes at
Thermopylai, when the Persian had come near to the pass, were in dread,
and deliberated about making retreat from their position. To the rest of the
Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to the Peloponnese
and hold the Isthmus in guard; but Leonidas, when the Phokians and
Locrians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining there,
and for sending at the same time messengers to the several States bidding
them to come up to help them, since they were but few to repel the army of
the Medes.
208. As they were thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a scout on horseback to
see how many they were in number and what they were doing; for he had
heard while he was yet in Thessaly that there had been assembled in this
place a small force, and that the leaders of it were Lacedemonians together
with Leonidas, who was of the race of Heracles. And when the horseman
had ridden up towards their camp, he looked upon them and had a view not
indeed of the whole of their army, for of those which were posted within the
wall, which they had repaired and were keeping a guard, it was not possible
to have a view, but he observed those who were outside, whose station was
in front of the wall; and it chanced at that time that the Lacedemonians were
they who were posted outside. So then he saw some of the men practising
athletic exercises and some combing their long hair: and as he looked upon
these things he marvelled, and at the same time he observed their number:
and when he had observed all exactly, he rode back unmolested, for no one
attempted to pursue him and he found himself treated with much
indifference. And when he returned he reported to Xerxes all that which he
had seen.

209. Hearing this Xerxes was not able to conjecture the truth about the
matter, namely that they were preparing themselves to die and to deal death
to the enemy so far as they might; but it seemed to him that they were
acting in a manner merely ridiculous; and therefore he sent for Demaratos
the son of Ariston, who was in his camp, and when he came, Xerxes asked
him of these things severally, desiring to discover what this was which the
Lacedemonians were doing: and he said: "Thou didst hear from my mouth
at a former time, when we were setting forth to go against Hellas, the things
concerning these men; and having heard them thou madest me an object of
laughter, because I told thee of these things which I perceived would come
to pass; for to me it is the greatest of all ends to speak the truth continually
before thee, O king. Hear then now also: these men have come to fight with
us for the passage, and this is it that they are preparing to do; for they have
a custom which is as follows;—whenever they are about to put their lives in
peril, then they attend to the arrangement of their hair. Be assured however,
that if thou shalt subdue these and the rest of them which remain behind in
Sparta, there is no other race of men which will await thy onset, O king, or
will raise hands against thee: for now thou art about to fight against the
noblest kingdom and city of those which are among the Hellenes, and the
best men." To Xerxes that which was said seemed to be utterly incredible,
and he asked again a second time in what manner being so few they would
fight with his host. He said; "O king, deal with me as with a liar, if thou find
not that these things come to pass as I say."
210. Thus saying he did not convince Xerxes, who let four days go by,
expecting always that they would take to flight; but on the fifth day, when
they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought, in
impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes and
the Kissians, charging them to take the men alive and bring them into his
presence. Then when the Medes moved forward and attacked the Hellenes,
there fell many of them, and others kept coming up continually, and they
were not driven back, though suffering great loss: and they made it evident
to every man, and to the king himself not least of all, that human beings are
many but men are few. This combat went on throughout the day:
211, and when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired
from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom the king called
"Immortals," of whom Hydarnes was commander, took their place and
came to the attack, supposing that they at least would easily overcome the

enemy. When however these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes,
they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they,
seeing that they were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using
shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to take advantage of
their superior numbers. The Lacedemonians meanwhile were fighting in a
memorable fashion, and besides other things of which they made display,
being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed to men who were unskilled,
they would turn their backs to the enemy and make a pretence of taking to
flight; and the Barbarians, seeing them thus taking a flight, would follow
after them with shouting and clashing of arms: then the Lacedemonians,
when they were being caught up, turned and faced the Barbarians; and thus
turning round they would slay innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and
there fell also at these times a few of the Spartans themselves. So, as the
Persians were not able to obtain any success by making trial of the entrance
and attacking it by divisions and every way, they retired back.
212. And during these onsets it is said that the king, looking on, three
times leapt up from his seat, struck with fear for his army. Thus they
contended then: and on the following day the Barbarians strove with no
better success; for because the men opposed to them were few in number,
they engaged in battle with the expectation that they would be found to be
disabled and would not be capable any longer of raising their hands against
them in fight. The Hellenes however were ordered by companies as well as
by nations, and they fought successively each in turn, excepting the
Phokians, for these were posted upon the mountain to guard the path. So the
Persians, finding nothing different from that which they had seen on the
former day, retired back from the fight.
213. Then when the king was in a strait as to what he should do in the
matter before him, Epialtes the son of Eurydemos, a Malian, came to speech
with him, supposing that he would win a very great reward from the king;
and this man told him of the path which leads over the mountain to
Thermopylai, and brought about the destruction of those Hellenes who
remained in that place. Afterwards from fear of the Lacedemonians he fled
to Thessaly, and when he had fled, a price was proclaimed for his life by the
Deputies, 212 when the Amphictyons met for their assembly at Pylai. 213
Then some time afterwards having returned to Antikyra he was slain by
Athenades a man of Trachis. Now this Athenades killed Epialtes for another

cause, which I shall set forth in the following part of the history, 214 but he
was honoured for it none the less by the Lacedemonians.
214. Thus Epialtes after these events was slain: there is however another
tale told, that Onetes the son of Phanagoras, a man of Carystos, and
Corydallos of Antikyra were those who showed the Persians the way round
the mountain; but this I can by no means accept: for first we must judge by
this fact, namely that the Deputies of the Hellenes did not proclaim a price
for the lives of Onetes and Corydallos, but for that of Epialtes the
Trachinian, having surely obtained the most exact information of the
matter; and secondly we know that Epialtes was an exile from his country
to avoid this charge. True it is indeed that Onetes might know of this path,
even though he were not a Malian, if he had had much intercourse with the
country; but Epialtes it was who led them round the mountain by the path,
and him therefore I write down as the guilty man.
215. Xerxes accordingly, being pleased by that which Epialtes engaged to
accomplish, at once with great joy proceeded to send Hydarnes and the men
of whom Hydarnes was commander; 215 and they set forth from the camp
about the time when the lamps are lit. This path of which we speak had
been discovered by the Malians who dwell in that land, and having
discovered it they led the Thessalians by it against the Phokians, at the time
when the Phokians had fenced the pass with a wall and thus were sheltered
from the attacks upon them: so long ago as this had the pass been proved by
the Malians to be of no value. 216 And this path lies as follows:—it begins
from the river Asopos, which flows through the cleft, and the name of this
mountain and of the path is the same, namely Anopaia; and this Anopaia
stretches over the ridge of the mountain and ends by the town of Alpenos,
which is the first town of the Locrians towards Malis, and by the stone
called Black Buttocks 217 and the seats of the Kercopes, where is the very
narrowest part.
217. By this path thus situated the Persians after crossing over the Asopos
proceeded all through the night, having on their right hand the mountains of
the Oitaians and on the left those of the Trachinians: and when dawn
appeared, they had reached the summit of the mountain. In this part of the
mountain there were, as I have before shown, a thousand hoplites of the
Phokians keeping guard, to protect their own country and to keep the path:
for while the pass below was guarded by those whom I have mentioned, the

path over the mountain was guarded by the Phokians, who had undertaken
the business for Leonidas by their own offer.
218. While the Persians were ascending they were concealed from these,
since all the mountain was covered with oak-trees; and the Phokians
became aware of them after they had made the ascent as follows:—the day
was calm, and not a little noise was made by the Persians, as was likely
when leaves were lying spread upon the ground under their feet; upon
which the Phokians started up and began to put on their arms, and by this
time the Barbarians were close upon them. These, when they saw men
arming themselves, fell into wonder, for they were expecting that no one
would appear to oppose them, and instead of that they had met with an
armed force. Then Hydarnes, seized with fear lest the Phokians should be
Lacedemonians, asked Epialtes of what people the force was; and being
accurately informed he set the Persians in order for battle. The Phokians
however, when they were hit by the arrows of the enemy, which flew
thickly, fled and got away at once to the topmost peak of the mountain,
fully assured that it was against them that the enemy had designed to come,
218 and here they were ready to meet death. These, I say, were in this mind;
but the Persians meanwhile with Epialtes and Hydarnes made no account of
the Phokians, but descended the mountain with all speed.
219. To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylai first the soothsayer
Megistias, after looking into the victims which were sacrificed, declared the
death which was to come to them at dawn of day; and afterwards deserters
brought the report 219 of the Persians having gone round. These signified it
to them while it was yet night, and thirdly came the day-watchers, who had
run down from the heights when day was already dawning. Then the
Hellenes deliberated, and their opinions were divided; for some urged that
they should not desert their post, while others opposed this counsel. After
this they departed from their assembly, 220 and some went away and
dispersed each to their several cities, while others of them were ready to
remain there together with Leonidas.
220. However it is reported also that Leonidas himself sent them away,
having a care that they might not perish, but thinking that it was not seemly
for himself and for the Spartans who were present to leave the post to which
they had come at first to keep guard there. I am inclined rather to be of this
latter opinion, 221 namely that because Leonidas perceived that the allies

were out of heart and did not desire to face the danger with him to the end,
he ordered them to depart, but held that for himself to go away was not
honourable, whereas if he remained, a great fame of him would be left
behind, and the prosperity of Sparta would not be blotted out: for an oracle
had been given by the Pythian prophetess to the Spartans, when they
consulted about this war at the time when it was being first set on foot, to
the effect that either Lacedemon must be destroyed by the Barbarians, or
their king must lose his life. This reply the prophetess gave them in
hexameter verses, and it ran thus:
"But as for you, ye men who in wide-spaced Sparta inhabit,
Either your glorious city is sacked by the children of Perses,
Or, if it be not so, then a king of the stock Heracleian
Dead shall be mourned for by all in the boundaries of broad Lacedemon.
Him 222 nor the might of bulls nor the raging of lions shall hinder;
For he hath might as of Zeus; and I say he shall not be restrained,
Till one of the other of these he have utterly torn and divided." 223

I am of opinion that Leonidas considering these things and desiring to lay
up for himself glory above all the other Spartans, 224 dismissed the allies,
rather than that those who departed did so in such disorderly fashion,
because they were divided in opinion.
221. Of this the following has been to my mind a proof as convincing as
any other, namely that Leonidas is known to have endeavoured to dismiss
the soothsayer also who accompanied this army, Megistias the Acarnanian,
who was said to be descended from Melampus, that he might not perish
with them after he had declared from the victims that which was about to
come to pass for them. He however when he was bidden to go would not
himself depart, but sent away his son who was with him in the army,
besides whom he had no other child.
222. The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away,
obeying the word of Leonidas, and only the Thespians and the Thebans
remained behind with the Lacedemonians. Of these the Thebans stayed
against their will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept them,
counting them as hostages; but the Thespians very willingly, for they said
that they would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but they
stayed behind and died with them. The commander of these was
Demophilos the son of Diadromes.
223. Xerxes meanwhile, having made libations at sunrise, stayed for
some time, until about the hour when the market fills, and then made an

advance upon them; for thus it had been enjoined by Epialtes, seeing that
the descent of the mountain is shorter and the space to be passed over much
less than the going round and the ascent. The Barbarians accordingly with
Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the Hellenes with Leonidas,
feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced out much further
than at first into the broader part of the defile; for when the fence of the
wall was being guarded, 225 they on the former days fought retiring before
the enemy into the narrow part of the pass; but now they engaged with them
outside the narrows, and very many of the Barbarians fell: for behind them
the leaders of the divisions with scourges in their hands were striking each
man, ever urging them on to the front. Many of them then were driven into
the sea and perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet
alive by one another, and there was no reckoning of the number that
perished: for knowing the death which was about to come upon them by
reason of those who were going round the mountain, they 226 displayed
upon the Barbarians all the strength which they had, to its greatest extent,
disregarding danger and acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness.
224. Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were
broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying the Persians
with their swords; and in this fighting fell Leonidas, having proved himself
a very good man, and others also of the Spartans with him, men of note, of
whose names I was informed as of men who had proved themselves worthy,
and indeed I was told also the names of all the three hundred. Moreover of
the Persians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two
sons of Dareios, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born to Dareios of
Phratagune the daughter of Artanes: now Artanes was the brother of king
Dareios and the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames; and he in giving his
daughter in marriage to Dareios gave also with her all his substance,
because she was his only child.
225. Two brothers of Xerxes, I say, fell here fighting; and meanwhile
over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle between the Persians
and the Lacedemonians, until the Hellenes by valour dragged this away
from the enemy and turned their opponents to flight four times. This
conflict continued until those who had gone with Epialtes came up; and
when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from that moment the nature
of the combat was changed; for they retired backwards to the narrow part of
the way, and having passed by the wall they went and placed themselves

upon the hillock, 227 all in a body together except only the Thebans: now
this hillock is in the entrance, where now the stone lion is placed for
Leonidas. On this spot while defending themselves with daggers, that is
those who still had them left, and also with hands and with teeth, they were
overwhelmed by the missiles of the Barbarians, some of these having
followed directly after them and destroyed the fence of the wall, while
others had come round and stood about them on all sides.
226. Such were the proofs of valour given by the Lacedemonians and
Thespians; yet the Spartan Dienekes is said to have proved himself the best
man of all, the same who, as they report, uttered this saying before they
engaged battle with the Medes:—being informed by one of the men of
Trachis that when the Barbarians discharged their arrows they obscured the
light of the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great was the number of
their host, he was not dismayed by this, but making small account of the
number of the Medes, he said that their guest from Trachis brought them
very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light of the sun, the battle
against them would be in the shade and not in the sun.
227. This and other sayings of this kind they report that Dienekes the
Lacedemonian left as memorials of himself; and after him the bravest they
say of the Lacedemonians were two brothers Alpheos and Maron, sons of
Orsiphantos. Of the Thespians the man who gained most honour was named
Dithyrambos son of Harmatides.
228. The men were buried where they fell; and for these, as well as for
those who were slain before being sent away 228 by Leonidas, there is an
inscription which runs thus:
"Here once, facing in fight three hundred myriads of foemen,
Thousands four did contend, men of the Peloponnese."

This is the inscription for the whole body; and for the Spartans separately
there is this:
"Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying
Here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws." 229

This, I say, for the Lacedemonians; and for the soothsayer as follows:
"This is the tomb of Megistias renowned, whom the Median foemen,
Where Sperchios doth flow, slew when they forded the stream;
Soothsayer he, who then knowing clearly the fates that were coming,
Did not endure in the fray Sparta's good leaders to leave."