Old Greek Education J. P. Mahaffy 802 downloads.pdf

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Old Greek Education

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: Old Greek Education

Author: J. P. Mahaffy

Release date: April 11, 2021 [eBook #65058]
Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65058

Credits: E-text prepared by deaurider and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team (https://www.pgdp.net) from page
images generously made available by Internet Archive
(https://archive.org)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD GREEK
EDUCATION ***

The Project Gutenberg eBook, Old Greek Education, by J. P. (John
Pentland) Mahaffy

Note: Images of the original pages are available through Internet
Archive. See https://archive.org/details/oldgreekeducatio01maha

Some characters might not display in this html version (e.g.,
empty squares). If so, the reader should consult the original page
images noted above.

The cover image was created by the transcriber, and is in
the public domain.

OLD GREEK EDUCATION

BY

J . P. M A H A F F Y, M . A .
FELL. AND TUTOR, TRIN. COLL., DUB.
KNIGHT OF THE ORDER OF THE SAVIOUR
AUTHOR OF “SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE” “A HISTORY OF GREEK LITERATURE”
“A PRIMER OF GREEK ANTIQUITIES” ETC.

NEW YORK
HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE
1882

TO

T H E G R E E K N AT I O N
STILL, AS OF OLD, THE PIONEER OF EDUCATION

IN EASTERN EUROPE

I Dedicate
THIS LITTLE BOOK

IN MEMORY OF THE YEAR 1881

PREFATORY NOTE.

Readers unfamiliar with Greek will find the equivalent of the Greek
words cited in the nearest word printed in italics.

The scope of this book precludes me from acknowledging individually
my many obligations to other authors, both for curious facts and for learned
references.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE

Introduction 1
I. Infancy 7
II. Earlier Childhood 14
III. School Days—The Physical Side 21
IV. School Days—The Musical Side—The Schoolmaster 32
V. The Musical Side—Schools and their Appointments 42
VI. The Subjects and Method of Education—Drawing and Music 57
VII. The Last Stage of Education—Military Training of the Ephebi 69
VIII. Higher Education—The Sophists and Socrates 78
IX. The Rhetors—Isocrates 91
X. The Greek Theorists on Education—Plato and Aristotle 99
XI. The Growth of Systematic Higher Education—University Life at 116
Athens
Index 141

GREEK EDUCATION.

INTRODUCTION.

§ 1. We hear it often repeated that human nature is the same at all times
and in all places; and this is urged at times and places where it is so
manifestly false that we feel disposed peremptorily to deny it when paraded
to us as a general truth. The fact is that only in its lower activities does
human nature show any remarkable uniformity; so far as men are mere
animals, they have strong resemblances, and in savages even their minds
seem to originate the same fancies in various ages and climes. But when we
come to higher developments, to the spiritual element in individuals, to the
social and political relations of civilized men, the pretended truism gives
way more and more to the opposite truth, that mankind varies at all times
and in all places. As no two individuals, when carefully examined, are
exactly alike, so no two societies of men are even nearly alike; and at the
present time there is probably no more fertile cause of political and
legislative blundering than the assumption that the constitution successfully
worked out by one people can be transferred by the force of a mere decree
to its neighbors. All the recent experiments in state-reform have been based
on this assumption, as if the transferrence of a House of Commons in any
real sense were not as impossible as the transferrence of Eton and of Oxford
to some foreign society.
Although, therefore, we cannot deny that past history contains many
fruitful lessons for the bettering of our own time, it is not unlikely that the
tendency of the present widely informed but hasty age is to exaggerate the

likenesses of various epochs, and to overrate the force of analogy in social
and political reasoning. Historical parallels are generally striking only up to
a certain point; a deeper knowledge discloses elements of contrast, wide
differences of motive, great variations in human feeling.

§ 2. But as we go back to simpler states of life, or earlier stages of
development, the argument from analogy becomes stronger, and the lessons
we may derive from history, though less striking, are more trustworthy. This
is peculiarly the case with the problem of education as handled by civilized
nations in various ages. The material to be worked upon is that simpler and
fresher human nature, in which varieties are due only to heredity, and not
yet to the numerous artificial stimulants and restraints which every society
of mature men invents for itself. The games and sports of children, all over
the world, are as uniform as the weapons and designs of savages. The
delights and disappointments of education have also remained the same, at
least in many respects. The conflict of theoretical and practical educators,
and the failure of splendid schemes for the reform of society by a
systematic training of youth, mark every over-ripe civilization. Here, then,
if anywhere, we may gain a distinct advantage by contemplating the
problems, which we ourselves are solving, under discussion in a remote
society. The more important and permanent elements will stand out clearer
when freed from the interests and prejudices of our own day, and from the
necessities of our own situation; and thus we may be taught to regain
freedom of judgment and escape from the iron despotism of a traditional
system. For if it be the case that in no department of our life are we more
thoroughly enslaved than on the question of education, if it be true that we
are obliged here to submit our children to the ignorance and prejudice of
nurses, governesses, priests, pedants—all following more or less stupid
traditions, and all coerced by shackles which they want either the
knowledge or the power to break—then any inquiry which may lead us to
consider freely and calmly what is right and what is not right, what is
possible and what is not possible, in education cannot but have real value,
apart from purely historical or learned considerations.

§ 3. In fact, the main object of this book is to interest men who are not
classical scholars, and who are not professional educators, in the theory of
education as treated by that people which is known to have done more than
any other in fitting its members for the higher ends and enjoyments of life.
The Greeks were far behind us in the mechanical aids to human progress;
they understood not the use of electricity, or of steam, or of gunpowder, or
of printing. But, in spite of this, the Greek public was far better educated
than we are—nay, to some extent, because of this it was better educated.
For Greek life afforded proper leisure for thorough intellectual training, and
this includes first of all such political training as is strange to almost the
whole of Europe; secondly, moral training of so high a kind as to rival at
times the light of revelation; thirdly, social training to something higher
than music and feasting by way of recreation; and, fourthly, artistic training,
which, while it did not condescend to bad imitations of great artists, taught
the public to understand and to love true and noble ideals.
Why must these great ends of education be obscured or lost by the
modern wonders of discovery, which should make them more easy of
attainment and wider in circulation? Were the Greeks better off in education
than we are, and, if so, why were they better off? or is all this alleged Greek
superiority an idle dream of the pedants, with no solid basis in facts? If it is
real, can we not discover the secret of their superiority, and use it with far
wider and deeper effect in our Christian society? or is human nature of
narrow and fixed capacity, and does the addition of wide ranges of positive
science and of various tongues mar irrevocably the cultivation of the pure
reason and of the æsthetic faculty? These are the problems which will
occupy the following pages, not in their abstract form; they will be
considered in close relation to the success or failure of the old Greeks in
discussing and solving them.

§ 4. There have been only two earlier nations and one later which could
compete with the Greeks in their treatment of this perpetual problem in
human progress. We have first the Egyptian nation, which by its thorough
and widely diffused culture attained a duration of national prosperity and

happiness perhaps never since equalled. Isolated from other civilized races
by geographical position, by language, and in consequence by social
institutions, the Egyptians prosecuted internal development more
assiduously than is the wont of mere conquering races. The few foreign
possessions acquired by the Egyptians were never assimilated, and the
civilization of the Nile remained isolated and unique. We have reason to
know that this refined social life, which is perpetuated in pictures on the
monuments of the land—this large and various literature, of which so many
fragments have been recovered in our century—was not created without a
diffused and systematic education. In Plato’s “Laws,”[1] the training of their
young children in elementary science is described as far superior to
anything in Greece. But, unfortunately, the materials for any estimate of
Egyptian education, in its process, are wanting. We can see plainly its great
national effects; we have even some details as to the special training in
separate institutions of a learned and literary class; but nothing more has yet
been recovered. If we knew the various steps by which Moses became
“learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians,” an interesting field of
comparison would be opened to us; and here, no doubt, we should find
some of our own difficulties discussed and perhaps solved by early sages,
still more by an enlightened public opinion, showing itself in the
establishment of sound traditions. And, no doubt, from the dense
population, the subdivision of property and of labor, and the absence of a
great territorial aristocracy, the education of the Egyptians must have
corresponded to our middle-class and primary systems, together with
special institutions for the higher training of the professions and of the
literary caste.

§ 5. If we could command our material, we might seek elsewhere for
analogies to the education of our nobility and higher gentry. We know
through Greek and Roman sources, as well as through the heroic poetry of
the “Shahnameh,” that the Aryan nobles who became, under Cyrus, the
rulers of Western Asia, were in character, as they were in blood, allied to the
Germanic chiefs and Norse Vikings, with their love of daring adventure,

their chivalry, and their intense loyalty to their appointed sovereign. In these
qualities they were strangely opposed to the democratic Greeks, on whom
they looked with contempt, while they were appreciated in return only by a
few such men as Herodotus and Xenophon. Indeed, such devotion to their
sovereign as made them leap overboard to lighten his ship in a storm was
confounded by the Greeks with slavish submission, Oriental prostrations,
and other signs of humiliation. Nevertheless, the men whom the Greeks
long dared not look in the face—the conquerors of half the known world,
the successful rivals of the Romans for the dominion of the East—faced
death under Xerxes and the last Darius with other feelings than those of
slavish submission. Herodotus, in his interesting and sympathetic account
of them, says their children’s education consisted of three things—to ride,
to shoot, and to tell the truth. If he had added a chivalrous loyalty to their
kings like that of the French nobles in the last century, he would have
completed the picture, and sketched a training which many an English
gentleman considers little short of perfection.

§ 6. The Romans are the only other ancient people who stand near
enough to us to suggest an inquiry into their education. And it may be said
that they combined the dignity of noble traditions with the practical
instincts of a successful trading people. Hence Roman education, if carried
on with system, ought of all others to correspond with that of Englishmen,
who should combine the same qualities in carrying out an analogous policy,
and in filling, to some extent, a similar position in the world. But so closely
was all Roman culture based on Greek books and models that, although
every people must develop individual features of its own—and the Romans
had plenty of them, as we may see from Quintilian—any philosophical
knowledge of Roman education must depend upon a previous knowledge of
the Greeks. In many respects the Romans were a race more congenial to the
English, and hence by us more easily understood. In the coarser and
stronger elements of human character, in directness and love of truth, in a
certain contempt of æsthetics and of speculation, in a blunt assertion of the
supremacy of practical questions, in a want of sympathy, and often a stupid

ignorance and neglect of the character and requirements of subject races,
the Romans are the true forerunners of the English in history. Burdened as
we are with these defects of national character, the products of the subtler
and more genial, if less solid and truthful, Hellenic race are particularly
well worth our consideration. This has been so thoroughly recognized by
thoughtful men in our generation as to require no further support by
argument. It only remains that each of our Hellenists should do his best, in
some distinct line, to make the life of the Greeks known to us with fairness
and accuracy.

FOOTNOTES
[1] P. 819.

CHAPTER I.

INFANCY.

§ 7. We find in Homer, especially in the “Iliad,” indications of the
plainest kind that Greek babies were like the babies of modern Europe,
equally troublesome, equally delightful to their parents, equally
uninteresting to the rest of society. The famous scene in the sixth book of
the “Iliad,” when Hector’s infant, Astyanax, screams at the sight of his
father’s waving crest, and the hero lays his helmet on the ground that he
may laugh and weep over the child; the love and tenderness of
Andromache, and her pathetic laments in the twenty-second book—are
familiar to all. She foresees the hardships and unkindnesses to her orphan
boy, “who was wont upon his father’s knees to eat the purest marrow and
the rich fat of sheep; and when sleep came upon him, and he ceased his
childish play, he would lie in the arms of his nurse, on a soft cushion,
satisfied with every comfort.” So, again,[2] a protecting goddess is
compared to a mother keeping the flies from her sleeping infant, and a
pertinacious friend[3] to a little girl who, running beside her mother, begs to
be taken up, holding her dress and delaying her, and with tearful eyes the
child keeps looking up till the mother denies her no longer. These are only
stray references, and yet they speak no less clearly than if we had asked for
an express answer to a direct inquiry. So we have the hesitation of the
murderers sent to make away with the infant Cypselus, who had been
foretold to portend danger to the Corinthian Herods of that day. The smile
of the baby unmans—or should we rather say unbrutes?—the first ruffian,
and so the task is passed on from man to man. This story in Herodotus[4] is
a sort of natural Greek parallel to the great Shakespearian scene, where

another child sways his intended torturer with an eloquence more conscious
and explicit, but not, perhaps, more powerful, than the radiant smile of the
Greek baby. Thus Euripides, the great master of pathos, represents
Iphigenia bringing her infant brother Orestes to plead for her with that
unconsciousness of sorrow which pierces us to the heart more than the most
affecting rhetoric. In modern art a little child, playing about its dead mother,
and waiting with contentment for her awaking, is perhaps the most
powerful appeal to human compassion which we are able to conceive.
On the other hand, the troubles of infancy were then as now very great.
We do not, indeed, hear of croup or teething or measles or whooping-cough.
But these are occasional matters, and count as nothing beside the inexorable
tyranny of a sleepless baby. For then as now mothers and nurses had a
strong prejudice in favor of carrying about restless children, and so soothing
them to sleep. The unpractical Plato requires that in his fabulous Republic
two or three stout nurses shall be in readiness to carry about each child,
because children, like game-cocks, gain spirit and endurance by this
treatment! What they really gain is a gigantic power of torturing their
mothers. Most children can readily be taught to sleep in a bed, or even in an
arm-chair; but an infant once accustomed to being carried about will insist
upon it; and so it came that Greek husbands were obliged to relegate their
wives to another sleeping-room, where the nightly squalling of the furious
infant might not disturb the master as well as the mistress of the house. But
the Greek gentleman was able to make good his damaged rest by a mid-day
siesta, and so required but little sleep at night. The modern father in
Northern Europe, with his whole day’s work and waking, is therefore in a
more disadvantageous position.
Of course, very fashionable people kept nurses, and it was the highest
tone at Athens to have a Spartan nurse for the infant, just as an English
nurse is sought out among foreign noblesse. We are told that these women
made the child hardier, that they used less swathing and bandaging, and
allowed free play for the limbs; and this, like all the Spartan physical
training, was approved of and admired by the rest of the Greek public,

though its imitation was never suggested save in the unpractical
speculations of Plato.
Whether they also approved of a diet of marrow and mutton suet, which
Homer, in the passage just cited, considers the luxury of princes, does not
appear. As Homer was the Greek Bible—an inspired book containing
perfect wisdom on all things, human and divine—there must have been
many orthodox parents who followed his prescription. But we hear no
approval or censure of such diet. Possibly marrow may have represented
our cod-liver oil in strengthening delicate infants. But as the Homeric men
fed far more exclusively on meat than their historical successors, some
vegetable substitute, such as olive oil, must have been in use later on. Even
within our memory mutton suet boiled in milk was commonly
recommended by physicians for the delicacy now treated by cod-liver oil.
The supposed strengthening of children by air and exposure, or by early
neglect of their comforts, was as fashionable at Sparta as it is with many
modern theorists, and it probably led in both cases to the same result—the
extinction of the weak and delicate. These theorists parade the cases of
survival of stout children—that is, their exceptional soundness—as the
effect of this harsh treatment, and so satisfy themselves that experience
confirms their views. Now with the Spartans this was logical enough, for as
they professed and desired nothing but physical results, as they despised
intellectual qualities, and esteemed obedience to be the highest of moral
ones, they were perhaps justified in their proceeding. So thoroughly did
they advocate the production of healthy citizens for military purposes that
they were quite content that the sickly should die. In fact, in the case of
obviously weak and deformed infants, they did not hesitate to expose them
in the most brutal sense, not to cold and draughts, but to the wild beasts in
the mountains.

§ 8. This brings us to the first shocking contrast between the Greek
treatment of children and ours. We cannot really doubt, from the free use of
the idea in Greek tragedies, in the comedies of ordinary life, and in theories
of political economy, that the exposing of new-born children was not only

sanctioned by public feeling, but actually practised throughout Greece.
Various motives combined to justify or to extenuate this practice. In the first
place, the infant was regarded as the property of its parents, indeed of its
father, to an extent inconceivable to most modern Christians. The State
only, whose claim overrode all other considerations, had a right, for public
reasons, to interfere with the dispositions of a father. Individual human life
had not attained what may be called the exaggerated value derived from
sundry superstitions, which remains even after those superstitions have
decayed. And, moreover, in many Greek states, the contempt for
commercial pursuits, and the want of outlet for practical energy, made the
supporting of large families cumbersome, or the subdivision of patrimonies
excessive. Hence the prudence or the selfishness of parents did not hesitate
to use an escape which modern civilization condemns as not only criminal,
but as horribly cruel. How little even the noblest Greek theorists felt this
objection appears from the fact that Plato, the Attic Moses, sanctions
infanticide[5] under certain circumstances or in another form, in his ideal
state. In the genteel comedy it is often mentioned as a somewhat painful
necessity, but enjoined by prudence. Nowhere does the agony of the
mother’s heart reach us through their literature, save in one illustration used
by the Platonic Socrates, where he compares the anger of his pupils, when
first confuted out of their prejudices, to the fury of a young mother deprived
of her first infant. There is something horrible in the very allusion, as if in
after-life Attic mothers became hardened to this treatment. We must
suppose the exposing of female infants to have been not uncommon until
the just retribution of barrenness fell upon the nation, and the population
dwindled away by a strange atrophy.

§ 9. In the many family suits argued by the Attic orators, we do not (I
believe) find a case in which a large family of children is concerned. Four
appears a larger number than the average. Marriages between relations as
close as uncle and niece, and even half-brothers and sisters, were not
uncommon; but the researches of modern science have removed the
grounds for believing that this practice would tend to diminish the race. It

would certainly increase any pre-existing tendency to hereditary disease;
yet we do not hear of infantile diseases any more than we hear of delicate
infants. Plagues and epidemics were common enough, but, as already
observed, we do not hear of measles, or whooping-cough, or scarlatina, or
any of the other constant persecutors of our nurseries.
As the learning of foreign languages was quite beneath the notions of
the Greek gentleman, who rather expected all barbarians to learn his
language, the habit of employing foreign nurses, so useful and even
necessary to good modern education, was well-nigh unknown. It would
have been thought a great misfortune to any Hellenic child to be brought up
speaking Thracian or Egyptian. Accordingly, foreign slave attendants, with
their strange accent and rude manners, were not allowed to take charge of
children till they were able to go to school, and had learned their mother
tongue perfectly.
But the women’s apartments, in which children were kept for the first
few years, are closed so completely to us that we can but conjecture a few
things about the life and care of Greek babies. A few late epigrams tell the
grief of parents bereaved of their infants. Beyond this, classical literature
affords us no light. The backwardness in culture of Greek women leads us
to suspect that then, as now, Greek babies were more often spoiled than is
the case among the serious Northern nations. The term “Spartan mother” is,
however, still proverbial; and, no doubt, in that exceptional State discipline
was so universal and so highly esteemed that it penetrated even to the
nursery. But in the rest of Greece we may conceive the young child arriving
at his schoolboy age more wilful and headstrong than most of our more
watched and worried infants. Archytas, the philosopher, earned special
credit for inventing the rattle, and saving much damage to household
furniture by occupying children with this toy.

FOOTNOTES
[2] Δ 130.

[3] Π 7.

[4] Herod. v. 93.

[5] Exposing children, instead of killing them, left open the chance that some
benevolent person would save them, from pity, or avaricious person sell them as
slaves—a result which, no doubt, often occurred. Thus the parents could console
their consciences with a hope that the benevolence of the gods had prevented the
natural consequences of their inhuman act.

CHAPTER II.

EARLIER CHILDHOOD.

§ 10. The external circumstances determining a Greek boy’s education
were somewhat different from ours. We must remember that all old Greek
life, except in rare cases, such as that of Elis, of which we know nothing,
was distinctly town life; and so, naturally, Greek schooling was day
schooling, from which the children returned to the care of their parents. To
hand over boys, far less girls, to the charge of a boarding-school was
perfectly unknown, and would, no doubt, have been gravely censured.
Orphans were placed under the care of their nearest male relative, even
when their education was provided (as it was in some cases) by the State.
Again, as regards the age of going to school, it would naturally be early,
seeing that day schools may well include infants of tender age, and that in
Greek households neither father nor mother was often able or disposed to
undertake the education of the children. Indeed, we find it universal that
even the knowledge of the letters, and reading, were obtained from a
schoolmaster. All these circumstances would point to an early beginning of
Greek school life; whereas, on the other hand, the small number of subjects
required in those days, the absence from the programme of various
languages, of most exact sciences, and of general history and geography,
made it unnecessary to begin so early, or work so hard, as our unfortunate
children have to do. Above all, there were no competitive examinations,
except in athletics and music. The Greeks never thought of promoting a
man for “dead knowledge,” but for his living grasp of science or of life.
Owing to these causes, we find the theorists discussing, as they now do,
the expediency of waiting till the age of seven before beginning serious
education—some advising it, others recommending easy and half-playing

lessons from an earlier period. And then, as now, we find the same curious
silence on the really important fact that the exact number of years a child
has lived is nothing to the point in question; and that while one child may
be too young at seven to commence work, many more may be distinctly too
old.

§ 11. At all events, we may assume in parents the same varieties of
over-anxiety, of over-indulgence, of nervousness, and of carelessness about
their children; and so it doubtless came to pass that there was in many cases
a gap between infancy and school-life, which was spent in playing and
doing mischief. This may be fairly inferred, not only from such anecdotes
as that of Alcibiades playing with his fellows in the street,[6] evidently
without the protection of any pædagogue, but also from the large
nomenclature of boys’ games preserved to us in the glossaries of later
grammarians.
These games are quite distinct from the regular exercises in the palæstra
(of which we will speak presently, as forming a regular part of education).
We have only general descriptions of them, and these either by Greek
scholiasts or by modern philologists. But, in spite of the sad want of
practical knowledge of games shown by both, the instincts of boyhood are
so uniform that we can often frame a very distinct idea of the sort of
amusement popular among Greek children. For young boys, games can
hardly consist of anything else than either the practising of some bodily
dexterity, such as hopping on one foot, higher or longer than is easy, or
throwing farther with a stone; or else some imitation of war, such as
snowballing, or pulling a rope across a line, or pursuing under fixed
conditions; or, lastly, the practice of some mechanical ingenuity, such as
whipping a top or shooting with marbles. So far as climate or mechanical
inventions have not altered our little boys’ games, we find all these
principles represented in Greek games. There was the hobby- or cock-horse
(κάλαμον παραβῆναι), standing or hopping on one leg (ἀσκωλιάζειν),
which, as the word ἀσκός implies, was attempted on a skin-bottle filled with
liquid and greased; blindman’s-buff (χαλκῆ μυῖα), in which the boy cried, “I

am hunting a bracken fly,” and the rest answered, “You will not catch it;”
games of hide-and-seek, of taking and releasing prisoners, of fool in the
middle, of playing at king—in fact, there is probably no simple child’s
game now known which was not then in use.
A few more details may, however, be interesting. There was a game
called κυνδαλισμός, in which the κύνδαλον was a peg of wood with a heavy
end sharpened, which boys sought to strike into a softened place in the earth
so that it stood upright, and knocked out the peg of a rival. This reminds us
of the pegtop-splitting which still goes on in our streets. Another, called
ὀστρακίνδα, consisted of tossing an oyster-shell in the air, of which one side
was blackened or moistened, and called night, the other day, or sun and
rain. The boys were divided into two sides with these names, and, according
as their side of the shell turned up, they pursued and took prisoners their
adversaries. On the other hand, ἐποστρακισμός was making a shell skip
along the surface of water by a horizontal throw, and winning by the
greatest number of skips. Εἰς ὤμιλλαν, though a general expression for any
contest, was specially applied to tossing a knuckle-bone or smooth stone so
as to lie in the centre of a fixed circle, and to disturb those which were
already in good positions. This was also done into a small hole (τρόπα).
They seem to have shot dried beans from their fingers as we do marbles
(φρυγίνδα). They spun coins on their edge (χαλκισμός).
Here are two games not perhaps so universal nowadays. Πενταλιθίζειν
was a technical word for tossing up five pebbles or astragali, and receiving
them so as to make them lie on the back of the hand. Μηλολόνθη, or the
beetle game, consisted in flying a beetle by a long thread, and guiding him
like a kite. But by way of improvement they attached a waxed splinter,
lighted, to his tail; and this cruelty is now practised, according to a good
authority (Papasliotis), in Greece, and has even been known to cause
serious fires.[7] Tops were known under various names (βέμβιξ, στρόμβος,
στρόβιλος), one of them certainly a humming-top. So were hoops (τροχοί).
Ball-playing was ancient and diffused, even among the Homeric heroes.
But as it was found very fashionable and carefully practised by both
Mexicans and Peruvians at the time of the conquest, it is probably common

to all civilized races. We have no details left us of complicated games with
balls; and the mere throwing them up and catching them one from the other,
with some rhythmic motion, is hardly worth all the poetic fervor shown
about this game by the Greeks. But possibly the musical and dancing
accompaniments were very important, in the case of grown people, and in
historical times. Pollux, however—our main authority for most of these
games—in one place[8] distinctly describes both football and handball. “The
names,” he says, “of games with balls are—ἐπίσκυρος, φαινίνδα,
ἀπόῤῥαξις, οὐρανία. The first is played by two even sides, who draw a line
in the centre, which they called σκῦρος, on which they place the ball. They
draw two other lines behind each side, and those who first reach the ball
throw it (ῥίπτουσιν) over the opponents, whose duty it is to catch it and
return it, until one side drives the other back over their goal line.” Though
Pollux makes no mention of kicking, this game is evidently our football in
substance. He proceeds: “φαινίνδα was called either from Phænindes, the
first discoverer, or from deceiving (φενακίζειν),” etc.—we need not follow
his etymologies—“and ἀπόῤῥαξις consists of making a ball bound off the
ground, and sending it against a wall, counting the number of the hops
according as it was returned.” And as if to make the anticipations of our
games more curiously complete, there is cited from the history of Manuel,
by the Byzantine Cinnamus (a.d. 1200), a clear description of the Canadian
lacrosse, a sort of hockey played with rackets: “Certain youths, divided
equally, leave in a level place, which they have before prepared and
measured, a ball made of leather, about the size of an apple, and rush at it,
as if it were a prize lying in the middle, from their fixed starting-point (a
goal). Each of them has in his right hand a racket (ῥάβδον) of suitable
length ending in a sort of flat bend, the middle of which is occupied by gut
strings dried by seasoning, and plaited together in net fashion. Each side
strives to be the first to bring it to the opposite end of the ground from that
allotted to them. Whenever the ball is driven by the ῥάβδοι (rackets) to the
end of the ground, it counts as a victory.”[9]
Two games, which were not confined to children, and which are not
widely diffused, though they exist, among us, are the use of astragali, or

knuckle-bones of animals, so cut nearly square as to serve for dice; and
with these children threw for luck, the highest throw (sixes) being
accounted the best. In later Greek art representations of Eros and other
youthful figures engaged with astragali are frequent. It is to be feared that
this game was an introduction to dice-playing, which was so common, and
so often abused, that among the few specimens of ancient dice remaining
there are some false, and which were evidently loaded. The other game to
which I allude is the Italian morra, the guessing instantaneously how many
fingers are thrown up by the player and his adversary. It is surprising how
fond Southern men and boys still are of this simple game, chiefly, however,
for gambling purposes.
There was tossing in a blanket, walking on stilts, swinging, leap-frog,
and many other similar plays, which are ill-understood, and worse
explained, by the learned, and of no importance to us, save as proving the
general similarity of the life of little boys then as now.
We know nothing about the condition of little girls of the same age,
except that they specially indulged in ball-playing. Like our own children,
the girls probably joined, to a lesser degree, in the boys’ games, and only so
far as they could be carried on within-doors, in the court of the house. There
are graceful representations of their swinging and practising our seesaw.
Dolls they had in plenty, and doll-making (of clay) was quite a special trade
at Athens. In more than one instance we have found in children’s graves
their favorite dolls, which sorrowing parents laid with them as a sort of
keepsake in the tomb.

§ 12. Most unfortunately, there is hardly a word left of the nursery
rhymes and of the folk-lore, which are very much more interesting than the
physical amusements of children. Yet we know that such popular songs
existed in plenty; we know, too, from the early fame of Æsop’s fables, from
the myths so readily invented and exquisitely told by Plato, that here we
have lost a real fund of beautiful and stimulating children’s stories.[10] And
of course here, too, the general character of such stories throughout the
human race was preserved.

FOOTNOTES
[6] Plut. “Alkib.,” c. 2.

[7] This seems to be the interpretation of “Achar.” 920 sq., according to
Grasberger.

[8] ix. 103.

[9] I do not know whether so late an authority is valid proof for the early Greek
origin of a game. Most certainly the polo played at Constantinople at the same time
came from an equestrian people, and not from the Greeks.

[10] There is a possibility of recovering some of them by a careful collection of the
ναναρίσματα of the modern Greeks, which in many cases doubtless correspond to
their forerunners the βαυκαλήματα of the old Greeks. Stories of Mormo and Gorgo
and the Empousa are still current to frighten children, as are also (about Arachova)
songs about Charos (the old Charon), the ruthless genius of death. The belief in
Lamia is still so common that ἔπνιξεν ἡ Λάμια—Lamia choked it—is a common
expression when a child dies suddenly. Cf. Βενίζελος, “On the Private Life of the
Old Greeks,” Athens, 1873.

CHAPTER III.

SCHOOL DAYS—THE PHYSICAL SIDE.

§ 13. The most striking difference between early Greek education and
ours was undoubtedly this, that the physical development of boys was
attended to in a special place and by a special master. It was not thought
sufficient for them to play the chance games of childhood; they underwent
careful bodily training under a very fixed system, which was determined by
the athletic contests of after-life. This feature, which excites the admiration
of the modern Germans, and has given rise to an immense literature, is
doubtless all the more essential now that the mental training of our boys has
become so much more trying; and we can quite feel, when we look at the
physical development of ordinary foreigners, how keenly they must envy
the freedom of limb and ease of motion, not only as we see it suggested by
Greek statues, but as we have it before us in the ordinary sporting
Englishman. But it is quite in accordance with their want of practical
development, that while they write immense books about the physical
training of the Greeks, and the possibility of imitating it in modern
education, they seem quite ignorant of that side of English education at our
public schools; and yet there they might see in practice a physical education
in no way inferior to that described in classical authors. I say it quite
deliberately—the public-school boy, who is trained in cricket, football, and
rowing, and who in his holidays can obtain riding, salmon-fishing, hunting,
and shooting, enjoys a physical training which no classical days ever
equalled. The athletic part of this training is enjoyed by all boys at our
public schools, though the field sports at home only fall to the lot of the
richer or more fortunate.

§ 14. When we compare what the Greeks afforded to their boys, we find
it divided into two contrasted kinds of exercise: hunting, which was
practised by the Spartans very keenly, and no doubt also by the Eleans and
Arcadians, as may be seen from Xenophon’s “Tract on [Hare] Hunting;”
and gymnastics, which in the case of boys were carried on in the so-called
palæstra, a sort of open-air gymnasium (in our sense) kept by private
individuals as a speculation, and to which the boys were sent, as they were
to their ordinary schoolmaster.[11] We find that the Spartans, who had ample
scope for hunting with dogs in the glens and coverts of Mount Taygetus,
rather despised mere exercises of dexterity in the palæstra, just as our
sportsmen would think very little of spending hours in a gymnasium. But
those Greeks who lived in towns like Athens, and in the midst of a thickly
populated and well-cultivated country, could not possibly obtain hunting,
and therefore found the most efficient substitute.
Still, we find them very far behind the English in their knowledge or
taste for out-of-door games, such as cricket, football, hockey, golf, etc.—
games which combine chance and skill, which combine strength with
dexterity, and which intensely interest the players while keeping them in the
open air. Yachting, though there were regattas, was not in fashion in ancient
Greece. Rowing, which they could have practised to their heart’s content,
and which was of the last importance in their naval warfare, was never
thought gentlemanly, and always consigned to slaves or hirelings. There
are, indeed, as above quoted from Pollux, descriptions of something like
football and lacrosse, but the obscurity and rarity of any allusions to them
show that they are in no sense national games. Running races round a short
course was one of their chief exercises, but this is no proper out-of-door
game.

§ 15. Accordingly, the Germans, in seeking to base their physical
education on Greek lines, seem to make the capital mistake of ignoring that
kind of exercise for boys which vastly exceeds in value any training in
gymnasia. The Eton and Harrow match at Lord’s is a far more beautiful
sight, and far better for the performers, than the boys’ wrestling or running

at Olympia. And besides the variety of exercise at a game like cricket, and
the various intelligence and decision which it stimulates, a great part of the
game lies not in the winning, but in the proper form of the play, in what the
Greeks so highly prized as eurythmy—a graceful action not merely in
dancing and ball-playing, but in the most violent physical exertion.
But the Greeks had no playgrounds beyond the palæstra or gymnasium;
they had no playgrounds in our sense; and though a few proverbs speak of
swimming as a universal accomplishment which boys learned, the silence
of Greek literature on the subject[12] makes one very suspicious as to the
generality of such training.
With this introduction, we may turn to some details as to the education
of Greek boys in their palæstra.

§ 16. In one point, certainly, the Greeks agreed more with the modern
English than with any other civilized nation. They regarded sport as a really
serious thing. And unless it is so regarded, it will never be brought to the
national perfection to which the English have brought it, or to which the
Greeks are supposed to have brought it. And yet even in this point the
Greeks regarded their sports differently from us, and from all nations who
have adopted Semitic ideas in religion. Seriousness of the religious kind is
with us quite distinct from the seriousness of sport. With the Greeks it was
not, or rather seriousness was not with them an attribute of religion in any
sense more than it was of ordinary life. They harmonized religion and
sports, not by the seriousness of their sports so much as by the cheerfulness
—a Semite, ancient or modern, would say by the levity—of their deities;
for the gods, too, love sport (φιλοπαίγμονες γὰρ καὶ οἱ θεοί), says Plato in
his “Cratylus,” a remarkable and thoroughly Greek utterance. The greatest
feasts of the gods were celebrated by intensifying human pleasures—not
merely those of the palate, according to the grosser notion of the Christian
Middle Ages, but æsthetical pleasures, and that of excitement—pleasures,
not of idleness, but of keen enjoyment.

§ 17. The names applied to the exercising-places indicate their principal
uses. Palæstra means a wrestling-place; gymnasium originally a place for
naked exercise, but the verb early lost this connotation and came to mean
mere physical training. We hear that a short race-course (δρόμος) was often
attached to the palæstra, and short it must have been, for it was sometimes
covered in (called ξυστός), probably with a shed roof along the wall of the
main enclosure.
There is no evidence to decide the point whether the boys went to this
establishment at the same age that they went to school, and at a different
hour of the day, or at a different age, taking their physical and mental
education separately. And even in this latter case we are left in doubt which
side obtained the priority. The best authorities among the Germans decide
on separate ages for palæstra and school, and put the palæstra first. But in
the face of many uncertainties, and some evidence the other way, the
common-sense view is preferable that both kinds of instruction were given
together, though we know nothing about the distribution of the day, save
that both are asserted to have begun very early. Even the theoretical
schemes of Plato and Aristotle do not help us here, and it is one of those
many points which are now lost on account of their being once so perfectly
obvious and familiar.
We here discuss the physical side first, because it is naturally
consequent upon the home games, which have been described, and because
the mental side will naturally connect itself with the higher education of
more advanced years. And here, too, of the great divisions of exercises in
the palæstra—wrestling and dancing, more properly exercises of strength
and of grace—we will place athletics first, as the other naturally leads us on
to the mental side.

§ 18. In order to leave home and reach the palæstra safely as well as to
return, Greek boys were put under the charge of a pædagogue, in no way to
be identified (as it now is) with a schoolmaster. The text “The law was our
schoolmaster, to bring us unto Christ” has suffered from this mistake. The
Greek pædagogue means merely the slave who had the charge of bringing

his master’s sons safely to and from school, and guarding them from
mischief by the way. He was often old and trusty, often old and useless,
always ignorant, and never respected. He was evidently regarded by young
and gay boys as a great interference to enjoyment, insisting upon punctual
hours of return, and limiting that intercourse with elder boys which was so
fascinating, but also so dangerous, to Greek children.
The keeper of the palæstra and trainer (παιδοτρίβης) was not appointed
by the State, but (as already mentioned) took up the work as a private
enterprise, not directed by, but under the supervision of, the State, in the
way of police regulation. We have, indeed, in the speech of Æschines
“Against Timarchus,” very stringent laws quoted to the effect that no
palæstra or school might be open before or after daylight; that no one above
boys’ age might enter or remain in the building; and the severest penalties,
even death, were imposed on the violation of these regulations. But we
know that, even if true, which is very doubtful, the text of the laws here
cited became a dead letter, for it was a favorite resort of elder men to see the
boys exercising. Restrictions there were, of course; a fashionable lounge
could in no way serve as a strict training-school, and we know that at
Sparta, even in the gymnasia, the regulation strip or go was enforced to
prevent an idle crowd.

§ 19. There is figured on many vases, often in brilliant colors, the
interior of the palæstra. It is denoted by the bearded Hermes—a rude bust of
the patron god. A middle-aged man in a short mantle, or chlamys, with a rod
or wand in his hand, is watching and directing the exercises of the boys,
generally a wrestling-match. We know also, from the pentathlon being once
introduced at Olympia for boys, that its five exercises were those in which
they were usually trained—leaping, running, throwing the discus, the spear,
and wrestling. For elder boys, boxing and the pancratium were doubtless
added, if they meant to train for public competitions, but ordinary
gentlemen’s sons would never undergo this special training and its
hardships. Indeed, the Spartans strictly discountenanced such sports, both as
likely to disfigure, and as sure to produce quarrels and ill-will. The lighter

exercises were intended to make the frame hardy and the movements
graceful, and were introduced by a thorough rubbing of the skin with olive
oil, which, after the training, was scraped off with a special instrument, the
στλεγγίς, as may be seen in the splendid Vatican statue of the athlete
scraping his arm, the so-called Apoxyomenos, referred to as an original of
Lysippus. In luxurious days they also took a bath, but this was hardly the
case with ordinary boys—indeed, the water supply of Greek towns was
probably scanty enough, and the nation not given to much washing.

§ 20. There remain little or no details as to the exact rules of training
practised in the ordinary palæstras, but we may fairly assume them to have
been the same in kind (though milder in degree) as those approved for
formal athletes. If we judge from these, we will not form a high idea of
Greek training. Pausanias informs us that they trained on dry cheese, which
is not surprising, as they were (like most southerns) not a very carnivorous
people. But when a known athlete (Dromeus[13]) discovered that meat diet
was the best, they seem to have followed up the discovery by inferring that
the more of a good thing the better; and so athletes were required to eat very
large quantities of meat, owing to which they were lazy and sleepy when
not engaged in active work.[14] We need not suppose that the diet of
ordinary boys was in any way interfered with, but this particular case shows
the crude notions which prevailed, and the trainer came more and more to
assume the part of a dietetic doctor, as is stated by Plato.

§ 21. So much as to the conditions of good training; as to the
performance, there are points of no less significance. All the learned
Germans who write on these subjects notice that the Olympic races were
carried out on soft sand, not on hard and springy ground, so that really good
pace cannot have been a real object to Greek runners.[15] But, what is
worse, they praise their zeal and energy in starting (as we see on vases) with
wild swinging of their arms, in spread-eagle fashion, and encouraging
themselves with loud shouts.[16] This style of running may seem very fine to
a professor in his study, but will only excite ridicule among those who have

ever made the least practical essay, or seen any competitions. But possibly
the Greeks were not so uniformly silly in this respect as they are now
represented by commentators, for there is preserved on the Acropolis at
Athens one little-known vase on which a running figure has the elbows held
tightly back in the proper way. We may also have grave suspicions about
Greek boxing, from the facts that they weighted the hand heavily with
loaded gloves, and that boxers are described as men with their ears, and not
with their noses, crushed. We cannot but suspect them of swinging round,
and not striking straight from the shoulder. This is further proved by the use
of protecting ear-caps (ἀμφωτίδες) in boxing, a thing which no modern
boxer would dream of doing.

§ 22. All these hints taken together make us reasonably suspect that, as
athletics, the training of the pædotribes was not what we should admire.
But, on the other hand, the picturesque and enthusiastic descriptions of
beautiful and well-trained Greek boys, coupled with the ideal figures which
remain to us in Greek sculpture, prove beyond any doubt that they knew
perfectly what a beautiful manly form was, and by what training it could be
produced. Let us, however, not exaggerate the matter. Very few boys really
equalled the ideal types of the sculptor; and if we make allowance for this,
we may conclude that the finest English public-school boy is not inferior to
the best Greek types in real life.[17] Perhaps some advantage may have
resulted from the greater freedom of limb obtained by naked training and
rubbing with oil; but the advantage of this over a modern flannel suit or
tight athlete’s dress is very small. Nevertheless, the English schoolboy is
physically so superior to the schoolboys of other European nations that we
may count him, with the Greek boy, as almost a distinct animal.
What surprises us is that by regular training in the simplest exercises,
such as running, leaping, wrestling, and throwing the discus or dart, such
splendid results were ever attained. Or shall we say that it was not the
wrestling but the dancing side of Greek training which was of chief
importance? We may dismiss with a word the fabulous stories of athletic
feats at Olympia, where a certain Chionis, a Spartan of early date (Ol. 28–

31, cir. 660 b.c.), was said to have leaped fifty-two feet, and afterwards
Phayllus of Croton fifty-five feet. We may infer, too, from the use of
weights (ἁλτῆρες), that the jump was a standing one. Happily these
assertions are only made by late grammarians, and though some German
critics are inclined to extend their adoration of Greek training to this point,
it will rather, with practical readers, tend to discredit other statements made
by the same authority. As we do not hear of a running jump, so we do not
hear of a high jump either, at least in public games. Both may have been
practised in the palæstra. The distance for a sprint-race for men was two
hundred yards, and somewhat shorter for boys. Their longest race at
Olympia was twenty-four stadia (4800 yards, 2⅔ miles), which the
professors, without any knowledge of the time in which it was done, think
more wonderful than the fifty-five-feet jump, but which is equalled in many
English sports of the present day.

§ 23. Apart from the doubts here raised as to the perfection of Greek
training, let us revert, in conclusion, to the absence among elder boys of
those out-of-door games, like cricket, which are so valuable for developing
mental, together with physical, qualities. There is one feature in these
games which the Greeks seem to have missed altogether, and which appears
to be ignored in most German books on the reform of physical education in
schools. It is that forming of clubs and teams of boys, in which they choose
their own leaders, and get accustomed to self-government and a submission
to the superior will of equals, or the decision of public opinion among
themselves. Plato saw long ago that the proper and peculiar intention of
boys’ sports was more mental than bodily improvement. But he confined
himself to that part of the question which advocates the cultivation of spirit
in boys as better than that which cultivates strength only. This is perfectly
true, and no game is worthy the name in which spirit and intelligence
cannot defeat brute strength. But there is little trace, save at Sparta, of any
free constitution in boys’ education, in which they manage their own affairs,
fight out their own quarrels, and praise or censure according to a public
opinion of their own. No Greek educator seems to have had an inkling of

this, and the foreign theorists who have discussed educational reforms on
the Greek models seem equally unaware of its importance. Yet here, if
anywhere, is the secret of that independence of character and self-reliance
which is the backbone of the English constitution and the national liberty.
The Greeks were like the French and the Germans, who always imagine
that the games and sports will not prosper or be properly conducted without
the supervision of a Turnlehrer, or overseer; and they give great
exhortations to this man to sympathize with the boys and stimulate them. In
England the main duty of such people is to keep out of the way and let the
boys manage their own affairs. The results of the opposed systems will
strike any one who compares, on the one hand, the neat and well-regulated
French boys of a boarding-school, walking two-and-two, with gloves on
and toes turned out, along a road, followed by a master; on the other, the
playgrounds of any good English school during recreation time. If the
zealous and learned reformers who write books on the subject in modern
Europe would take the trouble to come and see this for themselves, it might
modify both their encomia on Greek training and their suggestions for their
own countries.

FOOTNOTES
[11] The exact relation of the ancient palæstra and the gymnasium has much
exercised the critics. It seems plain that the former was a private establishment, and
intended for boys; the latter more general, and resorted to by young men, not only
amateurs and beginners, but also more accomplished athletes. Hence the terms are
often confused. In the “Tract on the Athenian State,” however, the author mentions
palæstras as built by the demos for its public use; and this tract, whoever may be its
author, does not date later than 415 b.c.

[12] Herodotus, indeed (viii. 89), speaks of the generality of Greek sailors as able to
swim.

[13] Paus. vi. 7, 9.

[14] It was a curious rule at the Olympic games that the competitors were even
compelled to swear that they had spent a month in training at Elis, as if it mattered

whether the victory was won by natural endowments only or by careful study. One
would have thought that the importance of the contest would insure ample training
in those who desired to win.

[15] I myself saw at the Olympic games now held at Athens, in the re-excavated
stadion of Herodes, a sprint-race of two hundred yards over vine ground, cut into
furrows, with dogs and people obstructing the course. Cf. Macmillan’s Magazine for
September, 1876.

[16] Cf., for example, Grasberger, “Erziehung,” etc., iii. 212, quoting Cicero, “Tusc.
Disp.,” ii. 23, 26.

[17] It is a perpetual and perhaps now ineradicable mistake, because we cannot see
the real Athenians or Spartans of classical days, to imagine them in general like the
ideal statues of the Greek artists. We find it even generally stated that beauty was
the rule and ugliness the exception among them, in spite of Cicero’s complaint,
when he was disillusioned by a visit to Athens: “Quotusquisque enim formosus est?
Quum Athenis essem e gregibus epheborum vix singuli reperiebantur.”

CHAPTER IV.

SCHOOL DAYS—THE MUSICAL SIDE—THE SCHOOLMASTER.

§ 24. We will approach this side of the question by quoting the famous
description of Greek education in Plato’s “Protagoras,”[18] which will recall
to the reader the general problem, so apt to be lost or obscured amid details.
“Education and admonition commence in the very first years of childhood,
and last to the very end of life. Mother and nurse and father and tutor
(παιδαγωγός) are quarrelling about the improvement of the child as soon as
ever he is able to understand them. He cannot say or do anything without
their setting forth to him that this is just and that is unjust; that this is
honorable, that is dishonorable; this is holy, that is unholy; do this, and
abstain from that. And if he obeys, well and good; if not, he is straightened
by threats and blows, like a piece of warped wood. At a later stage they
send him to teachers, and enjoin them to see to his manners even more than
to his reading and music; and the teachers do as they are desired. And when
the boy has learned his letters, and is beginning to understand what is
written, as before he understood only what was spoken, they put into his
hands the works of great poets, which he reads at school; in these are
contained many admonitions, and many tales and praises, and encomia of
ancient famous men, which he is required to learn by heart, in order that he
may imitate or emulate them, and desire to become like them. Then, again,
the teachers of the lyre take similar care that their young disciple is steady
and gets into no mischief; and when they have taught him the use of the
lyre, they introduce him to the works of other excellent poets, who are the
lyric poets; and these they set to music, and make their harmonies and
rhythms quite familiar to the children, in order that they may learn to be

more gentle and harmonious and rhythmical, and so more fitted for speech
and action; for the life of man in every part has need of harmony and
rhythm. Then they send them to the master of gymnastics, in order that their
bodies may better minister to the virtuous mind, and that the weakness of
their bodies may not force them to play the coward in war or on any other
occasion. This is what is done by those who have the means, and those who
have the means are the rich; their children begin education soonest and
leave off latest. When they have done with masters, the State, again,
compels them to learn the laws, and live after the pattern which they
furnish, and not after their own fancies; and just as in learning to write, the
writing-master first draws lines with a stylus for the use of the young
beginner, and gives him the tablet, and makes him follow the lines, so the
city draws the laws, which were the invention of good lawgivers which
were of old time; these are given to the young man in order to guide him in
his conduct, whether as ruler or ruled; and he who transgresses them is to be
corrected or called to account, which is a term used not only in your
country, but in many others.”
This is the argument put by Plato into the mouth of Protagoras the
sophist, to show that virtue is a thing which can be taught, and not a mere
natural predisposition or a divine grace. The other locus classicus, which
may be referred to in close connection with it, is the description of the
traditional education given in Aristophanes’ “Clouds.”[19] The strict
discipline of boys who were not allowed to utter a whisper before their
elders; who were sent in troops early in the morning to school, in their
single tunic, even in the deepest winter snow; who were kept at work with
the music-master studying old traditional hymns, and in attitudes strictly
controlled as regards modesty and decency—all this is contrasted by the
poet with what he considers the corruption of the youth with florid and
immoral music, their meretricious desire to exhibit their bodily and mental
perfections, their luxury and sloth, their abandonment of sobriety and
diligence.
There are peculiarities of Greek taste so openly alluded to in this
passage that it will not bear literal translation into English, at least into a

book for ordinary readers; and therefore it need only be remarked, in
criticism of it, that too much stress has been laid by theorists on Greek life,
both on the picture of over-anxious morality in the older time, and on the
alleged immorality of the poet’s age. It is from such passages that German
historians draw their very extravagant assertions of the rapid degeneracy of
the Athenians under what they call the ochlocracy, which followed upon the
death of Pericles. It is very easy to find in many other ages and times
similar assertions of the glory of the good old times, and the degeneracy of
the satirist’s own contemporaries. But there is generally no more truth in it
than in the assertion of Homer that his heroes took up and threw easily great
rocks which two, or five, or ten men, such as they now are, could not lift.
The same sort of thing was said in poetry of the mediæval knights in
comparison with modern Europe. One would imagine them of greater size
and might than we are, and yet their suits of armor are seldom large enough
for a man six feet high. The picture of Aristophanes is doubtless a deliberate
exaggeration, and would have been readily acknowledged as such by the
poet himself. But it, of course, gives us the extremes possible in real life, as
he knew it, and is therefore of use in forming our ideas on the question, if
we use common sense and caution.

§ 25. With the exception of this feature, that Greek parents showed a
greater apprehension for the morals of their boys, and guarded them as we
should guard the morals of girls, it will be seen that the principles of
education are permanent, and applicable in all ages under similar
circumstances.
But what the ancients called music in the wider sense must be held to
include a knowledge and recitation of good poetry, as well as proper
training in that figured dancing which was the most usual service of the
gods. Indeed, a good musical education in Greece, much in contrast to ours,
included every graceful æsthetical and intellectual accomplishment. This
wide use of the term, however, though co-ordinate with the ordinary sense
of playing instruments and singing, causes little confusion. A distinction

between “music and singing,” such as we often see it (not satirically) set
forth in the advertisements of our professional teachers, was not admitted.

§ 26. I think we may be justified in asserting that the study of the epic
poets, especially of the “Iliad” and “Odyssey,” was the earliest intellectual
exercise of schoolboys, and, in the case of fairly educated parents, even
anticipated the learning of letters. For the latter is never spoken of as part of
a mother’s or of home education. Reading was not so universal or so
necessary as it now is; and as it was in earlier days an accomplishment only
gradually becoming an essential, its acquisition seems always to have been
intrusted to a professional master, the γραμματιστής, or grammarian in the
earlier use of the word. Of course, careful parents, of the model above set
forth by Protagoras, must have inculcated early lessons from poetry before
that age. We may assume that books of Homer were read or recited to
growing boys, and that they were encouraged or required to learn them off
by heart.
This is quite certain to all who estimate justly the enormous influence
ascribed to Homer, and the principles assumed by the Greeks to have
underlain his work. He was universally considered to be a moral teacher,
whose characters were drawn with a moral intent, and for the purpose of
example or avoidance. In Plato’s “Ion” we distinctly find something
supernatural, some distinct inspiration by the muse, asserted of Homer; and
this inspiration was even passed on, like some magnetic force, from bard to
bard. These ancient poets were even supposed to have uttered words deeper
and holier than they themselves knew, being driven by some divine œstrus
to compose what they could not have said in their natural state.
Accordingly, the “Iliad” and “Odyssey” were supposed to contain all that
was useful, not only for godliness, but for life. All the arts and sciences
were to be derived (by interpretation) from these sacred texts.
Hence, when it occurs to a modern reader that the main superiority of
our education over the Greek is the early training in the Scriptures—a
training, alas! decaying in earnestness every day—an old Athenian or
Milesian or Cean would deny the fact, and say that they, too, had an

inspired volume, written for their learning, in which all the moral virtues
and all the necessaries of faith were contained. The charge of objectionable
passages in the old epic would doubtless be retorted by a similar charge
against the old Semitic books.

§ 27. It is well-nigh impossible that in the higher families throughout
Greece this moral training should not have begun at home; and there must
have been many Greek mothers able and anxious to help, though history is
silent about them, and does not even single out individual cases, like the
Roman Cornelia, where mothers influenced the moral and intellectual
training of their children.[20] Certain it is that here and there we find
evidences of a strong feeling of respect to the house-mother which contrast
curiously with the usual silence about women. In the “Clouds,” the acme of
villany in the young scapegrace who has turned sophist under Socrates’
hands is to threaten violence to his mother.[21] Here it is that Strepsiades
exclaims in real horror at the result of such teaching. We also find both
Plato and (perhaps in imitation of him) Cicero laying stress upon the purity
of speech preserved in the conversation of cultivated women, whose
conservative life and tastes rejected slang and novelty, and thus preserved
the language pure and undefiled. The very opposite complaint is made
concerning the pædagogues, whose often barbarous origin and rude
manners were of damage to the youth.

§ 28. On the question of punishments, both at home and at school, we
do not find the Greeks very different from ourselves. There are not in Greek
literature any such eloquent protests against corporal punishment as we find
in Seneca and Quintilian. They all acknowledge the use and justice of it,
and only caution against applying servile punishments to free boys. Indeed,
in many later writers, such as Lucian, the severities of schoolmasters are
noted; and we have among the Pompeian pictures a scene of a master
flogging a boy, who is hoisted on the shoulders of another, with a third
holding him up by the heels. These evidences, together with those of the
later Romans, on the sounds of woe common in schools, must not be

overestimated. They are probably exceptional cases made prominent for
satirical purposes, and not implying any peculiar savagery in Greek above
modern masters.
Most certainly the Greek schoolmaster was not harsher than the lower-
class masters in many primary schools, as, for example, the Irish hedge
schoolmasters described in Carleton’s “Tales of the Irish Peasantry.”
Unfortunately, the Greek schoolmaster, at least of elementary schools,
was not generally in high repute, was evidently not highly paid, and his
calling was not such as to give him either dignity or self-respect. He was
accused of pedantry if he was really learned, and of bad temper if he was
zealous and impatient at idleness.[22]
Lucian, in a jocose description of the nether world, describes kings and
satraps as beggars or “primary” schoolmasters, and was only carrying out
into fiction the proverbial downfall of the tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse,
who spent his old-age teaching children at Corinth. An unknown comic
writer is quoted as saying, “The man is either dead or teaching the
alphabet.” We hear of philosophers accusing each other—very absurdly—of
having once followed this profession; and every scholar will remember the
famous passage in Demosthenes’ “De Corona:” “But you, worthy man, who
despise others compared with yourself, now compare with mine your own
lot, which consigned you to grow up from boyhood in the greatest need,
when you helped your father to attend in the school, preparing the ink,
cleaning the benches, sweeping out the schoolroom, and so taking the rank
of a slave, and not of a free boy.” We even hear of Horace’s master,
Orbilius, writing a lamentable autobiography on account of his miseries,
under the title of the man acquainted with grief (περιαλγής).

§ 29. The general question of the payment of teachers will be better
discussed when we come to the Sophists’ training of riper youth. Indeed, on
the whole value of the various attacks on the teaching order in Greece,
Grasberger concludes his elaborate summary of the above and many other
facts with the sensible remark:[23] “As regards the unpleasant and
objectionable features, which men seem to record with special preference,

the true state of the case may be the same as with the many scandals which
are reported from the life of the mediæval universities in Europe. Evil did
not predominate; but the chronicler, instead of putting forward the modest
virtues of diligence and of scientific earnestness, preferred to note both the
faults of the teachers and the gross excesses of the students.”
We may be sure that in the Greek primary schools, though we hear of
one assistant sometimes, the master was required to teach all the subjects.
This was so not long ago in England, and still more in Ireland, where the
hedge schoolmasters, but lately supplanted by the national school system
(not without considerable loss), were required, and were able, to teach
classics, mathematics, and the old-fashioned English. It is, indeed, clearly
presupposed in all the many bequests of pious benefactors, who leave forty
or sixty pounds per annum for the payment of a single master to keep a
school in some remote part of the country. And at Athens, as in the days of
these bequests, there was no official or state test of a master’s
qualifications. Each man set up on his private account; it depended on the
reputation he made whether his school was well attended. The worthy
pedant in Goldsmith’s “Deserted Village” gives us a fair specimen of the
better class of such men.

FOOTNOTES
[18] P. 325 C. Cf. also “Axiochus,” p. 366 E: ὁπόταν δὲ εἰς τὴν ἑπταετίαν ἀφίκῃται
[τὸ νήπιον] πολλοὺς πόνους διαντλῆσαν, παιδαγωγοὶ καὶ γραμματισταὶ καὶ
παιδοτρίβαι τυραννοῦντες, κ.τ.λ.

[19] 961 sq.:

λέξω τοίνυν τὴν ἀρχαίαν παιδείαν, ὡς διέκειτο,
ὅτ’ ἐγὼ τὰ δίκαια λέγων ἤνθουν καὶ σωφροσύνη νενόμιστο.
πρῶτον μὲν ἔδει παιδὸς φωνὴν γρύξαντος μηδέν’ ἀκοῦσαι·
εἶτα βαδίζειν ἐν ταῖσιν ὁδοῖς εὐτάκτως εἰς κιθαριστοῦ
τοὺς κωμήτας γυμνοὺς ἀθρόους, κεἰ κριμνώδη κατανίφοι.
εἶτ’ αὖ προμαθεῖν ᾆσμ’ ἐδίδασκεν, τὼ μηρὼ μὴ ξυνέχοντας,
ἢ Παλλάδα περσέπολιν δεινὰν, ἢ Τηλέπορόν τι βόαμα,
ἐντειναμένους τὴν ἁρμονίαν, ἣν οἱ πατέρες παρέδωκαν.
εἰ δέ τις αὐτῶν βωμολοχεύσαιτ’ ἢ κάμψειέν τινα καμπὴν,

οἵας οἱ νῦν τὰς κατὰ Φρῦνιν ταύτας τὰς δυσκολοκάμπτους,
ἀπετρίβετο τυπτόμενος πολλὰς ὡς τὰς Μούσας ἀφανίζων.
ἐν παιδοτρίβου δὲ καθίζοντας τὸν μηρὸν ἔδει προβαλέσθαι
τοὺς παῖδας, ὅπως τοῖς ἔξωθεν μηδὲν δείξειαν ἀπηνές·
εἶτ’ αὖ πάλιν αὖθις ἀνιστάμενον συμψῆσαι, καὶ προνοεῖσθαι
εἴδωλον τοῖσιν ἐρασταῖσιν τῆς ἥβης μὴ καταλείπειν.
ἠλείψατο δ’ ἂν τοὐμφαλοῦ οὐδεὶς παῖς ὑπένερθεν τότ’ ἂν, ὥστε
τοῖς αἰδοίοισι δρόσος καὶ χνοῦς ὥσπερ μήλοισιν ἐπήνθει·
οὐδ’ ἂν μαλακὴν φυρασάμενος τὴν φωνὴν πρὸς τὸν ἐραστὴν
αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν προαγωγεύων τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς ἐβάδιζεν,
οὐδ’ ἂν ἑλέσθαι δειπνοῦντ’ ἐξῆν κεφάλαιον τῆς ῥαφανῖδος,
οὐδ’ ἄννηθον τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἁρπάζειν οὐδὲ σέλινον,
οὐδ’ ὀψοφαγεῖν, οὐδὲ κιχλίζειν, οὐδ’ ἴσχειν τὼ πόδ’ ἐναλλάξ. κ.τ.λ.

[20] Two or three stories of Spartan mothers in Plutarch form tardy and unimportant
exceptions.

[21] v. 1444 sq.

[22] Cf. the amusing notes in Cicero’s letters on a private tutor he got for his son and
nephew, vi. 1, 9: “I am in love with Dionysius. The boys say he flies into furious
passions. But no man could be more learned or conscientious (sanctior) or more
devoted to you and me.” Presently Cicero’s tone alters, viii. 4: “Dionysius gave me
impudence: you would say I had procured another Dicæarchus or Aristoxenus, and
not a man that talks us all down, and is no good for teaching. But he has a good
memory.”

[23] ii. p. 189.

CHAPTER V.

THE MUSICAL SIDE—SCHOOLS AND THEIR APPOINTMENTS.

§ 30. The school was generally distinguished by the term
διδασκαλεῖον[24] from the palæstra. We know that every Greek town
possessed one or more, and in early times Herodotus[25] mentions one
existing at Chios as early as 500 b.c., of which the roof fell in and killed one
hundred and nineteen out of one hundred and twenty children at work
within it at the time. Pausanias tells of another at Astypalæa, into which a
madman rushed and pulled down the supporting pillar, so that sixty boys
were buried under the ruins. The sad affair of Mycalessus is told by
Thucydides, and extorts from him a most ungrammatical grimace of pity,
when Thracian mercenaries murdered all the children assembled in school.
These cases show how it was evidently regarded as an essential in every
town. So the Trœzenians, when they received the fugitive Athenians during
the invasion of Xerxes, took care, even in that great and sudden crisis, to
provide for the teaching of the Attic children.[26] Of course, in early days
and in poor towns, the place of teaching was not well appointed; nay, even
in many places teaching in the open air prevailed. The oldest legends speak
of Cheiron teaching in his grotto on Pelion; in the latest Greek
χαμαιδιδάσκαλος (teacher on the ground) is a word for a low class of
teacher. This was, again, like the old hedge schools of Ireland, and, no
doubt, of Scotland too. They also took advantage, especially in hot weather,
of colonnades, or shady corners among public buildings; as at Winchester
the summer term was called cloister-time, from a similar practice, even in
that wealthy foundation, of instructing in the cloisters.
On the other hand, properly appointed schools in respectable towns
were furnished with some taste, and according to traditional notions. As in

gymnasia and palæstras, there was a shrine of the Muses or of Hermes, and
the head of the institution was regarded as the priest of this shrine, at which
offerings were made, so in the schools also there were statues of tutelary
gods set up, and busts of heroes and other eminent men, by way of
ornament as well as reminder to the boys.
We hear that the master sat on a high seat, from which he taught; the
scholars often sat on the ground, as they still do in many countries, or else
they stood or occupied benches round him. The pictures and descriptions
extant do not point to the schools being so crowded, as appears from the
accidents above cited; but this is probably a mere chance, or an omission
for the artist’s convenience. For though the laws quoted in Æschines’
speech forbid any one save the master and boys to be present, we know that
in later days this was not strictly observed, and in Theophrastus’s
“Characters,” the Chatterbox, among other mistakes in tact, is represented
going into the schools and interrupting lessons with his idle talk. We may be
sure that there were no tables or desks, such furniture being unusual in
Greek houses; it was the universal custom, while reading or writing, to hold
the book or roll on the knee—to us an inconvenient thing to do, but still
common in the East.
There are some interesting sentences, given for exercise in Greek and
Latin, in the little-known “Interpretamenta” of Dositheus, now edited and
explained by German scholars. The entry of the boy is thus described, in
parallel Greek and Latin: “First I salute the master, who returns my salute:
good-morning, master; good-morning, school-fellows. Give me my place,
my seat, my stool. Sit closer. Move up that way. This is my place, I took it
first.” This mixture of politeness and wrangling is amusing, and, no doubt,
to be found in all ages. It seems that the seats were movable. A scholium on
Æschines tells us that there was a supply of water close at hand, lest the
boys might suffer from thirst.
The extant pictures show that along the walls were hung up various
vessels of which the use is not always plain to us. But we can clearly
distinguish the necessary implements for the teaching of reading and
writing, boxes for book-rolls, writing-boards, reckoning-boards with

parallel grooves, and pebbles fixed in them, geometrical figures, flute-cases,
and lyres. There is also late authority to show that there were notice-boards
on which regulations were posted. We hear from Lucian of a notice over a
sophist’s door, “No philosophy to-day.” The notice-board was called “the
white board,” being covered with chalk. We are not told how this was
written on; but if the ground was black, then mere writing with the finger
across the chalked surface would produce distinct characters.

§ 31. What is far more interesting is the remnant now discovered of the
pictorial teaching of children, by hanging up in the schoolroom illustrations
of the Trojan and other legends. By the researches of Böttiger and O. Jahn,
[27] it appears that we still have the fragments of such a table in the tabula
Iliaca of Theodorus, preserved at the Capitoline Museum in Rome. These
were large pictures, in a series, with names or words of explanation attached
to them. Thus we have one picture (from “Iliad” Α) of Chryses praying
Agamemnon to restore his daughter, beside him a wagon loaded with
ransom, and under each figure, and under the wagon respectively,
Agamemnon, Chryses, the ransom. Other extant pictures illustrate the third
and twenty-fourth books of the “Iliad.” The “Odyssey” was similarly
treated, so that there seems to have been a traditional and widely circulated
pictorial compendium of the Homeric poems used, at all events, in later
Greek and in Roman schools. There are also chronological and historical
fragments of the same kind still extant, so that it is more than probable that
even in classical days Greek boys were not without the benefit of illustrated
school-books, or at least school-sheets, as the elegiac distich on the back of
one of them suggests.[28] The use of these pictures on the walls explains the
constant appearance of a long wand in the master’s hand, which is more
characteristic of him than the rod of punishment, though this, too, was not
missing.

THE SUBJECTS AND METHOD OF EDUCATION—THE THREE R’S.

§ 32. The usual subdivision of education was into three parts: letters
(γράμματα), including reading, writing, counting, and learning of the poets;
music in the stricter sense, including singing and playing on the lyre; and
lastly gymnastic, which included dancing. These were under the special
direction of three classes of masters, the grammatists (to be distinguished
from γραμματικός, used in a higher sense), the citharistes, and the
pædotribes. It is said that at Sparta the education in reading and writing was
not thought necessary, and there have been long discussions among the
learned whether the ordinary Spartan in classical days was able to read. We
find that Aristotle adds a fourth subject to the three above named—drawing,
which he thinks requisite, like music, to enable the educated man to judge
rightly of works of art. But there is no evidence of a wide diffusion of
drawing or painting among the Greeks, as among us; and the same may be
said of swimming on the gymnastic side, though the oft-quoted proverb,
μηδὲ νεῖν μηδὲ γράμματα—he can neither swim nor read—has led the
learned to assert a general knowledge of swimming, at least at Athens.
Later on, under the learned influences of Alexandria and the paid
professoriate of Roman days, subjects multiplied with the decline of mental
vigor and spontaneity of the age, and children began to be pestered, as they
now are, with a quantity of subjects, all thought necessary to a proper
education, and accordingly all imperfectly acquired. This was called the
encyclical education, which is preserved in our encyclopædia of
knowledge. It included (1) grammar, (2) rhetoric, (3) dialectic, (4)
arithmetic, (5) music, (6) geometry, (7) astronomy, and these were divided
into the earlier Trivium and the later Quadrivium. But fortunately this
debasement of classical education is far beyond our present scope.

§ 33. The boys started very early for school, attended by their
pædagogue, and appear to have returned for late breakfast. We may

conclude from the Roman custom, though we have no positive evidence,
that the afternoons were devoted to recreation or the lighter gymnastic
exercises. The later theorists speak much of pauses and of variation in
study; but though we know there were a good many isolated holidays, we
hear of no period of rest for both masters and boys, such as there must have
been in the Roman dog-days. There is something humane and affecting in
the dying bequest of Anaxagoras, who gave his native city, Clazomenæ, a
property on the condition that the anniversary of his death should be kept as
a general school holiday. There were also special days of school feasts, such
as the Hermæa and Museia, so elegantly described at the opening of Plato’s
“Lysis.”

§ 34. From the accounts we have of the teaching of the alphabet, as
implied in Plato’s “Cratylus,” and described by Dionysius (the rhetor) in
illustrating Demosthenes’ eloquence, it was not carried on in an analytical,
but a synthetical, way. Children were not taught words first and then to
analyze them, but started with individual letters, then learned their simplest
combinations, and so on. Nor is this method ever likely to be supplanted by
the other, at least in the case of stupid children. But we do hear of one
curious attempt to make the alphabet an agreeable study in the so-called
grammatical tragedy of Callias, about 400 b.c. This was the time when (in
the archonship of Eucleides) the newer Ionic alphabet of twenty-four letters
was introduced, and apparently ordered to be used in schools. The work of
Callias was, accordingly, a poetical kind of A B C book, in which the single
letters in turn spoke the prologue. The choral parts seem to have been
refrains working out the simpler combinations of vowels with each
consonant. The seven vowels were also introduced before the schoolmaster
as female characters. But more we do not know, and it is probable that the
book was only called tragedy from its external form, not from any plot.[29]
The use of mnemonic verses to help children was, no doubt, as old as
education; but we should have been glad to know the divisions of letters
followed by Callias; for up to the times of the Sophists there was no proper
analysis of the alphabet, and it is to them that we owe such studies as

Plato’s “Cratylus,” which, though sound as to the alphabet, is wonderfully
childish as to etymology. Still, the popular knowledge of 400 b.c. must have
been a long way behind the “Cratylus.”
From the acquisition of letters, the child passed to the study of syllables,
and we find syllabizing used generally by the Greeks for elementary
instruction in reading. But while the Greek child was not afflicted, like
English children, with the absurd conundrums of a perfectly irrational
spelling; while he had a fair guarantee that the individual letters reproduced
the sound of the whole word, there were other difficulties in his way. He
had not, indeed, to burden his memory with the sounds to be attached to
symbols like though and tough, plague and ague, but he must, on the other
hand, study with peculiar care the separation of words—interpunction—and
also punctuation and accent. Accent, indeed, and the subtle use of the
numerous particles, were given, and could only be given, by familiarity
with Greek as a mother tongue. As Aristotle remarks, one could always
know a foreigner, however well he spoke Greek, by the use of the particles.
I heard Ernest Renan make the very same remark about foreigners’ French a
few years ago. But in classical days, accents were not even written, and
words were not separated, neither were clauses distinguished by stops.
Hence the difficulties of reading were considerably increased, as any one
may prove for himself by taking up a mediæval Greek MS. There, indeed,
the accents are a guide, but even with them the separation of words is a
difficulty, and has led to endless mistakes in our printed texts. We know,
too, that the Greeks were particular about melodious intonation and
rhythmical balance of clauses even in prose: all this gave the grammatist
ample scope for patience. There is even a special teacher—φωνασκός—
mentioned in early days as regulating and training the singing voice of
children. Indeed, we are surprised at the general assumption among their
educators that every one had both natural voice and ear.[30]
Thus reading aloud and recitations from the great poets attained a
double object: the schoolboy was taught to enounce accurately and read
rhythmically; he was made familiar at the same time with the choicest
extracts of the best masters in the older literature. I have already spoken of

Homer; but the lyric poets, like Tyrtæus, and the gnomic, like Theognis,
were also largely used at school. Indeed, it is not a little remarkable how
many of these old poets were themselves called schoolmasters. This school
use gave rise to chrestomathies, or selections of suitable passages; and there
are many critics who think that our present texts of Theognis represent such
a selection. The “Golden Verses” of Pythagoras, the many collections of
proverbs, or ὑποθῆκαι, point to the same practice. Written books were still
scarce, libraries very exceptional, and thus the boy’s education was far more
prosecuted by dictation and by conversation than nowadays. Without doubt
this made them less learned, but more intelligent and ready, than we are;
and there are even in the days of Hellenic decay complaints of the increase
of books, of the lust after much reading and various lore.[31] We are told that
in Sparta and Crete all children learned hymns to the gods, and metrical
statements of the laws, to be sung to fixed melodies; and this (if a fact) has
justly been called a political as well as religious catechism.

§ 35. It was very late in the history of Hellenism that any mention of the
learning of foreign languages meets us. Even in the wide studies pursued at
Alexandria, no systematic course in languages is ever mentioned; and
people still had recourse in international business to those who happened to
be born of mixed marriages, or by some other accident had been compelled
to acquire a second tongue. There is, indeed, much curious evidence that the
Greeks, being really bad linguists, found great difficulty in acquiring the
Latin tongue, even when it became the language of the rulers of the world.
[32] Strabo[33] notes that whenever historical treatises were composed in
foreign languages, they were inaccessible to the Greeks, while the Romans
did nothing but copy partially and imperfectly what the Greeks had said—a
remark which might now be sarcastically applied to the relations of German
and English philology. This Greek inability to learn, or contempt of, foreign
languages reminds us of the French of to-day, whose language, until lately,
held the place in Europe which Greek held in the Roman Empire, when
every respectable person knew Greek, and when the Senate were able to
receive and treat with foreign ambassadors speaking in Greek.[34] We have

above noted the danger actually threatening that children might learn Greek
so early and exclusively as to speak their native tongue with a foreign
accent—a state of things which the Romans would have resented strongly
in their rulers—in that respect widely different from the English people of
to-day. Thus the Romans attained, what the Greeks missed, the opportunity
of learning grammar through the forms of a foreign language.[35]

§ 36. When the children came to writing, we must not imagine them
using ink and paper, which was far too expensive. Instead of our slate, they
used tablets covered with wax, on which the pointed stylus drew a sharp
line, which could be smoothed out again with the flat reverse end. There
were double lines drawn on the tablets, and the master wrote words for the
boys to copy. We are told that he at times held the hands of beginners in
forming letters. Quintilian suggests that the letters should be cut deep in a
wooden tablet, so that the child could follow them without having his hand
held; and it was in this way that the Ostrogoth Theodoric managed to sign
his name, by having a metal plate pierced with it, which he then laid on the
paper, and stencilled out the letters. There are on the walls of Pompeii many
scribblings of boys, evidently repeating their school exercises; and in Egypt
was found a tomb with a set of wax tablets, all containing the same verses
of Menander; but one of them a model, the rest copies varying in
excellence; and under some of them the approving judgment diligent
(φιλοπόνως). This curious set of relics, in the possession of Dr. Abbott, of
New York, is apparently the school furniture of a master buried with him.

§ 37. There is no reason to think that the average Greek attained
anything like the fluency in writing which we now consider necessary.
Plato[36] says it is only necessary so far as to be able to write or read; to
write fast or elegantly must not be attempted within the range of ordinary
education, except in rare cases and with peculiar natural gifts. Indeed, as
slaves did all the copying work, and as published books were always in
their handwriting, there may have been the same sort of prejudice against a
very good, clear hand which many people now feel against an office hand.

At Athens there was a special officer, γραμματεύς, to write out, or direct the
writing-out of, public documents; there was also a ὑπογραφεύς, a secretary
to take minutes (ὑπογράφεσθαι) at public meetings. Besides the formal
writing in separate capital letters, which we have on so many inscriptions,
and which was probably the hand taught to children, there was a cursive
hand, which we see in the Greek papyri of the second century b.c. found in
Egypt. In later MSS. we even find a regular shorthand, exceedingly difficult
to decipher.[37] The lines were drawn, especially on wax, with a little coin-
shaped piece of lead (μόλυβδος), and the drawing of lines appears to be
called παραγράφειν. Instead of the sharp metal or bone stylus, a reed
(κάλαμος), like our pens, was used on papyrus or parchment with ink.
Quintilian prefers the wax and stylus, because the constant dipping in the
ink distracts and checks thinking—a curious objection, and worth quoting
to show the difference between his age and ours. But when the new
stylograph has been used for some time, we will, no doubt, find men
asserting this of the old-fashioned pen and ink.

§ 38. The school commentary, or explanation of the poems or other
literature thus written out, was probably quite elementary. Grammar only
began to be understood by the Sophists, and we have specimens of
exercises on the use of the article, and on the question of genders, in a very
comic dialogue in Aristophanes’ “Clouds,” where the pupil of the new
school ridicules the ignorance of old Strepsiades. It is likely Protagoras’s
work on the correct use of language (ὀρθοέπεια) gave a great stimulus to
this branch of education. But we cannot argue that these studies of the
mother tongue which make our use of it more conscious than before, had
any better effect on prose-writing or on conversation than the very parallel
studies of English which have of late years invaded or infested all our
schools. Good-breeding and natural refinement seem the natural (and are
probably the only) safeguards of a mother tongue in its ordinary use, and
there is even great danger that a conscious analysis of idioms may banish
from the writing of a language many valuable and characteristic turns which
are based upon a more subtle propriety than that of school logic.

Fortunately, local dialects have a great power of resistance. The Warwick or
the Galway peasant will speak his own accents, and even use his idioms, in
spite of all compulsory teaching of English grammar in the schools; but the
reducing of all written English to one standard (both in spelling and in
idiom) is like the reducing of all written Greek to the common dialect—a
very great loss and damage.[38]

§ 39. We pass to the teaching of elementary science. Geometry was still
an advanced study, and, though in high esteem among the Greeks as one of
the most elegant and perfect, seems not to have been taught in schools.
Arithmetic was regarded either as the abstract science of numbers
(ἀριθμητική), and as such one of the most difficult of sciences, or as the art
of reckoning (λογιστική) to be employed in the ordinary affairs of life.
Mercantile Greeks, like the Athenians and Ionians generally, among whom
banking was well developed, must have early found this a necessity; but
even in Greek art, architectural perfection was attained by a very subtle and
evidently conscious application of arithmetical proportions. This was first
shown in the accurate measurements of the Parthenon by Penrose, and was,
no doubt, expounded in the treatise written on this building by its architect,
Ictinus. In the great temple of Zeus at Olympia, the use of multiples of 7
and 5 has been shown so curiously applied by an American scholar that he
suspects the application of Pythagorean symbolism by the architect Libon.
But of course this was ἀριθμητική in the strict sense, and is only here
mentioned to show how the Greeks must have been led to appreciate the
value of the science of numbers. Ordinary schoolboys were taught to add,
subtract, multiply, and divide, as they now are, but without the advantage of
our admirable system of notation.
Starting from the natural suggestion of the fingers—a suggestion
preserved all through later history by such words as πεμπάζεσθαι (literally,
to count by fives, but used of counting generally)—the Greeks represented
numbers by straight strokes, but soon replaced | | | | | either by a rude picture
of a hand, V (as we find in Roman numbers), and made two such symbols
joined together to represent 10 (X), or else the higher numbers were marked

by the first letter of their name—viz., M and C, in Latin mille and centum.
So in Greek, Χ (χίλιοι), Μ (μυρίοι), etc. The smaller numbers were
represented in ordinary counting by the fingers of the hand, not merely as
digits (a suggestive word, in itself a survival of the process), but, according
as they were bent or placed, fingers represented multiples of 5, and so were
sufficient for ordinary sums. Aristophanes even contrasts[39] this sort of
reckoning, as clearer and more intelligible, with reckoning on the abacus, or
arithmetical board, which has still survived in our ball-frames. We are told
that the fingers were sufficient to express all figures up to thousands, which
is indeed strange to us; but both the finger signs and the abacus failed in the
great invention we have gained from Arabic numerals, the supplying of the
symbol ○ . The abacus used in Greek schools appears to have had several
straight furrows in which pebbles or plugs were set, and at the left side there
was a special division where each unit meant 5. Thus, 648 (DCXXXXVIII)
was represented in the following way:

M

o o C

o o o o X

o o o o

This abacus was ascribed to Pythagoras, but was in all probability older,
and derived from Egypt, where elementary science was well and widely
taught from very early times. When initial letters were used for numbers, as
Π for πέντε, and Δ for δέκα, combinations such as meant 50. Last of all,
we find in our MSS. a system of using the letters of the alphabet for
numbers, preserving ϛ (ἐπίσημον) for 6, and thus reaching 10 with ι,
proceeding by tens through κ (20), λ (30), etc., to ρ (100), σ (200), and for

900 using Ϡ. This notation must not be confused with the marking of the
twenty-four books of the Homeric epics by the simple letters of the
alphabet.
Further details as to the technical terms for arithmetical operations, and
the amount to be attributed to a nation using so clumsy a notation, must be
sought in professed hand-books of antiquity.[40]
As regards geometry, all we can say is that in the days of Plato and
Aristotle both these philosophers recognize not only its extraordinary value
as a mental training, but also the fact that it can be taught to young boys as
yet unfit for political and metaphysical studies.

§ 40. Having thus disposed of the severer side of school education, we
will turn to the artistic side, one very important to the Greeks, and
suggestive to us of many instructive problems.

FOOTNOTES
[24] Διδασκάλιον is the thing learned.

[25] vi. 27.

[26] The Greek form of our word school, though in common use, meant leisure, and
only passed through its application to the leisurely discussions of philosophers into
its new and opposite sense. There is some difficulty about the word παιδαγωγεῖον,
which some have imagined to be a waiting-room for the pædagogue slaves—
absurdly enough. It is probably a mere synonym for the schoolroom.

[27] Grasberger, ii. 224.

[28]

[ὦ φίλε παῖ] Θεωδώρηον μάθε τάξιν Ὁμήρου
ὄφρα δαεὶς πάσης μέτρον ἔχῃς σοφίας.

[29] All our evidence, with every possible surmise about it, may be found in
Welcker’s “Kleine Schriften,” vol. i. p. 371 sq.

[30] This assumption may perhaps hardly seem surprising when it still prevails
among the English public as regards girls. Accordingly, a vast amount of time and

brain power is wasted in the endeavor to make them play and sing, though nature
has peremptorily precluded it in most cases.

[31] The objections of the Eleatics and Platonists to the moral side of Homer and the
other epic poets will be discussed in connection with the philosophic attempts at
reform in higher education.

[32] Plutarch (“Life of Demosth.,” 2) laments his inability to master Latin, and the
difficulties it presents when not acquired very early.

[33] iii. 4, 19.

[34] Up to the mission of Carneades and his fellows (155 b.c.) an interpreter had
been necessary.

[35] This seems to me a very important point, and I do not know how our training of
boys in the strict and clear Latin grammar can ever be supplied adequately by any
other means, though I have one great and recognized authority—Mr. Thring—
against me, who thinks that boys should learn the logic of grammar through English
analysis.

[36] “Laws,” 810—if the “Laws” be, indeed, Plato’s.

[37] Cf. Wattenbach’s specimens in his plates of Greek MSS.

[38] If we had phonetic spelling, our dialects would be preserved, as the various
Greek dialects were, or as the Italian now are, and thus the history of our language
in the present day might become possible to ourselves and our descendants. As it is,
we are concealing from all inquiry this most interesting subject—I mean the varying
pronunciation—by our absurd artificial spelling, and we are banishing local idioms
by stamping them with the mark of vulgarity. This latter is the natural and right
consequence of having classical models. But had we possessed the older dialects in
phonetic writing, our standard would have been widened, like that of the Greeks, to
include important provincial varieties.

[39] “Wasps,” 656 sq.

[40] These are the ordinary terms: adding = συντιθέναι, προστιθέναι; subtracting =
ἀφαιρεῖν, ὑπεξαιρεῖν, Latin deducere; multiplying = πολλαπλασιάζειν, and the
factors πλευρά, a geometrical conception, as in the second book of Euclid; dividing
= μερίζειν: no general word for quotient is found.

CHAPTER VI.

THE SUBJECTS AND METHOD OF EDUCATION—DRAWING AND MUSIC.

§ 41. It is likely that most writers on Greek education have exaggerated
the importance and diffusion of drawing as an ordinary school subject. Even
in Aristotle’s day it was only recognized by some people, probably
theorists;[41] and Pliny tells us that it was Pamphilus, Apelles’ master, who
first had it introduced at Sicyon, from which it spread over all Greece.
These combined notices point to its not being general before the days of
Alexander. But the theorists recognized its use and importance earlier, first
and most obviously for critical purposes, that men might better judge and
appreciate works of art; secondly, for that æsthetical effect which is so
forgotten by us, the unconscious moulding of the mind to beauty by the
close and accurate study of beautiful forms.
The usual word ζωγραφία for painting, and ζωγράφος for drawing-
master, suggests to us that figure-drawing was the early and the principal
branch of the art known and taught. From the earliest times rude figures had
been scratched and colored on vases, and the number of vase-painters in
historical Greece must have been so considerable as to disseminate some
general feeling for the art, though we hear of no amateur vase-painting,
such as is in fashion among ladies of our own day. On the other hand,
landscape-painting was of late growth and very imperfect development. The
prominence of sculpture, even polychromatic sculpture, made its absence
less felt. Owing to the old Greek habit of personifying nature, and
expressing every mountain and river by its tutelary gods, we find in the
great pediment sculptures of the best epoch that curious indication of the
landscape by its tutelary gods—looking on calmly and unconsciously at the

action of the principal figures—which is perhaps the most peculiar
characteristic of all Greek art. Thus the local rivers, the Alpheus and
Cladeus, are represented lying at the ends of the great eastern pediment of
the temple at Olympia, witnessing the combat of Pelops and Œnomaus with
no more expression of feeling than the landscape which they represent
would manifest.
The earliest essays at landscape proper were, moreover, not rocks and
trees, or that wild country which the Greeks never loved, but buildings and
artificial grounds, with regular lines and definite design. The first attempt
was made to satisfy the requirements of the theatre, and the fact that scene-
painting and shade-painting (or perspective) were used as synonymous
terms shows the truth of the report that Apollodorus (cir. 400 b.c.) first
discovered the art of representing the straight lines of a building in depth,
by a departure from that orthography in geometrical drawing which had
hitherto been practised.
If we may judge from the many sketches of this sort of suburban
landscape which are preserved on Pompeian walls, the proper knowledge of
perspective was not even in later times diffused among ordinary artists,
whose figure-painting on these walls is in every respect vastly superior. On
the other hand, the figure-painting even on vases of the best epoch is so
conventional that we cannot believe Greek boys were taught to draw figures
with a proper knowledge of living or round models, and must assume the
drawing-lessons to have been chiefly in geometrical designs.
According to Ælian, there were maps of the Greek world to be had at
Athens, and therefore presumably in schools, when Alcibiades was a young
man; but this isolated notice, backed up by one or two allusions in
Aristophanes, must not be pressed too far. The confusion between the terms
for drawing and for writing utensils arises from the same materials being
used in practising both—as if we used pencils only in learning to write. The
same stylus (γραφίς) which was used for writing on wax tablets was used
for drawing outlines on the same; and the earliest training in drawing, if we
may trust the statement of Böttiger, was the copying of the outlines of
models proposed by the master.[42] After firmness had been attained,

delicacy of outline was practised, and ultimately a fine paint, which was
used to paint black and red outlines on white tables, or white on black.

§ 42. Though the diffusion of drawing was late and doubtful, this was
not the case with music, in its strictest sense. For its importance was such as
to make it a synonym for culture in general, and to leave us doubtful in
some cases whether Greek authors are speaking in this wider or the
narrower sense. But it is from music proper that they all would start, as
affording the central idea of education.
Here is one of the features in which Greek life is so different from ours,
that there is the greatest possible difficulty in understanding it. When
modern educators introduce music into boys’ recreation time, and say it has
important influences in humanizing them, though in this they may approach
the language of Greek social reformers and statesmen, they mean something
widely different. The moderns mean nothing more (I conceive) than this,
that the practice of music is a humane and civilizing pursuit, bringing boys
into the company of their sisters and lady friends, withdrawing them from
coarse and harmful pursuits, and thus indirectly making them gentler and
more harmless men. It is as an innocent and social source of amusement
that music is now recommended. Let us put out of all account the far lower
and too often vulgar pressure on girls to learn to play or sing, whether they
like it or not. For here the only advantage in view is not the girl’s moral or
social improvement, but her advancement in life, by making her attractive
in society. Such a view of musical training is quite beneath any serious
notice in the present argument.
What has above been said will be considered a fair statement of the
importance given to music by modern thinkers. And accordingly, when we
find all Greek educators and theorists[43] asserting a completely different
kind of importance in music, we find ourselves in presence of what is
strictly an historical problem. It is not enough for the Greeks to admit that
martial music has strong effects on soldiers going to battle, or that doleful
music turns the mind to sadness in a solemn requiem for the dead. They
went so far beyond this as to assert that by constantly playing martial music

people would become martial, that by constantly playing and singing
passionate and voluptuous music people became passionate and voluptuous.
Consequently, the proper selection of instruments of music and of words
became a subject of serious importance. The flute was cultivated at Athens
till Alcibiades spurned it for distorting his handsome face, and caused it to
go out of fashion at Athens. But this aversion to the Bœotian instrument
was supported by the theorists on the ground that it had no moral tendency,
that it was too exciting, and vague in the emotions it excited; also, that it
prevented the player from singing words to his music.
But when we would infer from this that it is really the text, and not the
actual music, which has the mental effect—when we are disposed to add
that in our own time instrumental music is a higher and more intellectual
kind of music, which has no moral effects save good ones, and that it is the
libretto of the opera or the sentiment of the song which does harm—the
answer from the Greek point of view is conclusive against us. Though much
stress was laid upon the noble words which were sung, the music was
known to have the principal effect. Plato, in a celebrated passage, even
inveighs bitterly against the gross immorality and luxuriousness of all mere
instrumental music, which allowed of so much ornament, so much
exaggeration of expression, so much complexity of emotion, as to be
wholly unsuited to his ideal state. It is, indeed, perfectly true that the
intellectual effort in understanding instrumental music, at least some
instrumental music, is far greater than is required for appreciating, or
imagining one appreciates, a simple song. To understand a string quartet of
Mendelssohn, or, still more, a symphony of Beethoven, is an intellectual
task far exceeding the abilities of nine tenths of the audiences who hear
them.[44] But, apart from all such intellectual strain, there is a strong though
indefinable passion about this very music which has the deepest effects on
minds really tuned to appreciate it.
If this be too subtle an instance, there is another so striking that it is
worth mentioning on the chance of the reader’s verifying it some day for
himself. The Hungarian gypsies who form the national bands are chiefly
occupied at entertainments in playing for the national dance—the csárdás—

tunes which have now become familiar, some of them, through the
transcriptions of Liszt and Johannes Brahms. The dance consists in a
gradually increasing excitement, starting from a slow and grave beginning.
The change is produced merely by increase of time in often repeating the
same air,[45] and also in adorning it with flourishes, which are added ad
libitum and somewhat barbarously, by the members of the band according
to their taste. The effect of this gradual hurrying and complicating of the
same tune is inexpressibly affecting to the mind. It represents excitement,
and often voluptuous excitement, to the highest degree. It would have
thoroughly shocked Plato and his school.
This simpler example, though less easily verifiable to the English
reader, is really more to the point, for there can be no doubt that it is owing
to the increase of complication, and the growth of the intellectual
combinations in music, that we have lost sight of what the Greeks thought
so vital—the direct moral effects of music.

§ 43. The question remains, What did the Greeks convey by this theory?
Were they talking nonsense, or was their music so different from ours that
their theories have no application in our day? We cannot adopt either of
these solutions, though all our researches into Greek scales, and into the
scanty examples of tunes still extant, are unable to show clearly what they
meant. We cannot make out why tunes in the Doric scale—a scale varying
slightly from our ordinary minor scale—should be thought manly and
moral, while Lydian measures—a scale like our ordinary major scales—
should be thought immoral.[46] We must give up the problem of finding out
a solution from the Greek scales. But this we may fairly assert, that our
music, being directly descended from the old Church scales, which again
were derived from the Greek, cannot be so totally different from that of the
old Greeks as to warrant the inference that theirs could be moral or the
reverse, and ours indifferent to morals. We may depend upon it that they did
not talk nonsense, and that the general consent of all their thinking men on
this curious point is well worthy of our most serious attention.

It is probable that the far greater complexity of our music, the
multiplication of instruments, the development of harmony, has brought out
intellectual instincts unknown to them, and so obscured the moral questions
once so striking. The Chinese of the present day, who have a music far
simpler than ours, mostly on the tetratonic scale, are said to speak of the
moral influence of music as the Greeks did, and to put the composing and
circulating of tunes under a certain control. They used to have state
composers charged with this duty, in order to preserve and improve the
morals of the people. Although, then, it seems that the simpler the character
of a national music, the more clearly its moral effects are perceived, we
only want a closer analysis to detect the same qualities in our own
composers. Much of the best music we now hear is unduly exciting: it feeds
vain longings, indefinite desires, sensuous regrets; and were the evidence
stated in detail, the sceptical reader might be convinced that here we are far
behind the Greek educators, and that we often deliberately expose our
children to great moral risk by inciting them to express their semi-conscious
desires in affecting music. The majority who have no soul for music may be
safe enough (though this is not certain); but those whose soul speaks
through their fingers, or their voice, are running a very serious danger, of
which there is not the least suspicion among modern educators. To seek
corroboration from the characters of leading musicians were invidious, but
not without instruction.[47]
This inquiry is no digression which requires apology. It is a point in
which we do not seem to have reflected as deeply as the ancients, and
which is well worth discussing without pedantry or sentimentality. It is also
true that the general aspect of this side of Greek education is more
interesting and fruitful than the inquiry into the structures of the particular
instruments they used—an antiquarian question very minutely discussed by
learned historians of music, and by compilers of archæological lore. On
these details we may here be brief. The subject has been exhausted by Mr.
Chappell, our best historian of music.

§ 44. In education we never hear of the use of those more complicated
instruments, such as the τρίγωνον, or harp, the double flute and others,
which were used by professionals. On the other hand, the favorite syrinx, or
pandean-pipe, was only in fashion among shepherds, and not in schools. We
may assume that nothing was there admitted but the simplest form of
stringed instrument, the lyre (λύρα), which was originally made by
stretching strings across the inside of the back shell of a tortoise. These
shells are often to be found dry and clean in river-courses through Greece.
The tortoise when dead is eaten out by ants or other insects; the shells
separate, and are carried away and cleaned by floods. This most primitive
kind was, however, supplanted by a more elaborate form, which used the
two shells of the tortoise, and fastened, in the position of its front legs, a
pair of goat’s horns, which were spanned near their extremity by the ζύγον,
or yoke, to which strings were drawn from the far end of the shell, over the
nether surface, or breast shell, which was flat. This, with seven or at most
ten strings, was the ordinary instrument used to teach Greek boys to play.
The more elaborate cithara, which still survives, both in name and structure,
among the Tyrolese, was a lyre with a sound-box built of thin wood or
metal plates, and elongated into hollow arms (where the lyre only had
horns, or solid wooden arms), so that the resonance was considerably
greater. This, in the form called πηκτίς, had fifteen or more strings, and
does not here concern us. The use of the bow for stringed instruments was
unknown to the Greeks, but they used for playing the plectrum, which is
still used by the Tyrolese for their zither.
The favorite wind-instrument was not our flute, which was called
πλαγίαυλος, or “cross-played aulos,” and which was not popular, but our
clarinet, the αὐλός, which was held straight, was wide at the mouth, and
produced its tone by means of a vibrating tongue in the mouthpiece. The
ordinary aulos was played without any artificial aid; but for the double
aulos, where two reeds of different pitch were blown from the same
mouthpiece, a leather bandage was tied over the player’s mouth, into which
the mouthpiece was fitted. This was the most extreme form of that
disfigurement of which the Greeks complained in flute-playing.

The tunes taught to boys are now lost, and we cannot hope to reproduce
them. But there is good reason to think that they would not suit the
developed taste of our day, and would be considered dull and even ugly.
This we may infer from the few extant fragments of Greek tunes.

FOOTNOTES
[41] ἔστι δὲ τέτταρα σχεδόν, ἃ παιδεύειν εἰώθασι, γράμματα καὶ γυμναστικὴν καὶ
μουσικήν, καὶ τέταρτον ἔνιοι γραφικήν.—Pol., viii. p. 259.

[42] Ὑπογράφεσθαι is the technical term for this drawing of models.

[43] Aristotle implies in his discussion (“Pol.,” bk. vii. 1) that there had arisen in his
day radical critics who asserted that music was merely an amusement, with no other
importance. But he sets aside this opinion as hardly deserving of refutation, seeing
how strong was the consensus of opinion against it.

[44] Aristotle fully appreciates this, and admits, even in his perfect polity, popular
music to suit the vulgar listener, who cannot understand what is really classical
(“Pol.,” viii.: ὁ γὰρ θεατὴς φορτικὸς ὤν. κ.τ.λ.).

[45] In some cases a very florid adagio is succeeded by a lively plain tune in galop
time.

[46] Some people have thought these scales only indicated differences of pitch. This
is false, or rather a misapprehension, because in a fixed set of notes—like the white
notes in our pianos—various scales could only be found by starting higher or lower.
But how could a difference of pitch affect morals?

[47] It is not difficult for a man who has devoted sufficient time to music, and has
known many musical people, to find some analogy to Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian
modes, as moral agents, in our modern music. For surely the real meaning, the real
depth, in the art is this: that it represents, and by representing stimulates within us,
various emotions. Like all the other faculties of man, the emotions are a great class
of mental phenomena improved and strengthened by a certain quantity of stimulus,
but exaggerated and injured by being overstrained, or too perpetually exercised.
And it is the peculiar province of music to awaken emotions too subtle and various
for the coarser utterance of words, and therefore to fill the mind with feelings
delightful, indeed, and deep, but from their very nature unutterable in words and
inexplicable except by sympathy. You cannot convey to an unmusical man what is
called the expression of an air—that is to say, the emotion it has caused within you.
Let us add that if you could explain it, it would not have the distinctive value which

it really possesses. It is this very feature in the question which has caused the moral
effects of music to be wholly overlooked in a cold and logical age, when many men
are not affected by it, and in which everything inexplicable by direct statement is
likely to be considered unreal.
The emotions, then, which it is the proper object of music to stimulate, are of
that subtle character that they cannot be defined. Different composers will, no
doubt, excite a different complexion of feeling in the mind. The works of Handel
and J. S. Bach produce a thoroughly satisfied and cheerful temper, even when they
treat sad subjects; whereas Beethoven has almost always about him that profound
melancholy which is to a mind in distress more sustaining in its sympathy than all
the comfort of consolation. But this only describes the general character of the
emotions produced, and not the emotions themselves. For these are often not
consciously before us at all, but influence us, like our prejudices, from a hidden
vantage-ground within the soul.
But, alas! the history of this delicious stimulant is like that of all the rest. Men
begin to crave for it, and then constantly pursue it; they will not be satisfied without
stronger doses, and, presently, even these cease to have their effect except by
intoxication. In such case, the stimulant is no longer applied to exciting an emotion,
but to satisfying a passion. And this latter differs from the former in being more
violent (being, perhaps, compounded of several emotions), and in containing some
coarser bodily element, either consciously or unconsciously.
It may be illustrated from what are called sentimental songs. If we compare the
old chaste love-songs that are found among the national melodies of England, and
still better of Ireland, with the love-songs in one of the greatest of modern operas,
Gounod’s “Faust,” the distinction will be easily apprehended. When an Irish girl
puts sweet wild music to the words of her song, and is then better satisfied with it
than if she merely spoke it, the reason is this, that there are in her love a number of
tender emotions, far too subtle to be uttered in the words, but which are conveyed in
the expression of the melody. The very same may be said of the solemn, almost
religious love-songs of the old Italian composers, in which knightly reverence for
the gentler sex is so apparent. Let the soberest critic compare this music with the
splendid duet in the garden scene of Gounod’s “Faust,” and more especially with
the concluding song of the act (that in six flats). Expressive this music is beyond
description, and expressive of love; but how different!

CHAPTER VII.

THE LAST STAGE OF EDUCATION—MILITARY TRAINING OF THE EPHEBI.

§ 45. The small size and narrow bounds of Greek states made the
support of a professional army seldom possible, and accordingly we find
expedients now suddenly again become fashionable from very different
causes—a citizen army, and general liability to military service. No Greek
boy was allowed to pass from his school-days into citizen life without some
preliminary training and practice in the use of arms and in military
discipline. This is the discipline of the ephebi, or grown-up boys,
concerning which so much has been written of late years by the learned. A
number of inscriptions regarding the duties and ceremonies to be performed
by them have been lately discovered, and we seem to see in them a sort of
general agreement throughout Greece, rather differing in the time allotted,
and in other details, than in principles.[48] There were actual masters in the
art of using arms, so far as this was not included in the gymnastic exercises
of the palæstra; we do not hear, however, of much drilling, and probably the
drill of Greek armies, if we except the Spartans, was very imperfect in the
best period. It was not until the growth of mercenary armies, and (almost
simultaneously) the great military outburst at Thebes under Epaminondas,
that war became a science in our sense.
On the other hand, all the patrol duty of the frontier was done by these
ephebi, who, at about the age of sixteen, were brought into the rank of
citizens by a solemn service and sacrifice, at which they swore oaths of
fidelity and patriotism, and undertook their military duties as a preliminary
to their full life of political burgesses. The orphans of citizens killed in
battle had their arms and military dress presented to them (at Athens) by the
State. The youths assumed the short dark-gray cloak (χλαμύς), and the

broad-brimmed soft hat (πέτασος), suitable for marching duty, and then, as
περίπολοι, or patrolling police, they looked to the safety of the country, the
condition of the roads, and occupied the frontier forts, of which we see such
striking remains still in Attica. The mountain fort of Phylæ, that of Dekelea,
of Œnoe (or Eleutheræ), of Sunium, of Thorikos, of Oropos, and others,
were the stations from which the frontiers were patrolled.
It is doubtless owing to this precaution that, though we read of
insecurity in the streets of Athens by night, we never read of brigandage
through the country. Some scholars have, indeed, asserted that the
περίπολοι had police duty to perform in the city, and at the public assembly.
This we need not accept; though on solemn occasions, and when a great
ceremony was to be held, they appeared, not only to preserve order, but to
participate in the show. It is the latter duty which we see them performing in
the famous friezes of the Parthenon, which represent the Panathenaic
procession. They were allotted a separate place in the theatre, and were in
every respect regarded as a distinct order in the State, the hope and pride of
their city, and its ornament on all stately occasions.
Their patrol duty on the frontier was appointed to them for divers
reasons. They attained through it the discipline of arms, and learned some
of the hardships of campaigning. They learned an accurate knowledge of
the roads and ways through their country, and of the nature of their frontier,
and that of their neighbors. They were kept away from the mischiefs which
threaten youths of their age in every city.
But the Athenians and other Greeks were careful not to commit the
mistake of which we now hear so much—that of expecting these youths
under twenty to face the enemy in battle. They were specially reserved for
garrison duty, and one of Myronides’ victories was particularly noted,
because he fought it with these boys, who were not expected to stand firm
in the horrors of a battle.

§ 46. According to the words of the oath, indeed, as preserved by
Stobæus and Pollux, the standing firm beside one’s comrade is specially
mentioned; but even if this interesting document be not spurious, as Cobet

supposes,[49] this particular declaration may be considered prospective, and
applying to the remainder of the citizen’s life. I add the words here for the
benefit of those who have not the Greek text at hand: “I will never disgrace
these hallowed weapons, or abandon my comrade, beside whomsoever I am
placed, and I will fight for both sacred and common things personally and
with my fellows. I will not leave my country less, but greater and better by
sea and land, than I may have received it. I will obey the rulers for the time
being, and obey the established laws, and whatsoever others the
commonwealth may agree to establish; and if any one abolish the
ordinances or disobey them, I will not allow it, but will defend them
personally and with the rest. I will obey the established religion. Be my
witnesses Aglauros, Enyalios, Ares, Zeus, Thallo, Auxo, Hegemone.”
Though Cobet be right that some features of this oath can hardly have been
generally used through the course of Athenian history, and that it was
probably made up at a late period, the list of gods, so curious and unlike
what a late pedant would invent, points to some old source; and perhaps
there are other really historical traditions in it.
The general authenticity of this text has rather been confirmed by the
discovery of the oath of the ephebi of Dreros (near Knossus) in Crete—an
inscription of undoubted authenticity. Here, there are not only the general
declarations of loyalty and patriotism, but special oaths to support the allied
Knossus, and declarations of hatred and hostility against the town of Lyttos.
[50] This formal declaration of hatred may be compared with the outspoken
aristocratic oath quoted by Aristotle: “I will be ill-disposed to the demos,
and will do it whatever harm I can devise.”
The various religious ceremonies connected with the admission to the
status of an ephebus, which was considered distinct both from a boy and
from a man—the sacrifices, the cutting of the long hair (except in Sparta),
the solemn assembly of relatives, remind us strongly of the confirmation of
the Christian Church, to which it is the heathen parallel.

§ 47. What a solemn procession of ephebi must have been is best shown
by the equestrian and sacrificial procession on the frieze of the Parthenon.

We notice some young men naked, some in the short cloak and hat, riding
horses and leading victims. The riding of the horses was not so easy as with
us, for, in the first place, they had no saddles and stirrups, and, in the
second, it was thought necessary for a good display to have the horse
continually on his hind-legs. A quiet walking horse in a procession was
thought very tame by the Greeks. Hence the management of these
curvetting and caracoling steeds must have necessitated careful training in
their riders. Again, we find others leading bulls to the sacrifice, and the
frequent mention of contests with bulls has even misled many authorities to
imagine that the Attic ephebi practised bull-fighting. The fact is that an
unruly victim was of evil omen, and hence the careful leading of these
beasts, with skill and strength combined, so as to make a proper part of a
great show, came under ephebic training. This, too, we see on the Parthenon
frieze. Wherever, in fact, any public display was required, the artistic taste
of the Greeks ordained that the fairest and most stalwart men should be
there to adorn it; and as nothing is so beautiful as a crowd of vigorous fresh
youths, in the bloom of life and the happiness of youth, we can conceive
how splendid was a State procession then compared with those of our day,
when the grandest show is one of old generals, effete officials, and other
venerable but decrepit magnates, who must be covered with fine clothes,
brilliants, and orders to prevent their real ugliness and decay from being
painfully obtrusive. In Roman days we hear of these youths being employed
as guards of honor when distinguished foreigners visited Athens.

§ 48. Though this ephebic training is spoken of as universal—and it
seems that after his inscription into the register (ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον)
of his deme, which was his patent of citizenship, every Athenian lad was
bound to serve as patroller (περίπολος) and undergo his military training—
there must have been many exceptions; and, indeed, this whole education is
evidently that of the higher classes, and unsuitable for the poor. In Roman
days, we even find strangers coming to Athens and enrolling themselves
among the ephebi, as those wealthy foreigners who understand what culture
means often send their sons to England to receive the unique training of the

English public schools. But this points to its being a privilege, a special and
much-prized education, though we do not know what restrictions there
were, or how the sons of poorer men, who could not afford the time and
outlay, avoided it. The number of official ephebi was never, I fancy, large,
and always a class from which Phidias might well select for his models,
when seeking for ideal types of youth and manliness.
It has, indeed, not been sufficiently noticed, in the various essays on this
ephebic training, that the very idea of such a class never occurs in
Herodotus or in Thucydides, though it does in Xenophon;[51] and if Plutarch
speaks of Alcibiades influencing the ephebi in the gymnasia with his wild
schemes of western conquest, we may be sure the historian transferred the
titles and notions of his age to older times. In the third century b.c., there
are so many inscriptions about this class extant that it must have assumed a
most prominent place in Attic life. From that time onward into Roman
times, we hear of it constantly, and from many sources. It is impossible that
Socrates and his school should not have alluded to it, had it already
formally existed. We may therefore infer that though its component parts—
the formal enrolment and sacrifices at a certain age, the patrol duties, the
gymnastic and musical training, the procession duty at festivals—were
developed in the best period of Attic history, their official reduction to a
State system of education could not have taken place till later, till the decay
of practical public life had given men time to theorize about methods of
restoring by education what was irreparably lost.
Apparently, the earliest formal notice is in a fragment of the orator
Lycurgus, who, in his famous speech on his own management of the
Athenian exchequer, alluded to the statue of a certain Epicrates, which had
been set up in bronze on account of his law about the ephebi. We cannot tell
whether this was a special enactment or not. But it may have been the very
law which established this famous system, so praised and sought after by all
the Hellenistic world in Roman days. If so, the establishment would date
from the very time when it proved of little real importance to the history of
Attica or of the world.

Nevertheless, the many inscriptions reveal to us certain curious and
interesting features, which make us approve of the good taste of Cicero and
his friends, when they sent their boys away from Rome to Athens, as we
send our sons to schools in England. Thus the learned Germans who have
investigated with great pains the various titles of the magistrates or
dignitaries among these ephebi are often at a loss to determine whether they
are masters set over them, or leaders among the ephebi themselves. Indeed,
the so-called ἄρχων τῶν ἐφηβῶν (head of the ephebi) appears to have been
no other than the most successful and brilliant youth, the representative and
spokesman of the rest, like the senior prefect at some of our public schools.
No doubt, learned men who, in future ages, investigate the ephebic training
of the English will puzzle themselves over the senior prefect at Winchester,
and wonder whether he was a master or a boy; and, if a boy, how he could
have so much power intrusted to him. We also find that the expenditure of
keeping up the solemn processions and public contests was so great that the
ephebi themselves were encouraged to contribute largely; and if they were
rich, they gained an importance disproportionate (we may suspect) to their
age. What is even more interesting to English students is that they had
independent clubs and associations, and even held solemn meetings, where
they used the terms of public life, and entitled the resolutions (ψηφίσματα)
enacted in their assembly (ἀγορά) laws (νόμοι). They had archons, strategi,
agoranomi, and even areopagites in these associations of youths. It must
have been with the approval of these formal meetings that the gymnastic
side of the ephebic training became gradually discredited. Whether the
dislike of great generals like Alexander and Philopœmen to athletics
contributed to change public opinion, we cannot tell. But I confess to
feeling a considerable sympathy with the reform which asserted the
superiority of hunting and riding to the exercises of the gymnasium—a
change which is regarded by some German critics as a melancholy sign of
degradation.

§ 49. In these later days, when the seven subjects of knowledge,
including rhetoric, philosophy, etc., were formally adopted, the ephebic

training assumed the character of a university course. There were, indeed,
masters appointed for fencing, the use of arms, dancing, and wrestling, as of
old; but the leading philosophical schools did not then carry off the youths
from the ephebic training; they rather supplied it with formal professors. In
the better and strictly classical days, before we hear of the technical term
ephebi, the practical training of the youths for patrols, and then as incipient
citizens, rather corresponded to what we call the sixth form at a public
school, and did not embrace really philosophic teaching, such as is
supposed to be found at our universities. It had the same mixture of the
physical and intellectual, the same attention to mere accomplishments, the
same careful surveillance which we practise in schools, but which are not a
complete introduction to full citizen life. This was the summit of Spartan
training, where the object was not to train really political men able to
discuss public affairs and assist in the government of the State, but brave
soldiers, and fine men, physically able to endure hardship and submit to
strict discipline. Something quite different and intellectually higher was
needful for a really democratic life, for an intelligent understanding of State
functions, and the proper discussion of them. It was all very well to dance
complicated figures with grace, to play the lyre and sing sweetly with it, to
wrestle and run with force and ease. This was the old training, which made
fine soldiers, but good citizens only in the sense of stupidly ignorant, and
therefore obedient, hearers of the orders of their superiors. The necessity of
a change came with the rise of democracy in Greece, and the Greeks
provided themselves, when the need arose, with teachers suited to their
wants. These men, the Sophists, were the first who gave any education
corresponding to our university courses, and to these we now turn.

FOOTNOTES
[48] Cf. the list in Grasberger, iii. 65.

[49] “N. L.,” p. 233.

[50] Cf. for the text of his oath Philol. for 1854, p. 694, or Grasberger, iii. 61.

[51] Especially in his “Education of Cyrus.”

CHAPTER VIII.

HIGHER EDUCATION—THE SOPHISTS AND SOCRATES.

§ 50. As every one knows now, the real position and merits of the
Sophists were first brought to light by Grote in his monumental “History of
Greece.” Since the publication of that book the English scholar has learned
that sophist, in early Greek history, is not synonymous with liar and villain,
undermining public morals and sapping religion. Within the last few years
the influence of this new view is gradually reaching the Germans, a nation
not very ready to adopt, in philology at least, English opinions. But this
very natural reluctance has its exceptions; for in the most important new
book on the history of Greek philosophy, Zeller’s last edition, we find that,
in spite of sundry reservations, the main results of Grote’s investigations are
recognized and adopted.
Before I go on to appropriate from these authors that part of their
account of the Sophists which belongs properly to the subject of Greek
education, it is worth reflecting a moment on so very remarkable an
instance of misunderstood evidence as this controversy exhibits. The main
body of philologists simply followed like a flock of sheep Plato’s and
Aristotle’s polemic against their own rivals. Plato inherited from Socrates a
strong antipathy to these practical and often utilitarian teachers. But it was
for the most part the same sort of antipathy that the solid university
professor of our own day has for the successful crammer. The competition
mania of the present day has created a demand for these specialists, who do
not profess anything more than their special trade of passing men for
examinations, and who do it admirably, and derive from it large
emoluments. So the rise of democratic institutions, and the spread of
international debates, made the fifth century b.c. in Greece one that required

suddenly a set of practical teachers for men who practised at the bar or
debated in the public assembly. We are too much in the habit of thinking
that such men required training merely in rhetoric—in the way of disputing
and of plausibly stating their views. They required more; they required
education in general subjects, and of course not a deep education, but such a
one as would enable them to talk intelligently, and make and understand
allusions to the deeper questions of the day. We hear that now in America it
is not an uncommon thing for men who have risen suddenly in the world,
and for their wives, to send for a teacher and say, “I am now in a position to
move in educated society, and to be required to speak on public affairs. My
early training was entirely neglected. I want you to instruct me in the
ordinary topics of the day, as well as in those points of art and science
which may be serviceable for my purpose.” And such instruction, very
superficial, no doubt, and inaccurate, but highly practical, is often given.

§ 51. Now, let us imagine that an intelligent Greek or other foreigner,
totally unacquainted with modern journalism, were to seek for evidence of
its moral value and the real benefits it confers upon us. What answer would
he receive? If he applied to the journalists themselves, they would tell him
that it was their object so to furnish their readers with all the current topics
of instruction as to make them able to converse intelligently without any
further study. They would also profess to be leaders of the moral sense of
the public, praising what was of good repute, and blaming the wicked,
exposing abuses, and expounding virtue. They would also claim the merit
of supplying the public with arguments in favor of a disputed conclusion, so
that men might be furnished with weapons to meet their intellectual
adversaries. He would naturally ask, on hearing this exalted programme,
whether all this was done out of pure philanthropy or with any ulterior
view; more especially, whether there was any pecuniary gain attached. They
would reply that they did indeed take money for their teaching—and the
laborer is worthy of his hire—but they would appeal to any of their readers
whether the instruction afforded was not greatly in excess of their
remuneration. With this reply our stranger might perhaps be but half

satisfied, and might have some suspicion that independent evidence would
not come amiss; and on inquiring from thoughtful men what emoluments
were to be gained by this profession, he would hear that, if successful, it
was one of the most lucrative known, and that many of the contributors
confessedly worked, not for the sake of conviction, but of gain. He would
next inquire whether success was always in their case a test of solid merit,
and would discover that, however it might be so intellectually, from a moral
point of view such was not the case. The most thoughtful and candid
members of our society would explain to him that, here as elsewhere, men
delighted more in reading what fell in with their prejudices than what
exposed them, and that by pandering to this defect, and following in the
wake of public opinion, newspapers often succeeded better than by honest
and fearless teaching. He would hear that almost every paper belonged to
some political party, whose errors and weaknesses it felt bound to justify
and protect. Furthermore, that for the sake of clearness and of brevity, as
well as from a want of care to do more than please for the hour, many
arguments in the daily papers were superficial and illogical, not clearing,
but obscuring, the real questions at issue. He would certainly, therefore, in
the course of his inquiry, come to look upon them as a class or profession;
but yet, if he spoke of them as such, he might be surprised to hear himself
corrected by the journalists or by their friends. They would deny that they
were a distinct profession, and say with truth that all intelligent men who
desired to teach were to some extent journalists, who are marked by no
fixed principle, by the bonds of no special education. Even their own critics,
he would hear with surprise, at times joined them and wrote to instruct the
public. They were a class and not a class, a profession and not a profession;
with a common object, to some extent a common method, but hardly any
common principles, any direct co-operation, any common interest, to
outbalance their jealous rivalry.

§ 52. Is this a fair picture of the moral side of journalism? It is obtained
simply by describing, in the wake of Plato and of Mr. Grote and of Sir
Alexander Grant, the old Greek Sophists. These, then, were really the Greek

journalists, who, before the days of posts and printing, carried about from
city to city the latest news, the most recent criticism, the most modern
views of politics and of education, the newest theories on morals and on
religion. It may be thought irreverent to compare St. Paul to our daily press,
but I cannot better explain myself than by pointing to that most graphic
scene in the Acts where the apostle arrives at Athens. He is seized by the
eager and curious public as we seize the precious journal in some remote
country place when we have been separated from the current of affairs for a
few days. And, no doubt, they first asked him what local or political
information he had brought from his previous sojourn, just as we first read
the messages from Paris or London; and when this curiosity was satisfied,
they began to inquire what more he had to say; and, finding that he was an
ethical teacher, or sophist, they proceeded at greater leisure to enjoy the rest
of his communications, just as we should turn on to the leading article, the
correspondence about ritualistic innovations, or the reviews. St. Paul was
taken for a sophist, and justly so in some sense, for he taught morals and
religion; still more, he taught a new religion. We all know how far he
differed from that class. Flippant, plausible, ingenious, sceptical, they were
the idols of the public, but the aversion of those deeper minds to whom the
ignorance and prejudice of the masses are not a source of material gain, but
rather a grievous and galling spiritual burden.

§ 53. This is what the Greek Sophists really were, crammers not for
special competitions, but for the general requirements of higher society and
of political life. They crammed more or less honestly, more or less
efficiently, for a generation or two. Then the want of them passed away, as
we may hope the want of the modern crammer will pass away with the
superstition that we can find out practical merit by mere examinations. At
Athens and throughout Greece the encyclopædic teaching of the Sophists
was presently carried into minute specialty by teachers of rhetoric, of
dialectic, and of morals, just as the professors of geology of thirty years ago
are being supplanted by special teaching in fossil anatomy, botany, and
mineralogy. From the middle of the fourth century b.c. the Sophists

disappear as a class altogether. It is, nevertheless, certain that they left no
bad name behind them in Greece, except among the immediate followers of
Plato and Aristotle; for in the second century a.d. the title was revived as
one of the highest honor, and attaching to the greatest literary post in
Athens.
We need not assert that these teachers were as strictly business-like as
the modern coach, or that they confined themselves as strictly to their
definite object. They often boasted of great performances which were
beyond the reach of ordinary people, and were merely meant for display.
But then their aims were far wider and more varied than those of the coach,
and were not to be tested by the clear and definite result of the examination
lists. Hence Plato and Socrates found it easy to pick holes in their
programmes, and to accuse them of getting money under false pretences.
These philosophers went further, and reviled them for taking money at all,
bartering their wisdom for gold, and imparting virtue for a fee. All this was
mere jealous polemic, and based on an unfair estimate of the attempt made
by practical men to supply a public want. Yet even though Plato himself
paints the leading Sophists as most respectable men, though we know from
independent evidence that they were so, whether Plato confessed it or not,
the attacks on the profession made by him and by Aristophanes—the one a
radical reformer, and the other a blind conservative—have so imposed upon
the learned that they have completely mistaken the real evidence on the
question, and set down the arguments for the prosecution as if they were a
judicial charge or a mature verdict. So powerful is the influence of literary
skill, when it causes the survival of a single work amid the loss of all its
fellows. Because Plato is our leading witness on the Sophists, because
Aristophanes’ satire has survived, men imagine that this must be the general
verdict, and set down the bias and the prejudice of an individual as the
reflex of public opinion.

§ 54. These men really shaped out the first form which university
education took in Europe, meaning by university education that higher

general training which, coming after school discipline, trains men for the
duties of social and political as well as scientific and literary life.
In the city life of the Greeks, when residence in any foreign place
entailed great inconvenience, it was evident that this university teaching
could not occupy a fixed place. It was not till the amalgamation of the
Greek nation under Roman sway that Athens became (like Alexandria)
strictly a university town. So, as the students could not gather round the
early sophist, he was obliged to go to them, wandering through Greece, and
staying for a considerable time in each great centre, where the native youth
could profit by him. But even in early days there were some enthusiastic
pupils, who abandoned home and country, and wandered about as aliens in
the wake of these brilliant teachers. The latter generally made high display
of their acquirements, and gave exhibitions of eloquence and of argument to
show the value of their wares. They lived an ostentatious life, like the
professional artists of the present day, and though they made large profits,
saved but little money. Their first object was to make ready and practical
citizens, men able to collect and express their thoughts and give sound
advice on public matters. For this purpose they not only taught the art of
rhetoric and that of disputation, but they were obliged to enter upon some of
the great theories which form the basis of all practical life—the problems of
philosophy, of ethics, and of religion. As we might expect, they took in all
these a utilitarian view, such as a practical crammer would take. Some of
them, such as Gorgias and Protagoras, studied philosophy deeply, but only
to show that a devotion to metaphysic or to abstract science was idle, all
knowledge being subjective, and varying with the age. Man was the
measure of things; abstract nature was mere nothing. On the more pressing
question of morals, though practically sound enough, and though some of
them, such as Prodicus, were celebrated as moral preachers, they denied all
immutable morality, and were content with obeying the existing laws of
society, without admitting any permanent scientific basis for them. It was
Socrates who first applied his great mind to solve this question, and his
classes of young men—he was in this a regular sophist or university
teacher, and was commonly so called—were specially exercised in seeking

for the permanent and immutable ideas implied in our moral terms which
characterize our moral actions. As regards religion, seeing that the Greek
faith had grown up in myths and poetry, and was imbedded in an elaborate
polytheistic mythology full of immoralities and absurdities, the Sophists
were, as we might expect, sceptical, and so far opposed to the conservative
public. One of them, Protagoras, actually professed his unbelief in the
national faith, and was persecuted accordingly; others, though more
cautious, and regarding any formal denial of transcendental truths as hardly
practical, were justly suspected of agnosticism, as their moral essays kept
suspiciously clear of theology. They were regarded as unsound in faith, and
hence alleged to be unsound in morals by the orthodox, whose faith the
Sophists charged fairly enough with the same objection.

§ 55. So the education of the Sophists came to be regarded by the
soberest part of the public, the steady-going old people, as subversive of
ancient and venerable traditions. In religion it was supposed to suggest, if
not to teach, infidelity; in politics and society, radicalism. This is exactly the
sort of charge we hear made by the old-fashioned public against the
universities—still more in Germany, where the gulf between the average
and the learned part of society is far wider than it is here. When we
university teachers make young men think, even though carefully avoiding
(as we are in honor bound) anything which may shock the traditions in
which they have been brought up, the mental agitation produced must,
nevertheless, lead them to reject at least some superstitions which they have
accepted on weak evidence. If our education does not produce this result, it
is not worthy the name. But this partial and cautious scepticism is of course
identified by the older generation, who are less spiritually developed, with
the rejection of vital truths. And there are many cases where the young
sceptic really oversteps his just bounds, and becomes as rash in negation as
his fathers were uncritical in affirmation. Let us add that the orthodox party
are not very particular about evidence, and will start a calumnious charge
against a teacher whom they suspect and fear, with very little care about
really proving their case. This party are, moreover, always supplied with

powerful allies by the jealousies and differences among the teachers
themselves, the elder and less able of whom often try to sustain their
waning influence by an alliance with orthodoxy, and make up by
theological popularity what they have been unable to attain for want of
intellectual force and sympathy.
All these things, which now happen constantly in our universities, are
the exact counterparts of what happened in Greece in the days of the
Sophists. They taught clever young men such surface-knowledge of science
as disgusted the deeper experts, and, what was more, they taught them that
the experts were pursuing a vain shadow, and attempting insoluble
problems. They taught them to avoid becoming specialists, and to apply
themselves to public life. Just as the English universities can boast of many
great politicians and literary men, rather than of specialists in the sciences,
and as they might hold that to produce a Gladstone or a Cornewall Lewis is
better than to produce a Faraday, so the Sophists made general culture their
professed object, and so far quarrelled with deeper philosophy.

§ 56. The same sort of proceeding in morals brought them into contact
with Socrates, whose daily teaching may be regarded as the best university
teaching of the day. Socrates was in all external respects a sophist, and
commonly regarded as such. He did not, indeed, travel about, being luckily
a citizen of the largest and most enlightened city in Greece. He despised,
too, wealth and ostentation of the ordinary kind, though he made himself no
less remarkable by his voluntary poverty. But in more important respects, in
despising abstract science and speculative philosophy, and sifting traditional
theories of morals and society, in radically shaking up and often upsetting
all preconceived notions, Socrates was a sophist, and one of the most
dangerous of them. He sought, indeed, to do what they had not done—to
find some better and surer positive basis for morals, but the negative part of
his work was far the most successful and striking. Hence the conservative
public at Athens not only suspected and disliked him, but at the prosecution
of their mouthpiece, Anytus, a most respectable and earnest man,
condemned him to death, when he showed clearly that no verdict of theirs

would restrain him from pursuing his occupation. This sentence on
Socrates, which the orthodox party at Athens never regretted, and even
justified, should indeed be a warning to those who calumniate their fellows
in the interests of orthodoxy. But with this we are not now concerned.
The higher teaching of the Sophists and of Socrates, which was at best
desultory, passed into the hands of successors like Plato and Isocrates, who
established regular schools, and subjected their pupils to a regular course of
training. This was all the more necessary, as the training given by Socrates
had no definite limits, and his tendency was to keep young men talking and
discussing ethical problems when they ought to have turned to practical life.
Leisure was, indeed, in such high repute among the old Greeks that idleness
was not reprehended as it should have been. The orthodox party made this
objection with much force to the school or following of Socrates. In the
case of Plato there was a regular course of higher philosophy, and his
principal pupils became, in their turn, philosophic teachers. But the school
of Plato was even more than that of Socrates a university training, for which
there may even have been a matriculation examination, if we adopt literally
the statement that no one was allowed to enter without knowing elementary
geometry. The great fault of Plato, as of Socrates, was that he did not
introduce men to public or practical life, but made them philosophers or
idlers. In science, indeed, this special training was of great service, and the
history of geometry would have been very different without these
speculators. But the Platonic pupil when completely trained was
professedly, according to the master himself, disinclined to join in politics,
and only to be persuaded by his sense of duty and the willing obedience of
the public.
It is on account of the same sort of exclusiveness, even monastic in its
strictness, that the famous brotherhood of Pythagoras deserves but a small
place in any general history of Greek education. Admission to this
brotherhood was only obtained through a strict novitiate, and the object of it
was to combine peculiar religious asceticism with an aristocratic policy, and
a sort of club life antagonistic to ordinary society. We have, unfortunately,
only few authentic details concerning this sect, and know it best from the

few echoes of it in early, and the many in later, Platonism. But it, too, may
be regarded as a higher intellectual or university training, combined with
collegiate life and its restraints, thus anticipating in spirit that feature which
makes the English universities so peculiar among the modern seats of
learning in Europe.
I will return to Plato and his followers when we come to consider the
theories of education which the philosophers based on the phenomena of
Greek history. And before we pass from the Sophists to the Rhetors, and
show a further specializing of higher education in that direction, we may
say a word in conclusion on the external history of these once celebrated,
and since much-maligned, educators. We hardly know them at all, save
through their enemies, the specialist philosophers and specialist
rhetoricians; and what we hear of them must be distrusted and sifted
accordingly. Nevertheless, even from their enemies, we learn that the three
greatest of them—Protagoras, Gorgias, and Prodicus—were eminently
respectable and respected men. So was the fourth in importance, Hippias,
though the encyclopædic pretensions he put forth to practise all trades and
manual dexterities, as well as philosophy, history, and rhetoric, have left an
unpleasant impression against him. Nevertheless, he was honored at Elis,
his native place, as their leading citizen, and compiled for them the annals
of their famous past in such a way as to gain universal acceptance.
As regards the other three, though they all professed to impart general
education, and to give their pupils that negative training in philosophy
which would arm them against false theories, yet they were each
remarkable for some special line. Protagoras, apart from his famous
philosophical position of the relativity of knowledge to him who knows,
openly professed to teach political wisdom, and despised all other kinds of
knowledge in comparison with it. Gorgias, on the other hand, though he
wrote a famous treatise with the very Hegelian title “concerning nature or
the non-existent,” devoted his main attention to rhetoric, and was truly the
father of technical Greek oratory. For though we hear of Corax and Tisias in
Sicily, and of Empedocles, as having cultivated the art, the first recognized
theorist and practical speaker was Gorgias. He not only delivered set

speeches, but so trained himself as to deliver elegant discourses on any
proposed subject, apparently without preparation, but of course with the
help of a clever system of well-arranged commonplaces, which he applied
with quickness and variety. The philosophy of Prodicus was chiefly ethical,
and his apologues were very popular and quoted in after-days. But more
important were his grammatical studies, whereby he fixed the parts of
speech, and laid the groundwork of the grammar of the modern languages
of Europe. Indeed, the strict attention to form shown by all the Sophists led
them to study language with peculiar care, and they were the forefathers of
modern philologists in this as in some other respects.
A great many more Sophists are known by name, some of them depicted
or maligned in Plato’s dialogues, such as Thrasymachus, Polus, Euenus; but
they do not present to us any special features. All are said to have insisted
on the dictates of society as superior to any supposed law of nature, and this
Hobbism has brought upon them the anathemas of moralists. Within the
century 470–370 b.c. their part was played out; and even Plato, in his later
works, no longer thinks them worthy of refutation.

CHAPTER IX.

THE RHETORS—ISOCRATES.

§ 57. It is argued by many scholars, who believe all that Plato says
literally, and who think that the dark pictures of Thucydides apply only to
his own day, and not to previous generations, that the Greeks were so
degraded and debauched by this sophistic tampering with religion and
morals, by this scepticism in philosophy, and by the rise of radicalism in
politics, as to present from this time onward (430 b.c.) the symptoms of a
decaying race. The Athenian State, in particular, is supposed to have lost its
splendor and its seriousness, and to be now a mere mob-rule, far removed
from the democracy, tempered with despotism, which made it so great
under Pericles. This view, which is strongly urged, for example, in Curtius’s
“History of Greece,” is based altogether on the complaints of Plato and
Aristophanes, and the impression produced by the history of the aristocratic
Thucydides, by Xenophon, and by the plays of Euripides. This is not the
place to refute the theory generally, as has been done by Grote, who shows
that never was the Athenian democracy so enlightened and moderate in
policy as in the period after the close of the great war (403 b.c.). But in the
particular department before us, that of education, we have already seen that
this period after the Peloponnesian war is exactly the period when the
sophistic higher education began to be discarded as superficial and even
morally questionable, and the task of training the keener and more
ambitious youth passed into the hands of greater specialists—either
philosophers like Plato and his followers, or rhetoricians like Isocrates and
Antiphon. Socrates forms the connecting link between the Sophists and the
philosophic schools. Isocrates is hardly such a link, though he professes to

be the philosopher in the guise of a rhetorician. Though he inveighed
against his rivals the Sophists, he is hardly to be distinguished from them
save in his being fixed at Athens, in his avoidance of displays (from natural
inability rather than from choice), and in his declared conservatism in
religion and politics, as contrasted with their scepticism. It is not just that
the eminent respectability of Isocrates personally should be urged as
another difference, when we adopt the fair view of the high characters of
the leading Sophists. Isocrates, whose views are fortunately preserved in his
own very diffuse advocacy of them, was strictly a university teacher; and so
well recognized was this that a pupil of Isocrates meant something like our
A.B. Oxon. For he had a regular course, and charged a considerable fee for
his lessons. His pupils came from all parts of Greece, and stayed with him a
considerable time. Moreover, he could boast that the most famous public
men had been educated by him, and owned his influence in after-days. This
higher education he called philosophy, and he only differed from other
professed Sophists (he says) in the modesty of his promises, and his distinct
admission that he undertook merely to improve natural talent, not to change
a stupid and ignorant youth into a man of acuteness and power.

§ 58. There is an interesting passage in the speech in vindication of his
life,[52] which gives so clear a view of the prevailing opinions about higher
education at Athens that I will transcribe it freely:
“The ordinary attacks made upon us are of two kinds. Some say that
going to the Sophists for education is mere arrant imposture; never has
there been any system of training discovered by which a man can become
abler in speech or wiser in deed, since all who excel in these respects differ
by nature from the rest of mankind. The other objectors concede that those
who submit to this training become indeed abler, but in a bad sense, and
coupled with moral loss; for when they gain power, they use it to injure
their neighbors. I will now refute both these objections.
“First, let us consider the absurdity of those who decry all higher
education. They revile it, indeed, as worth nothing, and mere deceit and
imposture, but yet demand from us that our pupils, as soon as they come,

should show a complete change, that after a few days’ intercourse with us
they should appear better in discourse and abler than their elders in age and
experience; but if they stay one whole year, they should all be perfect
orators—the idle as well as the diligent, the commonplace as well as the
gifted. This they expect from us, though we never have made such
promises, and though it contradicts the analogy of all other kinds of
training, in which results are acquired with difficulty, and each with a
various measure of success, so that some two or three only out of all the
schools of all kinds turn out thoroughly proficient, while the rest remain
mere average amateurs. Accordingly, the objectors are silly enough to
demand from a training, which they call unreal, an influence unknown in
the recognized instruction of all arts and sciences! Our teaching, then, is
discredited for accomplishing exactly what the other arts do. For which of
you does not know that many of those put under the Sophists were not
imposed upon, as is alleged, but have become, some of them, real experts in
public life, others able instructors of youth, and even those who chose to
remain in private life more polished in manners than they had been, and
more accurate critics of arguments as well as of most ordinary things?
“How, then, can a pursuit be fairly despised which has produced such
results? for do not all men confess this, that those are to be esteemed the
most thoroughly versed in their art or handicraft who can make their
apprentices as good workmen as themselves? Now, in philosophy this very
thing has happened. For as many as happened on a genuine and sensible
guide will be found to have such a family likeness in their way of
expressing themselves that any one can tell they have come from the same
trainer. This similarity of type is conclusive evidence of the method and
system to which they have been subjected. So, too, any of you could
mention fellow-pupils who, as children, were the most ignorant of their
fellows, but as they advanced in age became far superior in good sense and
in eloquence to those once far ahead of them.”
The orator goes on, with his usual elegant diffuseness, to make many
other developments of the same leading idea, all of which might be used
with hardly a word of change by any one defending our university

education against the vulgar objectors who think that vast sums of time and
money are spent upon it, with little or no result. Nor is the good which he
does claim for his higher education anything different from what our
universities could claim, apart from the material good of prizes and degrees.

§ 59. The peculiar position of Isocrates was that of opposition to both
Sophists and philosophers, and yet of likeness to both. He joined the
Sophists in urging sceptical objections to the subtle theories of the
metaphysicians, and in commenting upon the small outcome of their
elaborate speculations. He joined the philosophers in attacking the boastful
claims of the Sophists, who pretended to teach everything. But he joined
with the more practical side in putting a training in rhetoric—a training in
style—above everything. There were many reasons why this should be the
case with higher education at Athens. In an age when books were scarce,
and a reading public small; when the power of publicism only existed for
poets, and when all State affairs were settled by discussion either in the
assembly or in private meetings—in such a society a power of clear and
elegant utterance was the highest and best outcome of education. Nor could
any man then be considered educated who lacked that power, just as
nowadays no man is called educated who cannot write correct English; and,
furthermore, the writing of elegant English is justly accounted to indicate a
thorough and general culture. For we are such severe judges in this matter,
everybody thinks himself in this so well able to appreciate beauty and pick
out defects, that a man who can pass through the fire of criticism unscathed
must indeed be equipped with no ordinary preparation, and may be
pronounced a really cultivated man. This will explain to us the enormous
importance of rhetoric in Isocrates’ system—an importance, perhaps,
enhanced by his feeling that here he was really able to do great and unique
service. He evidently depended on natural mother wit to suggest ideas to his
pupils; he apparently assumed that they had learned the ordinary elements
of culture at their primary schools. He trained them, so far as we know, in
nothing but the careful arrangement of their materials, the smooth transition
of their arguments, and the perfection of their choice and collocation of

words. In this matter of style, Isocrates may be regarded as not only the
greatest master that ever lived, but as the father of the periodic or oratorical
style in all the languages of Europe. Demosthenes, Cicero, St. John
Chrysostom, Massillon, Burke—all these immortal men have profited by
the analysis of expression which, through Isocrates, first formed Greek
prose, and through it the borrowed graces of those who followed Greek
models.

§ 60. To enter into a closer description of this system would not be to
discuss education, but rhetoric, and we must refer the reader to treatises on
that subject. We need only here call attention to the intense studiedness of
Greek eloquence, and how they attained their perfection in prose—not by
those violations of propriety which now please our sated taste, and which,
when violent enough, as in the case of Carlyle, even pass for thoughts, and
are to many the index of deep originality in something or other—but by a
close and perpetual adherence to rules, often of a trivial, generally of a
minute kind.
It is very curious for us moderns to read the details of these things in the
old rhetoricians. There is not an apparent touch of nature—a word
emphatically repeated, a sudden break off, an angry burst, even a don’t you
see? or a by Jove! or a dear me!—in a Greek oration which was not noted
as a figure of diction, or a figure of thought, and brought under the
discipline of rules. We are even told that Demosthenes composed his prose
in rhythm, and avoided the use of more than two short syllables together.
Isocrates certainly made the law against hiatus—against closing a word and
beginning the next with vowels—a law adopted by all the prose writers of
his age. Thus the formal education in rhetoric must have been no light task
for the pupils of Isocrates and the other rhetors, and writing or speaking
good Greek a far stricter and more difficult thing than writing English
which will pass muster with the critics.

§ 61. Still, there is room for surprise that the matter of higher education,
the ideas to be acquired, should have been introduced indirectly under the

guise of preparation for public speaking. No doubt, this was an artificial and
unnatural order of things. To subordinate the matter of knowledge to the
form is always a mistake. But we may at least conceive the position of
Isocrates’ pupils if we compare it with that of the popular preachers, so
powerful a generation ago, and even now playing no unimportant part in
society. I have known more than one of these eminent men who educated
themselves with great care generally, and in all directions, for the purpose
of supplying themselves with matter for their discourses. And this is very
well-meant, legitimate, and honest education, though perverted in order,
and, like that of Isocrates, not likely to lead to really deep and thorough
knowledge. We are told that in the present day there are people who read all
kinds of books for the purpose of solving double acrostics, and I have heard
men of intelligence advocate this foolish kind of riddles as promoting
general education!
Thus the school of Isocrates stood side by side, and in rivalry, with the
schools of Plato and Aristotle, as one in which elegance of form, and a
superficial but graceful culture, was given to the higher youth, instead of
the exact science and metaphysic which unfitted men for public life. It was
a contrast somewhat like the Oxford and Cambridge type in England.
Isocrates’ own failure as a politician, and the little influence which his open
letters on politics attained, made the wiser portion of men drift away still
farther from the sophistic aspect of his teaching, from the mixture of
philosophy and politics with rhetoric; and so they again subdivided their
training into strictly rhetorical, such as had already been begun by Lysias
and was carried out by Isæus, and the philosophical, for which an
increasing number of schools now offered themselves. As the political
power of Greece decayed, and its literary and artistic splendor became
universally recognized, Athens became an educational centre, to which
youths from all parts of the civilized world flocked for their training. This
later history of Greek culture will occupy us in our last chapter. But we
must first give a brief account of the deeper theories of State education
which Plato and Aristotle have left us, in contrast to the shallow popularity
of Isocrates.

FOOTNOTES
[52] Περὶ ἀντιδόσεως, p. 98 sq.

CHAPTER X.

THE GREEK THEORISTS ON EDUCATION—PLATO AND ARISTOTLE.

§ 62. It is usual in books on Greek education to give a very large space
to the discussion of the “Republic” and “Laws” of Plato and the “Politics”
of Aristotle, because they contain elaborate and systematic
recommendations as to the training of youth. But the states of both
philosophers are ideal, Aristotle’s not less than Plato’s; and, though the
educational portion of Aristotle’s work seems fragmentary and unfinished,
we cannot hold that any further developments would have brought it within
the range of practical politics. Plato’s notions were confessedly theoretical,
and are discussed as such by all his commentators; but some scholars have
given themselves endless trouble to find out how much of his system,
especially in the tamer and less extravagant “Laws,” was borrowed from
real life, and from actual states, as opposed to the creations of his own
fancy. But in nearly every detail the distinction is purely conjectural. It is
really for want of positive evidence that these theories have assumed such
undue importance. To the philosophical theorist and the educational
reformer the speculations of such splendid intellects in the early post-
meridian of the glorious day of Greece must ever be most attractive and
suggestive; but it is idle to transfer to a practical book, or to an historical
account, what has never been realized.[53] These speculations, however,
may fairly find a limited space here as showing what general effect the
practical education already described had produced upon the most advanced
thinkers of the day.
Unfortunately, we have here again only the aristocratic side, and that
which would assert the State to be paramount and all-interfering through

individual and private life. If we had the speculations of Lycophron and his
school, who held, with truly democratical instinct, that laws were only
useful to repress crime, and that the rest of the citizen’s life was to be left
free and uncontrolled, our notions about the theories of Greek education
might be considerably modified. But, on the other hand, we have preserved
to us the Hellene of the Hellenes; the school of Lycophron might only have
recommended to us what we know by practical experience in modern
society.
From the very outset Plato and Aristotle adopt quite definite principles.
They assume that the State is to interfere everywhere and control the whole
life of man. Thus the splendid Athenian democracy in which Plato lived had
no power to wean him from his somewhat narrow prejudices. He despised
the goods he possessed, and longed for a Spartan ideal, though its defects
were plain enough before his eyes.[54] Still worse, the wide vista opened by
Alexander into a larger fusion of ideas, and into widely various forms of
society, had no power to emancipate the intellect of Aristotle from its
ingrained Hellenic narrowness. It is necessary to make this strong protest at
the outset, on account of the chorus of admiration sung by the pedants and
pedagogues of modern days over these thoroughly unpractical and
retrograde theories. One fact will speak volumes to the modern reader. Both
of them look upon a small number of citizens, and, indeed, a small limit of
territory, as essential to their schemes, no accurate or perpetual supervision
by State police and direction being possible either in a great city or a large
territory.[55] This will in itself show how antiquated they must have seemed
even in the next century, when the Greeks woke to the ambition of ruling
over kingdoms in the East.

§ 63. And yet there were some points on which these thinkers,
especially Plato, were far more thoroughgoing than we are, chiefly from a
total absence of that sentiment or sentimentality which infects modern life.
For Plato, both in the “Republic” and the “Laws,” insists that education will
be of little avail if children are brought into the world deformed in body and
warped in mind by the bad physical and mental condition of their parents.

On some of these cases Greek society was agreed with him. In most states a
deformed child was exposed either to die or to be picked up by some one
who might run the risk of bringing it up to make a household slave.[56] For
in most states, and certainly at Sparta, it would have been held a crime to
propagate hereditary disease; and men were spared the disgusting spectacle
of the scrofulous or deaf-and-dumb heir to a great name being courted in
matrimony to perpetuate the miseries or the vices of his progenitors.
But Plato went further, and held that the production of the most
important animal, man, should be regulated with even more care than that
of the lower animals, in which such striking results have been obtained by
artificial selection. He therefore recommended, in his ideal State, not
community of wives—Heaven forbid that we should follow Aristotle in
repeating this gross libel!—but a careful State selection of suitable pairs,
and their solemn union, under the guise of a direction from Providence by
an appeal to the lot. These marriages were to take place at a fixed season,
and all the children born of them within the year to be regarded the
common children of all: here the word community may fairly apply. He has
nowhere told us whether in successive years the same parents were to
remain united, and hence we do not know whether his marriages were
meant to be temporary or not. I fancy the point was of little importance to
him. If the offspring turned out well, there would be no change; if badly, of
course the guardians of the State would not sanction the continuance of an
unwholesome union. Thus, though Plato was willing to allow sentiment its
sentimental place, and to bring forward the decision of the rulers of the
State as the will of Providence, marriages professedly arranged in heaven
were to be permitted only with a strict view to the improvement of the race.
The objection that such an arrangement would destroy the sanctity and
the influence of the family, and thus abolish our most powerful engine of
early education, was no objection to Plato. He wished to abolish separate
families, and rescue children from the tyranny, the indulgence, and
incompetence of individual parents, so as to put them under state discipline.
And the State was absolutely nothing but one huge family, as far as the
higher classes were concerned. To us who live in large kingdoms, who

know that the family gives the law for individuals in ordinary life, and that
schemes of public education cannot replace it, all systems which abolish the
sanctity of the home are inadmissible.

§ 64. No point in Plato’s scheme excites more sympathy nowadays with
advanced thinkers than that of equalizing the sexes in education, and
subjecting women to the same training and duties as men. For he held that,
though nature had not made women as strong as men, and that their
important functions in the production of the race put them under some
inconveniences and disabilities, there was, nevertheless, no reason to
assume any permanent difference in kind. If such a theory is thought
revolutionary by most people in modern society, what must it have been in
the days and among the people of Plato’s age! Here, again, what guided him
was an exaggerated estimate of the liberty and importance of Spartan
women, who, when young, were encouraged to exercise in public; and who,
when married, maintained over their husbands an influence far exceeding
that of women in other Greek households. But then we must not forget the
small culture of the men, their devotion to military training, and the
consequent necessity for women to use their own judgment in the
management of their homes.

§ 65. On the other hand, if we may digress for a moment on account of
the interest and importance of the subject, there is no valid reason why the
physical production of the race should not receive infinitely more attention
than it does within the bounds of our present social arrangements. In the
first place, though the sentimental reasons for marrying are still put in the
foreground, and though at wedding speeches and in amatory
correspondences some divine predestination, or the sentimental compulsion
called falling in love, is assumed the only efficient cause of marriages, we
know that many reasonable considerations intervene and are the real
motives of action. These motives—the acquisition of wealth or position or
connection, the desire of home comforts and of a life independent of
external amusements, a calm mutual respect—are commonly enough

confessed even by the very people who parade sentimental reasons; and
whenever a marriage appears suitable from rational considerations, no
trouble is spared by match-makers to induce young people to imagine
themselves drawn together by some subtle and sentimental affinity—like
Plato’s guardians, who were to pretend the providential lot as their guide.
If, then, such be the case; if even now there are civilized countries and
classes of people who openly profess prudential reasons as the best for
marrying, it will only require a better education of public opinion to enable
men to advance to the position that the physical and mental vigor of the
resulting children is a motive to be consciously considered in the selection.
We may first reach the stage of avoiding an hereditary taint as people now
fly an infectious disease. Such avoidance would ultimately stamp out or
reduce to a minimum this evil, and the race would escape a great part of the
direst and most hopeless of its physical miseries. Then the systematic and
deliberate desire that there should be healthy children will discover many
conditions now unknown, when so many of our unions are the result of
chance or avarice, or, still worse, of passion. Men of science will begin to
make observations on the difference of physical antecedents which cause
such curious differences in children of the same house. And the day will
come when, from a body of such observations, valuable practical rules may
be deduced. We may thus improve our race as the Spartans did in old
Greece; and they, we know, were perfectly successful in obtaining what
they sought—a high average of physical strength and beauty.
All this, we may hope, will only be the introduction to a far more
important, but far more difficult, problem—the determining of the
conditions which produce genius. There is no reason to doubt that these
conditions are mainly transient, for genius is no fixed heritage, the most
splendid instances coming from obscure and ordinary parents. Nor does the
mere combination of the suitable parents work its effect uniformly without
other more limited conditions. For we find the great leaders of the world
sometimes the only child, sometimes eldest, sometimes youngest, or in the
middle of a family of brothers and sisters as obscure as their parents. The
careful observation, then, not only of the parents, but of the particular

passage in their life which produced an intellectually splendid offspring, is
one upon which we cannot expect light for a long time, and until people
have become accustomed to regard the general improvement of the race of
far greater importance than they now do. If such results could be obtained
even approximately—if, even in one case out of ten, intellectual excellence
could be produced as we reproduce physical perfections—then, indeed, the
perfectibility of mankind would no longer be a vague dream, but would
show some signs of a partial fulfilment.
Are we to hope that such an advance in ideas will take place in our own
day? We have perhaps advanced beyond the stage when men regard genius
as distinctly heaven-born, and the direct gift of the gods, apart from any
natural conditions. If it is indeed heaven-born, it is now conceded to be such
through the combination of natural causes. But, on the other hand, our best
and most refined people will recoil with deep aversion from making a
scientific analysis of such conditions; they will exclaim that the possible
advantages are as nothing compared with the desecration of that mystery
which has been hallowed by the sacraments of the Church, and protected
from profane inquiry by a cloud of delicate sentiment. To reduce the holy
estate of marriage to the deliberate and scientific production of conditioned
offspring will destroy, say they, all the sanctity of the relation, and with it
the purity and dignity of our homes.
These weighty and respectable objections are to be met by observing
that it would be idle and wrong to attempt any reform in opposition to the
unanimous sentiment of the very people who alone could carry it out—our
most sober and refined classes. Until this sentiment can be gradually
changed by argument, and come to be looked on as a venerable and amiable
superstition, nothing will be accomplished. But it is a matter of history that
the most respectable and hallowed sentiments, if irrational, can be gradually
removed by a progress in what Mr. Lecky calls rationalism, or intellectual
enlightenment. We can even now point to the important fact, that in those
countries and those ages where marriages had been confessedly arranged
from prudential reasons, they have not been less sacred, nor has home life
been less pure, than where vague and irrational sentiments have been

brought into the foreground. The lower-class Irish are as faithful and happy
in their homes, and the marriage-tie is a sacred and honored as it is
anywhere in the world; and yet among them a love-match is rare. It is a
matter of cows and of pigs, of the succession to a farm—nay, often of
arrangement by the landlord for reasons of his own; and yet these marriages
are as happy and as pure as if they had been the outcome of a great mutual
passion. The same thing may be said of married life in the country parts of
France, where a thrifty and provident race accommodate their unions to
their circumstances, and leave the extravagances of great passion to poets
and Parisians.
The history of Greece offers a more notable instance. If we ask where in
Greece the home enjoyed the greatest honor and sanctity, where the house-
mother stood highest in reverence and social importance, and where
violations of fidelity were rarest, no one would hesitate to answer, At
Sparta. Yet at Sparta all the sentiment, all the delicacy, of the marriage-tie
was sacrificed to the duty of producing healthy children for the State.
Plutarch tells us of a state of things which modern people would think
wholly subversive of all purity—of old men ceding their rights of
temporary unions and exchanges for the sake of desirable offspring. The
Spartan men and women were not wanting in sentiment about marriage, in
advocating the honor and sanctity of the marriage-tie; but their sentiment
led them to regard a fine offspring as the noblest outcome of marriage, and
one to which all other considerations were secondary. Hence it was in
accordance with their sentiment that they adopted the same kind of
precautions as regards physical perfection which a later and wiser age may
adopt as regards intellectual and moral perfection.
This possibility of improving intellect by careful selection was beyond
Plato’s vision; he only thought of physical qualities in the arrangement of
his unions. But it is one of the most remarkable points in his exclusive and
aristocratic society that he makes provision for the adopting of any
particularly bright child of the operative class among his guardians, so that
they might benefit by the accident. The degradation of poor or unhealthy
children of the higher class is also contemplated.

His arrangement of the years of education is as follows: It is divided
into three parts. Beginning with the learning of proper myths and tales, it
proceeds to easy gymnastic, followed by music and poetry, with reading,
writing, arithmetic, and some elementary mathematics, all of which occupy
from the seventh to the eighteenth year, and thus correspond to our
schooling. Then comes military training up to the twentieth year—a
division to which we, who have no conscription, have no analogy, as the
Germans have. Next follows the second division of higher studies in pure
and applied mathematics for ten years, and the third in metaphysic for five
years. These are, of course, quite wide of any practical scheme, and are
intended to form those philosophic rulers who will regard their whole life
here as a preparation for a higher sphere.

§ 66. His views on the details of music and gymnastic were not
materially different from those of the practical educators which we have
discussed, save that he proposes to train his guardian class with more detail
and circumstance than were possible for any ordinary public.
He is unpractical, and even absurd, in his curious prudery about the
tales and legends which children are to learn. He objects to Homer, to the
tragedies, still more to the comedies, and, no doubt, to the folk-lore of the
day, as inculcating base and immoral views of the gods and their relations
to men. Fairy tales are always to represent God as one and as perfectly
good. He even goes so far—but here he can hardly be in earnest—as to
recommend that children shall learn by heart his laws instead of poetry and
myths![57] Throughout all his remarks on this subject, he evidently ignores
the culture of the imagination as such, which we recognize as so important
that we even tolerate or overlook immoralities or manifest fictions in
aiming at this kind of amusement and culture of children. Indeed, it is
certain that when children are taught fairy tales as such, the immoral acts of
real life, such as robbery and murder, are only accessories to the imaginary
life, in which there is generally some rude justice.
Even apart from this particular question, we find all through Plato’s
theory of education a very mischievous dislike of any liberty of opinion, or

liberty of life, in the youth of his State. He goes so far in the “Laws” as to
make heresy of opinion penal, and to punish with imprisonment those who
will not conform to the doctrines of the lawgiver. If there be anything which
would tempt us to reject the “Laws,” as not the genuine work of Socrates’
disciple, it is this strange narrowness of view, which makes Grote argue that
the actual Athens of Plato’s day was superior to the ideal he constructed.
But doctrinaires of all ages hate human liberty. Nor do the Greeks ever
seem to have been forced by the pressure of circumstances to mark off the
close of formal education by a fixed period, like our graduation at a
university, when the young man is expected to strike out into the world and
henceforth educate himself in practical life.

§ 67. The educational book of Aristotle’s “Politics” (VII. in the now
received order) is a mere fragment, which suggests many problems, and
solves but few. Even with the help of some important corrections from the
“Ethics,” we find it the narrow and old-fashioned scheme of a pedant
Greek, written with admiration for the artificial discipline of Sparta, and
unable to understand even the far more splendid Hellenic ideal sketched by
Thucydides in his speech of Pericles. We know, however, from the “Ethics”
that he felt the essential importance of family ties between husband and
wife, between parents and children. Hence he rejects Plato’s proposal of
abolishing the family, and insists that the ideal State must consist of
households in the strict sense. But, on the other hand, he quite agrees with
Plato’s view that the social and moral aspects of marriage are by no means
inconsistent with a strict supervision of the producing of healthy children by
the State. He foreshadowed the state of things anticipated above, when
husband and wife will still feel the deep sanctity and thorough loyalty of
their relation, and yet not leave to mere accident the most important
product, nay, the only product, so far as the State is concerned, of their
union. He is just as careful as Plato in recommending care of unborn
children by attention to their mothers’ air and exercise. He is still more
ruthless in advocating the destruction, either before or after birth, of
illegitimate offspring. Neither can he, any more than Plato, imagine an ideal

state capable of such expansion as to contain a great people, nor can he
dispense with disabilities for most of its members, such as slaves and
operatives.
He does not contemplate the very long and elaborate after-training of
Plato’s guardians, for he does not conceive this world as a preparation for
another, but as an end in itself. And it is probably for this reason that he is
so superior to Plato in analyzing the function of refined recreation, and the
ennoblement of leisure by æsthetic pleasures. Thus he sees that music is to
be utilized as a recreation for youth, as well as for a moral engine of
education. He has explained in his “Poetic” that dramatic poetry is not mere
fiction, to be banished from the ideal State as teaching falsehood or
depicting crime, but a representation of human life deeper and more
philosophic than history, inasmuch as history only widens the intellect,
while the drama also purifies the emotions of the spectator. It may even be
argued that history widens the intellect only so far as it is conceived as a
drama—a development of human character—and not as a mere recitation of
facts.
While he does not enounce so clearly as Plato that gymnastics are
mainly a training for the character, he sets his face against that physical
training which studies nothing but the development of muscle, on the
ground that, if at all excessive, it defeats its own object by engendering an
unhealthy state; and that, as we cannot work the body and the mind together
with any severity, it must generally coincide with ignorance or with an
illiterate life. Even the Spartan military training, which was opposed by
them to athletic training, falls under his censure.
He will not concede, with Plato, the equality in kind of the sexes, but
thinks the functions of women are distinct in kind from those of men, and
therefore not to be perfected by adopting the same training. Thus he is, on
the whole, tamer and more conservative, but also less suggestive, than his
great master.

§ 68. The main value of his fragment on education is that it shows how
thoroughly the subject had been discussed in his day. Thus, after

determining that the civic side of the citizen is all-important, and that,
therefore, all education must be public and the same for all, as in Sparta, he
proceeds thus with his argument:[58] “What, then, is education, and how are
we to educate? For there is as yet no agreement on the point; all men are not
of the same opinion as to what the young should learn either with a view to
perfection or to the best life; nor is it agreed whether education is to aim at
the development of the intellect or the moral character. Nay, more; from the
ordinary standpoint the matter is quite confused, and it is not clear to
anybody whether we are to train in what leads to virtue, in what is useful
for ordinary life, or in abstract science. All these alternatives have their
advocates. Again, as regards what leads to virtue, there is no general
consent, for since men do not agree in what they honor as such, of course
they cannot agree about the training to obtain it. As regards what is useful
for life, it is obvious that there are certain indispensable things which must
be taught, and it is equally clear that there are others which must not. All
occupations are divided into those which a free man should practise and
those which he should not, and, therefore, this affords us a limitation in the
learning of useful arts.” He goes on to show that no trade is gentlemanly if
it injuriously affects the body, or enslaves the mind by being practised for
hire. Even the fine arts, if studied in this way, or professionally, are to him
an unworthy occupation, and are only to be pursued in youth as a recreation
or æsthetic training; so that in middle life men may be competent judges of
such productions, and either better able to enjoy them (as in music), or less
likely to be deceived (as in the purchase of works of art). Having applied
these principles to athletics, about which he says little save in
recommendation of moderation, and against any professional training, he
turns to the question of music, on which we have already given the views
which he held in common with the most serious Greek educators. On this
subject, too, there was controversy. He has before him three theories: is it
mere amusement (παιδία), or an engine of education (παιδεία), or an
æsthetic pleasure (διαγωγή)?[59] Perhaps we have dwelt too long on these
theories, but it seemed desirable to give the reader the locus classicus on the
Hellenic theory of music, which was discussed above (§ 43), and which, in

spite of all our studies of Greek life, is still quite strange and incredible to
modern theorists in education.

§ 69. There is yet another scheme of education left us by the classical
age of Greece, Xenophon’s “Education of Cyrus,” which, in the form of a
very tedious novel on the life of the Persian king, gives a theory of the
education of a prince and his surroundings which may deserve a very few
words in concluding this chapter.[60] He shares with Plato and Aristotle the
belief that private education, with mere prohibitive laws to guide the
citizen, is quite insufficient. All the theorists were agreed that there must be
one public education, and they imagined that crime would be to a great
extent precluded by such effective training.
Xenophon, dividing his period of education into boyhood up to sixteen,
and youth (ἐφηβεία) up to twenty-six, provides a regular public-school
education for the boys, keeping them all together in a sort of polity of their
own, where their teaching is performed by special State masters, and their
quarrels and delinquencies settled by tribunals of their own. To the elder
youth is assigned all the police and patrol duty, as well as the accompanying
of the king in hunting, especially of beasts of prey. This sort of exercise
Xenophon had learned to know in the East, and he recognized its
superiority over ordinary gymnastics. But the musical education, on which
Plato and Aristotle lay such stress, he omits altogether, without giving his
reasons. Perhaps he found from experience that the great Aryan nobles were
men of refinement, and understood the harmony of life no less than the
more theoretical Greeks. He also differs from them in alone recognizing the
importance of a system which will control not one limited city, but an
empire of various peoples and languages. Yet his education is, in
consequence, only the expensive and exclusive training of a dominant
aristocracy, and is not supposed to be compulsory for the ordinary citizen.
In his State all higher official position is only to be attained by this training.
There are no other ideas in the scheme which make it worthy of any
special consideration. The Spartan system blinded the vision of all these

speculators, and kept them from understanding the true character of a free
and various development of individual genius.

FOOTNOTES
[53] Few people have ever heard of the attempt to found a Platonopolis in Italy in
the Renaissance times.

[54] Of course, he saw and admitted these defects; but it is obvious that he thought
them only defects of detail, which could be remedied by better arrangement;
whereas the Athenian democracy appeared to him radically unsound. And yet could
Sparta ever have produced such a splendid passage of history as the conduct of the
Athenian army at Samos when the news came (411 b.c.) that the constitution of
their city had been overthrown and an oligarchy established? Let the reader consult
Grote’s chapter on this.

[55] Plato even insists upon a fixed number, 11,080 men and the same number of
women, all excess being guarded against either by exposing of infants or
transporting adults into colonies.

[56] The critics have shown that Plato gradually softened his recommendations on
this point. In the “Timæus” he speaks as if he had never recommended exposal, but
only a relegation of the children of unhealthy parents into his third grade of society.
In the “Laws” (if it be, indeed, his work) he lets the whole matter drop, though it
was to be expected that he should discuss it. Whether this arose from a gradual
advance of humanity in Plato himself, or from the adverse criticism of the day, we
cannot tell. The German critics (Zeller, Susemihl, etc.) hold the former; I am
disposed to the latter, even though his successor, Aristotle, as they remark, is even
more inhuman.

[57] This is in the “Laws,” of which the genuineness is not without doubt.

[58] vii. 2.

[59] viii. 5, §§ 3–10: Περὶ δὲ μουσικῆς ἔνια μὲν διηπορήκαμεν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ
πρότερον, καλῶς δ’ ἔχει καὶ νῦν ἀναλαβόντας αὐτὰ προαγαγεῖν, ἵνα ὥσπερ
ἐνδόσιμον γένηται τοῖς λόγοις, οὓς ἄν τις εἴποι ἀποφαινόμενος περὶ αὐτῆς. Οὔτε
γὰρ τίνα ἔχει δύναμιν, ῥᾴδιον περὶ αὐτῆς διελεῖν, οὔτε τίνος δεῖ χάριν μετέχειν
αὐτῆς, πότερον παιδιᾶς ἕνεκα καὶ ἀναπαύσεως, καθάπερ ὕπνου καὶ μέθης· ταῦτα
γὰρ καθ’ αὑτὰ μὲν οὔτε τῶν σπουδαίων, ἀλλ’ ἡδέα καὶ ἅμα παύει μέριμναν, ὥς
φησιν Εὐριπίδης· διὸ καὶ τάττουσιν αὐτὴν καὶ χρῶνται πᾶσι τούτοις ὁμοίως οἴνῳ
καὶ μέθῃ καὶ μουσικῇ· τιθέασι δὲ καὶ τὴν ὄρχησιν ἐν τούτοις. Ἢ μᾶλλον οἰητέον

πρὸς ἀρετήν τι τείνειν τὴν μουσικὴν, ὡς δυναμένην, καθάπερ ἡ γυμναστικὴ τὸ
σῶμα ποιόν τι παρασκευάζει, καὶ τὴν μουσικὴν τὸ ἦθος ποιόν τι ποιεῖν, ἐθίζουσαν
δύνασθαι χαίρειν ὀρθῶς· ἢ πρὸς διαγωγήν τι συμβάλλεται καὶ πρὸς φρόνησιν; καὶ
γὰρ τοῦτο τρίτον θετέον τῶν εἰρημένων. Ὅτι μὲν οὖν δεῖ τοὺς νέους μὴ παιδιᾶς
ἕνεκα παιδεύειν, οὐκ ἄδηλον· οὐ γὰρ παίζουσι μανθάνοντες· μετὰ λύπης γὰρ ἡ
μάθησις· ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ διαγωγήν τε παισὶν ἁρμόττει καὶ ταῖς ἡλικίαις ἀποδιδόναι
ταῖς τοιαύταις· οὐθενὶ γὰρ ἀτελεῖ προσήκει τέλος. Ἀλλ’ ἴσως ἂν δόξειεν ἡ τῶν
παίδων σπουδὴ παιδιᾶς εἶναι χάριν ἀνδράσι γενομένοις καὶ τελειωθεῖσιν. Ἀλλ’ εἰ
τοῦτ’ ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον, τίνος ἂν ἕνεκα δέοι μανθάνειν αὐτοὺς, ἀλλὰ μὴ, καθάπερ οἱ
τῶν Περσῶν καὶ Μήδων βασιλεῖς, δι’ ἄλλων αὐτὸ ποιούντων μεταλαμβάνειν τῆς
ἡδονῆς καὶ τῆς μαθήσεως; καὶ γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον βέλτιον ἀπεργάζεσθαι τοὺς αὐτὸ
τοῦτο πεποιημένους ἔργον καὶ τέχνην τῶν τοσοῦτον χρόνον ἐπιμελουμένων, ὅσον
πρὸς μάθησιν μόνον. Εἰ δὲ δεῖ τὰ τοιαῦτα διαπονεῖν αὐτοὺς, καὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν ὄψων
πραγματείαν αὐτοὺς ἂν δέοι παρασκευάζειν· ἀλλ’ ἄτοπον. Τὴν δ’ αὐτὴν ἀπορίαν
ἔχει καὶ εἰ δύναται τὰ ἤθη βελτίω ποιεῖν· ταῦτα γὰρ τί δεῖ μανθάνειν αὐτοὺς ἀλλ’
οὐχ ἑτέρων ἀκούοντας ὀρθῶς τε χαίρειν καὶ δύνασθαι κρίνειν; ὥσπερ οἱ Λάκωνες·
ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ οὐ μανθάνοντες ὅμως δύνανται κρίνειν ὀρθῶς, ὥς φασι, τὰ χρηστὰ καὶ
τὰ μὴ χρηστὰ τῶν μελῶν. Ὁ δ’ αὐτὸς λόγος κἂν εἰ πρὸς εὐημερίαν, καὶ διαγωγὴν
ἐλευθέριον χρηστέον αὐτῇ· τί γὰρ δεῖ μανθάνειν αὐτοὺς, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ἑτέρων
χρωμένων ἀπολαύειν; Σκοπεῖν δ’ ἔξεστι τὴν ὑπόληψιν ἣν ἔχομεν περὶ τῶν θεῶν·

οὐ [δὲ] γὰρ ὁ Ζεὺς αὐτὸς ἀείδει καὶ κιθαρίζει

τοῖς ποιηταῖς· ἀλλὰ καὶ βαναύσους καλοῦμεν τοὺς τοιούτους, καὶ τὸ πράττειν οὐκ
ἀνδρὸς μὴ μεθύοντος ἢ παίζοντος.

[60] The second chapter of his first book gives a general description of the education
among the Persians, which is, of course, a fancy sketch, accommodated to his own
theories.

CHAPTER XI.

THE GROWTH OF SYSTEMATIC HIGHER EDUCATION.—UNIVERSITY LIFE AT ATHENS.

§ 70. It has been stated in the foregoing chapters that during the earlier
or strictly classical period the Greeks never thought of endowing or
regulating higher education. The careful system of training at Sparta,
promoted and controlled by the State, hardly included even primary
education. The police regulations alluded to at Athens only concerned
details of management in private schools, and only primary schools, which
were worked by masters self-appointed and supported by the demand for
them or their popularity in their district. Nowhere do we find anything
approaching to a State endowment or regulation of university education. In
fact, the want of such higher education was only felt when the Greek mind
began to turn inwards upon itself after its extraordinary expansion in the
Persian wars. And then the first want was supplied by voluntary efforts—by
the Sophists who wandered from town to town, citizens of no fixed State,
teachers in complete independence of all State direction. Indeed, their
avoidance of political duties and responsibilities often brought them into
suspicion, oftener into contempt.
Socrates and Plato brought against them two other objections—the one
serious and capital, the other trivial and absurd; and yet it was the latter
which told with the public. The former objection was that of superficiality
and boastful assumption; they professed, within a short time, to teach all
that was needful in science and literature, in philosophy and politics. And
here the deeper thinking of professed philosophers superseded them, though
they had not been either useless or contemptible in their day. The second
objection reminds us strongly of the prejudice once felt against taking

interest for money—all such profit being regarded as usury in the worst
sense of the term. It was urged that the Sophists asked and received pay for
spreading the truth, and for teaching what every honest man ought to
communicate (if he were able) for nothing. But although it was all very well
for the eccentric and exceptional Socrates, for the wealthy Plato, to refuse
all remuneration, the theory that the Sophist was not a laborer worthy of his
hire asserted that all higher education must be carried on by amateurs, and
thus tended to destroy all systematic and widely diffused culture.

§ 71. This narrow prejudice, therefore, did not resist the common-sense
of the public when brought to bear upon it. We are assured that Plato, like
Socrates, took no payment. Our authorities are silent about Aristotle, and it
is hence inferred that he followed the same rule. But Speusippus, his
successor in the school, is said to have demanded regular fees. This had
been the practice with all the rhetoricians who taught young men after their
emancipation from school, and who followed the natural precedent of the
Sophists. Such a practice was all the more reasonable, as the pupils in
philosophical schools, even in Plato’s, were divided into amateur pupils,
who came for mere general training, and professional students, who meant
to take up teaching for their livelihood, and who spent a long time in special
studies. Thus pupils’ fees were always a possible, and became an actual,
endowment for higher teaching. In the Sophists’ days men complained that
these fees were exorbitant, though perhaps not with justice. In later days we
hear of large fees from rich pupils, but always as voluntary donations, and
for the purpose of relieving poorer fellow-students. For the schools of
philosophy began to be secured from difficulties by a second means of
endowment—the donations of patrons and the bequests of pious founders.
As regards these donations by rich pupils, we hear from Philostratus[61] that
a rich scholar, Damianus, gave to each of the Sophists Aristeides and
Adrianos 10,000 drachmæ, to supply poor students with free lectures. This
gift, about £400 of our money, represents a far larger sum in relation to the
then existing conditions of wealth. One hundred drachmæ were probably
considered an adequate fee for a complete course; and if it be true that a

popular teacher could often command one hundred pupils, even though the
course occupied more than one year, the endowment was considerable.
The desire of procuring free education for poorer lads with literary
tastes is, however, an interesting and permanent feature in the Greek mind.
At the present moment the University of Athens provides free education for
every Greek, and is wholly supported by a State subsidy. This now unique
provision brings to Athens an influx of young Greeks from all the Levant,
from Turkish countries, from Egypt—nay, even from Italy. They support
themselves as best they can, often by menial employments, provided they
can keep their lecture hours free. Lodging together in the humblest
apartments, they club their scanty earnings for the purchase of a light and a
text-book, which they use in common, the one sleeping till his fellow has
done his work, and wakes him to hand him the fresh-trimmed lamp and
well-worn manual.
This state of things, which reminds us so strongly of the mediæval
universities, and is inestimably honorable to a growing age of culture when
the masses want leavening, may be driven to a dangerous excess when the
educated classes become too numerous; for it dissuades every ambitious
young man from agriculture and the commercial pursuits so necessary to a
nation’s welfare. And as this is the case in Greece now, so it was doubtless
the case when, in the days of Hellenism, Athens offered philosophy at so
cheap a rate to all the Greek-speaking world. The class of learned idlers
who would not pursue any mercantile calling increased throughout Greece.
[62] Although, therefore, the condition of things at Oxford and Cambridge—
which, in addition to their vast endowments, demands a heavy outlay from
their alumni—is not to be defended, there is an opposite error, and one
likely to do more mischief: it is the setting-up of the lower classes to seek
university degrees with a minimum of expense and trouble, and
consequently a minimum of culture. This mistaken course, which now
threatens the Irish people, in addition to all their other misfortunes, tends
strongly to increase (as is the case in modern Greece) a dangerous class of
social and political malcontents, who consider that their high education is

not recognized, and that they have no scope for their literary or political
talents.[63]

§ 72. We turn to the endowments by bequest, which were the direct
cause of the establishment of philosophical schools at Athens. This idea
seems due to Plato, who acquired for his school a local habitation as well as
a name. It is well known that from early times there were two gymnasia (in
the Greek sense) provided for the youth who had finished their schooling—
that in the groves of the suburb called after the hero Academus, and that
called the Kynosarges, near Mount Lycabettus. The latter was specially
open to the sons of citizens by foreign wives. Thirdly, in Pericles’ day was
established the Lykeion, near the river Ilisos. They were all provided with
water, shady walks and gardens, and were once among the main beauties of
Athens and its neighborhood.
The Academy became so identified with Plato’s teaching that his pupils
Antisthenes (the Cynic) and Aristotle settled beside or in the Kynosarges
and Lykeion respectively, and were known by their locality till the pupils of
Antisthenes removed to the frescoed portico (stoa) in Athens, and were
thence called Stoics. Epicurus taught in his own garden in Athens. All these
settlements were copied from Plato’s idea. He apparently taught both in the
public gymnasium and in a private possession close beside it; and in his
will, preserved by Diogenes Laertius, he bequeaths his two pieces of land to
Speusippus, thus designating him as his formal successor. His practice
being followed, the title scholarch soon grew up for the head of the school,
and the owner of a life interest in the διατριβή or locality devoted to the
purpose. Each master was called the successor (διάδοχος) of his
predecessor, and the succession of these heads of schools has been traced
with more or less success all through the Hellenistic period.

§ 73. This is, no doubt, the cause of the fixed and traditional character
of the philosophical schools at Athens, and one main reason why this city
became in the Roman Empire, when original research had died out, the
principal university of the old world. The successive scholarchs seem to

have thought of nothing but the repeating and expounding of the founder’s
views; and it is mentioned as a special loss to the Peripatetic school that
Aristotle’s works were left away from the school, and travelled into the
possession of Neleus to Scepsis in the Troad. Hence the scholarchs, instead
of developing a new doctrine, were simply helpless, and only taught what
they could remember, or what had been preserved by fragments in the note-
books of the school. The proper investment of the school property was also
the scholarch’s duty, and we hear that in the fourth century a.d., under
Proclus, the Platonic endowment was worth more than one thousand pieces
of gold annually. Suidas tells us[64] “that from time to time pious patrons of
learning bequeathed in their wills to the adherents of the school the means
of living a life of philosophic leisure.” This is very analogous to the
bequests of pious founders in the Middle Ages, especially of those who had
the far-seeing wisdom to free their endowments from the penalty of
teaching—a humane and enlightened intention, now frustrated by the rage
for turning universities into mere training establishments.
The designating of a successor by will, or shortly before the scholarch’s
death, became the rule in the principal schools of rhetoric, except that at
Athens election by the school came to take its place. So far as we know, this
was first suggested by Lycon, Aristotle’s third successor, if not by
Theophrastus. But the will of Lycon, preserved by Diogenes, is express: “I
bequeath the peripatos to my pupils Bulon, Kallinos, etc., without
condition. Let them appoint whomsoever they think will be most zealous
and best keep together the school. May the rest of the school stand by him,
for my sake and that of the place.” These words not only imply that there
was a staff of assistants, selected from favorite pupils who intended to make
philosophy their profession, but is peculiarly interesting as naturally
suggesting a competitive examination, without naming it, as the method of
choice. In Lucian’s “Eunuch,” the appointment is described as an election
by votes of the chief men, after an examination of the candidate in his
knowledge of, and faith in, the system. There were cases when the electing
body was not the school, but the Areopagus, or the council; for the hatred
and jealousy of the schools made an election from without safer. When the

chief literary posts at Athens became salaried by the State, such interference
was natural, and disputed elections were even referred to the emperor at
Rome.

§ 74. Eunapius tells us of an interesting dispute of this kind for the
office of Sophist (the highest literary post at Athens) on the death of
Julianus, 340 a.d., and its consequent vacation. Six candidates—four of
them pupils of Julianus, and two other needy persons—were selected by
common consent; the Roman proconsul was president of the electing court,
and so violent was the canvassing that he was obliged to interfere and order
people out of Athens. The candidates handed in essays and made set
speeches. There were claqueurs ready with their prepared applause. Then
the proconsul again cited them, and gave them a theme for an extempore
speech. Five refused, saying they were not accustomed to pour out, but to
think out, their orations. Prohæresius, a pupil of Julianus, alone took up the
challenge, and, all applause being interdicted, maintained his reputation
splendidly. Nevertheless, he did not then obtain the chair; for his opponents
secured influential electors with dinners and presents, and, no doubt, the
social talents of a Sophist in this chair were very important. They took
shameful ways of succeeding; “but, indeed,” says Eunapius, “you can
hardly blame them for working their case as best they could.”
This interesting story belongs to later days, when the chairs of
philosophy and rhetoric at Athens came under State support and control. In
early days, up to the Christian era, the schools were perfectly private, free,
and independent of the State. We hear, indeed, of such decrees as that of the
Thirty Tyrants forbidding rhetoric and philosophy to be taught. But though
any ancient state, even a free democracy, would have thought itself quite
justified in such interference for public reasons, there is no definite attempt
at such a policy till the days of Theophrastus, when (about 316 b.c.)
Sophocles, son of Amphicleides of Sunium, passed a law that no one should
open a school of philosophy without the approval of the senate and people.
There was a formal exodus of philosophic students, who only returned with
Theophrastus, when Sophocles was convicted under the law against illegal

procedure (γραφὴ παρανόμων), and his law repealed. This attempt of
Sophocles might have been defended from Plato’s “Republic” and “Laws,”
where the philosopher distinctly recommends State control of education.
But it was, no doubt, the antidemocratic tone of the schools, especially of
the Platonic school, which prompted this action, for we hear that
Demosthenes’ nephew, Demochares, and other democratic leaders,
supported Sophocles, on the special ground that Plato’s school had supplied
most of the later tyrants to Greece.
The true way of controlling education had not yet dawned upon the
public men of Athens—the endowing of chairs, with a power of removal.
We hear, indeed, gradually of small salaries for sophronistæ and other
guardians of youth, but direct State patronage of teachers first meets us
among the Egyptian and Pergamene successors of Alexander. Then the
Roman emperors, as we shall presently see, appointed regular professors.
But all this took the form of honoring a great teacher, as states honored him
with civic freedom, immunity from taxes, bronze statues, and the like. His
special teaching was not criticised or directed from without.

§ 75. The time came, however, when more than formal or irregular
honors were paid to the teaching profession. The Roman emperors
established chairs (θρόνοι) of theoretical and practical rhetoric, and of the
four sects of philosophy, the former of which they endowed with 10,000
drachmæ per annum each. The highest chair was entitled the Sophist’s
chair, that term having, after all, maintained its old respectability, and
recovered from the obloquy thrown upon it by Socrates and Plato. There
was even a subdivision of the Sophist’s chair, a second chair being called
the political chair. These appointments seem to have been the device of
Hadrian, though L. Egnatius Lollianus of Ephesus was the first salaried
occupant of the chair, and was appointed under Antoninus Pius. The same
policy, carried out by Marcus Aurelius, gave immunity from taxes and civic
duties to all the learned professions—physicians, philosophers, rhetoricians,
and grammarians. Then the term δημοσιεύειν (to be a public servant), once

applied to a public hangman or a dispensary doctor, now came to mean a
public and salaried professor.
The salaries were paid in kind—five Roman modii of wheat per month
—and were thus free from the great fluctuations in money values common
in those days. The pupils’ fees were paid in money, and were due on
January 1; but we hear many complaints of irregularity in this respect. This
was mainly caused by the ambition of the rival teachers to have their class-
rooms filled, and hence their indulgence in the case of the poor and the
procrastinating, who could not or would not pay, and were nevertheless
permitted to continue their studies. One hundred drachmæ paid down seem
to have been thought an average fee; but great variations were allowed, and
there was evidently no tariff, or any such credentials as our parchments to
show that a man had attended his course, paid his fees regularly, and
obtained what we call a degree. Libanius mentions an amusing case of a
man sending with his son to Athens a donkey, by the sale of which the fees
were to be paid. No doubt, the profits made by the greater chairs were
considerable, and the sophist and rhetor, with their higher colleagues,
represented Athens on state occasions as civic dignitaries. They were
expected to go out to meet any very distinguished visitor, and address him
with complimentary harangues; they had to present themselves officially
every month to the proconsul at Corinth, presumably to report on the state
of Athens. We hear that they obtained leave of absence only by special
permission and with difficulty. In contrast to this importance and splendor,
we have a pitiable account in Libanius of the miseries of the rhetors at
Antioch, who strove to keep up a respectable appearance while they were
persecuted with duns and creditors, and almost starved at home.

§ 76. A great deal of obscurity still remains, not only concerning the
exact number of salaried professors of sophistic and rhetoric, but
concerning their relations to the crowd of assistants, recognized and
unrecognized, which must have existed at the University of Athens. So clear
was the policy of Hadrian, and still more of M. Aurelius, to make it the
main seat of the world’s learning, that all manner of students went thither to

enjoy the various privileges offered. The grand man, the Sophist, could not
be expected to do tutor’s or coaching work; and as many lads came from the
far East and West with little training, there must have been a considerable
class of private teachers to help them on. This was also done by the lad’s
pædagogue, who came with him from home. But there appears to have been
a licensed class of secondary professors, the Privat-Docenten of the
Germans, who enjoyed no salary, but lived on the fees of pupils. It is not
likely that the total number of these licensed lecturers in sophistic and
rhetoric exceeded eight or ten; the private tutors were probably very
numerous.
We naturally inquire how this State appointment to professorial chairs
was consistent with the succession already described in the four
philosophical schools. In these there was no formal change; they were
elected by a committee of recognized heads of each school. But gradually
the influence of the emperor made itself felt. The procurator, who came
from Corinth to look after such matters, either influenced the nomination of
the committee, or recommended the election of a particular candidate. Even
in the case of the public chairs there was sometimes a competition, and
often the emperor did not interfere with his lieutenant’s arrangements.
Herodes Atticus was almost omnipotent in his day in these appointments.
Dismissals from the public chairs were very unusual, but distinctly asserted
as the emperor’s right. The Prohæresius above mentioned was dismissed by
the Emperor Julian, because he appeared to be a Christian.

§ 77. It is more interesting to turn to the peculiarities of life which
bound together the young men at the University of Athens, and the various
customs which then, as now, gave a peculiar tone to the student’s life. What
is called the atmosphere of Oxford or Cambridge, of Dublin or Harvard,
consists in a body of traditional customs maintained by the peculiar
conservatism of youth, which moulds every new-comer, and produces a
certain type of character, and even a certain fixity of manners. It seems
probable that the earliest Italian universities in the Middle Ages, which go
back to the eleventh or twelfth century, acquired some of these traditions

from the Greek universities of the decadence, and thus a direct filiation may
be traced between the customs now to be described, as existing at Athens in
the Hellenistic period, and those of modern Europe. But to investigate this
obscure subject thoroughly would lead us far beyond our present limits.
We hear that no one was allowed to attend lectures, at least in the fourth
century a.d., without dressing in the scholar’s short cloak (τρίβων)—in fact,
our college gown; and the right of wearing it was only obtained by leave of
the Sophist. This in itself was a mark probably more universal than the
gowns at Oxford and Cambridge, for we have no evidence that Greek
gentlemen, like the modern English, hated all official costumes.[65]
There was no arrangement for a daily commons of students; there were
no college buildings, and the students lodged where they could, as they do
in the foreign universities, such as Göttingen or Leyden. But there were
special dining societies in each of the four philosophic schools, meeting
once a month or oftener, for which funds were bequeathed, and which were
regarded as a special bond of union. Of course, simple fare and
philosophical conversation was the original plan: it degenerated into luxury
and sumptuous feasting; for the dinners given by Lycon, when head of the
Peripatetic school, lasted till the following morning. He entertained twenty
at a time for the nominal fee of nine obols, which was even remitted to poor
scholars. This took place on the last day of the month. Epicurus, in his will,
made special provision for a feast every twentieth of the month. The Stoics
had three such clubs, called after scholarchs who probably were the
founders. The intention of these feasts, which were more like Oxford
gaudies than ordinary commons, was to bring masters and pupils into closer
relation, and this is found a true plan in all modern society. People seldom
become intimate who do not dine together.
At Athens, too, there was no official tutorial discipline;[66] there were no
compulsory chapels, or lectures, or fines; and order seems to have been kept
by the very republican arrangement of a senior prefect (ἄρχων), elected by
the class every ten days. We are told that the professor, besides
remonstrance, sometimes struck idle or stupid scholars; and Libanius talks
of being “sent down” as a terrible disgrace, involving serious consequences

to the lad’s parents, and even to his native town. Perhaps it may correspond
to expulsion from our universities; but this must have been for the gravest
crimes only. The pupils of any professor were merely known as his circle
(οἱ ἀπό, or περί, τινος); they were only his pupils or hearers in that they
attended his lectures. Indeed, they often designated him by a nickname
public enough to have been transmitted in after-literature.

§ 78. We find an unusual variety of terms,[67] all transferred from other
combinations, to express the clubs or unions of students among themselves,
and they are constantly mentioned in books and inscriptions of the second
and third centuries a.d. They naturally grew out of the old separation of the
ephebi into a separate class long before university education was organized,
or rather crystallized, into the shape we are now discussing. The presidents
of these clubs were called choregi (also κορυφαῖοι and ἀκρωμῖται).
Inscriptions tell us of similar private combinations among the ephebi in the
second century a.d., in which names from the general lists are repeated
under the separate heads of Heracleids and Theseids, two associations to be
compared with the students’ clubs at the Italian and German universities,
which often bear the names of nations, thus pointing to their mediæval
origin. There is evidence of some peculiar importance, possibly of rivalry,
as regards the Theseids and Heracleids at Athens, and the German critics
are probably right in suspecting a political bias to have been the true ground
of difference. The constant relations of Heracles and Theseus in the legends
and the religion of Attica are well known; the Temple of Theseus, still
standing at Athens, is by many considered a Heracleion, and the deeds of
Heracles are more conspicuously celebrated than those of Theseus in its
sculptured reliefs. Theseus was certainly raised by Attic legends into the
position of founder of the democracy, and the ideal of an ephebus, and as
such he may have been contrasted to Heracles, who was the ancestor of
Doric nobility, and might be regarded as of aristocratic tendency. This
conjecture has the merit of probability, though it has no basis beyond these
general grounds.

§ 79. When we come to later days, especially to the fourth century a.d.,
we hear much about the students’ clubs from Philostratus, Eunapius,
Libanius, and others. It is remarkable that they were not then formed on the
national basis, as we may conceive the older Heracleids to have been
Bœotian youths, severed from the Attic Theseids, or as we could conceive
Irish students associating themselves in an English university. They were
rather suggested by the rivalries of their teachers, originally of the separate
philosophic schools, but afterwards merely formed on the grounds of
ambition and popularity. A crowded attendance at lectures was so anxiously
desired that every kind of device was used by the rival professors to induce
students to come to them. This evil became so apparent in its effects upon
the students, who were flattered and courted by their masters, that Libanius
mentions a proposed agreement (συνθήκη) between the professors on the
question, which was, however, unsuccessful. Thus in the older University of
Dublin the profits of college tutors were so great that a similar rivalry in
popularity existed, and the dons are said to have studied unworthy arts to
secure a full chamber. Such canvassing has almost disappeared since the
treaty, as Libanius calls it, of putting the pupils’ fees into a common fund,
of which the greater part is divided according to the tutor’s standing, and
only a small premium is allowed for the actual number of pupils.
The constant jealousies and factions occasioned by this competition
among professors were reproduced in the Italian universities of the
Renaissance period; indeed, all through the Middle Ages. Thus, according
to Eunapius, the president of the club called Σπάρτη ἄτακτος considered it
part of his duty to bring his club in full force, and well armed, to the
Peiræus, or even down to Sunium, in order to catch students coming from
the East, green and fresh, and secure them for the professor he patronized.
Rival clubs met on these errands, and had pitched battles worse than those
of town and gown in England. Every attempt was made to secure lads, even
before they left their homes. Libanius tells us he came to Athens, having
been already canvassed at his home in Antioch to attend the rhetor
Aristodemus, but was seized by a club in the interest of Diophantus, and
only let free with great difficulty, and after he had sworn allegiance to

Diophantus. We hear of every sort of violence being committed by these
students, in whose disputes the Roman governor at Corinth was sometimes
obliged to interfere. We hear of their debts and their poverty, their
dissoluteness and idleness. But, of course, the diligent and orderly minority
have left no trace behind, and we must take care to give no exaggerated
weight to the noisy doings of the baser sort. Even tossing in a blanket (or
carpet) was well known to them,[68] and applied to unpopular teachers,
probably of the obscurer sort, as may be seen from Libanius’s oration On
the Carpet, in which he lectures them on the subject. We do not hear of any
scholarships, bursaries, or exhibitions intended to help indigent lads of
ability. Indeed, this giving a lad money rewards for educating himself seems
a very evil device of modern times. To support a student with the bare
necessaries of life, and give him free instruction, is a different thing, and
this was the idea of the pious founders of scholarships. To repay him in part
for an extravagant preparation by extravagant prizes is a very different
notion, but now so diffused that its absurdity no longer strikes the public
mind in England.

§ 80. Gregory the Nazianzen tells us of comic ceremonies by which the
freshman was initiated to his studies, and these practices were technically
called τελεταί, or initiatory rites. These are to be compared to the teasing of
beginners known at the German universities under the name of deposition.
At Athens the novice was brought by a band to the baths through the
market-place. Then those in front began to push him back, and refuse to let
him in, while those behind thrust him forward. After a rude struggle,
probably intended to try his temper, he was let in, bathed, and thus formally
admitted, receiving his tribon, or college gown. There was also some
unknown ceremony in the theatre, called κυλίστραι, of which the name only
is preserved, from its being forbidden by law in 693 a.d., and this by a
Church synod in Constantinople. It was identified with other heathen
practices and traditions, and hence considered worthy of being threatened
with excommunication. These late occurrences of student practices give rise
to the suspicion that they may have been copied in the early school of

Bologna. Perhaps the most curious allusion[69] is to the fact that, after a
certain standing, students were by common consent excused from these
follies, as now in Germany a graduate at Leipzig or Göttingen, or a
professor, would no more think of fighting a student’s duel than an English
gentleman would; while every younger man is compelled to do so by an
iron custom amounting to the most absolute tyranny.
The example of the Stoics, who taught in the city, was followed by other
schools, after that the successive devastations of the neighborhood of
Athens by Philip V. of Macedon (200 b.c.), and by Sulla, had injured the
gardens and groves of both Kynosarges, Academy, and Lykeion. We hear of
the Ptolemeion and Diogeneion as the fashionable places of resort, then
Hadrian’s gymnasium—all within the town, and all the gift of individual
founders—the Diogenes in question being a condottiere who commanded
the second King Demetrius’s troops in Attica, 225 b.c. There is some slight
evidence that this man’s gymnasium was used for beginners, and possibly
they may even have resided there; for we hear that scholars often set up
huts (καλύβια) near the house of their favorite teachers. There were libraries
in connection with Ptolemy’s and Hadrian’s gymnasia. Indeed, it seems, in
later days, that such was the danger of a riot if professors lectured in any
public building, that they built private theatres for themselves, attached to
their own houses, and elegantly appointed. In these we may be sure that
their teaching took the form of a lecture, not of disputation or of
catechising. This latter kind of lesson was very popular in Socrates and
Plato’s time; but Aristotle already severed it from his regular discourses,
and held his philosophic conversations with his pupils walking in the
Peripatos: hence the title of his school.

§ 81. We only know now the names of those professors who lived for
the world and for posterity, and strove to teach by publishing their works. In
an age when originality was dead, and the highest ability consisted in the
best commentary on Plato and Aristotle, this literary activity, once admired
and praised, seems to us, for the most part, idle subtlety. Even in rhetoric all
the laws and models were fixed; Longinus only shows us a modern and

æsthetic appreciation of beauty in style, which we do not find in earlier
rhetors. But, of all the scholarchs at Athens, none are now of the least
consideration save the heads of the Neo-Platonic school; and even these
were but followers of this strange, fascinating doctrine, already preached in
Alexandria and in Rome, which strove to give a new meaning to the
metaphysic of the Academy, and accommodate it to the spiritual wants of
earnest heathen, in the face of Christianity.
But it is more than probable that, as in our own universities, so at
Athens, the best and most earnest of the teachers set themselves so
exclusively to their task that they left nothing behind them except in the
note-books of their classes. This sort of university teacher never earns any
wider popularity than that of his college; and yet there, and among those
who have known his diligence, his patience, and his power, he will always
rank far higher than those who rush before the public from ambition, often
with badly digested ideas. We shall, therefore, do well not to set down the
philosophical teaching at Athens at the level of those tedious commentaries
which the student will find collected in the later volumes[70] of Mullach’s
“Fragmenta Philosophorum Græcorum.”

§ 82. As regards the length of the course which the students were
expected to attend, there are very varying statements. Five to eight years are
mentioned, a period far too long for young gentlemen like Cicero’s
nephews, and probably only meant to apply to those who went for
professional purposes. There were lads of tender age, sometimes under the
care of a pædagogue, and men of middle-age, waiting for the chance of a
post. There seems to have been no limit of age, or any compulsion or rule as
to the number of courses to be kept. Every student (or his parent) was
supposed to select for himself what subjects he should pursue. This was
perhaps less mischievous than it would now be, seeing the quadrivium of
humanities was so fixed by tradition that most students fell into it as a
matter of course. Neither was there in old days that multitude of special
subjects, totally unconnected either with each other or with a liberal
education, which now infests our educational establishments, and causes the

hurry after tangible results to displace the only true outcome of a higher
education—that capacity to think consecutively and clearly, which is to be
acquired by studying a logical and thoroughly articulated branch of
knowledge for the sake of its accuracy and method.
During most of the flourishing age of Hellenistic culture the rhetor was
the acknowledged practical teacher; and his course, which occupied several
years, with the interruption of the summer holidays, comprised first a
careful reading of classical authors, both poetical and prose, with
explanations and illustrations. This made the student acquainted with the
language and literature of Greece. But it was only introductory to the
technical study of expression, of eloquence based on these models, and of
accurate writing as a collateral branch of this study. When a man had so
perfected himself, he was considered fit for public employment. In the latest
times a special knowledge of jurisprudence became more and more
necessary for public servants, and was provided for by special schools. We
have, unfortunately, no minute description of the precise course of reading
adopted by either Sophists or Rhetors, and are therefore confined to this
general description. But it is, in our days of hurry and of intellectual
compression of subjects, a remarkable thing to contemplate the youth of the
civilized world spending four or five years in the mere acquiring of
accuracy and elegance of expression after they had learned at school
reading, writing, and the elements of science.

§ 83. In this account of ancient university life our attention has been
almost exclusively confined to Athens, though there were other seats of
education very celebrated, and in much request—Rhodes, Massilia, Tarsus,
and, above all, Alexandria. Many Roman nobles preferred sending their
sons to Massilia for their education—a Greek town, planted far away from
the vices and luxuries of the East. Rhodes maintained its political freedom
longer than any other Hellenic settlement, and was famous as a school of
rhetoric. Tarsus, from which we know at least one splendid specimen of a
student—the Apostle Paul—always had a high and solid reputation for
work, and it is very remarkable how the most serious of all the practical

systems, the Stoic, is identified with that part of Asia Minor. Afterwards
iconoclasm found its cradle there, and thus this land of serious reforms over
and over again forced upon the world an earnest view of life.[71] It is worthy
of note how constantly the great chairs at Athens were filled by men from
these outlying schools; indeed, a native Athenian in the Sophist’s chair was
a great rarity. Yet we know so little of the inner life of these remote towns
that they cannot now afford us any materials for our inquiry.

§ 84. The case is different with Alexandria, concerning which much has
been written and recorded. But, in the first place, it is hardly correct to
speak of education in Alexandria as strictly Hellenic, or even Hellenistic. It
was the meeting-ground of all the faith and dogma of the old world. The
Egyptian, Jewish, and Syrian elements were so strong there that,
considering the absence of all old Hellenic traditions in this newest of all
Greek-speaking towns, we could hardly use it as a fair specimen of the
good and evil in old Greek training. We may add that up to the days of the
great theological controversies—days so graphically pictured in Kingsley’s
“Hypatia”—we know comparatively little about the students of Alexandria.
All our information clusters about the teachers. As we might expect,
Alexandria was regarded as the university of progress, the laboratory of
positive science, in contrast to the conservative and literary Athens.
Nevertheless, even all the sound literary criticism of those days comes from
Alexandria. For it is plain that the Ptolemies intended it not as a training-
place for youth so much as a home for research, richly endowed with the
means and materials for serious study—first of all, an ample library, then
handsome buildings, retirements, and adequate endowments. These
conceptions, and the success in their execution, are profoundly interesting
in the history of education, but are beyond the scope of the present work.

FOOTNOTES
[61] Βίοι σοφ. ii. 32, 2.

[62] The picture of Athens given in the Acts of the Apostles (ch. xvii.) shows that
the city was full of people cultivated in philosophy and letters, but indisposed to
pursue any serious calling. They lived in the agora all day, as in a great club,
looking out for gossip and news. If any one desires to see a modern parallel, I refer
him to the Hall and Library of the Four Courts in Dublin—the most agreeable place
in the world to visit; for there the bar of Ireland, many of them for want of briefs,
occupy themselves with all the scandal of the day. Nay, even those who are busy
refresh themselves, in passing, with five minutes’ talk, and are never too hurried to
enjoy a good story when it is offered to them. There is even a great deal of real
business done in this desultory and peripatetic way. Whether a new system of
philosophy or a new religion would find a hearing is perhaps doubtful, and marks
the difference between the old Greek and the modern idler.

[63] Thus, a critic might argue that the present ills of Ireland arise not only from
general idleness and want of thrift, but from melancholy ignorance of all scientific
principles of agriculture, and from a total misappreciation of the conditions of
trading; for here, if anywhere, honesty is the best policy; but it is not obvious to the
ignorant, especially if they be astute. These evils might be diminished by diffusing
agricultural and commercial schools through the country, not by granting university
degrees for a smattering in arts.

[64] In his Lexicon, sub voc. Plato.

[65] All foreigners, on the contrary, seem to love official dress, whether military or
not. I was once in Genoa during a regatta, when a crew of visitors from Spezia or
Livorno used to walk about the streets in boating costume, with their oars over their
shoulders, to the admiration of the Genoese. Imagine the Oxford eight, the day
before the University race, sauntering along Piccadilly in this style! I recommend
this case to the theorists who maintain that human nature is the same at all times and
places.

[66] The description by Libanius of the rhetor’s duty, to receive the lad from his
parents, to advise him, and even to punish him for idleness, to acquaint the parents
periodically of his progress, etc., reminds us perfectly of the duties of a college
tutor. But this was clearly a voluntary task, and generally undertaken not merely
from duty towards the lad, but from a desire to be popular and to secure a large
following.

[67] Χορός, θίασος, σύνοδος (religious), συνουσία, ποίμνιον, ἀγέλη. I see that
Sievers, in his life of Libanius, understands ἄρχων and χορός of a council of
professors; but this is surely incorrect. He was probably misled by finding so much
power attributed to a mere student.

[68] Called by the Romans sagatio, and hence probably soldiers’ horse-play, as
sagum is a soldier’s cloak.

[69] Libanius, i. 17.

[70] ii. and iii. are published; iv. is to follow.

[71] It is said that the exiled iconoclasts, driven out to Bulgaria, were the spiritual
parents of the Hussites and other early reformers in Bohemia. From this new centre
Protestantism spread across Europe. So that the Scottish Puritan, and, for that
matter, the New England Puritan, derives his uncompromising earnestness from the
remote source which produced both Stoicism and the most vigorous early
Christianity.

INDEX.

Abacus, 56
Academy, the (of Plato), 121
Accent, bad, 13
Æschines cited, 26
Æsop, 20
Age for beginning education, 15
Alcibiades, 15, 59
Alexandria, 50, 138
America, 79
Ἀμφωτίδες, 29
Anaxagoras, 47
Andromache, 8
Anytus, 88
Apollodorus, 59
Ἀπόῤῥαξις, 18
Ἄρχων of students, 130
Archytas’s rattle, 13
Aristophanes cited, 17, 34, 38, 53, 59, 83
Aristotle cited, 57, 61, 62, 110
—— his school, 122
Arithmetic, 54-56
Ἀσκωλιάζειν, 16
Astragali, 17, 19
Astyanax, 8
Athens, a university town, 82
—— modern university of, 119

Βαυκαλήματα, 20
Beethoven, 65
Βέμβιξ (top), 17
Βενίζελος cited, 20
Boating not a Greek amusement, 23
Bologna, early schools of, 134
Boxing, Greek, 29

Callias, grammatical tragedy of, 47
Carleton cited, 39
Carpet, tossing in, 133
Chairs at Athens, 125
Χαλκῆ μυῖα, 16
Χαλκισμός, 17
Chappell, Mr. Wm., 67
Chionis, feats of, 30
Choregi, 131
Chrestomathies, 50
Cicero quoted, 29, 39, 75
Cinnamus quoted, 18
Cithara, 67
Claqueurs of Sophists, 123
Clubs, student, 131
Cobet cited, 71
Community of wives and children, 102, 103
Competitive examinations, 14
Confirmation, 72
Course, length of university, 137
Crammer, the modern, 81, 82
Csárdás, Hungarian, 63
Curtius, Ernst, cited, 92

Demosthenes cited, 40
Διάδοχος, in the schools, 121
Dialects, preservation of, 54
Diogeneion, 134
Diogenes Laertius, 121
Diophantus, 133
Dolls, 20
Dositheus cited, 44
Drawing materials, 59
Dromeus, 27

Education, general contrasts of Greek and modern, 3
Egnatius Lollianus, 125
Egyptian education, 4
Εἰς ὤμιλλαν, 17
Elis, country life of, 14, 22, 28
Encyclical course, 46
Ephebi, 69 sq.
Epicrates, law of, 75
Ἐποστρακισμός, 17
Eton and Harrow match, 23
Eunapius cited, 124
Euripides cited, 8
Examinations, 14
Exposing of children, 10-12
Expression in music, 65

Field sports, value of, 21
Football, 18
Foreign languages, ignorance of, 13, 50
Form, in games, 23

Games of boys, 15 sq.
—— Olympic, 27, 30
Genius, production of, 105
Gods, the Greek, 24
Goldsmith, 41
Gorgias, 90
Gounod’s “Faust,” 66
Grammatical studies of Sophists, 89
Γραμματιστής, -ικός, 46
Grasberger quoted, 17, 28, 40
Gregory Naz. cited, 133
Grote cited, 77, 79, 101, 110
Gymnasia, 121

Hedge schools, 43
Hellenic character compared to Roman and English, 7
Heracleids, club of, 131
Hermes, tutelary god of schools, 43
Herodes Atticus, 128
Herodotus quoted, 6, 8, 24, 42
History, the lessons of, 2, 112
Homer cited, 7, 10, 36;
used in education, 37, 45
Hoops, 17
Human nature not uniform, 1, 2, 129 n.
Hungarian gypsies, 62
Hunting, 22

Irish people threatened with new dangers, 120
Isocrates, 91 sq.

Journalism compared to Sophists, 78 sq.

Julian (emperor), 128

Κάλαμον παραβῆναι, 16
Κυλίστραι, 134
Κυνδαλισμός, 16

Lacrosse, 18
Lamia, 20
Landscape, Greek notions of, 58
Ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον, 73
Libanius cited, 126, 130, 133
Longinus, 135
Love-songs, contrasts in, 66
Lucian quoted, 39, 40, 44, 123
Lycon, will of, 123;
dinners of, 129
Lycophron, 100
Lycurgus (the orator), 75
Lyre, 67, 68

Marcus Aurelius, 125, 126
Marriage between relations, 12
—— rational theory of, 102 sq.
Massilia, 138
Μηλολόνθη, 17
Morra, 19
Moses, 5
—— the Attic (sc. Plato), 12
Mullach, Fragg. Phil., 136
Music, 35 sq., 113
—— dangers of, 64
—— Greek views of, 60 sq.

Ναναρίσματα, 20
Notice-boards in schools, 44
Novices at the university, 134
Nursery rhymes, 20

Ochlocracy, the so-called Athenian, 35
Official dress, foreign love of, 129
Olympia, Temple of, 58
Olympic games, 28, 30
Organization, ephebic, 75
Orphans, care of, 14
Orthodoxy in universities, 84, 85
Ὀστρακίνδα, 16

Pædagogus, the Greek, 26
Παιδαγωγεῖον, 42
Painting, 58 sq.
Palæstra, 22, 24 sq.
Pamphilus, 58
Παραγράφειν, 53
Parthenon, frieze of, 70, 72
Paul, St., 81, 82, 138
Pausanias, 27, 42
Payment of teaching, 117 sq.
Πενταλιθίζειν, 17
Pentathlon, 27
Peripatos, Aristotle’s, 135
Περίπολοι, 70, 74
Permanence of educational problems, 2
Persian education, 5;
in Xenophon, 115
Φαινίνδα, 18

Phayllus, feats of, 30
Philosophy, Isocrates’ definition of, 92, 93
Philostratus cited, 118
Φρυγίνδα, 17
Πλαγίαυλος, 68
Plato quoted, 5, 10, 12, 24, 28, 31, 32, 48, 52, 62, 78, cap. xi. passim
—— school of, 88, 89
Platonopolis, 100 n.
Pliny cited, 58
Plutarch quoted, 15
Pollux cited, 18, 71
Polo at Byzantium, 19 n.
Prefects (at school), 76
Prodicus, 53, 85, 90
Prohæresius, 124, 128
Protagoras, 85, 89
Protestantism, Stoic origin of, 138
Ptolemeion, 134
Public schools, English, 29
Pythagoras, system of, 89

Quintilian quoted, 7, 52

Rackets, 19
Rationalism, Mr. Lecky’s, 107
Renan, E., cited, 49
Rhetor, the duties of, 126
Rhodes, 138
Riding, Greek notions of, 73
Roman education, 6
—— character, 7

Sagatio, 133
Scales, Greek musical, 64, 65
Scholarch, 121
School, the term, 42
—— appointments of, 42, 43
Schoolmaster’s tomb, 52
Science, elementary, 55
Sentiment about marriage, 107
Sex, differences of, 104, 112
Sleeping of infants, 9
Socrates, 74, 87
Sophist, the (title), 123
Sophists, the, 78 sq.;
their fees, 118
Sophocles of Sunium, 124
Sophronistæ, 125
Spartan nurses, 9, 10
Spartan mothers, 13, 38
—— objection to athletics, 27
—— training, 77
—— morals, 108
Σπάρτη ἄτακτος, a club, 132
Spelling, phonetic, 54
Speusippus, 118, 121
Sports, real value of, 31
Sprint races, 28
Stoics, 129, 134
Strabo, 50
Στρόβιλος (humming-top), 17
Studiedness of Greek eloquence, 97
Suidas quoted, 122

Swimming, 46

Tarsus, 138
Theodorus, Homeric pictures of, 45
Theognis, 50
Theophrastus cited, 43, 124
Theseids, club of, 131
Thring, Rev. G., cited, 58 n.
Θρόνοι, 125
Thucydides cited, 42
Τρίβων, 128, 134

Uniformity in human nature, how far true, 1, 2, 129 n.
Uniformity in children, 2
Ὑπογράφεσθαι, 52, 60 n.
Ὑποθῆκαι, 50

Welcker cited, 48
Women, education of, 103, 104
Writing materials, 53

Xenophon, 7, 22
Ξυστός, 25

Zeller cited, 78
Zither, Tyrolese, 68
Ζωγράφος, -ία, 58

A History of Classical Greek Literature.

By J. P. MAHAFFY.
2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $4 00.

A survey of the whole field of the Greek classical literature, including
the prose as well as the poetry, treating in a general way its life and growth
and the mutual relations of its various masterpieces. * * * A clear, simple,
and accurate statement of general facts and principles, bringing the whole
of the immense subject into one connected view.—N. Y. Times.
No other work written upon these subjects in English during the past
twenty years is as valuable as this elaborate compendium. * * * It should be
found in the library of every scholar and student.—N. Y. World.
Among recently published works designed to aid in the attainment of
sound classical scholarship, there have been few that are so well adapted to
their purpose as this. * * * To his task he has brought the qualifications of
his own fine and approved scholarship, his practical knowledge of the exact
wants of the class for whom he writes, and a thorough familiarity with the
general literature of the subject.—N. Y. Evening Post.
By far the best account of the literature of Greece that has hitherto
appeared in English. * * * It is emphatically a good book, a worthy
introduction to the noblest of all literatures, and a grateful boon to ripe
scholars, no less than to the younger students for whom it is expressly
intended. Mr. Mahaffy’s chief merit is the great verve and animation with
which he handles his subject.—Pall Mall Gazette, London.
It is a work of immense learning and practical value. Indeed, it is a
complete hand-book of Greek classical literature, giving the results of the
research and speculations of the best German and French, as well as
English, scholars, and stating his own conclusions with a modesty which

inspires confidence, especially as they are supported by thorough
knowledge of the subject and ample reasons. There is no work in the
English language covering the same ground.—Evangelist, N. Y.

Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York.

☞H arper & Brothers will send the above work by mail, postage prepaid,

to any part of the United States, on receipt of the price.

STUDIES OF THE GREEK POETS.
BY

JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS.
R e v i s e d a n d E n l a rg e d b y t h e A u t h o r.

2 vols., Square 16mo, Cloth, $3 50.

Mr. Symonds has here brought his rich classical learning and excellent
critical taste to the illustration of the Greek poets, forming an admirable
introduction to that branch of ancient literature. * * * Apart from the
original criticisms and bright descriptive passages which give an
uncommon value and attractiveness to these volumes, they abound in liberal
specimens of translations by different writers, which form a highly
agreeable body of poetry, and present a peculiar and striking illustration of a
department of English literature not very widely known to general readers.
—N. Y. Tribune.
A book which has scarcely a parallel in recent English literature, and
which will bear comparison with the highest achievements of German
scholarship and criticism. Indeed, the “Studies” may almost be said to be
unique in their combination of wide knowledge and minute research, with a
mastery of the literary art which alone would suffice to command our
warmest admiration. * * * Our notice would be incomplete without a
cordial word of praise for Professor Symonds’s spirited and elegant
translations of select passages. These add incalculably to the value and
interest of his work.—Appletons’ Journal, N. Y.
The great merit of Mr. Symonds’s writings is that, with all their charm
and grace of style, there is real work behind them. It is this, in combination

with other rarer gifts, which makes him so well fitted to interpret the
ancient world to modern readers.—Academy, London.
While it is a book readily understood by every thoughtful reader, it will
be of special interest to students who have given much time to the Greek
language and literature. * * * We know of no hand-book of Greek poetry in
English as satisfactory—as valuable as this.—New Haven Palladium.

Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York.

☞H arper & Brothers will send the above work by mail, postage prepaid,

to any part of the United States, on receipt of the price.

Transcriber's Note

The following changes have been made to the text as
printed:
1. Footnotes have been renumbered and assembled at
the end of each chapter.
2. A small number of errors in the punctuation and
spacing of the original work have been silently
corrected.
3. Page 34: re-referred has been corrected to referred.
4. Page 39: A missing footnote marker has been
inserted after impatient at idleness:.
5. Page 40: A missing footnote marker has been
inserted after sensible remark.
6. Footnote 19, 5th line from end: τρὸς has been
corrected to πρὸς.
7. Footnote 28: Οεωδώρηον has been corrected to
Θεωδώρηον.
8. Footnote 41: γυμναστικήν has been corrected to
γυμναστικὴν.
9. Footnote 44: θεατής has been corrected to θεατὴς.
10. Page 86: spritually has been corrected to spiritually.
11. Page 96: Comma removed from St. John,
Chrysostom.
12. Footnote 59, start of third sentence: Η (Greek letter)
has been corrected to Ἢ.
13. Footnote 67, second sentence: χόρος has been
corrected to χορός.

14. Page 141, Index: Διαδόχος has been corrected to
Διάδοχος.
15. Page 143, Index: Ptolemeion referenced to Page 134,
not Page 151.
The following anomaly in the printed text is noted,
but no change has been made:
1. Page 146, Index: Appletons’ Journal (New York City,
1869–1881) printed its own name with the
apostrophe in that unexpected position.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD GREEK
EDUCATION ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright royalties.
Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license,
apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and
trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not
be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of
the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project
Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may
use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative
works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks
may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically
ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S.
copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license,
especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic
work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept
all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg electronic works in your possession. If
you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg
electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this
agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom
you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the

collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in
the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free
access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg works
in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project
Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can easily comply with
the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format
with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you share it
without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which
the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase
“Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed,
viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with

this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located
in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived
from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United
States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or
providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”
associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with
the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain
permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide
access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official

version posted on the official Project Gutenberg website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of
obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided
that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth
in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the
Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in
Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend
considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and
proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the
Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be
stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete,
inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES -
Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in
paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,
the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party
distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this
agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and
expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH
OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE
FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT,
CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES

EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you
discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it,
you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by
sending a written explanation to the person you received the work
from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return
the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that
provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a
replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to
give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu
of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a
refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF
MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If
any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law
of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the
Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any
volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability,
costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly
from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a)

distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b) alteration,
modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg work,
and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg

Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals
and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely
available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and
permanent future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To
learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and
the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state
of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue
Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is
64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S.
federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza
#516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact

links and up to date contact information can be found at the
Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small
donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax
exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States.
Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable
effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these
requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have
not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including
how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.