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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Chaucer's Works, Volume 3
— The House of Fame; The Legend of Good Women; The
Treatise on the Astrolabe; The Sources of the Canterbury Tales
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: Chaucer's Works, Volume 3 — The House of Fame; The Legend of
Good Women; The Treatise on the Astrolabe; The Sources of the
Canterbury Tales
Author: Geoffrey Chaucer
Editor: Walter W. Skeat
Release date: February 27, 2014 [eBook #45027]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/45027
Credits: Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Keith Edkins and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHAUCER'S
WORKS, VOLUME 3 — THE HOUSE OF FAME; THE LEGEND OF
GOOD WOMEN; THE TREATISE ON THE ASTROLABE; THE
SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY TALES ***
— The House of Fame; The Legend of Good Women; The
Treatise on the Astrolabe; The Sources of the Canterbury Tales
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: Chaucer's Works, Volume 3 — The House of Fame; The Legend of
Good Women; The Treatise on the Astrolabe; The Sources of the
Canterbury Tales
Author: Geoffrey Chaucer
Editor: Walter W. Skeat
Release date: February 27, 2014 [eBook #45027]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/45027
Credits: Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Keith Edkins and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHAUCER'S
WORKS, VOLUME 3 — THE HOUSE OF FAME; THE LEGEND OF
GOOD WOMEN; THE TREATISE ON THE ASTROLABE; THE
SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY TALES ***
Page 4
Transcriber's In this edition the two versions of the Prologue to the
note: Legend are each assembled for continuous reading.
Page numbers {66a} etc. refer to the upper parts of
the printed pages, {66b} etc. refer to the lower parts.
Skeat's commentary on the Astrolabe (mentioned in
the text as "Footnotes") has been similarly separated
from Chaucer's text.
A Glossary including words from the texts in this
volume is included in Skeat's Volume VI, available
from Project Gutenberg at
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43097/43097-h/43097-
h.htm.
MS. Fairfax 16. Legend of
Good Women, 414-450
Frontispiece***
THE COMPLETE WORKS
note: Legend are each assembled for continuous reading.
Page numbers {66a} etc. refer to the upper parts of
the printed pages, {66b} etc. refer to the lower parts.
Skeat's commentary on the Astrolabe (mentioned in
the text as "Footnotes") has been similarly separated
from Chaucer's text.
A Glossary including words from the texts in this
volume is included in Skeat's Volume VI, available
from Project Gutenberg at
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43097/43097-h/43097-
h.htm.
MS. Fairfax 16. Legend of
Good Women, 414-450
Frontispiece***
THE COMPLETE WORKS
Page 5
OF
GEOFFREY CHAUCER
EDITED, FROM NUMEROUS MANUSCRIPTS
BY THE
R e v . WA L T E R W . S K E AT , M.A.
Litt.D., LL.D., D.C.L., Ph.D.
ELRINGTON AND BOSWORTH PROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON
AND FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
***
THE HOUSE OF FAME: THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN
THE TREATISE ON THE ASTROLABE
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY TALES
'He made the book that hight the Hous of Fame.'
Legend of Good Women; 417.
'Who-so that wol his large volume seke
Cleped the Seintes Legende of Cupyde.'
Canterbury Tales; B 60.
'His Astrelabie, longinge for his art.'
Canterbury Tales; A 3209.
GEOFFREY CHAUCER
EDITED, FROM NUMEROUS MANUSCRIPTS
BY THE
R e v . WA L T E R W . S K E AT , M.A.
Litt.D., LL.D., D.C.L., Ph.D.
ELRINGTON AND BOSWORTH PROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON
AND FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
***
THE HOUSE OF FAME: THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN
THE TREATISE ON THE ASTROLABE
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY TALES
'He made the book that hight the Hous of Fame.'
Legend of Good Women; 417.
'Who-so that wol his large volume seke
Cleped the Seintes Legende of Cupyde.'
Canterbury Tales; B 60.
'His Astrelabie, longinge for his art.'
Canterbury Tales; A 3209.
Page 6
SECOND EDITION
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
M DCCCC
Oxford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction to the House
of Fame.—§ 1.
Authorship. § 2.
Influence of Dante. §
3. Testimony of
Lydgate. § 4.
Influence of Ovid. § 5.
Date of the Poem. § 6.
Metre. § 7. Imitations.
§ 8. Authorities. § 9.
Some Emendations vii
Introduction to the xvi
Legend of Good
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
M DCCCC
Oxford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction to the House
of Fame.—§ 1.
Authorship. § 2.
Influence of Dante. §
3. Testimony of
Lydgate. § 4.
Influence of Ovid. § 5.
Date of the Poem. § 6.
Metre. § 7. Imitations.
§ 8. Authorities. § 9.
Some Emendations vii
Introduction to the xvi
Legend of Good
Page 7
Women.—§ 1. Date of
the Poem. § 2. The
Two Forms of the
Prologue. § 3.
Comparison of these.
§ 4. The Subject of the
Legend. § 5. The
Daisy. § 6. Agaton. §
7. Chief Sources of the
Legend. § 8. The
Prologue; Legends of
(1) Cleopatra; (2)
Thisbe; (3) Dido; (4)
Hypsipyle and Medea;
(5) Lucretia; (6)
Ariadne; (7)
Philomela; (8) Phyllis;
(9) Hypermnestra. § 9.
Gower's Confessio
Amantis. § 10. Metre.
§ 11. 'Clipped' Lines.
§ 12. Description of
the MSS. § 13.
Description of the
Printed Editions. § 14.
Some Improvements
in my Edition of 1889.
§ 15. Conclusion
Introduction to a Treatise lvii
on the Astrolabe.—§
1. Description of the
MSS. §§ 2-16. MSS.
A., B., C., D., E., F.,
G., H., I., K., L., M.,
N., O., P. § 17. MSS.
Q., R., S., T., U., W.,
the Poem. § 2. The
Two Forms of the
Prologue. § 3.
Comparison of these.
§ 4. The Subject of the
Legend. § 5. The
Daisy. § 6. Agaton. §
7. Chief Sources of the
Legend. § 8. The
Prologue; Legends of
(1) Cleopatra; (2)
Thisbe; (3) Dido; (4)
Hypsipyle and Medea;
(5) Lucretia; (6)
Ariadne; (7)
Philomela; (8) Phyllis;
(9) Hypermnestra. § 9.
Gower's Confessio
Amantis. § 10. Metre.
§ 11. 'Clipped' Lines.
§ 12. Description of
the MSS. § 13.
Description of the
Printed Editions. § 14.
Some Improvements
in my Edition of 1889.
§ 15. Conclusion
Introduction to a Treatise lvii
on the Astrolabe.—§
1. Description of the
MSS. §§ 2-16. MSS.
A., B., C., D., E., F.,
G., H., I., K., L., M.,
N., O., P. § 17. MSS.
Q., R., S., T., U., W.,
Page 8
X. § 18. Thynne's
Edition. § 19. The two
Classes of MSS. § 20.
The last five Sections
(spurious). § 21. Gap
between Sections 40
and 41. § 22. Gap
between Sections 43
and 44. § 23.
Conclusion 40. § 24.
Extant portion of the
Treatise. § 25.
Sources. § 26. Various
Editions. § 27. Works
on the Subject. § 28.
Description of the
Astrolabe Planisphere.
§ 29. Uses of the
Astrolabe Planisphere.
§ 30. Stars marked on
the Rete. § 31.
Astrological Notes. §
32. Description of the
Plates
Plates illustrating the
description of the
Astrolabe lxxxi
The Hous of Fame: Book I. 1
The Hous of Fame: Book
II. 16
The Hous of Fame: Book
III. 33
The Legend of Good
Women: The Prologue 65
Edition. § 19. The two
Classes of MSS. § 20.
The last five Sections
(spurious). § 21. Gap
between Sections 40
and 41. § 22. Gap
between Sections 43
and 44. § 23.
Conclusion 40. § 24.
Extant portion of the
Treatise. § 25.
Sources. § 26. Various
Editions. § 27. Works
on the Subject. § 28.
Description of the
Astrolabe Planisphere.
§ 29. Uses of the
Astrolabe Planisphere.
§ 30. Stars marked on
the Rete. § 31.
Astrological Notes. §
32. Description of the
Plates
Plates illustrating the
description of the
Astrolabe lxxxi
The Hous of Fame: Book I. 1
The Hous of Fame: Book
II. 16
The Hous of Fame: Book
III. 33
The Legend of Good
Women: The Prologue 65
Page 9
I. The Legend of
Cleopatra 106
II. The Legend of
Thisbe 110
III. The Legend of
Dido 117
IV. The Legend of
Hypsipyle and Medea 131
V. The Legend of
Lucretia 140
VI. The Legend of
Ariadne 147
VII. The Legend of
Philomela 158
VIII. The Legend of
Phyllis 164
IX. The Legend of
Hypermnestra 169
A Treatise on the
Astrolabe 175
Critical Notes to a
Treatise on the
Astrolabe 233
Notes to the House of
Fame 243
Notes to the Legend of
Good Women 288
Notes to a Treatise on the
Astrolabe 352
An Account of the
Sources of the
Canterbury Tales 370
Cleopatra 106
II. The Legend of
Thisbe 110
III. The Legend of
Dido 117
IV. The Legend of
Hypsipyle and Medea 131
V. The Legend of
Lucretia 140
VI. The Legend of
Ariadne 147
VII. The Legend of
Philomela 158
VIII. The Legend of
Phyllis 164
IX. The Legend of
Hypermnestra 169
A Treatise on the
Astrolabe 175
Critical Notes to a
Treatise on the
Astrolabe 233
Notes to the House of
Fame 243
Notes to the Legend of
Good Women 288
Notes to a Treatise on the
Astrolabe 352
An Account of the
Sources of the
Canterbury Tales 370
Page 10
INTRODUCTION TO THE HOUSE OF FAME
§ 1. It is needless to say that this Poem is genuine, as Chaucer himself
claims it twice over; once in his Prologue to the Legend of Good Women, l.
417, and again by the insertion in the poem itself of the name Geffrey (l.
729)[1].
§ 2. Influence of Dante. The influence of Dante is here very marked, and
has been thoroughly discussed by Rambeau in Englische Studien, iii. 209,
in an article far too important to be neglected. I can only say here that the
author points out both general and particular likenesses between the two
poems. In general, both are visions; both are in three books; in both, the
authors seek abstraction from surrounding troubles by venturing into the
realm of imagination. As Dante is led by Vergil, so Chaucer is upborne by
an eagle. Dante begins his third book, Il Paradiso, with an invocation to
Apollo, and Chaucer likewise begins his third book with the same;
moreover, Chaucer's invocation is little more than a translation of Dante's.
Among the particular resemblances, we may notice the method of
commencing each division of the Poem with an invocation[2]. Again, both
poets mark the exact date of commencing their poems; Dante descended
into the Inferno on Good Friday, 1300 (Inf. xxi. 112); Chaucer began his
work on the 10th of December, the year being, probably, 1383 (see note to l.
111).
Chaucer sees the desert of Lybia (l. 488), corresponding to similar waste
spaces mentioned by Dante; see note to l. 482. Chaucer's eagle is also
Dante's eagle; see note to l. 500. Chaucer gives an account of Phaethon (l.
942) and of Icarus (l. 920), much like those given by Dante (Inf. xvii. 107,
109); both accounts, however, may have been taken from Ovid[3]. Chaucer's
account of the eagle's lecture to him (l. 729) resembles Dante's Paradiso, i.
109-117. Chaucer's steep rock of ice (l. 1130) corresponds to Dante's steep
rock (Purg. iii. 47). If Chaucer cannot describe all the beauty of the House
of Fame (l. 1168), Dante is equally unable to describe Paradise (Par. i. 6).
Chaucer copies from Dante his description of Statius, and follows his
§ 1. It is needless to say that this Poem is genuine, as Chaucer himself
claims it twice over; once in his Prologue to the Legend of Good Women, l.
417, and again by the insertion in the poem itself of the name Geffrey (l.
729)[1].
§ 2. Influence of Dante. The influence of Dante is here very marked, and
has been thoroughly discussed by Rambeau in Englische Studien, iii. 209,
in an article far too important to be neglected. I can only say here that the
author points out both general and particular likenesses between the two
poems. In general, both are visions; both are in three books; in both, the
authors seek abstraction from surrounding troubles by venturing into the
realm of imagination. As Dante is led by Vergil, so Chaucer is upborne by
an eagle. Dante begins his third book, Il Paradiso, with an invocation to
Apollo, and Chaucer likewise begins his third book with the same;
moreover, Chaucer's invocation is little more than a translation of Dante's.
Among the particular resemblances, we may notice the method of
commencing each division of the Poem with an invocation[2]. Again, both
poets mark the exact date of commencing their poems; Dante descended
into the Inferno on Good Friday, 1300 (Inf. xxi. 112); Chaucer began his
work on the 10th of December, the year being, probably, 1383 (see note to l.
111).
Chaucer sees the desert of Lybia (l. 488), corresponding to similar waste
spaces mentioned by Dante; see note to l. 482. Chaucer's eagle is also
Dante's eagle; see note to l. 500. Chaucer gives an account of Phaethon (l.
942) and of Icarus (l. 920), much like those given by Dante (Inf. xvii. 107,
109); both accounts, however, may have been taken from Ovid[3]. Chaucer's
account of the eagle's lecture to him (l. 729) resembles Dante's Paradiso, i.
109-117. Chaucer's steep rock of ice (l. 1130) corresponds to Dante's steep
rock (Purg. iii. 47). If Chaucer cannot describe all the beauty of the House
of Fame (l. 1168), Dante is equally unable to describe Paradise (Par. i. 6).
Chaucer copies from Dante his description of Statius, and follows his
Page 11
mistake in saying that he was born at Toulouse; see note to l. 1460. The
description of the house of Rumour is also imitated from Dante; see note to
l. 2034. Chaucer's error of making Marsyas a female arose from his
misunderstanding the Italian form Marsia in Dante; see note to l. 1229.
These are but some of the points discussed in Rambeau's article; it is
difficult to give, in a summary, a just idea of the careful way in which the
resemblances between these two great poets are pointed out. I am quite
aware that many of the alleged parallel passages are too trivial to be relied
upon, and that the author's case would have been strengthened, rather than
weakened, by several judicious omissions; but we may fairly accept the
conclusion, that Chaucer is more indebted to Dante in this poem than in any
other; perhaps more than in all his other works put together.
It is no longer possible to question Chaucer's knowledge of Italian; and it is
useless to search for the original of The House of Fame in Provençal
literature, as Warton vaguely suggests that we should do (see note to l.
1928). At the same time, I can see no help to be obtained from a perusal of
Petrarch's Trionfo della Fama, to which some refer us.
§ 3. Testimony of Lydgate. It is remarkable that Lydgate does not expressly
mention The House of Fame by name, in his list of Chaucer's works. I have
already discussed this point in the Introduction to vol. i. pp. 23, 24, where I
shew that Lydgate, nevertheless, refers to this work at least thrice in the
course of the poem in which his list occurs; and, at the same time, he speaks
of a poem by Chaucer which he calls 'Dant in English,' to which there is
nothing to correspond, unless it can be identified with The House of
Fame[4]. We know, however, that Lydgate's testimony as to this point is
wholly immaterial; so that the discussion as to the true interpretation of his
words is a mere matter of curiosity.
§ 4. Influence of Ovid. It must, on the other hand, be obvious to all readers,
that the general notion of a House of Fame was adopted from a passage in
Ovid's Metamorphoses, xii. 39-63. The proof of this appears from the great
care with which Chaucer works in all the details occurring in that passage.
He also keeps an eye on the celebrated description of Fame in Vergil's
description of the house of Rumour is also imitated from Dante; see note to
l. 2034. Chaucer's error of making Marsyas a female arose from his
misunderstanding the Italian form Marsia in Dante; see note to l. 1229.
These are but some of the points discussed in Rambeau's article; it is
difficult to give, in a summary, a just idea of the careful way in which the
resemblances between these two great poets are pointed out. I am quite
aware that many of the alleged parallel passages are too trivial to be relied
upon, and that the author's case would have been strengthened, rather than
weakened, by several judicious omissions; but we may fairly accept the
conclusion, that Chaucer is more indebted to Dante in this poem than in any
other; perhaps more than in all his other works put together.
It is no longer possible to question Chaucer's knowledge of Italian; and it is
useless to search for the original of The House of Fame in Provençal
literature, as Warton vaguely suggests that we should do (see note to l.
1928). At the same time, I can see no help to be obtained from a perusal of
Petrarch's Trionfo della Fama, to which some refer us.
§ 3. Testimony of Lydgate. It is remarkable that Lydgate does not expressly
mention The House of Fame by name, in his list of Chaucer's works. I have
already discussed this point in the Introduction to vol. i. pp. 23, 24, where I
shew that Lydgate, nevertheless, refers to this work at least thrice in the
course of the poem in which his list occurs; and, at the same time, he speaks
of a poem by Chaucer which he calls 'Dant in English,' to which there is
nothing to correspond, unless it can be identified with The House of
Fame[4]. We know, however, that Lydgate's testimony as to this point is
wholly immaterial; so that the discussion as to the true interpretation of his
words is a mere matter of curiosity.
§ 4. Influence of Ovid. It must, on the other hand, be obvious to all readers,
that the general notion of a House of Fame was adopted from a passage in
Ovid's Metamorphoses, xii. 39-63. The proof of this appears from the great
care with which Chaucer works in all the details occurring in that passage.
He also keeps an eye on the celebrated description of Fame in Vergil's
Page 12
Æneid, iv. 173-183; even to the unlucky rendering of 'pernicibus alis' by
'partriches winges,' in l. 1392[5].
I here quote the passage from Ovid at length, as it is very useful for
frequent reference (cf. Ho. Fame, 711-24, 672-99, 1025-41, 1951-76, 2034-
77):—
'Orbe locus medio est inter
terrasque, fretumque,
Caelestesque plagas, triplicis
confinia mundi;
Unde quod est usquam, quamuis
regionibus absit,
Inspicitur penetratque cauas uox
omnis ad aures.
Fama tenet, summaque domum sibi
legit in arce;
Innumerosque aditus, ac mille
foramina tectis
Addidit, et nullis inclusit limina
portis.
Nocte dieque patent. Tota est ex
aere sonanti;
Tota fremit, uocesque refert,
iteratque quod audit.
Nulla quies intus, nullaque silentia
parte.
Nec tamen est clamor, sed paruae
murmura uocis;
Qualia de pelagi, si quis procul
audiat, undis
Esse solent; qualemue sonum, cum
Iupiter atras
Increpuit nubes, extrema tonitrua
reddunt.
Atria turba tenet; ueniunt leue
uulgus, euntque;
'partriches winges,' in l. 1392[5].
I here quote the passage from Ovid at length, as it is very useful for
frequent reference (cf. Ho. Fame, 711-24, 672-99, 1025-41, 1951-76, 2034-
77):—
'Orbe locus medio est inter
terrasque, fretumque,
Caelestesque plagas, triplicis
confinia mundi;
Unde quod est usquam, quamuis
regionibus absit,
Inspicitur penetratque cauas uox
omnis ad aures.
Fama tenet, summaque domum sibi
legit in arce;
Innumerosque aditus, ac mille
foramina tectis
Addidit, et nullis inclusit limina
portis.
Nocte dieque patent. Tota est ex
aere sonanti;
Tota fremit, uocesque refert,
iteratque quod audit.
Nulla quies intus, nullaque silentia
parte.
Nec tamen est clamor, sed paruae
murmura uocis;
Qualia de pelagi, si quis procul
audiat, undis
Esse solent; qualemue sonum, cum
Iupiter atras
Increpuit nubes, extrema tonitrua
reddunt.
Atria turba tenet; ueniunt leue
uulgus, euntque;
Page 13
Mixtaque cum ueris passim
commenta uagantur
Millia rumorum, confusaque uerba
uolutant.
E quibus hi uacuas implent
sermonibus aures;
Hi narrata ferunt alio; mensuraque
ficti
Crescit, et auditis aliquid nouus
adicit auctor.
Illic Credulitas, illic temerarius
Error,
Vanaque Laetitia est, consternatique
Timores,
Seditioque repens, dubioque
auctore Susurri.
Ipsa quid in caelo rerum, pelagoque
geratur,
Et tellure uidet, totumque inquirit in
orbem.'
A few other references to Ovid are pointed out in the Notes.
By way of further illustration, I here quote the whole of Golding's
translation of the above passage from Ovid:—
'Amid the world tweene heauen and
earth, and sea, there is a
place,
Set from the bounds of each of
them indifferently in space,
From whence is seene what-euer
thing is practizde any-
where,
Although the Realme be neere so
farre: and roundly to the
commenta uagantur
Millia rumorum, confusaque uerba
uolutant.
E quibus hi uacuas implent
sermonibus aures;
Hi narrata ferunt alio; mensuraque
ficti
Crescit, et auditis aliquid nouus
adicit auctor.
Illic Credulitas, illic temerarius
Error,
Vanaque Laetitia est, consternatique
Timores,
Seditioque repens, dubioque
auctore Susurri.
Ipsa quid in caelo rerum, pelagoque
geratur,
Et tellure uidet, totumque inquirit in
orbem.'
A few other references to Ovid are pointed out in the Notes.
By way of further illustration, I here quote the whole of Golding's
translation of the above passage from Ovid:—
'Amid the world tweene heauen and
earth, and sea, there is a
place,
Set from the bounds of each of
them indifferently in space,
From whence is seene what-euer
thing is practizde any-
where,
Although the Realme be neere so
farre: and roundly to the
Page 14
eare
Commes whatsoeuer spoken is;
Fame hath his dwelling
there,
Who in the top of all the house is
lodged in a towre.
A thousand entries, glades, and
holes are framed in this
bowre.
There are no doores to shut. The
doores stand open night and
day.
The house is all of sounding brasse,
and roreth euery way,
Reporting double euery word it
heareth people say.
There is no rest within, there is no
silence any-where.
Yet is there not a yelling out: but
humming, as it were
The sound of surges being heard
farre off, or like the sound
That at the end of thunderclaps long
after doth redound
When Ioue doth make the clouds to
crack. Within the courts is
preace
Of common people, which to come
and go do neuer ceace.
And millions both of troths and lies
run gadding euery-where,
And wordes confuselie flie in
heapes, of which some fill
the eare
That heard not of them erst, and
some cole-cariers part do
play,
Commes whatsoeuer spoken is;
Fame hath his dwelling
there,
Who in the top of all the house is
lodged in a towre.
A thousand entries, glades, and
holes are framed in this
bowre.
There are no doores to shut. The
doores stand open night and
day.
The house is all of sounding brasse,
and roreth euery way,
Reporting double euery word it
heareth people say.
There is no rest within, there is no
silence any-where.
Yet is there not a yelling out: but
humming, as it were
The sound of surges being heard
farre off, or like the sound
That at the end of thunderclaps long
after doth redound
When Ioue doth make the clouds to
crack. Within the courts is
preace
Of common people, which to come
and go do neuer ceace.
And millions both of troths and lies
run gadding euery-where,
And wordes confuselie flie in
heapes, of which some fill
the eare
That heard not of them erst, and
some cole-cariers part do
play,
Page 15
To spread abroade the things they
heard, and euer by the way
The thing that was inuented growes
much greater than before,
And euery one that gets it by the
end addes somewhat more.
Light credit dwelleth there, there
dwells rash error, there doth
dwell
Vaine ioy: there dwelleth hartlesse
feare, and brute that loues to
tell
Uncertaine newes vpon report,
whereof he doth not knowe
The author, and sedition who fresh
rumors loues to sowe.
This Fame beholdeth what is done
in heauen, on sea, and land,
And what is wrought in all the
world he layes to
vnderstand.'
§ 5. Date of the Poem. Ten Brink, in his Chaucer Studien, pp. 120, 121,
concludes that The House of Fame was, in all probability, composed shortly
after Troilus, as the opening lines reproduce, in effect, a passage concerning
dreams which appears in the last Book of Troilus, ll. 358-385. We may also
observe the following lines in Troilus, from Book I, 517-8:—
'Now, thonked be god, he may goon
in the daunce
Of hem that Love list febly for to
avaunce.'
These lines, jestingly applied to Troilus by Pandarus, are in the House of
Fame, 639, 640, applied by Chaucer to himself:—
heard, and euer by the way
The thing that was inuented growes
much greater than before,
And euery one that gets it by the
end addes somewhat more.
Light credit dwelleth there, there
dwells rash error, there doth
dwell
Vaine ioy: there dwelleth hartlesse
feare, and brute that loues to
tell
Uncertaine newes vpon report,
whereof he doth not knowe
The author, and sedition who fresh
rumors loues to sowe.
This Fame beholdeth what is done
in heauen, on sea, and land,
And what is wrought in all the
world he layes to
vnderstand.'
§ 5. Date of the Poem. Ten Brink, in his Chaucer Studien, pp. 120, 121,
concludes that The House of Fame was, in all probability, composed shortly
after Troilus, as the opening lines reproduce, in effect, a passage concerning
dreams which appears in the last Book of Troilus, ll. 358-385. We may also
observe the following lines in Troilus, from Book I, 517-8:—
'Now, thonked be god, he may goon
in the daunce
Of hem that Love list febly for to
avaunce.'
These lines, jestingly applied to Troilus by Pandarus, are in the House of
Fame, 639, 640, applied by Chaucer to himself:—
Page 16
'Although thou mayst go in the
daunce
Of hem that him list not avaunce.'
Again, the House of Fame preceded the Legend of Good Women, because
he here complains of the hardship of his official duties (652-660); whereas,
in the Prologue to the Legend, he rejoices at obtaining some release from
them. We may also note the quotation from Boethius (note to l. 972). As
Boethius and Troilus seem to have been written together, somewhere about
1380, and took up a considerable time, and the apparent date of the Legend
is 1385, the probable date of the House of Fame is about 1383 or 1384. Ten
Brink further remarks that the references to Jupiter suggest to the reader
that the 10th of December was a Thursday (see note to 111). This would
give 1383 for beginning the poem; and perhaps no fitter date than the end of
1383 and the spring of 1384 can be found.
§ 6. Metre. Many of Chaucer's metres were introduced by him from the
French; but the four-accent metre, with rime as here employed, was
commonly known before Chaucer's time. It was used by Robert of Brunne
in 1303, in the Cursor Mundi, and in Havelok. It is, however, of French
origin, and occurs in the very lengthy poem of Le Roman de la Rose.
Chaucer only employed it thrice: (1) in translating the Roman de la Rose;
(2) in the Book of the Duchesse; and (3) in the present poem.
For normal lines, with masculine rimes, see 7, 8, 13, 14, 29, 33, &c. For
normal lines, with feminine rimes, see 1, 2, 9, 15, 18, &c. Elision is
common, as of e in turne (1), in somme (6), in Devyne (14); &c. Sometimes
there is a middle pause, where a final syllable need not always be elided.
Thus we may read:—
'By abstinencë—or by seknesse'
(25):
'In studie—or melancolious' (30):
'And fro unhappë—and ech disese'
(89):
'In his substáuncë—is but air' (768).
daunce
Of hem that him list not avaunce.'
Again, the House of Fame preceded the Legend of Good Women, because
he here complains of the hardship of his official duties (652-660); whereas,
in the Prologue to the Legend, he rejoices at obtaining some release from
them. We may also note the quotation from Boethius (note to l. 972). As
Boethius and Troilus seem to have been written together, somewhere about
1380, and took up a considerable time, and the apparent date of the Legend
is 1385, the probable date of the House of Fame is about 1383 or 1384. Ten
Brink further remarks that the references to Jupiter suggest to the reader
that the 10th of December was a Thursday (see note to 111). This would
give 1383 for beginning the poem; and perhaps no fitter date than the end of
1383 and the spring of 1384 can be found.
§ 6. Metre. Many of Chaucer's metres were introduced by him from the
French; but the four-accent metre, with rime as here employed, was
commonly known before Chaucer's time. It was used by Robert of Brunne
in 1303, in the Cursor Mundi, and in Havelok. It is, however, of French
origin, and occurs in the very lengthy poem of Le Roman de la Rose.
Chaucer only employed it thrice: (1) in translating the Roman de la Rose;
(2) in the Book of the Duchesse; and (3) in the present poem.
For normal lines, with masculine rimes, see 7, 8, 13, 14, 29, 33, &c. For
normal lines, with feminine rimes, see 1, 2, 9, 15, 18, &c. Elision is
common, as of e in turne (1), in somme (6), in Devyne (14); &c. Sometimes
there is a middle pause, where a final syllable need not always be elided.
Thus we may read:—
'By abstinencë—or by seknesse'
(25):
'In studie—or melancolious' (30):
'And fro unhappë—and ech disese'
(89):
'In his substáuncë—is but air' (768).
Page 17
Two short syllables, rapidly pronounced, may take the place of one:—
'I noot; but who-so of these mirácles'
(12):
'By avisiouns, or bý figúres' (47).
The first foot frequently consists of a single syllable; see 26, 35, 40, 44; so
also in l. 3, where, in modern English, we should prefer Unto.
The final e, followed by a consonant, is usually sounded, and has its usual
grammatical values. Thus we have think-e, infin. (15); bot-e, old accus. of a
fem. sb. (32); swich-e, plural (35); oft-e, adverbial (35); soft-e, with
essential final e (A.S. sōfte); find-e, pres. pl. indic. (43); com-e, gerund (45):
gret-e, pl. (53); mak-e, infin. (56); rod-e, dat. form used as a new nom., of
which there are many examples in Chaucer (57); blind-e, def. adj. (138).
The endings -ed, -en, -es, usually form a distinct syllable; so also -eth,
which, however, occasionally becomes 'th; cf. comth (71). A few common
words, written with final e, are monosyllabic; as thise (these); also shulde
(should), and the like, occasionally. Remember that the old accent is
frequently different from the modern; as in orácles, mirácles (11, 12):
distaúnc-e (18), aventúres, figúres (47, 48): povért (88): málicióus (93): &c.
The endings -i-al, -i-oun, -i-ous, usually form two distinct syllables.
For further remarks on Metre and Grammar, see vol. v.
§ 7. Imitations. The chief imitations of the House of Fame are The Temple
of Glas, by Lydgate[6]; The Palice of Honour, by Gawain Douglas; The
Garland of Laurell, by John Skelton; and The Temple of Fame, by Pope.
Pope's poem should not be compared with Chaucer's; it is very different in
character, and is best appreciated by forgetting its origin.
§ 8. Authorities. The authorities for the text are few and poor; hence it is
hardly possible to produce a thoroughly satisfactory text. There are three
MSS. of the fifteenth century, viz. F. (Fairfax MS. 16, in the Bodleian
Library); B. (MS. Bodley, 638, in the same); P. (MS. Pepys 2006, in
Magdalene College, Cambridge). The last of these is imperfect, ending at l.
'I noot; but who-so of these mirácles'
(12):
'By avisiouns, or bý figúres' (47).
The first foot frequently consists of a single syllable; see 26, 35, 40, 44; so
also in l. 3, where, in modern English, we should prefer Unto.
The final e, followed by a consonant, is usually sounded, and has its usual
grammatical values. Thus we have think-e, infin. (15); bot-e, old accus. of a
fem. sb. (32); swich-e, plural (35); oft-e, adverbial (35); soft-e, with
essential final e (A.S. sōfte); find-e, pres. pl. indic. (43); com-e, gerund (45):
gret-e, pl. (53); mak-e, infin. (56); rod-e, dat. form used as a new nom., of
which there are many examples in Chaucer (57); blind-e, def. adj. (138).
The endings -ed, -en, -es, usually form a distinct syllable; so also -eth,
which, however, occasionally becomes 'th; cf. comth (71). A few common
words, written with final e, are monosyllabic; as thise (these); also shulde
(should), and the like, occasionally. Remember that the old accent is
frequently different from the modern; as in orácles, mirácles (11, 12):
distaúnc-e (18), aventúres, figúres (47, 48): povért (88): málicióus (93): &c.
The endings -i-al, -i-oun, -i-ous, usually form two distinct syllables.
For further remarks on Metre and Grammar, see vol. v.
§ 7. Imitations. The chief imitations of the House of Fame are The Temple
of Glas, by Lydgate[6]; The Palice of Honour, by Gawain Douglas; The
Garland of Laurell, by John Skelton; and The Temple of Fame, by Pope.
Pope's poem should not be compared with Chaucer's; it is very different in
character, and is best appreciated by forgetting its origin.
§ 8. Authorities. The authorities for the text are few and poor; hence it is
hardly possible to produce a thoroughly satisfactory text. There are three
MSS. of the fifteenth century, viz. F. (Fairfax MS. 16, in the Bodleian
Library); B. (MS. Bodley, 638, in the same); P. (MS. Pepys 2006, in
Magdalene College, Cambridge). The last of these is imperfect, ending at l.
Page 18
1843. There are two early printed editions of some value, viz. Cx. (Caxton's
edition, undated); and Th. (Thynne's edition, 1532). None of the later
editions are of much value, except the critical edition by Hans Willert
(Berlin, 1883). Of these, F. and B., which are much alike, form a first
group; P. and Cx. form a second group; whilst Th. partly agrees with Cx.,
and partly with F. The text is chiefly from F., with collations of the other
sources, as given in the footnotes, which record only the more important
variations.
§ 9. Some emendations. In constructing the text, a good deal of emendation
has been necessary; and I have adopted many hints from Willert's edition
above mentioned; though perhaps I may be allowed to add that, in many
cases, I had arrived at the same emendations independently, especially
where they were obvious. Among the emendations in spelling, I may
particularise misdemen (92), where all the authorities have mysdeme or
misdeme; Dispyt, in place of Dispyte (96); barfoot, for barefoot or barefote
(98); proces (as in P.) for processe, as in the rest (251); delyt, profyt, for
delyte, profyte (309, 310); sleighte for sleight (462); brighte[7], sighte, for
bright, sight (503, 504); wighte, highte, for wight, hight (739, 740); fyn,
Delphyn (as in Cx.), for fyne, Delphyne (1005, 1006); magyk, syk, for
magyke, syke (1269, 1270); losenges, for losynges (1317), and frenges (as in
F.) for frynges, as in the rest (1318); dispyt for dispite (1716); laughe for
laugh (Cx. lawhe, 1809); delyt for delyte (P. delit, 1831); thengyn (as in Th.)
for thengyne (1934); othere for other (2151, footnote). These are only a few
of the instances where nearly all the authorities are at fault.
The above instances merely relate to questions of spelling. Still more
serious are the defects in the MSS. and printed texts as regards the sense;
but all instances of emendation are duly specified in the footnotes, and are
frequently further discussed in the Notes at the end. Thus, in l. 329, it is
necessary to supply I. In 370, allas should be Eneas. In 513, Willert rightly
puts selly, i.e. wonderful, for sely, blessed. In 557, the metre is easily
restored, by reading so agast for agast so. In 621, we must read lyte is, not
lytel is, if we want a rime to dytees. In 827, I restore the word mansioun; the
usual readings are tautological. In 911, I restore toun for token, and adopt
the only reading of l. 912 that gives any sense. In 1007, the only possible
reading is Atlantes. In 1044, Morris's edition has biten, correctly; though
edition, undated); and Th. (Thynne's edition, 1532). None of the later
editions are of much value, except the critical edition by Hans Willert
(Berlin, 1883). Of these, F. and B., which are much alike, form a first
group; P. and Cx. form a second group; whilst Th. partly agrees with Cx.,
and partly with F. The text is chiefly from F., with collations of the other
sources, as given in the footnotes, which record only the more important
variations.
§ 9. Some emendations. In constructing the text, a good deal of emendation
has been necessary; and I have adopted many hints from Willert's edition
above mentioned; though perhaps I may be allowed to add that, in many
cases, I had arrived at the same emendations independently, especially
where they were obvious. Among the emendations in spelling, I may
particularise misdemen (92), where all the authorities have mysdeme or
misdeme; Dispyt, in place of Dispyte (96); barfoot, for barefoot or barefote
(98); proces (as in P.) for processe, as in the rest (251); delyt, profyt, for
delyte, profyte (309, 310); sleighte for sleight (462); brighte[7], sighte, for
bright, sight (503, 504); wighte, highte, for wight, hight (739, 740); fyn,
Delphyn (as in Cx.), for fyne, Delphyne (1005, 1006); magyk, syk, for
magyke, syke (1269, 1270); losenges, for losynges (1317), and frenges (as in
F.) for frynges, as in the rest (1318); dispyt for dispite (1716); laughe for
laugh (Cx. lawhe, 1809); delyt for delyte (P. delit, 1831); thengyn (as in Th.)
for thengyne (1934); othere for other (2151, footnote). These are only a few
of the instances where nearly all the authorities are at fault.
The above instances merely relate to questions of spelling. Still more
serious are the defects in the MSS. and printed texts as regards the sense;
but all instances of emendation are duly specified in the footnotes, and are
frequently further discussed in the Notes at the end. Thus, in l. 329, it is
necessary to supply I. In 370, allas should be Eneas. In 513, Willert rightly
puts selly, i.e. wonderful, for sely, blessed. In 557, the metre is easily
restored, by reading so agast for agast so. In 621, we must read lyte is, not
lytel is, if we want a rime to dytees. In 827, I restore the word mansioun; the
usual readings are tautological. In 911, I restore toun for token, and adopt
the only reading of l. 912 that gives any sense. In 1007, the only possible
reading is Atlantes. In 1044, Morris's edition has biten, correctly; though
Page 19
MS. F. has beten, and there is no indication that a correction has been made.
In 1114, the right word is site; cf. the Treatise on the Astrolabe (see Note).
In 1135, read bilt (i.e. buildeth); bilte gives neither sense nor rhythm. In
1173, supply be. Ll. 1177, 1178 have been set right by Willert. In 1189, the
right word is Babewinnes[8]. In 1208, read Bret (as in B.). In 1233, read
famous. In 1236, read Reyes[9]. In 1303, read hatte, i.e. are named. In 1351,
read Fulle, not Fyne. In 1372, adopt the reading of Cx. Th. P., or there is no
nominative to streighte; and in 1373, read wonderliche. In 1411, read
tharmes (= the armes). In 1425, I supply and hy, to fill out the line. In 1483,
I supply dan; if, however, poete is made trisyllabic, then l. 1499 should not
contain daun. In 1494, for high the, read highte (as in l. 744). In 1527, for
into read in. In 1570, read Up peyne. In 1666, 1701, and 1720, for werkes
read werk. In 1702, read clew (see note)[10]. In 1717, lyen is an error for
lyuen, i.e. live. In 1750, read To, not The. In 1775, supply ye; or there is no
sense. In 1793, supply they for a like reason. In 1804, 5, supply the, and al;
for the scansion. In 1897, read wiste, not wot. In 1940, hattes should be
hottes; this emendation has been accepted by several scholars. In 1936, the
right word is falwe, not salwe (as in Morris). In 1960, there should be no
comma at the end of the line, as in most editions; and in 1961, 2 read werre,
reste (not werres, restes). In 1975, mis and governement are distinct words.
In 2017, frot[11] is an error for froyt; it is better to read fruit at once; this
correction is due to Koch. In 2021, suppress in after yaf. In 2049, for he
read the other (Willert). In 2059, wondermost is all one word. In 2076, I
read word; Morris reads mothe, but does not explain it, and it gives no
sense. In 2156, I supply nevene.
I mention these as examples of necessary emendations of which the usual
editions take no notice.
I also take occasion to draw attention to the careful articles on this poem by
Dr. J. Koch, in Anglia, vol. vii. App. 24-30, and Englische Studien, xv. 409-
415; and the remarks by Willert in Anglia, vii. App. 203-7. The best general
account of the poem is that in Ten Brink's History of English Literature.
In 1114, the right word is site; cf. the Treatise on the Astrolabe (see Note).
In 1135, read bilt (i.e. buildeth); bilte gives neither sense nor rhythm. In
1173, supply be. Ll. 1177, 1178 have been set right by Willert. In 1189, the
right word is Babewinnes[8]. In 1208, read Bret (as in B.). In 1233, read
famous. In 1236, read Reyes[9]. In 1303, read hatte, i.e. are named. In 1351,
read Fulle, not Fyne. In 1372, adopt the reading of Cx. Th. P., or there is no
nominative to streighte; and in 1373, read wonderliche. In 1411, read
tharmes (= the armes). In 1425, I supply and hy, to fill out the line. In 1483,
I supply dan; if, however, poete is made trisyllabic, then l. 1499 should not
contain daun. In 1494, for high the, read highte (as in l. 744). In 1527, for
into read in. In 1570, read Up peyne. In 1666, 1701, and 1720, for werkes
read werk. In 1702, read clew (see note)[10]. In 1717, lyen is an error for
lyuen, i.e. live. In 1750, read To, not The. In 1775, supply ye; or there is no
sense. In 1793, supply they for a like reason. In 1804, 5, supply the, and al;
for the scansion. In 1897, read wiste, not wot. In 1940, hattes should be
hottes; this emendation has been accepted by several scholars. In 1936, the
right word is falwe, not salwe (as in Morris). In 1960, there should be no
comma at the end of the line, as in most editions; and in 1961, 2 read werre,
reste (not werres, restes). In 1975, mis and governement are distinct words.
In 2017, frot[11] is an error for froyt; it is better to read fruit at once; this
correction is due to Koch. In 2021, suppress in after yaf. In 2049, for he
read the other (Willert). In 2059, wondermost is all one word. In 2076, I
read word; Morris reads mothe, but does not explain it, and it gives no
sense. In 2156, I supply nevene.
I mention these as examples of necessary emendations of which the usual
editions take no notice.
I also take occasion to draw attention to the careful articles on this poem by
Dr. J. Koch, in Anglia, vol. vii. App. 24-30, and Englische Studien, xv. 409-
415; and the remarks by Willert in Anglia, vii. App. 203-7. The best general
account of the poem is that in Ten Brink's History of English Literature.
Page 20
In conclusion, I add a few 'last words.'
L. 399. We learn, from Troil. i. 654, that Chaucer actually supposed
'Oënone' to have four syllables. This restores the metre. Read:—And Paris
to Oënone.
503. Read 'brighte,' with final e; 'bright' is a misprint.
859. Compare Cant. Tales, F 726.
1119. 'To climbe hit,' i.e. to climb the rock; still a common idiom.
2115. Compare Cant. Tales, A 2078. Perhaps read 'wanie.'
INTRODUCTION TO THE LEGEND OF GOOD
WOMEN.
§ 1. Date of the Poem: A.D. 1385. The Legend of Good Women presents
several points of peculiar, I might almost say of unique interest. It is the
immediate precursor of the Canterbury Tales, and enables us to see how the
poet was led on towards the composition of that immortal poem. This is
easily seen, upon consideration of the date at which it was composed.
The question of the date has been well investigated by Ten Brink; but it may
be observed beforehand that the allusion to the 'queen' in l. 496 has long
ago been noticed, and it has been thence inferred, by Tyrwhitt, that the
Prologue must have been written after 1382, the year when Richard II.
married his first wife, the 'good queen Anne.' But Ten Brink's remarks
enable us to look at the question much more closely.
He shows that Chaucer's work can be clearly divided into three chief
periods, the chronology of which he presents in the following form[12].
L. 399. We learn, from Troil. i. 654, that Chaucer actually supposed
'Oënone' to have four syllables. This restores the metre. Read:—And Paris
to Oënone.
503. Read 'brighte,' with final e; 'bright' is a misprint.
859. Compare Cant. Tales, F 726.
1119. 'To climbe hit,' i.e. to climb the rock; still a common idiom.
2115. Compare Cant. Tales, A 2078. Perhaps read 'wanie.'
INTRODUCTION TO THE LEGEND OF GOOD
WOMEN.
§ 1. Date of the Poem: A.D. 1385. The Legend of Good Women presents
several points of peculiar, I might almost say of unique interest. It is the
immediate precursor of the Canterbury Tales, and enables us to see how the
poet was led on towards the composition of that immortal poem. This is
easily seen, upon consideration of the date at which it was composed.
The question of the date has been well investigated by Ten Brink; but it may
be observed beforehand that the allusion to the 'queen' in l. 496 has long
ago been noticed, and it has been thence inferred, by Tyrwhitt, that the
Prologue must have been written after 1382, the year when Richard II.
married his first wife, the 'good queen Anne.' But Ten Brink's remarks
enable us to look at the question much more closely.
He shows that Chaucer's work can be clearly divided into three chief
periods, the chronology of which he presents in the following form[12].
Page 21
First Period.
1366 (at latest). The Romaunt of the
Rose.
1369. The Book of the Duchesse.
1372. (end of the period).
Second Period.
1373. The Lyf of Seint Cecile.
The Assembly of Foules.
Palamon and Arcite.
Translation of Boethius.
Troilus and Creseide.
1384. The House of Fame.
Third Period.
1385. Legend of Good Women.
Canterbury Tales.
1391. Treatise on the Astrolabe.
It is unnecessary for our present purpose to insert the conjectured dates of
the Minor Poems not here mentioned.
According to Ten Brink, the poems of the First Period were composed
before Chaucer set out on his Italian travels, i.e. before December, 1372,
and contain no allusions to writings by Italian authors. In them, the
influence of French authors is very strongly marked.
The poems of the Second Period (he tells us) were composed after that date.
The Life of Seint Cecile already marks the author's acquaintance with
Dante's Divina Commedia; lines 36-51 are, in fact, a free translation from
the Paradiso, canto xxxiii. ll. 1-21. See my note to this passage, and the
remarks on the 'Second Nun's Tale' in vol. v. The Parlement of Foules
contains references to Dante and a long passage translated from Boccaccio's
Teseide; see my notes to that poem in vol. i. The original Palamon and
1366 (at latest). The Romaunt of the
Rose.
1369. The Book of the Duchesse.
1372. (end of the period).
Second Period.
1373. The Lyf of Seint Cecile.
The Assembly of Foules.
Palamon and Arcite.
Translation of Boethius.
Troilus and Creseide.
1384. The House of Fame.
Third Period.
1385. Legend of Good Women.
Canterbury Tales.
1391. Treatise on the Astrolabe.
It is unnecessary for our present purpose to insert the conjectured dates of
the Minor Poems not here mentioned.
According to Ten Brink, the poems of the First Period were composed
before Chaucer set out on his Italian travels, i.e. before December, 1372,
and contain no allusions to writings by Italian authors. In them, the
influence of French authors is very strongly marked.
The poems of the Second Period (he tells us) were composed after that date.
The Life of Seint Cecile already marks the author's acquaintance with
Dante's Divina Commedia; lines 36-51 are, in fact, a free translation from
the Paradiso, canto xxxiii. ll. 1-21. See my note to this passage, and the
remarks on the 'Second Nun's Tale' in vol. v. The Parlement of Foules
contains references to Dante and a long passage translated from Boccaccio's
Teseide; see my notes to that poem in vol. i. The original Palamon and
Page 22
Arcite was also taken from the Teseide; for even the revised version of it
(now known as the Knightes Tale, and containing, doubtless, much more of
Chaucer's own work) is founded upon that poem, and occasionally presents
verbal imitations of it. Troilus is similarly dependent upon Boccaccio's
Filostrato. The close connexion between Troilus and the translation of
Boethius is seen from several considerations, of which it may suffice here
to mention two. The former is the association of these two works in
Chaucer's lines to Adam—
'Adam scriveyn, if ever it thee
befalle
Boece or Troilus to wryten newe.'
Minor Poems; see
vol. i. p.
379.
And the latter is, the fact that Chaucer inserts in Troilus (book iv. stanzas
140-154) a long passage on predestination and free-will, taken from
Boethius, book v. proses 2, 3; which he would appear to have still fresh in
his mind. It is probable that his Boethius preceded Troilus almost
immediately; indeed, it is conceivable that, for a short season, both may
have been in hand at the same time.
There is also a close connexion between Troilus and the House of Fame, the
latter of which shows the influence of Dante in a high degree; see p. vii.
This connexion will appear from comparing Troil. v. stt. 52-55 with Ho.
Fame, 2-54; and Troil. i. st. 74 (ll. 517-8) with Ho. Fame, 639, 640. See Ten
Brink, Studien, p. 121. It would seem that the House of Fame followed
Troilus almost immediately. At the same time, we cannot put the date of the
House of Fame later than 1384, because of Chaucer's complaint in it of the
hardship of his official duties, from much of which he was released (as we
shall see) early in 1385. Further, the 10th of December is especially
mentioned as being the date on which the House of Fame was commenced
(l. 111), the year being probably 1383 (see Note to that line).
(now known as the Knightes Tale, and containing, doubtless, much more of
Chaucer's own work) is founded upon that poem, and occasionally presents
verbal imitations of it. Troilus is similarly dependent upon Boccaccio's
Filostrato. The close connexion between Troilus and the translation of
Boethius is seen from several considerations, of which it may suffice here
to mention two. The former is the association of these two works in
Chaucer's lines to Adam—
'Adam scriveyn, if ever it thee
befalle
Boece or Troilus to wryten newe.'
Minor Poems; see
vol. i. p.
379.
And the latter is, the fact that Chaucer inserts in Troilus (book iv. stanzas
140-154) a long passage on predestination and free-will, taken from
Boethius, book v. proses 2, 3; which he would appear to have still fresh in
his mind. It is probable that his Boethius preceded Troilus almost
immediately; indeed, it is conceivable that, for a short season, both may
have been in hand at the same time.
There is also a close connexion between Troilus and the House of Fame, the
latter of which shows the influence of Dante in a high degree; see p. vii.
This connexion will appear from comparing Troil. v. stt. 52-55 with Ho.
Fame, 2-54; and Troil. i. st. 74 (ll. 517-8) with Ho. Fame, 639, 640. See Ten
Brink, Studien, p. 121. It would seem that the House of Fame followed
Troilus almost immediately. At the same time, we cannot put the date of the
House of Fame later than 1384, because of Chaucer's complaint in it of the
hardship of his official duties, from much of which he was released (as we
shall see) early in 1385. Further, the 10th of December is especially
mentioned as being the date on which the House of Fame was commenced
(l. 111), the year being probably 1383 (see Note to that line).
Page 23
It would appear, further, that the Legend was begun soon after the House of
Fame was suddenly abandoned, in the very middle of a sentence. That it
was written later than Troilus and the House of Fame is obvious, from the
mention of these poems in the Prologue; ll. 332, 417, 441. That it was
written at no great interval after Troilus appears from the fact that, even
while writing Troilus, Chaucer had already been meditating upon the
goodness of Alcestis, of which the Prologue to the Legend says so much.
Observe the following passages (cited by Ten Brink, Studien, p. 120) from
Troilus, bk. v. stt. 219, 254:—
'As wel thou mightest lyen on
Alceste
That was of creatures—but men lye
—
That ever weren, kindest and the
beste.
For whan hir housbonde was in
Iupartye
To dye himself, but-if she wolde
dye,
She chees for him to dye and go to
helle,
And starf anoon, as us the bokes
telle.
Besechinge every lady bright of
hewe,
And every gentil womman, what
she be,
That, al be that Criseyde was
untrewe,
That for that gilt she be not wrooth
with me.
Ye may hir gilt in othere bokes see;
And gladlier I wol wryten, if yow
leste,
Fame was suddenly abandoned, in the very middle of a sentence. That it
was written later than Troilus and the House of Fame is obvious, from the
mention of these poems in the Prologue; ll. 332, 417, 441. That it was
written at no great interval after Troilus appears from the fact that, even
while writing Troilus, Chaucer had already been meditating upon the
goodness of Alcestis, of which the Prologue to the Legend says so much.
Observe the following passages (cited by Ten Brink, Studien, p. 120) from
Troilus, bk. v. stt. 219, 254:—
'As wel thou mightest lyen on
Alceste
That was of creatures—but men lye
—
That ever weren, kindest and the
beste.
For whan hir housbonde was in
Iupartye
To dye himself, but-if she wolde
dye,
She chees for him to dye and go to
helle,
And starf anoon, as us the bokes
telle.
Besechinge every lady bright of
hewe,
And every gentil womman, what
she be,
That, al be that Criseyde was
untrewe,
That for that gilt she be not wrooth
with me.
Ye may hir gilt in othere bokes see;
And gladlier I wol wryten, if yow
leste,
Page 24
Penelopeës trouthe, and good
Alceste.'
There is also a striking similarity between the argument in Troilus, bk. iv. st.
3, and ll. 369-372 (B-text) of the Prologue to the Legend. The stanza runs
thus:—
'For how Criseyde Troilus forsook,
Or at the leste, how that she was
unkinde,
Mot hennes-forth ben matere of my
book,
As wryten folk thorugh whiche it is
in minde.
Allas! that they shulde ever cause
finde
To speke hir harm; and, if they on
hir lye,
Y-wis, hem-self sholde han the
vilanye.'
I will here also note the fact that the first line of the above stanza is quoted,
almost unaltered, in the earlier version of the Prologue, viz. at l. 265 of the
A-text, on p. 88.
From the above considerations we may already infer that the House of
Fame was begun, probably, in December, 1383, and continued in 1384; and
that the Legend of Good Women, which almost immediately succeeded it,
may be dated about 1384 or 1385; certainly after 1382, when King Richard
was first married. But now that we have come so near to the date, it is
possible to come still nearer; for it can hardly be doubted that the extremely
grateful way in which Chaucer speaks of the queen may fairly be connected
with the stroke of good fortune which happened to him just at this very
period. In the House of Fame we find him groaning about the
troublesomeness of his official duties; and the one object of his life, just
then, was to obtain greater leisure, especially if it could be had without
Alceste.'
There is also a striking similarity between the argument in Troilus, bk. iv. st.
3, and ll. 369-372 (B-text) of the Prologue to the Legend. The stanza runs
thus:—
'For how Criseyde Troilus forsook,
Or at the leste, how that she was
unkinde,
Mot hennes-forth ben matere of my
book,
As wryten folk thorugh whiche it is
in minde.
Allas! that they shulde ever cause
finde
To speke hir harm; and, if they on
hir lye,
Y-wis, hem-self sholde han the
vilanye.'
I will here also note the fact that the first line of the above stanza is quoted,
almost unaltered, in the earlier version of the Prologue, viz. at l. 265 of the
A-text, on p. 88.
From the above considerations we may already infer that the House of
Fame was begun, probably, in December, 1383, and continued in 1384; and
that the Legend of Good Women, which almost immediately succeeded it,
may be dated about 1384 or 1385; certainly after 1382, when King Richard
was first married. But now that we have come so near to the date, it is
possible to come still nearer; for it can hardly be doubted that the extremely
grateful way in which Chaucer speaks of the queen may fairly be connected
with the stroke of good fortune which happened to him just at this very
period. In the House of Fame we find him groaning about the
troublesomeness of his official duties; and the one object of his life, just
then, was to obtain greater leisure, especially if it could be had without
Page 25
serious loss of income. Now we know that, on the 17th of February, 1385,
he obtained the indulgence of being allowed to nominate a permanent
deputy for his Controllership of the Customs and Subsidies; see Furnivall's
Trial Forewords to the Minor Poems, p. 25. If with our knowledge of this
fact we combine these considerations, viz. that Chaucer expresses himself
gratefully to the queen, that he says nothing more of his troublesome duties,
and that Richard II. is known to have been a patron of letters (as we learn
from Gower), we may well conclude that the poet's release from his burden
was brought about by the queen's intercession with the king on his behalf.
We may here notice Lydgate's remarks in the following stanza, which
occurs in the Prologue to the Fall of Princes[13]:—
'This poete wrote, at the request of
the quene,
A Legende, of perfite holynesse,
Of Good Women, to fynd out
nynetene
That did excell in bounte and
fayrenes;
But for his labour and besinesse
Was importable, his wittes to
encombre,
In all this world to fynd so gret a
nombre[14].'
Lydgate can hardly be correct in his statement that Chaucer wrote 'at the
request' of the queen: for, had our author done so, he would have let us
know it. Still, he has seized the right idea, viz. that the queen was, so to
speak, the moving cause which effected the production of the poem.
It is, moreover, much to the point to observe that Chaucer's state of
delightful freedom did not last long. Owing to a sudden change in the
government we find that, on Dec. 4, 1386, he lost his Controllership of the
Customs and Subsidies; and, only ten days later, also lost his Controllership
of the Petty Customs. Something certainly went wrong, but we have no
proof that Chaucer abused his privilege.
he obtained the indulgence of being allowed to nominate a permanent
deputy for his Controllership of the Customs and Subsidies; see Furnivall's
Trial Forewords to the Minor Poems, p. 25. If with our knowledge of this
fact we combine these considerations, viz. that Chaucer expresses himself
gratefully to the queen, that he says nothing more of his troublesome duties,
and that Richard II. is known to have been a patron of letters (as we learn
from Gower), we may well conclude that the poet's release from his burden
was brought about by the queen's intercession with the king on his behalf.
We may here notice Lydgate's remarks in the following stanza, which
occurs in the Prologue to the Fall of Princes[13]:—
'This poete wrote, at the request of
the quene,
A Legende, of perfite holynesse,
Of Good Women, to fynd out
nynetene
That did excell in bounte and
fayrenes;
But for his labour and besinesse
Was importable, his wittes to
encombre,
In all this world to fynd so gret a
nombre[14].'
Lydgate can hardly be correct in his statement that Chaucer wrote 'at the
request' of the queen: for, had our author done so, he would have let us
know it. Still, he has seized the right idea, viz. that the queen was, so to
speak, the moving cause which effected the production of the poem.
It is, moreover, much to the point to observe that Chaucer's state of
delightful freedom did not last long. Owing to a sudden change in the
government we find that, on Dec. 4, 1386, he lost his Controllership of the
Customs and Subsidies; and, only ten days later, also lost his Controllership
of the Petty Customs. Something certainly went wrong, but we have no
proof that Chaucer abused his privilege.
Page 26
On the whole we may interpret ll. 496, 7 (p. 101), viz.
'And whan this book is maad, yive
hit the quene,
On my behalfe, at Eltham[15] or at
Shene,'
as giving us a date but little later than Feb. 17, 1385, and certainly before
Dec. 4, 1386. The mention of the month of May in ll. 36, 45, 108, 176, is
probably conventional; still, the other frequent references to spring-time, as
in ll. 40-66, 130-147, 171-174, 206, &c., may mean something; and in
particular we may note the reference to St. Valentine's day as being past, in
ll. 145, 146; seeing that chees (chose) occurs in the past tense. We can
hardly resist the conviction that the right date of the Prologue is the spring
of 1385, which satisfies every condition.
§ 2. The two forms of the Prologue. So far, I have kept out of view the
important fact, that the Prologue exists in two distinct forms, viz. an earlier
and a revised form. The lines in which 'the queen' is expressly mentioned
occur in the later version only, so that some of the above arguments really
relate to that alone. But it makes no great difference, as there is no reason to
suppose that there was any appreciable lapse of time between the two
versions.
In order to save words, I shall call the earlier version the A-text, and the
later one the B-text. The manner of printing these texts is explained at p. 65.
I print the B-text in full, in the lower half of the page. The A-text appears in
the upper half of the same, and is taken from MS. C. (Camb. Univ. Library,
Gg. 4. 27), which is the only MS. that contains it, with corrections of the
spelling, as recorded in the footnotes. Lines which appear in one text only
are marked with an asterisk (*); those which stand almost exactly the same
in both texts are marked with a dagger ( † ) prefixed to them; whilst the
unmarked lines are such as occur in both texts, but with some slight
alteration. By way of example, observe that lines B. 496, 497, mentioning
the queen, are duly marked with an asterisk, as not being in A. Line 2,
standing the same in both texts, is marked with a dagger. And thirdly, line 1
'And whan this book is maad, yive
hit the quene,
On my behalfe, at Eltham[15] or at
Shene,'
as giving us a date but little later than Feb. 17, 1385, and certainly before
Dec. 4, 1386. The mention of the month of May in ll. 36, 45, 108, 176, is
probably conventional; still, the other frequent references to spring-time, as
in ll. 40-66, 130-147, 171-174, 206, &c., may mean something; and in
particular we may note the reference to St. Valentine's day as being past, in
ll. 145, 146; seeing that chees (chose) occurs in the past tense. We can
hardly resist the conviction that the right date of the Prologue is the spring
of 1385, which satisfies every condition.
§ 2. The two forms of the Prologue. So far, I have kept out of view the
important fact, that the Prologue exists in two distinct forms, viz. an earlier
and a revised form. The lines in which 'the queen' is expressly mentioned
occur in the later version only, so that some of the above arguments really
relate to that alone. But it makes no great difference, as there is no reason to
suppose that there was any appreciable lapse of time between the two
versions.
In order to save words, I shall call the earlier version the A-text, and the
later one the B-text. The manner of printing these texts is explained at p. 65.
I print the B-text in full, in the lower half of the page. The A-text appears in
the upper half of the same, and is taken from MS. C. (Camb. Univ. Library,
Gg. 4. 27), which is the only MS. that contains it, with corrections of the
spelling, as recorded in the footnotes. Lines which appear in one text only
are marked with an asterisk (*); those which stand almost exactly the same
in both texts are marked with a dagger ( † ) prefixed to them; whilst the
unmarked lines are such as occur in both texts, but with some slight
alteration. By way of example, observe that lines B. 496, 497, mentioning
the queen, are duly marked with an asterisk, as not being in A. Line 2,
standing the same in both texts, is marked with a dagger. And thirdly, line 1
Page 27
is unmarked, because it is slightly altered. A. has here the older expression
'A thousand sythes,' whilst B. has the more familiar 'A thousand tymes.'
The fact that A. is older than B. cannot perhaps be absolutely proved
without a long investigation. But all the conditions point in that direction. In
the first place, it occurs in only one MS., viz. MS. C., whilst all the others
give the B-text; and it is more likely that a revised text should be multiplied
than that a first draft should be. Next, this MS. C. is of high value and great
importance, being quite the best MS., as regards age, of the whole set; and
it is a fortunate thing that the A-text has been preserved at all. And lastly,
the internal evidence tends, in my opinion, to shew that B. can be more
easily evolved from A. than conversely. I am not aware that any one has
ever doubted this result.
We may easily see that the A-text is, on the whole, more general and vague,
whilst the B-text is more particular in its references. The impression left on
my mind by the perusal of the two forms of the Prologue is that Chaucer
made immediate use of the comparative liberty accorded to him on the 17th
of February, 1385, to plan a new poem, in an entirely new metre, and in the
new form of a succession of tales. He decided, further, that the tales should
relate to women famous in love-stories, and began by writing the tale of
Cleopatra, which is specially mentioned in B. 566 (and A. 542)[16]. The idea
then occurred to him of writing a preface or Prologue, which would afford
him the double opportunity of justifying and explaining his design, and of
expressing his gratitude for his attainment of greater leisure. Having done
this, he was not wholly satisfied with it; he thought the expression of
gratitude did not come out with sufficient clearness, at least with regard to
the person to whom he owed the greatest debt. So he at once set about to
amend and alter it; the first draught, of which he had no reason to be
ashamed, being at the same time preserved. And we may be sure that the
revision was made almost immediately; he was not the man to take up a
piece of work again after the first excitement of it had passed away[17]. On
the contrary, he used to form larger plans than he could well execute, and
leave them unfinished when he grew tired of them. I therefore propose to
assign the conjectural date of the spring of 1385 to both forms of the
Prologue; and I suppose that Chaucer went on with one tale of the series
'A thousand sythes,' whilst B. has the more familiar 'A thousand tymes.'
The fact that A. is older than B. cannot perhaps be absolutely proved
without a long investigation. But all the conditions point in that direction. In
the first place, it occurs in only one MS., viz. MS. C., whilst all the others
give the B-text; and it is more likely that a revised text should be multiplied
than that a first draft should be. Next, this MS. C. is of high value and great
importance, being quite the best MS., as regards age, of the whole set; and
it is a fortunate thing that the A-text has been preserved at all. And lastly,
the internal evidence tends, in my opinion, to shew that B. can be more
easily evolved from A. than conversely. I am not aware that any one has
ever doubted this result.
We may easily see that the A-text is, on the whole, more general and vague,
whilst the B-text is more particular in its references. The impression left on
my mind by the perusal of the two forms of the Prologue is that Chaucer
made immediate use of the comparative liberty accorded to him on the 17th
of February, 1385, to plan a new poem, in an entirely new metre, and in the
new form of a succession of tales. He decided, further, that the tales should
relate to women famous in love-stories, and began by writing the tale of
Cleopatra, which is specially mentioned in B. 566 (and A. 542)[16]. The idea
then occurred to him of writing a preface or Prologue, which would afford
him the double opportunity of justifying and explaining his design, and of
expressing his gratitude for his attainment of greater leisure. Having done
this, he was not wholly satisfied with it; he thought the expression of
gratitude did not come out with sufficient clearness, at least with regard to
the person to whom he owed the greatest debt. So he at once set about to
amend and alter it; the first draught, of which he had no reason to be
ashamed, being at the same time preserved. And we may be sure that the
revision was made almost immediately; he was not the man to take up a
piece of work again after the first excitement of it had passed away[17]. On
the contrary, he used to form larger plans than he could well execute, and
leave them unfinished when he grew tired of them. I therefore propose to
assign the conjectural date of the spring of 1385 to both forms of the
Prologue; and I suppose that Chaucer went on with one tale of the series
Page 28
after another during the summer and latter part of the same year till he grew
tired of the task, and at last gave it up in the middle of a sentence. An
expression of doubt as to the completion of the task already appears in l.
2457.
§ 3. Comparison of the two forms of the Prologue. A detailed comparison
of the two forms of the Prologue would extend to a great length. I merely
point out some of the more remarkable variations.
The first distinct note of difference that calls for notice is at line A. 89 (B.
108), p. 72, where the line—
'When passed was almost the month
of May'
is altered to—
'And this was now the firste morwe
of May.'
This is clearly done for the sake of greater definiteness, and because of the
association of the 1st of May with certain national customs expressive of
rejoicing. It is emphasized by the statements in B. 114 as to the exact
position of the sun (see note to the line). In like manner the vague
expression about 'the Ioly tyme of May' in A. 36 is exchanged for the more
exact—'whan that the month of May Is comen'; B. 36. In the B-text, the
date is definitely fixed; in ll. 36-63 we learn what he usually did on the
recurrence of the May-season; in ll. 103-124, we have his (supposed) actual
rising at the dawn of May-day; then the manner in which he spent that day
(ll. 179-185); and lastly, the arrival of night, his return home, his falling
asleep, and his dream (ll. 197-210). He awakes on the morning of May 2,
and sets to work at once (ll. 578, 579).
Another notable variation is on p. 71. On arriving at line A. 70, he puts
aside A. 71-80 for the present, to be introduced later on (p. 77); and writes
the new and important passage contained in B. 83-96 (p. 71). The lady
tired of the task, and at last gave it up in the middle of a sentence. An
expression of doubt as to the completion of the task already appears in l.
2457.
§ 3. Comparison of the two forms of the Prologue. A detailed comparison
of the two forms of the Prologue would extend to a great length. I merely
point out some of the more remarkable variations.
The first distinct note of difference that calls for notice is at line A. 89 (B.
108), p. 72, where the line—
'When passed was almost the month
of May'
is altered to—
'And this was now the firste morwe
of May.'
This is clearly done for the sake of greater definiteness, and because of the
association of the 1st of May with certain national customs expressive of
rejoicing. It is emphasized by the statements in B. 114 as to the exact
position of the sun (see note to the line). In like manner the vague
expression about 'the Ioly tyme of May' in A. 36 is exchanged for the more
exact—'whan that the month of May Is comen'; B. 36. In the B-text, the
date is definitely fixed; in ll. 36-63 we learn what he usually did on the
recurrence of the May-season; in ll. 103-124, we have his (supposed) actual
rising at the dawn of May-day; then the manner in which he spent that day
(ll. 179-185); and lastly, the arrival of night, his return home, his falling
asleep, and his dream (ll. 197-210). He awakes on the morning of May 2,
and sets to work at once (ll. 578, 579).
Another notable variation is on p. 71. On arriving at line A. 70, he puts
aside A. 71-80 for the present, to be introduced later on (p. 77); and writes
the new and important passage contained in B. 83-96 (p. 71). The lady
Page 29
whom he here addresses as being his 'very light,' one whom his heart
dreads, whom he obeys as a harp obeys the hand of the player, who is his
guide, his 'lady sovereign,' and his 'earthly god,' cannot be mistaken. The
reference is obviously to his sovereign lady the queen; and the expression
'earthly god' is made clear by the declaration (in B. 387) that kings are as
demi-gods in this present world.
In A., the Proem or true Introduction ends at l. 88, and is more marked than
in B., wherein it ends at l. 102.
The passage in A. contained in ll. 127-138 (pp. 75, 76) is corrupt and
imperfect in the MS. The sole existing copy of it was evidently made from a
MS. that had been more or less defaced; I have had to restore it as I best
could. The B-text has here been altered and revised, though the variations
are neither extensive nor important; but the passage is immediately
followed by about 30 new lines, in which Mercy is said to be a greater
power than Right, or strict Justice, especially when Right is overcome
'through innocence and ruled curtesye'; the application of which expression
is obvious.
In B. 183-187 we have the etymology of daisy, the declaration that 'she is
the empress of flowers,' and a prayer for her prosperity, i.e. for the
prosperity of the queen.
In A. 103 (p. 73), the poet falls asleep and dreams. In his dream, he sees a
lark (A. 141, p. 79) who introduces the God of Love. In the B-text, the
dream is postponed till B. 210 (p. 79), and the lark is left out, as being
unnecessary. This is a clear improvement.
An important change is made in the 'Balade' at pp. 83, 84. The refrain is
altered from 'Alceste is here' to 'My lady cometh.' The reason is twofold.
The poet wishes to suppress the name of Alcestis for the present, in order to
introduce it as a surprise towards the end (B. 518)[18]; and secondly, the
words 'My lady cometh' are used as being directly applicable to the queen,
instead of being only applicable through the medium of allegory. Indeed,
Chaucer takes good care to say so; for he inserts a passage to that effect (B.
dreads, whom he obeys as a harp obeys the hand of the player, who is his
guide, his 'lady sovereign,' and his 'earthly god,' cannot be mistaken. The
reference is obviously to his sovereign lady the queen; and the expression
'earthly god' is made clear by the declaration (in B. 387) that kings are as
demi-gods in this present world.
In A., the Proem or true Introduction ends at l. 88, and is more marked than
in B., wherein it ends at l. 102.
The passage in A. contained in ll. 127-138 (pp. 75, 76) is corrupt and
imperfect in the MS. The sole existing copy of it was evidently made from a
MS. that had been more or less defaced; I have had to restore it as I best
could. The B-text has here been altered and revised, though the variations
are neither extensive nor important; but the passage is immediately
followed by about 30 new lines, in which Mercy is said to be a greater
power than Right, or strict Justice, especially when Right is overcome
'through innocence and ruled curtesye'; the application of which expression
is obvious.
In B. 183-187 we have the etymology of daisy, the declaration that 'she is
the empress of flowers,' and a prayer for her prosperity, i.e. for the
prosperity of the queen.
In A. 103 (p. 73), the poet falls asleep and dreams. In his dream, he sees a
lark (A. 141, p. 79) who introduces the God of Love. In the B-text, the
dream is postponed till B. 210 (p. 79), and the lark is left out, as being
unnecessary. This is a clear improvement.
An important change is made in the 'Balade' at pp. 83, 84. The refrain is
altered from 'Alceste is here' to 'My lady cometh.' The reason is twofold.
The poet wishes to suppress the name of Alcestis for the present, in order to
introduce it as a surprise towards the end (B. 518)[18]; and secondly, the
words 'My lady cometh' are used as being directly applicable to the queen,
instead of being only applicable through the medium of allegory. Indeed,
Chaucer takes good care to say so; for he inserts a passage to that effect (B.
Page 30
271-5); where we may remember, by the way, that free means 'bounteous' in
Middle-English. We have a few additional lines of the same sort in B. 296-
299.
On the other hand, Chaucer suppressed the long and interesting passage in
A. 258-264, 267-287, 289-312, for no very obvious reason. But for the
existence of MS. C., it would have been wholly lost to us, and the recovery
of it is a clear gain. Most interesting of all is the allusion to Chaucer's sixty
books of his own, all full of love-stories and personages known to history,
in which, for every bad woman, mention was duly made of a hundred good
ones (A. 273-277, p. 88)[19]. Important also is his mention of some of his
authors, such as Valerius, Livy, Claudian, Jerome, Ovid, and Vincent of
Beauvais.
If, as we have seen, Alcestis in this Prologue really meant the queen, it
should follow that the God of Love really meant the king. This is made
clear in B. 373-408, especially in the comparison between a just king (such
as Richard, of course) and the tyrants of Lombardy. In fact, in A. 360-364,
Chaucer said a little too much about the duty of a king to hear the
complaints and petitions of the people, and he very wisely omitted it in
revision. In A. 355, he used the unlucky word 'wilfulhed' as an attribute of a
Lombard tyrant; but as it was not wholly inapplicable to the king of
England, he quietly suppressed it. But the comparison of the king to a lion,
and of himself to a fly, was in excellent taste; so no alteration was needed
here (p. 94).
In his enumeration of his former works (B. 417-430), he left out one work
which he had previously mentioned (A. 414, 415, p. 96). This work is now
lost[20], and was probably omitted as being a mere translation, and of no
great account. Perhaps the poet's good sense told him that the original was a
miserable production, as it must certainly be allowed to be, if we employ
the word miserable with its literal meaning (see p. 307).
At pp. 103, 104, some lines are altered in A. (527-532) in order to get rid of
the name of Alcestis here, and to bring in a more immediate reference to the
Balade. Line B. 540 is especially curious, because he had not, in the first
Middle-English. We have a few additional lines of the same sort in B. 296-
299.
On the other hand, Chaucer suppressed the long and interesting passage in
A. 258-264, 267-287, 289-312, for no very obvious reason. But for the
existence of MS. C., it would have been wholly lost to us, and the recovery
of it is a clear gain. Most interesting of all is the allusion to Chaucer's sixty
books of his own, all full of love-stories and personages known to history,
in which, for every bad woman, mention was duly made of a hundred good
ones (A. 273-277, p. 88)[19]. Important also is his mention of some of his
authors, such as Valerius, Livy, Claudian, Jerome, Ovid, and Vincent of
Beauvais.
If, as we have seen, Alcestis in this Prologue really meant the queen, it
should follow that the God of Love really meant the king. This is made
clear in B. 373-408, especially in the comparison between a just king (such
as Richard, of course) and the tyrants of Lombardy. In fact, in A. 360-364,
Chaucer said a little too much about the duty of a king to hear the
complaints and petitions of the people, and he very wisely omitted it in
revision. In A. 355, he used the unlucky word 'wilfulhed' as an attribute of a
Lombard tyrant; but as it was not wholly inapplicable to the king of
England, he quietly suppressed it. But the comparison of the king to a lion,
and of himself to a fly, was in excellent taste; so no alteration was needed
here (p. 94).
In his enumeration of his former works (B. 417-430), he left out one work
which he had previously mentioned (A. 414, 415, p. 96). This work is now
lost[20], and was probably omitted as being a mere translation, and of no
great account. Perhaps the poet's good sense told him that the original was a
miserable production, as it must certainly be allowed to be, if we employ
the word miserable with its literal meaning (see p. 307).
At pp. 103, 104, some lines are altered in A. (527-532) in order to get rid of
the name of Alcestis here, and to bring in a more immediate reference to the
Balade. Line B. 540 is especially curious, because he had not, in the first
Page 31
instance, forgotten to put her in his Balade (see A. 209); but he now wished
to seem to have done so.
In B. 552-565, we have an interesting addition, in which Love charges him
to put all the nineteen ladies, besides Alcestis, into his Legend; and tells him
that he may choose his own metre (B. 562). Again, in B. 568-577, he
practically stipulates that he is only to tell the more interesting part of each
story, and to leave out whatever he should deem to be tedious. This proviso
was eminently practical and judicious.
§ 4. The subject of the Legend. We learn, from B. 241, 283, that Chaucer
saw in his vision Alcestis and nineteen other ladies, and from B. 557, that
he was to commemorate them all in his Legend, beginning with Cleopatra
(566) and ending with Alcestis (549, 550). As to the names of the nineteen,
they are to be found in his Balade (555).
Upon turning to the Balade (p. 83), the names actually mentioned include
some which are hardly admissible. For example, Absalom and Jonathan are
names of men; Esther is hardly a suitable subject, whilst Ysoult belongs to a
romance of medieval times. (Cf. A. 275, p. 88.) The resulting practicable
list is thus reduced to the following, viz. Penelope, Marcia, Helen, Lavinia,
Lucretia, Polyxena, Cleopatra, Thisbe, Hero, Dido, Laodamia, Phyllis,
Canace, Hypsipyle, Hypermnestra, and Ariadne. At the same time, we find
legends of Medea and Philomela, though neither of these are mentioned in
the Balade. It is of course intended that the Balade should give a
representative list only, without being exactly accurate.
But we are next confronted by a most extraordinary piece of evidence, viz.
that of Chaucer himself, when, at a later period, he wrote the Introduction to
the Man of Lawes Prologue (see vol. iv. p. 131). He there expressly refers
to his Legend of Good Women, which he is pleased to call 'the Seintes
Legende of Cupide,' i.e. the Legend of Cupid's Saints. And, in describing
this former work of his, he introduces the following lines:—
'Ther may be seen the large
woundes wyde
to seem to have done so.
In B. 552-565, we have an interesting addition, in which Love charges him
to put all the nineteen ladies, besides Alcestis, into his Legend; and tells him
that he may choose his own metre (B. 562). Again, in B. 568-577, he
practically stipulates that he is only to tell the more interesting part of each
story, and to leave out whatever he should deem to be tedious. This proviso
was eminently practical and judicious.
§ 4. The subject of the Legend. We learn, from B. 241, 283, that Chaucer
saw in his vision Alcestis and nineteen other ladies, and from B. 557, that
he was to commemorate them all in his Legend, beginning with Cleopatra
(566) and ending with Alcestis (549, 550). As to the names of the nineteen,
they are to be found in his Balade (555).
Upon turning to the Balade (p. 83), the names actually mentioned include
some which are hardly admissible. For example, Absalom and Jonathan are
names of men; Esther is hardly a suitable subject, whilst Ysoult belongs to a
romance of medieval times. (Cf. A. 275, p. 88.) The resulting practicable
list is thus reduced to the following, viz. Penelope, Marcia, Helen, Lavinia,
Lucretia, Polyxena, Cleopatra, Thisbe, Hero, Dido, Laodamia, Phyllis,
Canace, Hypsipyle, Hypermnestra, and Ariadne. At the same time, we find
legends of Medea and Philomela, though neither of these are mentioned in
the Balade. It is of course intended that the Balade should give a
representative list only, without being exactly accurate.
But we are next confronted by a most extraordinary piece of evidence, viz.
that of Chaucer himself, when, at a later period, he wrote the Introduction to
the Man of Lawes Prologue (see vol. iv. p. 131). He there expressly refers
to his Legend of Good Women, which he is pleased to call 'the Seintes
Legende of Cupide,' i.e. the Legend of Cupid's Saints. And, in describing
this former work of his, he introduces the following lines:—
'Ther may be seen the large
woundes wyde
Page 32
Of Lucresse, and of Babilan Tisbee;
The swerd of Dido for the false
Enee;
The tree of Phillis for hir
Demophon;
The pleinte of Dianire and
Hermion,
Of Adriane and of Isiphilee;
The bareyne yle stonding in the see;
The dreynte Leander for his Erro;
The teres of Eleyne, and eek the wo
Of Brixseyde, and of thee,
Ladomea;
The cruelte of thee, queen Medea,
Thy litel children hanging by the
hals
For thy Iason, that was of love so
fals!
O Ypermistra, Penelopee, Alceste,
Your wyfhod he comendeth with
the beste!
But certeinly no word ne wryteth he
Of thilke wikke example of
Canacee'; &c.
We can only suppose that he is referring to the contents of his work in quite
general terms, with a passing reference to his vision of Alcestis and the
nineteen ladies, and to those mentioned in his Balade. There is no reason for
supposing that he ever wrote complete tales about Deianira, Hermione,
Hero, Helen, Briseis, Laodamia, or Penelope, any more than he did about
Alcestis. But it is highly probable that, just at the period of writing his
Introduction to the Man of Lawes Prologue, he was seriously intending to
take up again his 'Legend,' and was planning how to continue it. But he
never did it.
On comparing these two lists, we find that the following names are
common to both, viz. Penelope, Helen, Lucretia, Thisbe, Hero, Dido,
The swerd of Dido for the false
Enee;
The tree of Phillis for hir
Demophon;
The pleinte of Dianire and
Hermion,
Of Adriane and of Isiphilee;
The bareyne yle stonding in the see;
The dreynte Leander for his Erro;
The teres of Eleyne, and eek the wo
Of Brixseyde, and of thee,
Ladomea;
The cruelte of thee, queen Medea,
Thy litel children hanging by the
hals
For thy Iason, that was of love so
fals!
O Ypermistra, Penelopee, Alceste,
Your wyfhod he comendeth with
the beste!
But certeinly no word ne wryteth he
Of thilke wikke example of
Canacee'; &c.
We can only suppose that he is referring to the contents of his work in quite
general terms, with a passing reference to his vision of Alcestis and the
nineteen ladies, and to those mentioned in his Balade. There is no reason for
supposing that he ever wrote complete tales about Deianira, Hermione,
Hero, Helen, Briseis, Laodamia, or Penelope, any more than he did about
Alcestis. But it is highly probable that, just at the period of writing his
Introduction to the Man of Lawes Prologue, he was seriously intending to
take up again his 'Legend,' and was planning how to continue it. But he
never did it.
On comparing these two lists, we find that the following names are
common to both, viz. Penelope, Helen, Lucretia, Thisbe, Hero, Dido,
Page 33
Laodamia, Phyllis, Canace, Hypsipyle, Hypermnestra, Ariadne, and (in
effect) Alcestis. The following occur in the Balade only, viz. Marcia,
Lavinia, Polyxena, Cleopatra. And the following are mentioned in the
above-quoted passage only, viz. Deianira, Hermione, Briseis, Medea. We
further know that he actually wrote the Legend of Philomela, though it is in
neither of the above lists; whilst the story of Canace was expressly rejected.
Combining our information, and rearranging it, we see that his intention
was to write nineteen Legends, descriptive of twenty women, viz. Alcestis
and nineteen others; the number of Legends being reduced by one owing to
the treatment of the stories of Medea and Hypsipyle under one narrative.
Putting aside Alcestis, whose Legend was to come last, the nineteen women
can be made up as follows:—
1. Cleopatra. 2. Thisbe. 3. Dido. 4 and 5. Hypsipyle and Medea. 6. Lucretia.
7. Ariadne. 8. Philomela. 9. Phyllis. 10. Hypermnestra (all of which are
extant). Next come—11. Penelope: 12. Helen: 13. Hero: 14. Laodamia (all
mentioned in both lists). 15. Lavinia: 16. Polyxena[21] (mentioned in the
Balade). 17. Deianira: 18. Hermione: 19. Briseis (in the Introduction to the
Man of Lawe).
This conjectural list is sufficient to elucidate Chaucer's plan fully, and
agrees with that given in the note to l. 61 of the Introduction to the Man of
Lawes Tale, in vol. v.
If we next enquire how such lists of 'martyred' women came to be suggested
to Chaucer, we may feel sure that he was thinking of Boccaccio's book
entitled De Claris Mulieribus, and of Ovid's Heroides. Boccaccio's book
contains 105 tales of Illustrious Women, briefly told in Latin prose. Chaucer
seems to have partially imitated from it the title of his poem—'The Legend
of Good Women'; and he doubtless consulted it for his purpose. But he took
care to consult other sources also, in order to be able to give the tales at
greater length, so that the traces of his debt to the above work by Boccaccio
are very slight.
We must not, however, omit to take notice that, whilst Chaucer owes but
little to Boccaccio as regards his subject-matter, it was from him, in
effect) Alcestis. The following occur in the Balade only, viz. Marcia,
Lavinia, Polyxena, Cleopatra. And the following are mentioned in the
above-quoted passage only, viz. Deianira, Hermione, Briseis, Medea. We
further know that he actually wrote the Legend of Philomela, though it is in
neither of the above lists; whilst the story of Canace was expressly rejected.
Combining our information, and rearranging it, we see that his intention
was to write nineteen Legends, descriptive of twenty women, viz. Alcestis
and nineteen others; the number of Legends being reduced by one owing to
the treatment of the stories of Medea and Hypsipyle under one narrative.
Putting aside Alcestis, whose Legend was to come last, the nineteen women
can be made up as follows:—
1. Cleopatra. 2. Thisbe. 3. Dido. 4 and 5. Hypsipyle and Medea. 6. Lucretia.
7. Ariadne. 8. Philomela. 9. Phyllis. 10. Hypermnestra (all of which are
extant). Next come—11. Penelope: 12. Helen: 13. Hero: 14. Laodamia (all
mentioned in both lists). 15. Lavinia: 16. Polyxena[21] (mentioned in the
Balade). 17. Deianira: 18. Hermione: 19. Briseis (in the Introduction to the
Man of Lawe).
This conjectural list is sufficient to elucidate Chaucer's plan fully, and
agrees with that given in the note to l. 61 of the Introduction to the Man of
Lawes Tale, in vol. v.
If we next enquire how such lists of 'martyred' women came to be suggested
to Chaucer, we may feel sure that he was thinking of Boccaccio's book
entitled De Claris Mulieribus, and of Ovid's Heroides. Boccaccio's book
contains 105 tales of Illustrious Women, briefly told in Latin prose. Chaucer
seems to have partially imitated from it the title of his poem—'The Legend
of Good Women'; and he doubtless consulted it for his purpose. But he took
care to consult other sources also, in order to be able to give the tales at
greater length, so that the traces of his debt to the above work by Boccaccio
are very slight.
We must not, however, omit to take notice that, whilst Chaucer owes but
little to Boccaccio as regards his subject-matter, it was from him, in
Page 34
particular, that he took his general plan. This is well shewn in the excellent
and careful essay by M. Bech, printed in 'Anglia,' vol. v. pp. 313-382, with
the title—'Quellen und Plan der Legende of Goode Women und ihr
Verhältniss zur Confessio Amantis.' At p. 381, Bech compares Chaucer's
work with Boccaccio's, and finds the following points of resemblance.
1. Both works treat exclusively of women; one of them speaks particularly
of 'Gode Women,' whilst the other is written 'De Claris Mulieribus.'
2. Both works relate chiefly to tales of olden time.
3. In both, the tales follow each other without any intermediate matter.
4. Both are compacted into a whole by means of an introductory Prologue.
5. Both writers wish to dedicate their works to a queen, but effect this
modestly and indirectly. Boccaccio addresses his Prologue to a countess,
telling her that he wishes to dedicate his book to Joanna, queen of
Jerusalem and Sicily; whilst Chaucer veils his address to queen Anne under
the guise of allegory.
6. Both record the fact of their writing in a time of comparative leisure.
Boccaccio uses the words: 'paululum ab inerti uulgo semotus et a ceteris
fere solutus curis.'
7. Had Chaucer finished his work, his last Legend would have related to
Alcestis, i.e. to the queen herself. Boccaccio actually concludes his work
with a chapter 'De Iohanna Hierusalem et Sicilie regina.'
See further in Bech, who quotes Boccaccio's 'Prologue' in full.
To this comparison should be added (as Bech remarks) an accidental
coincidence which is even more striking, viz. that the work 'De Claris
Mulieribus' bears much the same relation to the more famous one entitled 'Il
and careful essay by M. Bech, printed in 'Anglia,' vol. v. pp. 313-382, with
the title—'Quellen und Plan der Legende of Goode Women und ihr
Verhältniss zur Confessio Amantis.' At p. 381, Bech compares Chaucer's
work with Boccaccio's, and finds the following points of resemblance.
1. Both works treat exclusively of women; one of them speaks particularly
of 'Gode Women,' whilst the other is written 'De Claris Mulieribus.'
2. Both works relate chiefly to tales of olden time.
3. In both, the tales follow each other without any intermediate matter.
4. Both are compacted into a whole by means of an introductory Prologue.
5. Both writers wish to dedicate their works to a queen, but effect this
modestly and indirectly. Boccaccio addresses his Prologue to a countess,
telling her that he wishes to dedicate his book to Joanna, queen of
Jerusalem and Sicily; whilst Chaucer veils his address to queen Anne under
the guise of allegory.
6. Both record the fact of their writing in a time of comparative leisure.
Boccaccio uses the words: 'paululum ab inerti uulgo semotus et a ceteris
fere solutus curis.'
7. Had Chaucer finished his work, his last Legend would have related to
Alcestis, i.e. to the queen herself. Boccaccio actually concludes his work
with a chapter 'De Iohanna Hierusalem et Sicilie regina.'
See further in Bech, who quotes Boccaccio's 'Prologue' in full.
To this comparison should be added (as Bech remarks) an accidental
coincidence which is even more striking, viz. that the work 'De Claris
Mulieribus' bears much the same relation to the more famous one entitled 'Il
Page 35
Decamerone,' that the Legend of Good Women does to the Canterbury
Tales.
Boccaccio has all of Chaucer's finished tales, except those of Ariadne,
Philomela, and Phyllis[22]; he also gives the stories of some whom Chaucer
only mentions, such as the stories of Deianira (cap. 22), Polyxena (cap. 31),
Helena (cap. 35), Penelope (cap. 38); and others. To Ovid our author is
much more indebted, and frequently translates passages from his Heroides
(or Epistles) and from the Metamorphoses. The former of these works
contains the Epistles of Phyllis, Hypsipyle, Medea, Dido, Ariadne, and
Hypermnestra, whose stories Chaucer relates, as well as the letters of most
of those whom Chaucer merely mentions, viz. of Penelope, Briseis,
Hermione, Deianira, Laodamia, Helena, and Hero. It is evident that our poet
was chiefly guided by Ovid in selecting stories from the much larger
collection in Boccaccio. At the same time it is remarkable that neither
Boccaccio (in the above work) nor Ovid gives the story of Alcestis, and it is
not quite certain whence Chaucer obtained it. It is briefly told in the 51st of
the Fabulae of Hyginus, but it is much more likely that Chaucer borrowed it
from another work by Boccaccio, entitled De Genealogia Deorum[23],
where it appears amongst the fifty-one labours of Hercules, in the following
words:—
'Alcestem Admeti regis Thessaliae coniugem retraxit [Hercules] ad uirum.
Dicunt enim, quod cum infirmaretur Admetus, implorassetque Apollinis
auxilium, sibi ab Apolline dictum mortem euadere non posse, nisi illam
aliquis ex affinibus atque necessariis subiret. Quod cum audisset Alcestis
coniunx, non dubitauit suam pro salute uiri concedere, et sic ea mortua
Admetus liberatus est, qui plurimum uxori compatiens Herculem orauit, vt
ad inferos uadens illius animam reuocaret ad superos, quod et factum est.'—
Lib. xiii. c. 1 (ed. 1532).
§ 5. The Daisy. To this story Chaucer has added a pretty addition of his own
invention, that this heroine was finally transformed into a daisy. The idea of
choosing this flower as the emblem of perfect wifehood was certainly a
happy one, and has often been admired. It is first alluded to by Lydgate, in a
Tales.
Boccaccio has all of Chaucer's finished tales, except those of Ariadne,
Philomela, and Phyllis[22]; he also gives the stories of some whom Chaucer
only mentions, such as the stories of Deianira (cap. 22), Polyxena (cap. 31),
Helena (cap. 35), Penelope (cap. 38); and others. To Ovid our author is
much more indebted, and frequently translates passages from his Heroides
(or Epistles) and from the Metamorphoses. The former of these works
contains the Epistles of Phyllis, Hypsipyle, Medea, Dido, Ariadne, and
Hypermnestra, whose stories Chaucer relates, as well as the letters of most
of those whom Chaucer merely mentions, viz. of Penelope, Briseis,
Hermione, Deianira, Laodamia, Helena, and Hero. It is evident that our poet
was chiefly guided by Ovid in selecting stories from the much larger
collection in Boccaccio. At the same time it is remarkable that neither
Boccaccio (in the above work) nor Ovid gives the story of Alcestis, and it is
not quite certain whence Chaucer obtained it. It is briefly told in the 51st of
the Fabulae of Hyginus, but it is much more likely that Chaucer borrowed it
from another work by Boccaccio, entitled De Genealogia Deorum[23],
where it appears amongst the fifty-one labours of Hercules, in the following
words:—
'Alcestem Admeti regis Thessaliae coniugem retraxit [Hercules] ad uirum.
Dicunt enim, quod cum infirmaretur Admetus, implorassetque Apollinis
auxilium, sibi ab Apolline dictum mortem euadere non posse, nisi illam
aliquis ex affinibus atque necessariis subiret. Quod cum audisset Alcestis
coniunx, non dubitauit suam pro salute uiri concedere, et sic ea mortua
Admetus liberatus est, qui plurimum uxori compatiens Herculem orauit, vt
ad inferos uadens illius animam reuocaret ad superos, quod et factum est.'—
Lib. xiii. c. 1 (ed. 1532).
§ 5. The Daisy. To this story Chaucer has added a pretty addition of his own
invention, that this heroine was finally transformed into a daisy. The idea of
choosing this flower as the emblem of perfect wifehood was certainly a
happy one, and has often been admired. It is first alluded to by Lydgate, in a
Page 36
Poem against Self-Love (see Lydgate's Minor Poems, ed. Halliwell, p.
161):—
'Alcestis flower, with white, with
red and greene,
Displaieth hir crown geyn Phebus
bemys brihte.'
And again, in the same author's Temple of Glas, ll. 71-74:—
'I mene Alceste, the noble trewe wyf
...
Hou she was turned to a dayesye.'
The anonymous author of the Court of Love seized upon the same fancy to
adorn his description of the Castle of Love, which, as he tells us, was—
'With-in and oute depeinted
wonderly
With many a thousand daisy[es]
rede as rose
And white also, this sawe I verely.
But what tho deis[y]es might do
signifye
Can I not tel, saufe that the quenes
floure,
Alceste, it was, that kept ther her
soioure,
Which vnder Uenus lady was and
quene,
And Admete kyng and souerain of
that place,
To whom obeied the ladies good
ninetene,
With many a thousand other bright
of face[24].'
161):—
'Alcestis flower, with white, with
red and greene,
Displaieth hir crown geyn Phebus
bemys brihte.'
And again, in the same author's Temple of Glas, ll. 71-74:—
'I mene Alceste, the noble trewe wyf
...
Hou she was turned to a dayesye.'
The anonymous author of the Court of Love seized upon the same fancy to
adorn his description of the Castle of Love, which, as he tells us, was—
'With-in and oute depeinted
wonderly
With many a thousand daisy[es]
rede as rose
And white also, this sawe I verely.
But what tho deis[y]es might do
signifye
Can I not tel, saufe that the quenes
floure,
Alceste, it was, that kept ther her
soioure,
Which vnder Uenus lady was and
quene,
And Admete kyng and souerain of
that place,
To whom obeied the ladies good
ninetene,
With many a thousand other bright
of face[24].'
Page 37
The mention of 'the ladies good ninetene' at once shews us whence this
mention of Alcestis was borrowed.
In a modern book entitled Flora Historica, by Henry Phillips, 2nd ed. i. 42,
we are gravely told that 'fabulous history informs us that this plant [the
daisy] is called Bellis because it owes its origin to Belides, a granddaughter
of Danaus, and one of the nymphs called Dryads, that presided over the
meadows and pastures in ancient times. Belides is said to have encouraged
the suit of Ephigeus, but whilst dancing on the green with this rural deity
she attracted the admiration of Vertumnus, who, just as he was about to
seize her in his embrace, saw her transformed into the humble plant that
now bears her name.' It is clear that the concocter of this stupid story was
not aware that Belides is a plural substantive, being the collective name of
the fifty daughters of Danaus, who are here rolled into one in order to be
transformed into a single daisy; and all because the words bellis and Belides
happen to begin with the same three letters! It may also be noticed that 'in
ancient times' the business of the Dryads was to preside over trees rather
than 'over meadows and pastures.' Who the 'rural deity' was who is here
named 'Ephigeus' I neither know nor care. But it is curious to observe the
degeneracy of the story for which Chaucer was (in my belief) originally
responsible[25]. See Notes and Queries, 7th S. vi. 186, 309.
Of course it is easy to see that this invention on the part of Chaucer is
imitated from Ovid's Metamorphoses, where Clytie becomes a sun-flower,
Daphne a laurel, and Narcissus, Crocus, and Hyacinthus become,
respectively, a narcissus, a crocus, and a hyacinth. At the same time,
Chaucer's attention may have been directed to the daisy in particular, as
Tyrwhitt long ago pointed out, by a perusal of such poems as Le Dit de la
fleur de lis et de la Marguerite, by Guillaume de Machault (printed in
Tarbe's edition, 1849, p. 123), and Le Dittié de la flour de la Margherite, by
Froissart (printed in Bartsch's Chrestomathie de l'ancien Français, 1875, p.
422); see Introduction to Chaucer's Minor Poems, in vol. i. p. 36. In
particular, we may well compare lines 42, 48, 49, 60-63 of our B-text with
Machault's Dit de la Marguerite (ed. Tarbé, p. 123):—
mention of Alcestis was borrowed.
In a modern book entitled Flora Historica, by Henry Phillips, 2nd ed. i. 42,
we are gravely told that 'fabulous history informs us that this plant [the
daisy] is called Bellis because it owes its origin to Belides, a granddaughter
of Danaus, and one of the nymphs called Dryads, that presided over the
meadows and pastures in ancient times. Belides is said to have encouraged
the suit of Ephigeus, but whilst dancing on the green with this rural deity
she attracted the admiration of Vertumnus, who, just as he was about to
seize her in his embrace, saw her transformed into the humble plant that
now bears her name.' It is clear that the concocter of this stupid story was
not aware that Belides is a plural substantive, being the collective name of
the fifty daughters of Danaus, who are here rolled into one in order to be
transformed into a single daisy; and all because the words bellis and Belides
happen to begin with the same three letters! It may also be noticed that 'in
ancient times' the business of the Dryads was to preside over trees rather
than 'over meadows and pastures.' Who the 'rural deity' was who is here
named 'Ephigeus' I neither know nor care. But it is curious to observe the
degeneracy of the story for which Chaucer was (in my belief) originally
responsible[25]. See Notes and Queries, 7th S. vi. 186, 309.
Of course it is easy to see that this invention on the part of Chaucer is
imitated from Ovid's Metamorphoses, where Clytie becomes a sun-flower,
Daphne a laurel, and Narcissus, Crocus, and Hyacinthus become,
respectively, a narcissus, a crocus, and a hyacinth. At the same time,
Chaucer's attention may have been directed to the daisy in particular, as
Tyrwhitt long ago pointed out, by a perusal of such poems as Le Dit de la
fleur de lis et de la Marguerite, by Guillaume de Machault (printed in
Tarbe's edition, 1849, p. 123), and Le Dittié de la flour de la Margherite, by
Froissart (printed in Bartsch's Chrestomathie de l'ancien Français, 1875, p.
422); see Introduction to Chaucer's Minor Poems, in vol. i. p. 36. In
particular, we may well compare lines 42, 48, 49, 60-63 of our B-text with
Machault's Dit de la Marguerite (ed. Tarbé, p. 123):—
Page 38
'J'aim une fleur, qui s'uevre et qui
s'encline
Vers le soleil, de jour quant il
chemine;
Et quant il est couchiez soubz sa
courtine
Par nuit obscure,
Elle se clost, ainsois que li jours
fine.'
And again, we may compare ll. 53-55 with the lines in Machault that
immediately follow, viz.
'Toutes passe, ce mest vis, en
coulour,
Et toutes ha surmonté de douçour;
Ne comparer
Ne se porroit nulle à li de coulour':
&c.[26]
The resemblance is, I think, too close to be accidental.
We may also compare (though the resemblance is less striking) ll. 40-57 of
the B-text of the Prologue (pp. 68, 69) with ll. 22-30 of Froissart's poem on
the Daisy:—
'Son doulç vëoir grandement me
proufite,
et pour ce est dedens mon coer
escripte
si plainnement
que nuit et jour en pensant ie recite
les grans vertus de quoi elle est
confite,
et di ensi: "la heure soit benite
s'encline
Vers le soleil, de jour quant il
chemine;
Et quant il est couchiez soubz sa
courtine
Par nuit obscure,
Elle se clost, ainsois que li jours
fine.'
And again, we may compare ll. 53-55 with the lines in Machault that
immediately follow, viz.
'Toutes passe, ce mest vis, en
coulour,
Et toutes ha surmonté de douçour;
Ne comparer
Ne se porroit nulle à li de coulour':
&c.[26]
The resemblance is, I think, too close to be accidental.
We may also compare (though the resemblance is less striking) ll. 40-57 of
the B-text of the Prologue (pp. 68, 69) with ll. 22-30 of Froissart's poem on
the Daisy:—
'Son doulç vëoir grandement me
proufite,
et pour ce est dedens mon coer
escripte
si plainnement
que nuit et jour en pensant ie recite
les grans vertus de quoi elle est
confite,
et di ensi: "la heure soit benite
Page 39
quant pour moi ai tele flourette
eslite,
qui de bonté et de beauté est dite
la souveraine,"' &c.
At l. 68 of the same poem, as pointed out by M. Sandras (Étude sur G.
Chaucer, 1859, p. 58), and more clearly by Bech (Anglia, v. 363), we have a
story of a woman named Herés—'une pucelle [qui] ama tant son mari'—
whose tears, shed for the loss of her husband Cephëy, were turned by
Jupiter into daisies as they fell upon the green turf. There they were
discovered, one January, by Mercury, who formed a garland of them, which
he sent by a messenger named Lirés to Serés (Ceres). Ceres was so pleased
by the gift that she caused Lirés to be beloved, which he had never been
before.
This mention of Ceres doubtless suggested Chaucer's mention of Cibella
(Cybele) in B. 531. In fact, Chaucer first transforms Alcestis herself into a
daisy (B. 512); but afterwards tells us that Jupiter changed her into a
constellation (B. 525), whilst Cybele made the daisies spring up 'in
remembrance and honour' of her. The clue seems to be in the name Cephëy,
representing Cephei gen. case of Cepheus. He was a king of Ethiopia,
husband of Cassiope, father of Andromeda, and father-in-law of Perseus.
They were all four 'stellified,' and four constellations bear their names even
to the present day. According to the old mythology, it was not Alcestis, but
Cassiope, who was said to be 'stellified[27].' The whole matter is thus
sufficiently illustrated.
§ 6. Agaton. This is, perhaps, the most convenient place for explaining who
is meant by Agaton (B. 526). The solution of this difficult problem was first
given by Cary, in his translation of Dante's Purgatorio, canto xxii. l. 106,
where the original has Agatone. Cary first quotes Chaucer, and then the
opinion of Tyrwhitt, that there seems to be no reference to 'any of the
Agathoes of antiquity,' and adds: 'I am inclined to believe that Chaucer must
have meant Agatho, the dramatic writer, whose name, at least, appears to
have been familiar in the Middle Ages; for, besides the mention of him in
the text, he is quoted by Dante in the Treatise de Monarchia, lib. iii. "Deus
eslite,
qui de bonté et de beauté est dite
la souveraine,"' &c.
At l. 68 of the same poem, as pointed out by M. Sandras (Étude sur G.
Chaucer, 1859, p. 58), and more clearly by Bech (Anglia, v. 363), we have a
story of a woman named Herés—'une pucelle [qui] ama tant son mari'—
whose tears, shed for the loss of her husband Cephëy, were turned by
Jupiter into daisies as they fell upon the green turf. There they were
discovered, one January, by Mercury, who formed a garland of them, which
he sent by a messenger named Lirés to Serés (Ceres). Ceres was so pleased
by the gift that she caused Lirés to be beloved, which he had never been
before.
This mention of Ceres doubtless suggested Chaucer's mention of Cibella
(Cybele) in B. 531. In fact, Chaucer first transforms Alcestis herself into a
daisy (B. 512); but afterwards tells us that Jupiter changed her into a
constellation (B. 525), whilst Cybele made the daisies spring up 'in
remembrance and honour' of her. The clue seems to be in the name Cephëy,
representing Cephei gen. case of Cepheus. He was a king of Ethiopia,
husband of Cassiope, father of Andromeda, and father-in-law of Perseus.
They were all four 'stellified,' and four constellations bear their names even
to the present day. According to the old mythology, it was not Alcestis, but
Cassiope, who was said to be 'stellified[27].' The whole matter is thus
sufficiently illustrated.
§ 6. Agaton. This is, perhaps, the most convenient place for explaining who
is meant by Agaton (B. 526). The solution of this difficult problem was first
given by Cary, in his translation of Dante's Purgatorio, canto xxii. l. 106,
where the original has Agatone. Cary first quotes Chaucer, and then the
opinion of Tyrwhitt, that there seems to be no reference to 'any of the
Agathoes of antiquity,' and adds: 'I am inclined to believe that Chaucer must
have meant Agatho, the dramatic writer, whose name, at least, appears to
have been familiar in the Middle Ages; for, besides the mention of him in
the text, he is quoted by Dante in the Treatise de Monarchia, lib. iii. "Deus
Page 40
per nuncium facere non potest, genita non esse genita, iuxta sententiam
Agathonis."' The original is to be found in Aristotle, Ethic. Nicom. lib. vi. c.
2:—
Μόνου γὰρ ἀυτοῦ καὶ θεὸς
στερίσκεται
Ἀγένητα ποιεῖν ἅσσ' ἄν ᾖ
πεπραγμένα.
Agatho is mentioned by Xenophon in his Symposium, by Plato in the
Protagoras, and in the Banquet, a favourite book with our author [Dante],
and by Aristotle in his Art of Poetry, where the following remarkable
passage occurs concerning him, from which I will leave it to the reader to
decide whether it is possible that the allusion in Chaucer might have arisen:
ἐν ἐνίαις μὲν ἓν ἢ δύο τῶν γνωρίμων ἐστὶν ὀνομάτων, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα
πεποιημένα· ἐν ἐνίαις δὲ ὀυθέν· οἷον ἐν τῷ Ἀγάθωνος Ἄνθει. ὁμοίως γὰρ ἐν
τούτῳ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα πεποίηται, καὶ ὀυδὲν ἧττον
ἐυφραίνει. Edit. 1794, p. 33. "There are, however, some tragedies, in which
one or two of the names are historical, and the rest feigned; there are even
some, in which none of the names are historical; such is Agatho's tragedy
called 'The Flower'; for in that all is invention, both incidents and names;
and yet it pleases." Aristotle's Treatise on Poetry, by Thos. Twining, 8vo.
edit. 1812, vol. i. p. 128.'
The peculiar spelling Agaton renders it highly probable that Chaucer took
the name from Dante (Purg. xxii. 106), but this does not wholly suffice[28].
Accordingly, Bech suggests that he may also have noticed the name in the
Saturnalia of Macrobius, an author whose Somnium Scipionis Chaucer
certainly consulted (Book Duch. 284; Parl. Foules, 111). In this work
Macrobius mentions, incidentally, both Alcestis (lib. v. c. 19) and Agatho
(lib. ii. c. 1), and Chaucer may have observed the names there, though he
obtained no particular information about them. Froissart (as Bech bids us
remark), in his poem on the Daisy, has the lines:—
'Mercurius, ce dist li escripture,
trouva premier
Agathonis."' The original is to be found in Aristotle, Ethic. Nicom. lib. vi. c.
2:—
Μόνου γὰρ ἀυτοῦ καὶ θεὸς
στερίσκεται
Ἀγένητα ποιεῖν ἅσσ' ἄν ᾖ
πεπραγμένα.
Agatho is mentioned by Xenophon in his Symposium, by Plato in the
Protagoras, and in the Banquet, a favourite book with our author [Dante],
and by Aristotle in his Art of Poetry, where the following remarkable
passage occurs concerning him, from which I will leave it to the reader to
decide whether it is possible that the allusion in Chaucer might have arisen:
ἐν ἐνίαις μὲν ἓν ἢ δύο τῶν γνωρίμων ἐστὶν ὀνομάτων, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα
πεποιημένα· ἐν ἐνίαις δὲ ὀυθέν· οἷον ἐν τῷ Ἀγάθωνος Ἄνθει. ὁμοίως γὰρ ἐν
τούτῳ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα πεποίηται, καὶ ὀυδὲν ἧττον
ἐυφραίνει. Edit. 1794, p. 33. "There are, however, some tragedies, in which
one or two of the names are historical, and the rest feigned; there are even
some, in which none of the names are historical; such is Agatho's tragedy
called 'The Flower'; for in that all is invention, both incidents and names;
and yet it pleases." Aristotle's Treatise on Poetry, by Thos. Twining, 8vo.
edit. 1812, vol. i. p. 128.'
The peculiar spelling Agaton renders it highly probable that Chaucer took
the name from Dante (Purg. xxii. 106), but this does not wholly suffice[28].
Accordingly, Bech suggests that he may also have noticed the name in the
Saturnalia of Macrobius, an author whose Somnium Scipionis Chaucer
certainly consulted (Book Duch. 284; Parl. Foules, 111). In this work
Macrobius mentions, incidentally, both Alcestis (lib. v. c. 19) and Agatho
(lib. ii. c. 1), and Chaucer may have observed the names there, though he
obtained no particular information about them. Froissart (as Bech bids us
remark), in his poem on the Daisy, has the lines:—
'Mercurius, ce dist li escripture,
trouva premier
Page 41
la belle flour que j'ainc oultre
mesure,' &c.
The remark—'ce dist li escripture,' 'as the book says'—may well have
suggested to Chaucer that he ought to give some authority for his story, and
the name of Agatho (of whom he probably knew nothing more than the
name) served his turn as well as another. His easy way of citing authors is
probably, at times, humorously assumed; and such may be the explanation
of his famous 'Lollius.' It is quite useless to make any further search.
I may add that this Agatho, or Agathon (Ἀγάθον), was an Athenian tragic
poet, and a friend of Euripides and Plato. He was born about B.C. 447, and
died about B.C. 400.
Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 402) rejects this explanation; but it is not
likely that we shall ever meet with a better one.
§ 7. Chief Sources of the Legend. The more obvious sources of the various
tales have frequently been pointed out. Thus Prof. Morley, in his English
Writers, v. 241 (1890), says that Thisbe is from Ovid's Metamorphoses, iv.
55-166; Dido, from Vergil and Ovid's Heroides, Ep. vii; Hypsipyle and
Medea from Ovid (Met. vii., Her. Ep. vi, xii); Lucretia from Ovid (Fasti, ii.
721) and Livy (Hist. i. 57); Ariadne and Philomela from Ovid (Met. viii.
152, vi. 412-676), and Phyllis and Hypermnestra also from Ovid (Her. Ep.
ii. and Ep. xiv). He also notes the allusion to St. Augustine (De Civitate Dei,
cap. xix.) in l. 1690, and observes that all the tales, except those of Ariadne
and Phyllis[29], are in Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus. But it is possible to
examine them a little more closely, and to obtain further light upon at least a
few other points. It will be most convenient to take each piece in its order.
For some of my information, I am indebted to the essay by Bech, above
mentioned (p. xxviii).
§ 8. Prologue. Original. Besides mere passing allusions, we find references
to the story of Alcestis, queen of Thrace (432[30], 518). As she is not
mentioned in Boccaccio's book De Claris Mulieribus, and Ovid nowhere
mentions her name, and only alludes in passing to the 'wife of Admetus' in
mesure,' &c.
The remark—'ce dist li escripture,' 'as the book says'—may well have
suggested to Chaucer that he ought to give some authority for his story, and
the name of Agatho (of whom he probably knew nothing more than the
name) served his turn as well as another. His easy way of citing authors is
probably, at times, humorously assumed; and such may be the explanation
of his famous 'Lollius.' It is quite useless to make any further search.
I may add that this Agatho, or Agathon (Ἀγάθον), was an Athenian tragic
poet, and a friend of Euripides and Plato. He was born about B.C. 447, and
died about B.C. 400.
Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 402) rejects this explanation; but it is not
likely that we shall ever meet with a better one.
§ 7. Chief Sources of the Legend. The more obvious sources of the various
tales have frequently been pointed out. Thus Prof. Morley, in his English
Writers, v. 241 (1890), says that Thisbe is from Ovid's Metamorphoses, iv.
55-166; Dido, from Vergil and Ovid's Heroides, Ep. vii; Hypsipyle and
Medea from Ovid (Met. vii., Her. Ep. vi, xii); Lucretia from Ovid (Fasti, ii.
721) and Livy (Hist. i. 57); Ariadne and Philomela from Ovid (Met. viii.
152, vi. 412-676), and Phyllis and Hypermnestra also from Ovid (Her. Ep.
ii. and Ep. xiv). He also notes the allusion to St. Augustine (De Civitate Dei,
cap. xix.) in l. 1690, and observes that all the tales, except those of Ariadne
and Phyllis[29], are in Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus. But it is possible to
examine them a little more closely, and to obtain further light upon at least a
few other points. It will be most convenient to take each piece in its order.
For some of my information, I am indebted to the essay by Bech, above
mentioned (p. xxviii).
§ 8. Prologue. Original. Besides mere passing allusions, we find references
to the story of Alcestis, queen of Thrace (432[30], 518). As she is not
mentioned in Boccaccio's book De Claris Mulieribus, and Ovid nowhere
mentions her name, and only alludes in passing to the 'wife of Admetus' in
Page 42
two passages (Ex Ponto, iii. 1. 106; Trist. v. 14. 37), it is tolerably certain
that Chaucer must have read her story either in Boccaccio's book De
Genealogia Deorum, lib. xiii. c. 1 (see p. xxix), or in the Fables of Hyginus
(Fab. 51). A large number of the names mentioned in the Balade (249) were
suggested either by Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus, or by Ovid's
Heroides; probably, by both of these works. We may here also note that the
Fables of Hyginus very briefly give the stories of Jason and Medea (capp.
24, 25); Theseus and Ariadne (capp. 41-43); Philomela (cap. 45); Alcestis
(cap. 51); Phyllis (cap. 59); Laodamia (cap. 104); Polyxena (cap. 110);
Hypermnestra (cap. 168); Nisus and Scylla (cap. 198; cf. ll. 1904-1920);
Penelope (cap. 126); and Helena (capp. 78, 92). The probability that
Chaucer consulted Machault's and Froissart's poems has already been
discussed; see p. xxxi.
It is interesting to note that Chaucer had already praised many of his Good
Women in previous poems. Compare such passages as the following:—
'Of Medea and of Iason,
Of Paris, Eleyne, and Lavyne.'
Book of the Duch.
330.
'By as good right as Medea was,
That slow her children for Iason;
And Phyllis als for Demophon
Heng hir-self, so weylaway!
For he had broke his terme-day
To come to her. Another rage
Had Dydo, quene eek of Cartage,
That slow hir-self, for Eneas
Was fals; a! whiche a fool she was!'
Id. 726.
—'as moche debonairtee
As ever had Hester in the bible.' Id.
986.
that Chaucer must have read her story either in Boccaccio's book De
Genealogia Deorum, lib. xiii. c. 1 (see p. xxix), or in the Fables of Hyginus
(Fab. 51). A large number of the names mentioned in the Balade (249) were
suggested either by Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus, or by Ovid's
Heroides; probably, by both of these works. We may here also note that the
Fables of Hyginus very briefly give the stories of Jason and Medea (capp.
24, 25); Theseus and Ariadne (capp. 41-43); Philomela (cap. 45); Alcestis
(cap. 51); Phyllis (cap. 59); Laodamia (cap. 104); Polyxena (cap. 110);
Hypermnestra (cap. 168); Nisus and Scylla (cap. 198; cf. ll. 1904-1920);
Penelope (cap. 126); and Helena (capp. 78, 92). The probability that
Chaucer consulted Machault's and Froissart's poems has already been
discussed; see p. xxxi.
It is interesting to note that Chaucer had already praised many of his Good
Women in previous poems. Compare such passages as the following:—
'Of Medea and of Iason,
Of Paris, Eleyne, and Lavyne.'
Book of the Duch.
330.
'By as good right as Medea was,
That slow her children for Iason;
And Phyllis als for Demophon
Heng hir-self, so weylaway!
For he had broke his terme-day
To come to her. Another rage
Had Dydo, quene eek of Cartage,
That slow hir-self, for Eneas
Was fals; a! whiche a fool she was!'
Id. 726.
—'as moche debonairtee
As ever had Hester in the bible.' Id.
986.
Page 43
'For love of hir, Polixena— ...
She was as good, so have I reste,
As ever Penelope of Greece,
Or as the noble wyf Lucrece,
That was the beste—he telleth thus,
The Romain, Tytus Livius.' Id.
1071, 1080.
'She passed hath Penelope and
Lucresse.'
Anelida;
82
.
'Biblis, Dido, Tisbe and Piramus,
Tristram, Isoude, Paris, and
Achilles,
Eleyne, Cleopatre, and Troilus.'
Parlement of
Foules;
289.
'But al the maner how she [Dido]
deyde,
And al the wordes that she seyde,
Who-so to knowe hit hath purpos,
Reed Virgile in Eneidos
Or the Epistle of Ovyde,
What that she wroot or that she
dyde;
And, nere hit to long to endyte,
By god, I wolde hit here wryte.'
House of Fame;
375.
She was as good, so have I reste,
As ever Penelope of Greece,
Or as the noble wyf Lucrece,
That was the beste—he telleth thus,
The Romain, Tytus Livius.' Id.
1071, 1080.
'She passed hath Penelope and
Lucresse.'
Anelida;
82
.
'Biblis, Dido, Tisbe and Piramus,
Tristram, Isoude, Paris, and
Achilles,
Eleyne, Cleopatre, and Troilus.'
Parlement of
Foules;
289.
'But al the maner how she [Dido]
deyde,
And al the wordes that she seyde,
Who-so to knowe hit hath purpos,
Reed Virgile in Eneidos
Or the Epistle of Ovyde,
What that she wroot or that she
dyde;
And, nere hit to long to endyte,
By god, I wolde hit here wryte.'
House of Fame;
375.
Page 44
The last quotation proves clearly, that Chaucer was already meditating a
new version of the Legend of Dido, to be made up from the Æneid and the
Heroides, whilst still engaged upon the House of Fame (which actually
gives this story at considerable length, viz. in ll. 140-382); and
consequently, that the Legend of Good Women succeeded the House of
Fame by a very short interval. But this is not all; for only a few lines further
on we find the following passage:—
'Lo, Demophon, duk of Athenis,
How he forswor him ful falsly,
And trayed Phillis wikkedly,
That kinges doghter was of Trace,
And falsly gan his terme pace;
And when she wiste that he was
fals,
She heng hir-self right by the hals,
For he had do hir swich untrouthe;
Lo! was not this a wo and routhe?
Eek lo! how fals and reccheles
Was to Briseida Achilles,
And Paris to Oënone;
And Iason to Isiphile;
And eft Iason to Medea;
And Ercules to Dyanira;
For he lefte hir for Iöle,
That made him cacche his deeth,
parde!
How fals eek was he, Theseus;
That, as the story telleth us,
How he betrayed Adriane;
The devel be his soules bane[31]!
For had he laughed, had he loured,
He mostë have be al devoured,
If Adriane ne had y-be[32]!' &c. Id.
387.
new version of the Legend of Dido, to be made up from the Æneid and the
Heroides, whilst still engaged upon the House of Fame (which actually
gives this story at considerable length, viz. in ll. 140-382); and
consequently, that the Legend of Good Women succeeded the House of
Fame by a very short interval. But this is not all; for only a few lines further
on we find the following passage:—
'Lo, Demophon, duk of Athenis,
How he forswor him ful falsly,
And trayed Phillis wikkedly,
That kinges doghter was of Trace,
And falsly gan his terme pace;
And when she wiste that he was
fals,
She heng hir-self right by the hals,
For he had do hir swich untrouthe;
Lo! was not this a wo and routhe?
Eek lo! how fals and reccheles
Was to Briseida Achilles,
And Paris to Oënone;
And Iason to Isiphile;
And eft Iason to Medea;
And Ercules to Dyanira;
For he lefte hir for Iöle,
That made him cacche his deeth,
parde!
How fals eek was he, Theseus;
That, as the story telleth us,
How he betrayed Adriane;
The devel be his soules bane[31]!
For had he laughed, had he loured,
He mostë have be al devoured,
If Adriane ne had y-be[32]!' &c. Id.
387.
Page 45
Here we already have an outline of the Legend of Phyllis; a reference to
Briseis; to Jason, Hypsipyle, Medea, and to Deianira; a sufficient sketch of
the Legend of Ariadne; and another version of the Legend of Dido.
We trace a lingering influence upon Chaucer of the Roman de la Rose; see
notes to ll. 125, 128, 171. Dante is both quoted and mentioned by name; ll.
357-360. Various other allusions are pointed out in the Notes.
In ll. 280, 281, 284, 305-308 of the A-text of the Prologue (pp. 89, 90),
Chaucer refers us to several authors, but not necessarily in connexion with
the present work. Yet he actually makes use (at second-hand) of Titus (i.e.
Livy, l. 1683), and also further of the 'epistles of Ovyde.' He takes occasion
to refer to his own translation of the Roman de la Rose (B. ll. 329, 441,
470), and to his Troilus (ll. 332, 441, 469); besides enumerating many of his
poems (417-428).
I. The Legend of Cleopatra. The source of this legend is by no means clear.
As Bech points out, some expressions shew that one of the sources was the
Epitome Rerum Romanarum of L. Annæus Florus, lib. iv. c. 11; see notes to
ll. 655, 662, 679. No doubt Chaucer also consulted Boccaccio's De Claris
Mulieribus, cap. 86, though he makes no special use of the account there
given. The story is also in the history of Orosius, bk. iv. c. 19; see Sweet's
edition of King Alfred's Orosius, p. 247. Besides which, I think he may
have had access to a Latin translation of Plutarch, or of excerpts from the
same; see the notes.
It is worth while to note here that Gower (ed. Pauli, iii. 361) has the
following lines:—
'I sigh [saw] also the woful quene
Cleopatras, which in a cave
With serpents hath her-self begrave
Al quik, and so was she to-tore,
For sorwe of that she hadde lore
Antonie, which her love hath be.
Briseis; to Jason, Hypsipyle, Medea, and to Deianira; a sufficient sketch of
the Legend of Ariadne; and another version of the Legend of Dido.
We trace a lingering influence upon Chaucer of the Roman de la Rose; see
notes to ll. 125, 128, 171. Dante is both quoted and mentioned by name; ll.
357-360. Various other allusions are pointed out in the Notes.
In ll. 280, 281, 284, 305-308 of the A-text of the Prologue (pp. 89, 90),
Chaucer refers us to several authors, but not necessarily in connexion with
the present work. Yet he actually makes use (at second-hand) of Titus (i.e.
Livy, l. 1683), and also further of the 'epistles of Ovyde.' He takes occasion
to refer to his own translation of the Roman de la Rose (B. ll. 329, 441,
470), and to his Troilus (ll. 332, 441, 469); besides enumerating many of his
poems (417-428).
I. The Legend of Cleopatra. The source of this legend is by no means clear.
As Bech points out, some expressions shew that one of the sources was the
Epitome Rerum Romanarum of L. Annæus Florus, lib. iv. c. 11; see notes to
ll. 655, 662, 679. No doubt Chaucer also consulted Boccaccio's De Claris
Mulieribus, cap. 86, though he makes no special use of the account there
given. The story is also in the history of Orosius, bk. iv. c. 19; see Sweet's
edition of King Alfred's Orosius, p. 247. Besides which, I think he may
have had access to a Latin translation of Plutarch, or of excerpts from the
same; see the notes.
It is worth while to note here that Gower (ed. Pauli, iii. 361) has the
following lines:—
'I sigh [saw] also the woful quene
Cleopatras, which in a cave
With serpents hath her-self begrave
Al quik, and so was she to-tore,
For sorwe of that she hadde lore
Antonie, which her love hath be.
Page 46
And forth with her I sigh Thisbe';
&c.
It is clear that he here refers to Chaucer's Legend of Good Women, because
he actually repeats Chaucer's very peculiar account of the manner of
Cleopatra's death. See § 9, p. xl. Compare L. G. W. ll. 695-697; and note
that, both in Chaucer and Gower, the Legend of Thisbe follows that of
Cleopatra; whilst the Legend of Philomela immediately follows that of
Ariadne. This is more than mere coincidence. See Bech's essay; Anglia, v.
365.
II. The Legend of Thisbe. This is from Ovid's Metamorphoses, iv. 55-166,
and from no other source. Some of the lines are closely translated, but in
other places the phraseology is entirely recast. The free manner in which
Chaucer treats his original is worthy of study; see, as to this, the excellent
criticism of Ten Brink, in his Geschichte der Englischen Litteratur, ii. 117.
Most noteworthy of all is his suppression of the mythological element. The
story gains in pathos in a high degree by the omission of the mulberry-tree,
the colour of the fruit of which was changed from white to black by the
blood of Pyramus; see note to l. 851. This is the more remarkable, because
it was just for the sake of this very metamorphosis that Ovid admitted the
tale into his series. See also notes to ll. 745, 784, 797, 798, 814, 835, 869,
&c.; and cf. Gower's Confessio Amantis, ed. Pauli, i. 324.
III. The Legend of Dido. Chiefly from Vergil's Aeneid, books i-iv. (see note
to l. 928, and compare the notes throughout); but ll. 1355-1365 are from
Ovid's Heroides, vii. 1-8, quoted at length in the note to l. 1355. And see,
particularly, the House of Fame, ll. 140-382. Cf. Gower, C. A. ii. 4-6[33].
IV. The Legends of Hypsipyle and Medea. The sources mentioned by
Morley are Ovid's Metamorphoses, bk. vii., and Heroides, epist. vi.; to
which we must add Heroides, epist. xii. But this omits a much more
important source, to which Chaucer expressly refers. In l. 1396, all previous
editions have the following reading—'In Tessalye, as Ovyde telleth us'; but
four important MSS. read Guido for Ovyde, and they are quite right[34]. The
false reading Ovyde is the more remarkable, because all the MSS. have the
&c.
It is clear that he here refers to Chaucer's Legend of Good Women, because
he actually repeats Chaucer's very peculiar account of the manner of
Cleopatra's death. See § 9, p. xl. Compare L. G. W. ll. 695-697; and note
that, both in Chaucer and Gower, the Legend of Thisbe follows that of
Cleopatra; whilst the Legend of Philomela immediately follows that of
Ariadne. This is more than mere coincidence. See Bech's essay; Anglia, v.
365.
II. The Legend of Thisbe. This is from Ovid's Metamorphoses, iv. 55-166,
and from no other source. Some of the lines are closely translated, but in
other places the phraseology is entirely recast. The free manner in which
Chaucer treats his original is worthy of study; see, as to this, the excellent
criticism of Ten Brink, in his Geschichte der Englischen Litteratur, ii. 117.
Most noteworthy of all is his suppression of the mythological element. The
story gains in pathos in a high degree by the omission of the mulberry-tree,
the colour of the fruit of which was changed from white to black by the
blood of Pyramus; see note to l. 851. This is the more remarkable, because
it was just for the sake of this very metamorphosis that Ovid admitted the
tale into his series. See also notes to ll. 745, 784, 797, 798, 814, 835, 869,
&c.; and cf. Gower's Confessio Amantis, ed. Pauli, i. 324.
III. The Legend of Dido. Chiefly from Vergil's Aeneid, books i-iv. (see note
to l. 928, and compare the notes throughout); but ll. 1355-1365 are from
Ovid's Heroides, vii. 1-8, quoted at length in the note to l. 1355. And see,
particularly, the House of Fame, ll. 140-382. Cf. Gower, C. A. ii. 4-6[33].
IV. The Legends of Hypsipyle and Medea. The sources mentioned by
Morley are Ovid's Metamorphoses, bk. vii., and Heroides, epist. vi.; to
which we must add Heroides, epist. xii. But this omits a much more
important source, to which Chaucer expressly refers. In l. 1396, all previous
editions have the following reading—'In Tessalye, as Ovyde telleth us'; but
four important MSS. read Guido for Ovyde, and they are quite right[34]. The
false reading Ovyde is the more remarkable, because all the MSS. have the
Page 47
reading Guido in l. 1464, where a change would have destroyed the rime.
As a matter of fact, ll. 1396-1461 are from Guido delle Colonne's Historia
Troiana, book i. (see notes to ll. 1396, 1463); and ll. 1580-3, 1589-1655 are
also from the same, book ii. (see notes to ll. 1580, 1590). Another source
which Chaucer may have consulted, though he made but little use of it, was
the first and second books of the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus, expressly
mentioned in l. 1457 (see notes to ll. 1457, 1469, 1479, 1509, 1558)[35]. The
use made of Ovid, Met. vii., is extremely slight (see note to l. 1661). As to
Ovid, Her. vii., xii., see notes to ll. 1564, 1670. The net result is that Guido
is a far more important source of this Legend than all the passages from
Ovid put together. Chaucer also doubtless consulted the fifth book of the
Thebaid of his favourite author Statius; see notes to ll. 1457, 1467. Perhaps
he also consulted Hyginus, whose 14th Fable gives the long list of the
Argonauts, and the 15th, a sketch of the story of Hypsipyle. Compare also
Boccaccio, De Claris Mulieribus, capp. 15, 16; and the same, De
Genealogia Deorum, lib. xiii. c. 26. Observe also that Gower gives the story
of Medea, and expressly states that the tale 'is in the boke of Troie write,' i.e.
in Guido. See Pauli's edition, ii. 236.
V. The Legend of Lucretia. Chaucer refers to Livy's History (bk. i. capp.
57-59); and to Ovid (Fasti, ii. 721-852). With a few exceptions, the Legend
follows the latter source. He also refers to St. Augustine; see note to l.
1690[36]. Cf. Boccaccio, De Claris Mulieribus, cap. 46, who follows Livy.
Several touches are Chaucer's own; see notes to ll. 1812, 1838, 1861, 1871,
1881.
Gower has the same story (iii. 251), and likewise follows Ovid and Livy.
VI. The Legend of Ariadne. From Ovid, Met. vii. 456-8, viii. 6-182; Her.
Epist. x. (chiefly 1-74); cf. Fasti, iii. 461-516. But Chaucer consulted other
sources also, probably a Latin translation of Plutarch's Life of Theseus;
Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, lib. xi. capp. 27, 29, 30; also Vergil,
Aen. vi. 20-30; and perhaps Hyginus, Fabulae, capp. 41-43. Cf. House of
Fame, 405-426; and Gower, ii. 302[37].
As a matter of fact, ll. 1396-1461 are from Guido delle Colonne's Historia
Troiana, book i. (see notes to ll. 1396, 1463); and ll. 1580-3, 1589-1655 are
also from the same, book ii. (see notes to ll. 1580, 1590). Another source
which Chaucer may have consulted, though he made but little use of it, was
the first and second books of the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus, expressly
mentioned in l. 1457 (see notes to ll. 1457, 1469, 1479, 1509, 1558)[35]. The
use made of Ovid, Met. vii., is extremely slight (see note to l. 1661). As to
Ovid, Her. vii., xii., see notes to ll. 1564, 1670. The net result is that Guido
is a far more important source of this Legend than all the passages from
Ovid put together. Chaucer also doubtless consulted the fifth book of the
Thebaid of his favourite author Statius; see notes to ll. 1457, 1467. Perhaps
he also consulted Hyginus, whose 14th Fable gives the long list of the
Argonauts, and the 15th, a sketch of the story of Hypsipyle. Compare also
Boccaccio, De Claris Mulieribus, capp. 15, 16; and the same, De
Genealogia Deorum, lib. xiii. c. 26. Observe also that Gower gives the story
of Medea, and expressly states that the tale 'is in the boke of Troie write,' i.e.
in Guido. See Pauli's edition, ii. 236.
V. The Legend of Lucretia. Chaucer refers to Livy's History (bk. i. capp.
57-59); and to Ovid (Fasti, ii. 721-852). With a few exceptions, the Legend
follows the latter source. He also refers to St. Augustine; see note to l.
1690[36]. Cf. Boccaccio, De Claris Mulieribus, cap. 46, who follows Livy.
Several touches are Chaucer's own; see notes to ll. 1812, 1838, 1861, 1871,
1881.
Gower has the same story (iii. 251), and likewise follows Ovid and Livy.
VI. The Legend of Ariadne. From Ovid, Met. vii. 456-8, viii. 6-182; Her.
Epist. x. (chiefly 1-74); cf. Fasti, iii. 461-516. But Chaucer consulted other
sources also, probably a Latin translation of Plutarch's Life of Theseus;
Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, lib. xi. capp. 27, 29, 30; also Vergil,
Aen. vi. 20-30; and perhaps Hyginus, Fabulae, capp. 41-43. Cf. House of
Fame, 405-426; and Gower, ii. 302[37].
Page 48
VII. The Legend of Philomela. Chiefly from Ovid, Met. vi. 424-605; and
perhaps from no other source, though the use of the word radevore in l.
2352 is yet to be accounted for. Cf. Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, lib.
ix. c. 8; and Gower, Conf. Amantis, ii. 313, who refers us to Ovid.
VIII. The Legend of Phyllis. Chiefly from Ovid, Her. Epist. ii.; cf.
Remedia Amoris, 591-608. But a comparison with the story as told by
Gower (C. A. ii. 26) shews that both poets consulted some further source,
which I cannot trace. The tale is told by Hyginus (Fab. capp. 59, 243) and
Boccaccio in a few lines. Cf. House of Fame, 388-396. A few lines are from
Vergil, Æn. i. 85-102, 142; iv. 373. And see notes to Lydgate's Temple of
Glas, ed. Schick, p. 75.
IX. The Legend of Hypermnestra. Chiefly from Ovid, Her. Epist. xiv. But
Ovid calls her husband Lynceus, whereas Chaucer calls him Lino. Again,
Ovid does not give the name of Lynceus' father. Chaucer not only
transposes the names of the two fathers[38], but calls Ægyptus by the name
of Egiste or Egistes. Hence we see that he also consulted Boccaccio, De
Genealogia Deorum, lib. ii. c. 22, where we find the following account:
'Danaus Beli Prisci fuit filius, ut asserit Paulus[39], et illud idem affirmat
Lactantius, qui etiam et ante Paulum Orosium, dicit Danaum Beli filium ex
pluribus coniugibus .l. filias habuisse, quas cum Ægistus frater eius, cui
totidem erant melioris sexus filii, postulasset in nurus, Danaus oraculi
responso comperto se manibus generi moriturum, uolens euitare periculum,
conscensis nauibus in Argos uenit.... Ægistus autem, quod spretus esset
indignans, ut illum sequerentur filiis imperauit, lege data ut nunquam
domum repeterent, ni prius Danaum occidissent. Qui cum apud Argos
oppugnarent patruum, ab eo diffidente fraude capti sunt. Spopondit enim se
illis iuxta Ægisti uotum filias daturum in coniuges, nec defuit promisso
fides. Subornatae enim a patre uirorum intrauere thalamos singulis cultris
clam armatae omnes, et cum uino laetitiaque calentes iuuenes facile in
soporem iuissent, obedientes patri uirgines, captato tempore iugulauerunt
uiros, unaquaeque suum, Hypermestra excepta, quae Lino seu Linceo uiro
suo miserta pepercit.' We may note, by the way, that Chaucer's spelling
Hypermistre is nearer to Boccaccio's Hypermestra than to the form in Ovid.
perhaps from no other source, though the use of the word radevore in l.
2352 is yet to be accounted for. Cf. Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, lib.
ix. c. 8; and Gower, Conf. Amantis, ii. 313, who refers us to Ovid.
VIII. The Legend of Phyllis. Chiefly from Ovid, Her. Epist. ii.; cf.
Remedia Amoris, 591-608. But a comparison with the story as told by
Gower (C. A. ii. 26) shews that both poets consulted some further source,
which I cannot trace. The tale is told by Hyginus (Fab. capp. 59, 243) and
Boccaccio in a few lines. Cf. House of Fame, 388-396. A few lines are from
Vergil, Æn. i. 85-102, 142; iv. 373. And see notes to Lydgate's Temple of
Glas, ed. Schick, p. 75.
IX. The Legend of Hypermnestra. Chiefly from Ovid, Her. Epist. xiv. But
Ovid calls her husband Lynceus, whereas Chaucer calls him Lino. Again,
Ovid does not give the name of Lynceus' father. Chaucer not only
transposes the names of the two fathers[38], but calls Ægyptus by the name
of Egiste or Egistes. Hence we see that he also consulted Boccaccio, De
Genealogia Deorum, lib. ii. c. 22, where we find the following account:
'Danaus Beli Prisci fuit filius, ut asserit Paulus[39], et illud idem affirmat
Lactantius, qui etiam et ante Paulum Orosium, dicit Danaum Beli filium ex
pluribus coniugibus .l. filias habuisse, quas cum Ægistus frater eius, cui
totidem erant melioris sexus filii, postulasset in nurus, Danaus oraculi
responso comperto se manibus generi moriturum, uolens euitare periculum,
conscensis nauibus in Argos uenit.... Ægistus autem, quod spretus esset
indignans, ut illum sequerentur filiis imperauit, lege data ut nunquam
domum repeterent, ni prius Danaum occidissent. Qui cum apud Argos
oppugnarent patruum, ab eo diffidente fraude capti sunt. Spopondit enim se
illis iuxta Ægisti uotum filias daturum in coniuges, nec defuit promisso
fides. Subornatae enim a patre uirorum intrauere thalamos singulis cultris
clam armatae omnes, et cum uino laetitiaque calentes iuuenes facile in
soporem iuissent, obedientes patri uirgines, captato tempore iugulauerunt
uiros, unaquaeque suum, Hypermestra excepta, quae Lino seu Linceo uiro
suo miserta pepercit.' We may note, by the way, that Chaucer's spelling
Hypermistre is nearer to Boccaccio's Hypermestra than to the form in Ovid.
Page 49
§ 9. Gower's Confessio Amantis. The relationship of Gower's Confessio
Amantis to Chaucer's Legend has been investigated by Bech; in Anglia, v.
365-371. His conclusion is, that the passages in Gower which resemble
Chaucer are only three at most; and I am here concerned to shew that, in
two of these, the supposed resemblance is delusive.
1. In Gower's introduction, at the very beginning, ed. Pauli, i.4, we are told
that, but for books, the renown of many excellent people would be lost. This
seems to be copied from Chaucer's Prologue to the Legend, ll. 17-28. I have
no doubt that such is the case; but we must be careful to remember that
these lines by Gower form part of the prologue to his second edition, and
were not written till 1393; by which time Chaucer's lines were common
property, and could be imitated by any one who chose to do it; so we really
learn nothing at all from this comparison.
2. In Gower, i. 45-48, there is a passage which bears some resemblance to
Chaucer's Prologue to the Legend. But if it be considered impartially, I
believe it will be found that the resemblance is too vague to be of any value,
and cannot be relied upon. We really must not set much store by such
generalities as the mention of the month of May; the address of the poet to
Cupid and Venus; the wrathful aspect of Cupid; and the graciousness of
Venus, who bids him disclose his malady and shrive himself. If Gower
could not 'invent' such common poetical talk, he had small business to write
at all. I would rather conclude, that Gower had no opportunity of seeing
Chaucer's poem till somewhat later; for it is a striking fact, that, whereas
Gower seized the opportunity of copying some of Chaucer's phrases in the
Tale of Constance (see this discussed at p. 415), he tells several of
Chaucer's Legends, such as those of Thisbe, Dido, Medea, Lucrece,
Ariadne, Philomela, and Phyllis in a wholly independent manner; and, when
telling the tale of Alcestis (iii. 149), he had no idea that she was ever
transformed into a daisy. Moreover, if he had been able to refer to the
Legend, l. 1355-6, he would hardly have translated 'Maeandri' by 'king
Menander' (ii. 5).
Without hesitation, I dismiss these alleged resemblances as trifling, and the
deduction from them as misleading.
Amantis to Chaucer's Legend has been investigated by Bech; in Anglia, v.
365-371. His conclusion is, that the passages in Gower which resemble
Chaucer are only three at most; and I am here concerned to shew that, in
two of these, the supposed resemblance is delusive.
1. In Gower's introduction, at the very beginning, ed. Pauli, i.4, we are told
that, but for books, the renown of many excellent people would be lost. This
seems to be copied from Chaucer's Prologue to the Legend, ll. 17-28. I have
no doubt that such is the case; but we must be careful to remember that
these lines by Gower form part of the prologue to his second edition, and
were not written till 1393; by which time Chaucer's lines were common
property, and could be imitated by any one who chose to do it; so we really
learn nothing at all from this comparison.
2. In Gower, i. 45-48, there is a passage which bears some resemblance to
Chaucer's Prologue to the Legend. But if it be considered impartially, I
believe it will be found that the resemblance is too vague to be of any value,
and cannot be relied upon. We really must not set much store by such
generalities as the mention of the month of May; the address of the poet to
Cupid and Venus; the wrathful aspect of Cupid; and the graciousness of
Venus, who bids him disclose his malady and shrive himself. If Gower
could not 'invent' such common poetical talk, he had small business to write
at all. I would rather conclude, that Gower had no opportunity of seeing
Chaucer's poem till somewhat later; for it is a striking fact, that, whereas
Gower seized the opportunity of copying some of Chaucer's phrases in the
Tale of Constance (see this discussed at p. 415), he tells several of
Chaucer's Legends, such as those of Thisbe, Dido, Medea, Lucrece,
Ariadne, Philomela, and Phyllis in a wholly independent manner; and, when
telling the tale of Alcestis (iii. 149), he had no idea that she was ever
transformed into a daisy. Moreover, if he had been able to refer to the
Legend, l. 1355-6, he would hardly have translated 'Maeandri' by 'king
Menander' (ii. 5).
Without hesitation, I dismiss these alleged resemblances as trifling, and the
deduction from them as misleading.
Page 50
3. But when we come to the very end of Gower's work (iii. 357-367), the
case is entirely altered, and the resemblances are striking and irrefragable.
This is best seen by comparing the whole passage. Gower is in the midst of
lamenting his old age, a subject to which he afterwards returns, when he
suddenly introduces a digression, in which he sees
'Cupide with his bowe bent;
And, like unto a parlement
Which were ordeined for the nones,
With him cam al the world atones
Of gentil folk, that whilom were
Lovers; I sigh hem alle there'....
'Garlondes, nought of o colour,
Some of the lefe, som of the flour,
And some of grete perles were.'
After which we are introduced to Tristram and Isolde, Jason and Hercules,
Theseus and Phedra, Troilus and Criseide and Diomede, Pyramus, Dido,
Phyllis, Adriane, Cleopatra, Tisbe, Progne and Philomene and Tereus,
Lucrece, Alcestis; and even Ceyx and Alcyone (cf. Chaucer's youthful
poem). The matter is put beyond doubt by Gower's adoption of Chaucer's
peculiar account of Cleopatra's death, as already noted above; see p. xxxvii.
The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is obvious. We see that, in the
year 1385, Gower had almost completed his long poem, and communicated
the fact to his friend Chaucer; and Chaucer, in return, told him of the new
poem (the Legend) upon which he was then himself engaged, so planned as
to contain nineteen tales or sections, and likely to extend to some 6,000
lines. Moreover, it was written in a new metre, such as no Englishman had
ever employed before. Gower was allowed to see the MS. and to read a
considerable portion of it. He was so struck with it as to make room for
some remarks about it; and even went out of his way to introduce a personal
reference to his friend. He makes Venus say to himself (iii. 374):—
case is entirely altered, and the resemblances are striking and irrefragable.
This is best seen by comparing the whole passage. Gower is in the midst of
lamenting his old age, a subject to which he afterwards returns, when he
suddenly introduces a digression, in which he sees
'Cupide with his bowe bent;
And, like unto a parlement
Which were ordeined for the nones,
With him cam al the world atones
Of gentil folk, that whilom were
Lovers; I sigh hem alle there'....
'Garlondes, nought of o colour,
Some of the lefe, som of the flour,
And some of grete perles were.'
After which we are introduced to Tristram and Isolde, Jason and Hercules,
Theseus and Phedra, Troilus and Criseide and Diomede, Pyramus, Dido,
Phyllis, Adriane, Cleopatra, Tisbe, Progne and Philomene and Tereus,
Lucrece, Alcestis; and even Ceyx and Alcyone (cf. Chaucer's youthful
poem). The matter is put beyond doubt by Gower's adoption of Chaucer's
peculiar account of Cleopatra's death, as already noted above; see p. xxxvii.
The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is obvious. We see that, in the
year 1385, Gower had almost completed his long poem, and communicated
the fact to his friend Chaucer; and Chaucer, in return, told him of the new
poem (the Legend) upon which he was then himself engaged, so planned as
to contain nineteen tales or sections, and likely to extend to some 6,000
lines. Moreover, it was written in a new metre, such as no Englishman had
ever employed before. Gower was allowed to see the MS. and to read a
considerable portion of it. He was so struck with it as to make room for
some remarks about it; and even went out of his way to introduce a personal
reference to his friend. He makes Venus say to himself (iii. 374):—
Page 51
'And grete wel Chaucer, whan ye
mete,
As my disciple and my poete....
Forthy now, in his dayes olde[40],
Thou shall telle him this message,
That he, upon his later age[40],
To sette an ende of alle his werke,
As he, which is myn owne clerke,
Do make his testament of love,
(As thou hast do thy shrift above),
So that my court it may recorde.'
That is to say, Chaucer, being the poet of Venus, is to make his testament of
love, or final declaration concerning love, in a form suitable for being
recorded in the court of the goddess. This 'testament' is, of course, the
Legend of Good Women, in which the martyrs of love are duly recorded;
and their stories, written at the command of Cupid and by way of penance
for what he had missaid against women, were to be placed to the good side
of the author's account with Venus and her son. Moreover, they were finally
to be sent in to the visible representative of the court of Love, viz. to the
queen of England and her court.
It is interesting to observe that Gower, like Chaucer himself at the moment,
regarded this poem as the crowning effort of Chaucer's poetical career.
Neither of them had, at the time, any suspicion that Chaucer would, after
all, 'sette an ende of alle his werke' in a very different manner. We may thus
confidently date the first edition of Gower's Confessio Amantis in the year
1385, before the Legend of Hypermnestra was abandoned in the middle of a
sentence. The date of the second edition of the same is 1393; and it is a
great help to have these dates thus settled.
§ 10. Metre. The most interesting point about this poem is that it is the first
of the 'third period' of Chaucer's literary work. Here, for the first time, he
writes a series of tales, to which he prefixes a prologue; he adopts a new
style, in which he seeks to delineate characters; and, at the same time, he
introduces a new metre, previously unknown to English writers, but now
mete,
As my disciple and my poete....
Forthy now, in his dayes olde[40],
Thou shall telle him this message,
That he, upon his later age[40],
To sette an ende of alle his werke,
As he, which is myn owne clerke,
Do make his testament of love,
(As thou hast do thy shrift above),
So that my court it may recorde.'
That is to say, Chaucer, being the poet of Venus, is to make his testament of
love, or final declaration concerning love, in a form suitable for being
recorded in the court of the goddess. This 'testament' is, of course, the
Legend of Good Women, in which the martyrs of love are duly recorded;
and their stories, written at the command of Cupid and by way of penance
for what he had missaid against women, were to be placed to the good side
of the author's account with Venus and her son. Moreover, they were finally
to be sent in to the visible representative of the court of Love, viz. to the
queen of England and her court.
It is interesting to observe that Gower, like Chaucer himself at the moment,
regarded this poem as the crowning effort of Chaucer's poetical career.
Neither of them had, at the time, any suspicion that Chaucer would, after
all, 'sette an ende of alle his werke' in a very different manner. We may thus
confidently date the first edition of Gower's Confessio Amantis in the year
1385, before the Legend of Hypermnestra was abandoned in the middle of a
sentence. The date of the second edition of the same is 1393; and it is a
great help to have these dates thus settled.
§ 10. Metre. The most interesting point about this poem is that it is the first
of the 'third period' of Chaucer's literary work. Here, for the first time, he
writes a series of tales, to which he prefixes a prologue; he adopts a new
style, in which he seeks to delineate characters; and, at the same time, he
introduces a new metre, previously unknown to English writers, but now
Page 52
famous as 'the heroic couplet.' In all these respects, the Legend is evidently
the forerunner of the Canterbury Tales, and we see how he was gradually,
yet unconsciously, preparing himself for that supreme work. In two notable
respects, as Ten Brink remarks, the Legend is inferior to the Tales. The
various legends composing it are merely grouped together, not joined by
connecting links which afford an agreeable relief. And again, the Prologue
to the Legend is mere allegory, whilst the famous Prologue to the Tales is
full of real life and dramatic sketches of character.
Chaucer had already introduced the seven-line stanza, unknown to his
predecessors—the earliest example being the Compleint unto Pite—as well
as the eight-line stanza, employed in his earliest extant poem, the A. B. C.
For the hint as to this form of verse, he was doubtless indebted in the first
instance to French poets, such as Guillaume de Machault, though he
afterwards conformed his lines, as regarded their cadence and general laws,
to those of Boccaccio and Dante[41].
The idea of the heroic couplet was also, I suppose, taken from French; we
find it in a Complainte written by Machault about 1356-8 (see below, p.
383); but here, again, Chaucer's melody has rather the Italian than the
French character. The lines in Froissart's poem on the Daisy (p. xxxi) are of
the same length, but rime together in groups of seven lines at a time,
separated by short lines having two accents only. Boccaccio's favourite
stanza in the Teseide, known as the ottava rima, ends with two lines that
form an heroic couplet[42].
§ 11. 'Clipped' Lines. It ought to be clearly understood that the introduction
of the new metre was quite an experiment, for which Chaucer himself offers
some apology when he makes the God of Love say expressly: 'Make the
metres of hem as thee leste' (l. 562). Hence it was that he introduced into
the line a variety which is now held to be inadmissible; though we must not
forget that even so great a master of melody as Tennyson, after beginning
his 'Vision of Sin' with lines of normal length, begins the second portion of
it with the lines:—
the forerunner of the Canterbury Tales, and we see how he was gradually,
yet unconsciously, preparing himself for that supreme work. In two notable
respects, as Ten Brink remarks, the Legend is inferior to the Tales. The
various legends composing it are merely grouped together, not joined by
connecting links which afford an agreeable relief. And again, the Prologue
to the Legend is mere allegory, whilst the famous Prologue to the Tales is
full of real life and dramatic sketches of character.
Chaucer had already introduced the seven-line stanza, unknown to his
predecessors—the earliest example being the Compleint unto Pite—as well
as the eight-line stanza, employed in his earliest extant poem, the A. B. C.
For the hint as to this form of verse, he was doubtless indebted in the first
instance to French poets, such as Guillaume de Machault, though he
afterwards conformed his lines, as regarded their cadence and general laws,
to those of Boccaccio and Dante[41].
The idea of the heroic couplet was also, I suppose, taken from French; we
find it in a Complainte written by Machault about 1356-8 (see below, p.
383); but here, again, Chaucer's melody has rather the Italian than the
French character. The lines in Froissart's poem on the Daisy (p. xxxi) are of
the same length, but rime together in groups of seven lines at a time,
separated by short lines having two accents only. Boccaccio's favourite
stanza in the Teseide, known as the ottava rima, ends with two lines that
form an heroic couplet[42].
§ 11. 'Clipped' Lines. It ought to be clearly understood that the introduction
of the new metre was quite an experiment, for which Chaucer himself offers
some apology when he makes the God of Love say expressly: 'Make the
metres of hem as thee leste' (l. 562). Hence it was that he introduced into
the line a variety which is now held to be inadmissible; though we must not
forget that even so great a master of melody as Tennyson, after beginning
his 'Vision of Sin' with lines of normal length, begins the second portion of
it with the lines:—
Page 53
'Then methought I heard a hollow
sound
Gathering up from all the lower
ground;
Narrowing in to where they sat
assembled,
Low voluptuous music winding
trembled,' &c.
It is precisely this variation that Chaucer sometimes allowed himself, and it
is easy to see how it came to pass.
In lines of a shorter type we constantly find a similar variation. There are a
large number of 'clipped' lines in the House of Fame. Practically, their first
foot consists of a single syllable, and they may be scanned accordingly, by
marking off that syllable at the beginning. Thus, ll. 2117-2120 run thus:—
'And leet | hem gon. Ther might' I
seen
Weng | ed wondres faste fleen,
Twent | ty thousand in a route,
As E | olus hem blew aboute.'
This variation is still admissible, and is, of course, common enough in such
poems as Milton's L'Allegro and Il Penseroso. It is considered a beauty.
The introduction of two more syllables in lines of the above type gives us a
similar variation in the longer line. If, for example, after the word thousand
in the third of the above lines, we introduce the word freres (dissyllabic),
we obtain the line:—
'Twen | ty thousand freres in a route.'
It is a remarkable fact, that this very line actually occurs in the Canterbury
Tales (Group D, 1695); as I have pointed out in the note to l. 2119 of the
House of Fame, at p. 286 below. Persistent efforts have often been made to
sound
Gathering up from all the lower
ground;
Narrowing in to where they sat
assembled,
Low voluptuous music winding
trembled,' &c.
It is precisely this variation that Chaucer sometimes allowed himself, and it
is easy to see how it came to pass.
In lines of a shorter type we constantly find a similar variation. There are a
large number of 'clipped' lines in the House of Fame. Practically, their first
foot consists of a single syllable, and they may be scanned accordingly, by
marking off that syllable at the beginning. Thus, ll. 2117-2120 run thus:—
'And leet | hem gon. Ther might' I
seen
Weng | ed wondres faste fleen,
Twent | ty thousand in a route,
As E | olus hem blew aboute.'
This variation is still admissible, and is, of course, common enough in such
poems as Milton's L'Allegro and Il Penseroso. It is considered a beauty.
The introduction of two more syllables in lines of the above type gives us a
similar variation in the longer line. If, for example, after the word thousand
in the third of the above lines, we introduce the word freres (dissyllabic),
we obtain the line:—
'Twen | ty thousand freres in a route.'
It is a remarkable fact, that this very line actually occurs in the Canterbury
Tales (Group D, 1695); as I have pointed out in the note to l. 2119 of the
House of Fame, at p. 286 below. Persistent efforts have often been made to
Page 54
deny this fact, to declare it 'impossible,' and to deride me for having pointed
it out (as I did in 1866, in Morris's edition of Chaucer, i. 174); but I believe
that the fact is now pretty generally admitted. It is none the less necessary to
say here, that there is rather a large number of such lines in the Legend of
Good Women; precisely as we might expect to find in a metre which was, in
fact, a new experiment. As it is advisable to present the evidence rather
fully, I here cite several of these lines, marking off the first syllable in the
right way:—
'That | of all' the flour-es in the med-
e'; 41.
'Suf | fisaunt this flour to preys'
aright'; 67.
'Of | this flour, when that it shuld
unclos-e'; 111.
'Mad' | her lyk a daisie for to sen-e';
224.
'Half | hir beautee shulde men nat
fynd-e'; 245.
'With | the whyt-e coroun, clad in
gren-e'; 303.
'Mai | dens been y-kept, for Ielosy-
e'; 722.
'For | to met' in o plac' at o tyd-e';
783.
'With | her fac' y-wimpled subtilly';
797.
'Both | e with her hert' and with her
y-ën'; 859.
'Bet | ing with his hel-es on the
ground-e'; 863.
'We | that wer-en whylom children
your-e'; 901.
'Been | as trew' and loving as a man';
911.
'Had | den in this temple been ov'r-
al'; 1024.
it out (as I did in 1866, in Morris's edition of Chaucer, i. 174); but I believe
that the fact is now pretty generally admitted. It is none the less necessary to
say here, that there is rather a large number of such lines in the Legend of
Good Women; precisely as we might expect to find in a metre which was, in
fact, a new experiment. As it is advisable to present the evidence rather
fully, I here cite several of these lines, marking off the first syllable in the
right way:—
'That | of all' the flour-es in the med-
e'; 41.
'Suf | fisaunt this flour to preys'
aright'; 67.
'Of | this flour, when that it shuld
unclos-e'; 111.
'Mad' | her lyk a daisie for to sen-e';
224.
'Half | hir beautee shulde men nat
fynd-e'; 245.
'With | the whyt-e coroun, clad in
gren-e'; 303.
'Mai | dens been y-kept, for Ielosy-
e'; 722.
'For | to met' in o plac' at o tyd-e';
783.
'With | her fac' y-wimpled subtilly';
797.
'Both | e with her hert' and with her
y-ën'; 859.
'Bet | ing with his hel-es on the
ground-e'; 863.
'We | that wer-en whylom children
your-e'; 901.
'Been | as trew' and loving as a man';
911.
'Had | den in this temple been ov'r-
al'; 1024.
Page 55
'We | that wer-en in prosperitee';
1030.
'Lyk | ed him the bet, as, god do bot-
e'; 1076.
'Lov' | wol lov', for no wight wol hit
wond-e'; 1187.
'Send' | her lettres, tokens, broches,
ring-es'; 1275.
'Mer | cy, lord! hav' pitè in your
thoght'; 1324.
'Twen | ty tym' y-swowned hath she
than-ne'; 1342.
'With | her meynee, end-e-long the
strond-e'; 1498.
'Yift | es gret', and to her officeres';
1551.
'Fad | er, moder, husbond, al y-fer-e';
1828.
'Fight | en with this fend, and him
defend-e'; 1996.
'Tell | en al his doing to and fro';
2471.
'Y | permistra, yongest of hem all-e';
2575.
It is worth notice that they become scarcer towards the end of the poem. For
all that, Chaucer regarded this form of the line as an admissible variety, and
Hoccleve and Lydgate followed him in this peculiarity. The practice of
Hoccleve and Lydgate is entirely ignored by those to whom it is convenient
to ignore it. Perhaps they do not understand it. The usual argument of those
who wish to regulate Chaucer's verse according to their own preconceived
ideas, is to exclaim against the badness of the MSS. and the stupidity of the
scribes. This was tolerably safe before Dr. Furnivall printed his valuable
and exact copies of the MSS., but is less safe now. We now have twelve
MSS. (some imperfect) in type, besides a copy of Thynne's first edition of
the poem in 1532, making thirteen authorities in all. Now, as far as this
particular matter is concerned, the chief MSS. shew a wonderful unanimity.
1030.
'Lyk | ed him the bet, as, god do bot-
e'; 1076.
'Lov' | wol lov', for no wight wol hit
wond-e'; 1187.
'Send' | her lettres, tokens, broches,
ring-es'; 1275.
'Mer | cy, lord! hav' pitè in your
thoght'; 1324.
'Twen | ty tym' y-swowned hath she
than-ne'; 1342.
'With | her meynee, end-e-long the
strond-e'; 1498.
'Yift | es gret', and to her officeres';
1551.
'Fad | er, moder, husbond, al y-fer-e';
1828.
'Fight | en with this fend, and him
defend-e'; 1996.
'Tell | en al his doing to and fro';
2471.
'Y | permistra, yongest of hem all-e';
2575.
It is worth notice that they become scarcer towards the end of the poem. For
all that, Chaucer regarded this form of the line as an admissible variety, and
Hoccleve and Lydgate followed him in this peculiarity. The practice of
Hoccleve and Lydgate is entirely ignored by those to whom it is convenient
to ignore it. Perhaps they do not understand it. The usual argument of those
who wish to regulate Chaucer's verse according to their own preconceived
ideas, is to exclaim against the badness of the MSS. and the stupidity of the
scribes. This was tolerably safe before Dr. Furnivall printed his valuable
and exact copies of the MSS., but is less safe now. We now have twelve
MSS. (some imperfect) in type, besides a copy of Thynne's first edition of
the poem in 1532, making thirteen authorities in all. Now, as far as this
particular matter is concerned, the chief MSS. shew a wonderful unanimity.
Page 56
In ll. 41, 111, 224, 722, 797, 901, 911, 1076, 1187, 1996, there is no
variation that affects the scansion. And this means a great deal more than it
seems to do at first sight. For the scribes of MSS. A. and T. evidently did
not like these lines, and sometimes attempted emendations with all the
hardihood of modern editors. The fact that the scribes are unwilling
witnesses, with a tendency to corrupt the evidence, makes their testimony
upon this point all the stronger. Added to which, I here admit that, wherever
there seemed to be sufficient evidence, I have so far yielded to popular
prejudice as to receive the suggested emendation. I now leave this matter to
the consideration of the unprejudiced reader; merely observing, that I
believe a considerable number of lines in the Canterbury Tales have been
'emended' in order to get rid of lines of this character, solely on the strength
of the Harleian MS., the scribe of which kept a keen look-out, with a view
to the suppression of this eccentricity on the part of his author. To give him
much encouragement seems inconsistent with strict morality.
The introduction (ll. 249-269) of a Balade of twenty-one lines makes every
succeeding couplet end with a line denoted by an odd number. The whole
number of lines is 2,723. Dr. Furnivall was the first person who succeeded
in counting their number correctly.
§ 12. Description of the Manuscripts. The MSS. easily fall into two
distinct classes, and may be separated by merely observing the reading of l.
1396: see note to that line. MSS. C., T., A. here read Guido or Guydo;
whilst MSS. F., Tn., B. read Ouyde. MS. P. is here deficient, but commonly
agrees with the former class. Those of the same class will be described
together. Besides this, MS. C. is, as regards the Prologue only, unique of its
kind; and is throughout of the highest authority, notwithstanding some
unpleasant peculiarities of spelling. It is necessary to pay special attention
to it.
The list of the MSS. (including Thynne's edition) is as follows:—
A.—Arch. Selden B. 24; Bodleian Library (First class).
Add.—Additional 9832; British Museum (First class).
variation that affects the scansion. And this means a great deal more than it
seems to do at first sight. For the scribes of MSS. A. and T. evidently did
not like these lines, and sometimes attempted emendations with all the
hardihood of modern editors. The fact that the scribes are unwilling
witnesses, with a tendency to corrupt the evidence, makes their testimony
upon this point all the stronger. Added to which, I here admit that, wherever
there seemed to be sufficient evidence, I have so far yielded to popular
prejudice as to receive the suggested emendation. I now leave this matter to
the consideration of the unprejudiced reader; merely observing, that I
believe a considerable number of lines in the Canterbury Tales have been
'emended' in order to get rid of lines of this character, solely on the strength
of the Harleian MS., the scribe of which kept a keen look-out, with a view
to the suppression of this eccentricity on the part of his author. To give him
much encouragement seems inconsistent with strict morality.
The introduction (ll. 249-269) of a Balade of twenty-one lines makes every
succeeding couplet end with a line denoted by an odd number. The whole
number of lines is 2,723. Dr. Furnivall was the first person who succeeded
in counting their number correctly.
§ 12. Description of the Manuscripts. The MSS. easily fall into two
distinct classes, and may be separated by merely observing the reading of l.
1396: see note to that line. MSS. C., T., A. here read Guido or Guydo;
whilst MSS. F., Tn., B. read Ouyde. MS. P. is here deficient, but commonly
agrees with the former class. Those of the same class will be described
together. Besides this, MS. C. is, as regards the Prologue only, unique of its
kind; and is throughout of the highest authority, notwithstanding some
unpleasant peculiarities of spelling. It is necessary to pay special attention
to it.
The list of the MSS. (including Thynne's edition) is as follows:—
A.—Arch. Selden B. 24; Bodleian Library (First class).
Add.—Additional 9832; British Museum (First class).
Page 57
Additional 12524; British Museum (First class).
B.—Bodley 638; Bodleian Library (Second class).
C.—Cambridge Univ. Library, Gg. 4. 27 (First class).
F.—Fairfax 16; Bodleian Library (Second class).
P.—Pepys 2006; Magd. Coll., Cambridge (First class).
T.—Trinity College, Cambridge, R. 3. 19 (First class).
Th.—Thynne's edition, pr. in 1532 (Second class?).
Tn.—Tanner 346; Bodleian Library (Second class).
α.—Additional 28617; British Museum (First class); but only a
fragment, viz. ll. 513-610, 808-1105, 1306-1801, 1852-2110, 2125-
2135, 2151-2723.
β.—Cambridge Univ. Library, Ff. 1. 6 (Thisbe only).
γ.—Rawlinson C. 86; Bodleian Library (Dido only).
They may be thus described.
C. (Camb. Univ. Lib. Gg. 4. 27) is the famous Cambridge MS., containing
the Canterbury Tales, denoted by the symbol 'Cm.' in the footnotes to vol. iv
(i.e. throughout the Canterbury Tales); also by the symbol 'Gg.' in vol. i., i.e.
in the Minor Poems; see p. 49 of the Introduction to vol. i. It also contains
some other pieces by Chaucer, viz. the A. B. C., Envoy to Scogan, Truth,
Troilus, and the Parlement of Foules. It is of early date, and altogether the
oldest, best, and most important of the existing copies of the Legend. I shall
call all those that resemble it MSS. of the first class.
B.—Bodley 638; Bodleian Library (Second class).
C.—Cambridge Univ. Library, Gg. 4. 27 (First class).
F.—Fairfax 16; Bodleian Library (Second class).
P.—Pepys 2006; Magd. Coll., Cambridge (First class).
T.—Trinity College, Cambridge, R. 3. 19 (First class).
Th.—Thynne's edition, pr. in 1532 (Second class?).
Tn.—Tanner 346; Bodleian Library (Second class).
α.—Additional 28617; British Museum (First class); but only a
fragment, viz. ll. 513-610, 808-1105, 1306-1801, 1852-2110, 2125-
2135, 2151-2723.
β.—Cambridge Univ. Library, Ff. 1. 6 (Thisbe only).
γ.—Rawlinson C. 86; Bodleian Library (Dido only).
They may be thus described.
C. (Camb. Univ. Lib. Gg. 4. 27) is the famous Cambridge MS., containing
the Canterbury Tales, denoted by the symbol 'Cm.' in the footnotes to vol. iv
(i.e. throughout the Canterbury Tales); also by the symbol 'Gg.' in vol. i., i.e.
in the Minor Poems; see p. 49 of the Introduction to vol. i. It also contains
some other pieces by Chaucer, viz. the A. B. C., Envoy to Scogan, Truth,
Troilus, and the Parlement of Foules. It is of early date, and altogether the
oldest, best, and most important of the existing copies of the Legend. I shall
call all those that resemble it MSS. of the first class.
Page 58
Its great peculiarity is that it possesses the unique copy of the early draught
of the Prologue; see p. xxi. Upon comparison of it with the Fairfax MS. (the
best MS. of the second class), it is found to offer slight differences in many
places throughout the various Legends, besides presenting large differences
throughout the Prologue. The variations are frequently for the better, and it
becomes clear that the first class of MSS. is of an older type. The second
class is of a later type, and differs in two ways, in one way for the worse,
and in another way for the better. In the former respect, it presents corrupted
or inferior readings in several passages; whilst, on the other hand, it
presents corrections that are real improvements, and may have been due to
revision. No doubt there was once in existence a correct edition of the
revised text, but no existing MS. represents it. We can, however, practically
reconstruct it by a careful collation of MS. C. with MS. F.; and this I have
attempted to do. Throughout the Prologue, I take MS. C. as the basis of the
'A-text,' correcting its eccentricities of spelling, but recording them in
footnotes wherever the variation is at all important; such a variation as hym
for him, or yt for hit, I regard as being of no value. At the same time, I take
MS. F. as the basis of the B-text, and correct it, where necessary, by
collation with the rest. Throughout the Legends themselves, I take MS. F. as
the basis of the text, collating it with C. throughout, so that the text really
depends on a comparison of these MSS.; if MS. C. had been made the basis,
the result would have been much the same. It was convenient to take F. as
the basis, because it agrees, very nearly, with all previous editions of the
poem. Unfortunately, leaf 469 of MS. C. has been cut out of it; and, in
consequence, ll. 1836-1907 are missing. The scribe has missed ll. 1922,
1923, 2506, 2507, in the process of copying.
Addit. 9832. This is an imperfect MS., ending at l. 1985, no more leaves of
the MS. being left after that line. Besides this, the scribe has omitted several
lines, viz. ll. 166, 233, 234, 332, 333, 351, 865-872, 960, 961, 1255, 1517,
1744-1746, 1783, 1895, 1945. It belongs to the first class of the MSS., but
is an unsatisfactory copy, and I have not fully collated it. It confirms,
however, several of the readings of this edition, as distinguished from
former editions.
Addit. 12524. This also is only a fragment. The first leaf begins at l. 1640
of the poem, from which point it is complete to the end, though ll. 2454-
of the Prologue; see p. xxi. Upon comparison of it with the Fairfax MS. (the
best MS. of the second class), it is found to offer slight differences in many
places throughout the various Legends, besides presenting large differences
throughout the Prologue. The variations are frequently for the better, and it
becomes clear that the first class of MSS. is of an older type. The second
class is of a later type, and differs in two ways, in one way for the worse,
and in another way for the better. In the former respect, it presents corrupted
or inferior readings in several passages; whilst, on the other hand, it
presents corrections that are real improvements, and may have been due to
revision. No doubt there was once in existence a correct edition of the
revised text, but no existing MS. represents it. We can, however, practically
reconstruct it by a careful collation of MS. C. with MS. F.; and this I have
attempted to do. Throughout the Prologue, I take MS. C. as the basis of the
'A-text,' correcting its eccentricities of spelling, but recording them in
footnotes wherever the variation is at all important; such a variation as hym
for him, or yt for hit, I regard as being of no value. At the same time, I take
MS. F. as the basis of the B-text, and correct it, where necessary, by
collation with the rest. Throughout the Legends themselves, I take MS. F. as
the basis of the text, collating it with C. throughout, so that the text really
depends on a comparison of these MSS.; if MS. C. had been made the basis,
the result would have been much the same. It was convenient to take F. as
the basis, because it agrees, very nearly, with all previous editions of the
poem. Unfortunately, leaf 469 of MS. C. has been cut out of it; and, in
consequence, ll. 1836-1907 are missing. The scribe has missed ll. 1922,
1923, 2506, 2507, in the process of copying.
Addit. 9832. This is an imperfect MS., ending at l. 1985, no more leaves of
the MS. being left after that line. Besides this, the scribe has omitted several
lines, viz. ll. 166, 233, 234, 332, 333, 351, 865-872, 960, 961, 1255, 1517,
1744-1746, 1783, 1895, 1945. It belongs to the first class of the MSS., but
is an unsatisfactory copy, and I have not fully collated it. It confirms,
however, several of the readings of this edition, as distinguished from
former editions.
Addit. 12524. This also is only a fragment. The first leaf begins at l. 1640
of the poem, from which point it is complete to the end, though ll. 2454-
Page 59
2461 are partially effaced. It belongs to the first class of MSS., but is a late
copy, and I have not fully collated it. It confirms several of my readings.
T.—MS. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 19. Denoted by the symbol 'Trin.' in my
edition of the Minor Poems, and described in vol. i., Introd. p. 56. It is of
rather late date, about 1500, but belongs to the first class of MSS. The
scribe has omitted the following lines, viz. 233, 234, 332, 333, 489, 960,
961, 1627, 2202, 2203, 2287-2292, and 2569.
A.—MS. Arch. Selden B. 24 (Bodley). Denoted by the symbol 'Ar.' in my
edition of the Minor Poems, and described in vol. i., Introd. p. 54. A
Scottish copy, written about 1472. It belongs to the first class of MSS., but
the Scottish scribe sometimes takes liberties, and gives us a reading of his
own. For example, l. 714 becomes:—'As in grete townis the maner is and
wone.' But its readings, on the whole, are good. It alone preserves the word
'almychti' in l. 1538, which in all the rest is too short; this may not have
been the original reading, but it gives a fair line, and furnishes as good an
emendation as we are likely to get. The scribe has omitted ll. 860, 861, 960,
961, 1568-1571, 2226, and 2227; besides which, one leaf of the MS. is
missing, causing the loss of ll. 2551-2616.
P.—Pepys 2006, Magd. Coll., Cambridge. Denoted by 'P.' in my edition of
the Minor Poems, of which it contains ten. It belongs, on the whole, to the
first class of MSS. The scribe has omitted ll. 232, 437, 623, and 1275.
Besides this, it has lost at least one leaf, causing the complete loss of ll.
706-776, whilst ll. 777-845 are in a different handwriting. At l. 1377 it
breaks off altogether, so that it is only a fragment. It gives l. 1377 in the
following extraordinary form:—'And thow wer not fals to oon, but thow
wer fals to twoo'; giving six feet at least to the line, and a syllable over.
α.—Addit. 28617. A fair MS., but only a fragment, as already noted (p.
xlvii). It confirms many of my readings; as, e.g., in ll. 1995, 2019, 2020,
2199, &c. It varies in l. 1999, but gives there an excellent reading:—That is
nat derk, and ther is roum and space.
copy, and I have not fully collated it. It confirms several of my readings.
T.—MS. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 19. Denoted by the symbol 'Trin.' in my
edition of the Minor Poems, and described in vol. i., Introd. p. 56. It is of
rather late date, about 1500, but belongs to the first class of MSS. The
scribe has omitted the following lines, viz. 233, 234, 332, 333, 489, 960,
961, 1627, 2202, 2203, 2287-2292, and 2569.
A.—MS. Arch. Selden B. 24 (Bodley). Denoted by the symbol 'Ar.' in my
edition of the Minor Poems, and described in vol. i., Introd. p. 54. A
Scottish copy, written about 1472. It belongs to the first class of MSS., but
the Scottish scribe sometimes takes liberties, and gives us a reading of his
own. For example, l. 714 becomes:—'As in grete townis the maner is and
wone.' But its readings, on the whole, are good. It alone preserves the word
'almychti' in l. 1538, which in all the rest is too short; this may not have
been the original reading, but it gives a fair line, and furnishes as good an
emendation as we are likely to get. The scribe has omitted ll. 860, 861, 960,
961, 1568-1571, 2226, and 2227; besides which, one leaf of the MS. is
missing, causing the loss of ll. 2551-2616.
P.—Pepys 2006, Magd. Coll., Cambridge. Denoted by 'P.' in my edition of
the Minor Poems, of which it contains ten. It belongs, on the whole, to the
first class of MSS. The scribe has omitted ll. 232, 437, 623, and 1275.
Besides this, it has lost at least one leaf, causing the complete loss of ll.
706-776, whilst ll. 777-845 are in a different handwriting. At l. 1377 it
breaks off altogether, so that it is only a fragment. It gives l. 1377 in the
following extraordinary form:—'And thow wer not fals to oon, but thow
wer fals to twoo'; giving six feet at least to the line, and a syllable over.
α.—Addit. 28617. A fair MS., but only a fragment, as already noted (p.
xlvii). It confirms many of my readings; as, e.g., in ll. 1995, 2019, 2020,
2199, &c. It varies in l. 1999, but gives there an excellent reading:—That is
nat derk, and ther is roum and space.
Page 60
β.—Camb. Univ. Library, Ff. 1. 6. Contains the Legend of Thisbe only. A
late and poor MS., of small account.
γ.—Rawl. C. 86 (Bodleian Library). Contains the Legend of Dido only. A
poor text, with many errors. Yet it seems to be of the first class, and
preserves ll. 960-1. It confirms my readings of ll. 1048, 1074, 1079, 1139,
1144, 1159, 1174, 1195, 1196, 1215, 1366.
F.—Fairfax 16 (Bodleian Library). This is the valuable MS. which contains
so many of the Minor Poems. It is described in my Introd. to the Minor
Poems; vol. i. p. 51. I have taken it as the basis of the edition, though it was
necessary to correct it in all the places where the MSS. of the first class
have better readings. It is the best MS. of the second class, and Bell's
edition does little more than follow it, almost too faithfully, though the
editor professes to have collated with it the MS. A. described above. The
same text, in the main, reappears in the editions by Thynne, Morris, Corson,
Gilman. The scribe is careless, and frequently leaves out essential words; he
also omits ll. 249, 487, 846, 960, 961, 1490[43], 1643, 1693, 1998, part of
2150, 2151, 2152, part of 2153[44], 2193, 2338 (in place of which a spurious
line is inserted in a wrong place), and 2475. Besides this, the scribe often
ruins the scansion of a line by omitting an essential word in it, as has
already been mentioned. Thus in l. 614, he drops the word for, which occurs
in all the other MSS. The scribe often wrongly adds or omits a final e, and
is too fond of substituting y for i in such words as him, king. When these
variations are allowed for, the spelling of the MS. is, for the most part, clear
and satisfactory, and a fair guide to the right pronunciation. Rejected
spellings are given in footnotes as far as l. 924; after which I have made
such alterations as are purely trivial without giving notice. Even in ll. 1-924
I have changed hym into him, and kyng into king; and, conversely, strif into
stryf, (where the y denotes that the vowel is long), without hesitation and
without recording the change. My text is, in fact, spelt phonetically; and,
after all, the test of a text of Chaucer is to read it with the Middle-English
pronunciation as given by Dr. Sweet in his Second Middle-English Primer,
and to observe whether the result is perfectly in accord with the flowing
melody so manifest in the Canterbury Tales.
late and poor MS., of small account.
γ.—Rawl. C. 86 (Bodleian Library). Contains the Legend of Dido only. A
poor text, with many errors. Yet it seems to be of the first class, and
preserves ll. 960-1. It confirms my readings of ll. 1048, 1074, 1079, 1139,
1144, 1159, 1174, 1195, 1196, 1215, 1366.
F.—Fairfax 16 (Bodleian Library). This is the valuable MS. which contains
so many of the Minor Poems. It is described in my Introd. to the Minor
Poems; vol. i. p. 51. I have taken it as the basis of the edition, though it was
necessary to correct it in all the places where the MSS. of the first class
have better readings. It is the best MS. of the second class, and Bell's
edition does little more than follow it, almost too faithfully, though the
editor professes to have collated with it the MS. A. described above. The
same text, in the main, reappears in the editions by Thynne, Morris, Corson,
Gilman. The scribe is careless, and frequently leaves out essential words; he
also omits ll. 249, 487, 846, 960, 961, 1490[43], 1643, 1693, 1998, part of
2150, 2151, 2152, part of 2153[44], 2193, 2338 (in place of which a spurious
line is inserted in a wrong place), and 2475. Besides this, the scribe often
ruins the scansion of a line by omitting an essential word in it, as has
already been mentioned. Thus in l. 614, he drops the word for, which occurs
in all the other MSS. The scribe often wrongly adds or omits a final e, and
is too fond of substituting y for i in such words as him, king. When these
variations are allowed for, the spelling of the MS. is, for the most part, clear
and satisfactory, and a fair guide to the right pronunciation. Rejected
spellings are given in footnotes as far as l. 924; after which I have made
such alterations as are purely trivial without giving notice. Even in ll. 1-924
I have changed hym into him, and kyng into king; and, conversely, strif into
stryf, (where the y denotes that the vowel is long), without hesitation and
without recording the change. My text is, in fact, spelt phonetically; and,
after all, the test of a text of Chaucer is to read it with the Middle-English
pronunciation as given by Dr. Sweet in his Second Middle-English Primer,
and to observe whether the result is perfectly in accord with the flowing
melody so manifest in the Canterbury Tales.
Page 61
B.—Bodley 638. Closely related to MS. F., and almost a duplicate of it,
both being derived from a common source. B. is sometimes right where F.
is wrong; thus in l. 1196 it has houyn, where F. has heuen. See Introd. to the
Minor Poems, vol. i. p. 53. Of course this MS. belongs, like F., to the
second class. It preserves l. 1693 (missing in F.); otherwise it omits all the
lines that are omitted in F., as well as ll. 157, 262, 623, 1345, 1866; all of
which F. retains. Like F., it has a spurious line in place of l. 2338.
Tn.—Tanner 346 (Bodley). This is a MS. of the second class, strongly
resembling F.; see Introd. to the Minor Poems, vol. i. p. 54. It preserves ll.
1693, 2193, 2475; otherwise it omits all the lines omitted in F., as well as
the latter half of l. 1378 and the former half of l. 1379. It has a spurious line
in place of l. 2338. It is clear that F., B., and Tn. are all from a common
source, which was an older MS. not now known.
§ 13. Description of the Printed Editions. Th.—Thynne's edition; A.D.
1532. This follows, mainly, the MSS. of the second class; its alliance with
F., B., and Tn. is shewn by its containing the spurious form of l. 2338. But it
gives the genuine form also, so that in this place three lines rime together. It
is more complete than any of those MSS., preserving the lines which they
omit (excepting ll. 960, 961), save that it omits ll. 1326, 1327 (doubtless by
oversight), which are found in these three MSS., and indeed in all the
copies. Probably Thynne used more than one MS., as he sometimes agrees
with the MSS. of the first class. Thus, in l. 1163, he reads vpreysed had, as
in C., T., A., P., instead of vp-reyseth hath, as in F., Tn., B. He might,
however, have corrected this by the light of nature. In ll. 1902, 1923,
Thynne alone gives the right reading Alcathoe; unfortunately, both these
lines are missing in MS. C. The chief faults of Thynne's edition are its
omission of ll. 960, 961, 1326, 1327, and its spurious l. 2338. Thynne was
also unfortunate in following, in general, the authority of a MS. of the
second class.
Some later editions.—Later editions appeared in the collected editions of
Chaucer's Works, viz. in 1542, (about) 1550, 1561, 1598, 1602, 1687; after
which came Urry's useless edition of 1721. Excepting the last, I suppose the
editions are all mere reprints; each being worse than its predecessor, as is
both being derived from a common source. B. is sometimes right where F.
is wrong; thus in l. 1196 it has houyn, where F. has heuen. See Introd. to the
Minor Poems, vol. i. p. 53. Of course this MS. belongs, like F., to the
second class. It preserves l. 1693 (missing in F.); otherwise it omits all the
lines that are omitted in F., as well as ll. 157, 262, 623, 1345, 1866; all of
which F. retains. Like F., it has a spurious line in place of l. 2338.
Tn.—Tanner 346 (Bodley). This is a MS. of the second class, strongly
resembling F.; see Introd. to the Minor Poems, vol. i. p. 54. It preserves ll.
1693, 2193, 2475; otherwise it omits all the lines omitted in F., as well as
the latter half of l. 1378 and the former half of l. 1379. It has a spurious line
in place of l. 2338. It is clear that F., B., and Tn. are all from a common
source, which was an older MS. not now known.
§ 13. Description of the Printed Editions. Th.—Thynne's edition; A.D.
1532. This follows, mainly, the MSS. of the second class; its alliance with
F., B., and Tn. is shewn by its containing the spurious form of l. 2338. But it
gives the genuine form also, so that in this place three lines rime together. It
is more complete than any of those MSS., preserving the lines which they
omit (excepting ll. 960, 961), save that it omits ll. 1326, 1327 (doubtless by
oversight), which are found in these three MSS., and indeed in all the
copies. Probably Thynne used more than one MS., as he sometimes agrees
with the MSS. of the first class. Thus, in l. 1163, he reads vpreysed had, as
in C., T., A., P., instead of vp-reyseth hath, as in F., Tn., B. He might,
however, have corrected this by the light of nature. In ll. 1902, 1923,
Thynne alone gives the right reading Alcathoe; unfortunately, both these
lines are missing in MS. C. The chief faults of Thynne's edition are its
omission of ll. 960, 961, 1326, 1327, and its spurious l. 2338. Thynne was
also unfortunate in following, in general, the authority of a MS. of the
second class.
Some later editions.—Later editions appeared in the collected editions of
Chaucer's Works, viz. in 1542, (about) 1550, 1561, 1598, 1602, 1687; after
which came Urry's useless edition of 1721. Excepting the last, I suppose the
editions are all mere reprints; each being worse than its predecessor, as is
Page 62
almost always the case. At any rate, the edition of 1561 is a close reprint of
Thynne, with a few later spellings, such as guide in place of Thynne's gyde
in l. 969. This edition of course omits ll. 960, 961, 1326, 1327; and gives
the spurious l. 2338.
According to Lowndes, other later editions of Chaucer's Works are the
following:—Edinburgh, 1777; 18mo. 12 vols.—Edinburgh, 1782; 12mo. 14
vols.—In Anderson's British Poets, Edinburgh, 1793-1807; royal 8vo. 13
vols.—In Cooke's British Poets, London, 1798, &c., 18mo. 80 parts.—In
Chalmers' English Poets, London, 1810; royal 8vo. 21 vols. I suppose that
all of these are mere reprints; such is certainly the case with the edition by
Chalmers, which merely reproduces Tyrwhitt's edition of the Canterbury
Tales, and follows 'the black-letter editions' throughout the other poems.
The same remark applies to the edition printed by Moxon in 1855, and
attributed to Tyrwhitt as editor.
Other editions are those by S. W. Singer, London, 1822, fcp. 8vo. 5 vols.;
by Sir H. Nicolas (in the Aldine edition of English Poets), London, 1845,
post 8vo. 6 vols.; and by Robert Bell, London, 1855, 12mo. 8 vols. The last
was really edited by Mr. Jephson.
Bell's (so-called) edition was conveniently reprinted in four volumes, in
Bohn's Standard Library; a revised edition of this was published in 1878,
with a Preliminary Essay by myself. Of the Legend of Good Women, the
editor (Mr. Jephson) remarks that 'the text of the present edition is founded
upon a careful collation of the MS. Fairfax 16, in the Bodleian Library, and
MS. Arch. Seld. B. 24'; i.e. upon a collation of F. with A. It gives us the text
of MS. F., with the missing lines supplied from Thynne or from MS. A. It
omits ll. 960, 961, and inserts ll. 1326, 1327 in the wrong place, viz. after l.
1329. At l. 2338, it gives both the correct and the spurious forms of the line;
so that here (as in Thynne) three lines rime together. In l. 2150-3, the same
confusion occurs as is noticed below, in the account of Morris's edition. The
chief gain in this edition is that it has a few explanatory notes. Of these I
have freely availed myself, marking them with the word 'Bell' whenever I
quote them exactly; though they were really written, as I am told, by Mr.
Thynne, with a few later spellings, such as guide in place of Thynne's gyde
in l. 969. This edition of course omits ll. 960, 961, 1326, 1327; and gives
the spurious l. 2338.
According to Lowndes, other later editions of Chaucer's Works are the
following:—Edinburgh, 1777; 18mo. 12 vols.—Edinburgh, 1782; 12mo. 14
vols.—In Anderson's British Poets, Edinburgh, 1793-1807; royal 8vo. 13
vols.—In Cooke's British Poets, London, 1798, &c., 18mo. 80 parts.—In
Chalmers' English Poets, London, 1810; royal 8vo. 21 vols. I suppose that
all of these are mere reprints; such is certainly the case with the edition by
Chalmers, which merely reproduces Tyrwhitt's edition of the Canterbury
Tales, and follows 'the black-letter editions' throughout the other poems.
The same remark applies to the edition printed by Moxon in 1855, and
attributed to Tyrwhitt as editor.
Other editions are those by S. W. Singer, London, 1822, fcp. 8vo. 5 vols.;
by Sir H. Nicolas (in the Aldine edition of English Poets), London, 1845,
post 8vo. 6 vols.; and by Robert Bell, London, 1855, 12mo. 8 vols. The last
was really edited by Mr. Jephson.
Bell's (so-called) edition was conveniently reprinted in four volumes, in
Bohn's Standard Library; a revised edition of this was published in 1878,
with a Preliminary Essay by myself. Of the Legend of Good Women, the
editor (Mr. Jephson) remarks that 'the text of the present edition is founded
upon a careful collation of the MS. Fairfax 16, in the Bodleian Library, and
MS. Arch. Seld. B. 24'; i.e. upon a collation of F. with A. It gives us the text
of MS. F., with the missing lines supplied from Thynne or from MS. A. It
omits ll. 960, 961, and inserts ll. 1326, 1327 in the wrong place, viz. after l.
1329. At l. 2338, it gives both the correct and the spurious forms of the line;
so that here (as in Thynne) three lines rime together. In l. 2150-3, the same
confusion occurs as is noticed below, in the account of Morris's edition. The
chief gain in this edition is that it has a few explanatory notes. Of these I
have freely availed myself, marking them with the word 'Bell' whenever I
quote them exactly; though they were really written, as I am told, by Mr.
Page 63
Jephson, whose name nowhere appears, except at p. 12 of my Essay, as
prefixed to the revised edition.
The Aldine edition was reprinted in 1866, on which occasion it was edited
by Dr. Morris. With respect to the Legend of Good Women, Dr. Morris says
that it is copied from MS. F., collated with MSS. A., C. (privately printed at
Cambridge by Mr. H. Bradshaw, 1864), and MSS. Addit. 9832 and 12524.
In this edition, variations from the MS. (F.) are denoted by italic letters, but
such variations are very few. Practically, we here find a correct print of MS.
F., with most of the missing lines supplied by collation, and with very few
corrections. Lines 960, 961 are, however, still omitted, though found in MS.
C.; but ll. 1326, 1327 (also omitted by Thynne) are duly given, being found,
in fact, in MS. F. At l. 2338, the correct line is given, but the spurious line is
also retained; so that (as in Thynne) three lines here rime together. In the
former part of l. 2153, a part of l. 2150 is repeated, giving us by instead of
eek; the fact is that the scribe slipped from gayler in l. 2150 to gayler in l.
2153, omitting all that came between these words. Nothing is said about the
interesting form of the Prologue as existing in MS. C. There are no
explanatory notes.
Besides the English editions, two editions of the Legend of Good Women
have appeared in America, which demand some notice.
Of these, the former is a very handy edition of the Legend of Good Women,
published separately for the first time, and edited by Professor Hiram
Corson. The text is that of Bell's edition; but the explanatory notes are fuller
and better, and I have carefully consulted them. At the end is an Index of all
the words explained, which really serves the purpose of a glossary. This is
certainly the best edition I have met with.
The other edition is that of Chaucer's Works, edited by Arthur Gilman, and
published at Boston in 1879, in three volumes. The Legend of Good
Women occurs in vol. iii. pp. 79-183. The harder words are explained in
footnotes, and there are just a few notes on the subject-matter. The chief
point in this edition is that the editor quotes some of the more remarkable
variations in the Prologue from MS. C., which he says is 'evidently an
prefixed to the revised edition.
The Aldine edition was reprinted in 1866, on which occasion it was edited
by Dr. Morris. With respect to the Legend of Good Women, Dr. Morris says
that it is copied from MS. F., collated with MSS. A., C. (privately printed at
Cambridge by Mr. H. Bradshaw, 1864), and MSS. Addit. 9832 and 12524.
In this edition, variations from the MS. (F.) are denoted by italic letters, but
such variations are very few. Practically, we here find a correct print of MS.
F., with most of the missing lines supplied by collation, and with very few
corrections. Lines 960, 961 are, however, still omitted, though found in MS.
C.; but ll. 1326, 1327 (also omitted by Thynne) are duly given, being found,
in fact, in MS. F. At l. 2338, the correct line is given, but the spurious line is
also retained; so that (as in Thynne) three lines here rime together. In the
former part of l. 2153, a part of l. 2150 is repeated, giving us by instead of
eek; the fact is that the scribe slipped from gayler in l. 2150 to gayler in l.
2153, omitting all that came between these words. Nothing is said about the
interesting form of the Prologue as existing in MS. C. There are no
explanatory notes.
Besides the English editions, two editions of the Legend of Good Women
have appeared in America, which demand some notice.
Of these, the former is a very handy edition of the Legend of Good Women,
published separately for the first time, and edited by Professor Hiram
Corson. The text is that of Bell's edition; but the explanatory notes are fuller
and better, and I have carefully consulted them. At the end is an Index of all
the words explained, which really serves the purpose of a glossary. This is
certainly the best edition I have met with.
The other edition is that of Chaucer's Works, edited by Arthur Gilman, and
published at Boston in 1879, in three volumes. The Legend of Good
Women occurs in vol. iii. pp. 79-183. The harder words are explained in
footnotes, and there are just a few notes on the subject-matter. The chief
point in this edition is that the editor quotes some of the more remarkable
variations in the Prologue from MS. C., which he says is 'evidently an
Page 64
earlier one than the one followed in the text, Fairfax 16, in the Bodleian
Library, Oxford.' Yet his text is a mere reprint from that of Morris; it omits
ll. 960, 961, and gives l. 2338 both in its correct and in its spurious form.
Consequently, it contains 2722 lines instead of 2723. The true number of
lines is odd, because of the Balade of 21 lines at l. 249.
The net result is this; that none of the editions are complete, and they are all
much the same. After twenty editions, we are left almost where we started at
first. Thynne's edition was founded on a MS. very closely resembling F., but
more complete; still it omits four lines, and gives l. 2338 twice over, in
different forms. The same is true of all the numerous reprints from it. Bell's
edition restores ll. 1326, 1327, but in the wrong place; whilst Morris's
edition restores them in the right place. These lines actually occur in MS. F.
(in the right place), and could hardly have been unnoticed in collating the
proofs with the MS. These editions are both supposed to be collated with
MS. A. at least, but the results of such collation are practically nil, as that
MS. was merely consulted to supply missing lines. The editors practically
ignore the readings of that MS., except where F. is imperfect. Hence they
did not discover that MS. A. belongs to a different class of MSS., and that it
frequently gives earlier and better readings. But even A. omits ll. 960, 961,
though it also rightly suppresses the spurious form of l. 2338.
Library, Oxford.' Yet his text is a mere reprint from that of Morris; it omits
ll. 960, 961, and gives l. 2338 both in its correct and in its spurious form.
Consequently, it contains 2722 lines instead of 2723. The true number of
lines is odd, because of the Balade of 21 lines at l. 249.
The net result is this; that none of the editions are complete, and they are all
much the same. After twenty editions, we are left almost where we started at
first. Thynne's edition was founded on a MS. very closely resembling F., but
more complete; still it omits four lines, and gives l. 2338 twice over, in
different forms. The same is true of all the numerous reprints from it. Bell's
edition restores ll. 1326, 1327, but in the wrong place; whilst Morris's
edition restores them in the right place. These lines actually occur in MS. F.
(in the right place), and could hardly have been unnoticed in collating the
proofs with the MS. These editions are both supposed to be collated with
MS. A. at least, but the results of such collation are practically nil, as that
MS. was merely consulted to supply missing lines. The editors practically
ignore the readings of that MS., except where F. is imperfect. Hence they
did not discover that MS. A. belongs to a different class of MSS., and that it
frequently gives earlier and better readings. But even A. omits ll. 960, 961,
though it also rightly suppresses the spurious form of l. 2338.
Page 65
§ 14. Some Improvements in my Edition of 1889. No real advance towards a
better text was made till Dr. Furnivall brought out, for the Chaucer Society,
his valuable and exact prints of the manuscripts themselves. This splendid
and important work gives the texts in extenso of all the MSS. above
mentioned, viz. MSS. C., F., Tn., T., A., and Th. (Thynne's ed.) in the
'Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor Poems,' Part III; MSS. B., Addit.
9832, P., and Addit. 12524, in the 'Supplementary Parallel-Texts,' Part II;
and MSS. α, β, γ, in 'Odd Texts,' 1880. But for the invaluable help thus
rendered, the edition of 1889 would never have been undertaken, and I
should never have attained to so clear an understanding of the text. I have
already said that Dr. Furnivall was the first person who succeeded in
numbering the lines of the poem correctly; indeed, most editions have no
numbering at all.
I have not thought it necessary to encumber the pages with wholly inferior
readings that are of no value, but I have carefully collated the best MSS.,
viz. C., F., Tn., T., A., B., and sometimes P., besides keeping an eye upon
Th., i.e. Thynne's edition. I thus was enabled to see the true state of the
case, viz. that the MSS. of the first class (C., T., A., P., Addit. 9832, 12524,
and 28617) have been practically neglected altogether; whilst, of the MSS.
&c. of the second class (F., Tn., B., Th.), only F. and Th. have received
sufficient attention. It is now abundantly clear that the best authorities are
C. and F., as being of different classes, and that the right plan is to consult
these first, and then to see how the other MSS. support them. A long list of
important emendations, and an exposure of the extreme inaccuracy of most
of the previous editions, will be found in the Introduction to my edition of
1889, and need not be repeated here.
§ 15. Conclusion. In conclusion, I may mention the Poem in MS. Ashmole
59, entitled 'The Cronycle made by Chaucier. ¶ Here nowe folowe the
names of the nyene worshipfullest Ladyes ... by Chaucier.' It is a poor
production, perhaps written by Shirley, and merely gives a short epitome of
the contents of the Legend of Good Women. The words 'by Chaucier' refer
to Chaucer's authorship of the Legend only, and not to the authorship of the
epitome, which, though of some interest, is practically worthless. The
author makes the odd mistake of confusing the story of Alcestis with that of
Ceyx and Alcyone in the Book of the Duchesse (62-230). This 'Cronycle'
better text was made till Dr. Furnivall brought out, for the Chaucer Society,
his valuable and exact prints of the manuscripts themselves. This splendid
and important work gives the texts in extenso of all the MSS. above
mentioned, viz. MSS. C., F., Tn., T., A., and Th. (Thynne's ed.) in the
'Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor Poems,' Part III; MSS. B., Addit.
9832, P., and Addit. 12524, in the 'Supplementary Parallel-Texts,' Part II;
and MSS. α, β, γ, in 'Odd Texts,' 1880. But for the invaluable help thus
rendered, the edition of 1889 would never have been undertaken, and I
should never have attained to so clear an understanding of the text. I have
already said that Dr. Furnivall was the first person who succeeded in
numbering the lines of the poem correctly; indeed, most editions have no
numbering at all.
I have not thought it necessary to encumber the pages with wholly inferior
readings that are of no value, but I have carefully collated the best MSS.,
viz. C., F., Tn., T., A., B., and sometimes P., besides keeping an eye upon
Th., i.e. Thynne's edition. I thus was enabled to see the true state of the
case, viz. that the MSS. of the first class (C., T., A., P., Addit. 9832, 12524,
and 28617) have been practically neglected altogether; whilst, of the MSS.
&c. of the second class (F., Tn., B., Th.), only F. and Th. have received
sufficient attention. It is now abundantly clear that the best authorities are
C. and F., as being of different classes, and that the right plan is to consult
these first, and then to see how the other MSS. support them. A long list of
important emendations, and an exposure of the extreme inaccuracy of most
of the previous editions, will be found in the Introduction to my edition of
1889, and need not be repeated here.
§ 15. Conclusion. In conclusion, I may mention the Poem in MS. Ashmole
59, entitled 'The Cronycle made by Chaucier. ¶ Here nowe folowe the
names of the nyene worshipfullest Ladyes ... by Chaucier.' It is a poor
production, perhaps written by Shirley, and merely gives a short epitome of
the contents of the Legend of Good Women. The words 'by Chaucier' refer
to Chaucer's authorship of the Legend only, and not to the authorship of the
epitome, which, though of some interest, is practically worthless. The
author makes the odd mistake of confusing the story of Alcestis with that of
Ceyx and Alcyone in the Book of the Duchesse (62-230). This 'Cronycle'
Page 66
was printed by Dr. Furnivall in his Odd-texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems,
Part i.
I have now only to record my indebtedness to others, especially to Dr.
Furnivall for his invaluable prints in the Parallel-Texts; to the excellent
essay by M. Bech, in vol. v. of Anglia[45]; to Mr. Jephson for his notes in
'Bell's' edition; and to the notes in the edition by Professor Corson. Also to
Professor Ten Brink, the second part of whose second volume of the
Geschichte der englischen Litteratur has just appeared (1893).
Note.—If the reader finds the two forms of the Prologue troublesome, he
has only to confine his attention to the 'B-text,' in the lower part of pp. 65-
105. The text agrees with that usually given, and contains 579 lines. The
first line of 'Cleopatra' is l. 580, the numbering being continuous. Besides
this, the lines of each Legend are given separately, within marks of
parenthesis. Thus l. 589 is the 10th line of 'Cleopatra'; and so in other cases.
I here subjoin an Additional Note to lines 1896-8.
At p. xxxix. above (footnote no. 2), I give Bech's reference to Godfrey of
Viterbo. The passage runs thus:—
'De Ioue primo rege Atheniensi.
A Ioue nostrorum uenit generatio
regum,
A Ioue principium recipit descriptio
regum,
A Ioue philosophi dogmata prima
legunt.
Rex erat ex rege quondam patre
natus Athenis,
Indeque quadriuii triuiique scientia
uenit;
Part i.
I have now only to record my indebtedness to others, especially to Dr.
Furnivall for his invaluable prints in the Parallel-Texts; to the excellent
essay by M. Bech, in vol. v. of Anglia[45]; to Mr. Jephson for his notes in
'Bell's' edition; and to the notes in the edition by Professor Corson. Also to
Professor Ten Brink, the second part of whose second volume of the
Geschichte der englischen Litteratur has just appeared (1893).
Note.—If the reader finds the two forms of the Prologue troublesome, he
has only to confine his attention to the 'B-text,' in the lower part of pp. 65-
105. The text agrees with that usually given, and contains 579 lines. The
first line of 'Cleopatra' is l. 580, the numbering being continuous. Besides
this, the lines of each Legend are given separately, within marks of
parenthesis. Thus l. 589 is the 10th line of 'Cleopatra'; and so in other cases.
I here subjoin an Additional Note to lines 1896-8.
At p. xxxix. above (footnote no. 2), I give Bech's reference to Godfrey of
Viterbo. The passage runs thus:—
'De Ioue primo rege Atheniensi.
A Ioue nostrorum uenit generatio
regum,
A Ioue principium recipit descriptio
regum,
A Ioue philosophi dogmata prima
legunt.
Rex erat ex rege quondam patre
natus Athenis,
Indeque quadriuii triuiique scientia
uenit;
Page 67
Legis et artis ibi rex ydioma
dedit.'
INTRODUCTION TO A TREATISE ON THE
ASTROLABE.
§ 1. Description of the MSS. The existing MSS. of the 'Astrolabe' are still
numerous. I have been successful in finding no less than twenty-two, which
I here describe. It is remarkable that, although many printed editions of the
treatise have appeared, no first-class MS. has ever hitherto come under the
notice of any one of the various editors. This point will appear more clearly
hereafter.
§ 2. A.—MS. Dd. 3. 53 (part 2) in the Cambridge University Library. The
'Treatise on the Astrolabie' begins at fol. 212 of the MS. considered as a
whole, but the folios are now properly renumbered throughout the treatise.
The MS. is of vellum, and the writing clear and good, with a great number
of neatly drawn diagrams, which appear wherever the words 'lo here thi
figure' occur in the text. This MS. I have made the basis of the text, and it is
followed with sufficient exactness, except when notice to the contrary is
given in the Critical Notes.
This MS. is of considerable importance. The handwriting exactly resembles
that in MS. B., and a comparison of these MSS. leads to the following
results. It appears that MSS. A. and B. were written out by the same scribe,
nearly at the same time. The peculiarities of spelling, particularly those
which are faulty, are the same in both in a great many instances. It is also
clear that the said scribe had but a very dim notion of what he was writing,
and committed just such blunders as are described in Chaucer's Lines to
Adam Scriveyn, and are there attributed to 'negligence and rape[46].' It is
still more interesting to observe that Chaucer tells us that he had to amend
his MSS. by 'rubbing and scraping' with his own hand; for MS. A. and B.
differ precisely in this point, viz. that while the latter is left uncorrected, the
dedit.'
INTRODUCTION TO A TREATISE ON THE
ASTROLABE.
§ 1. Description of the MSS. The existing MSS. of the 'Astrolabe' are still
numerous. I have been successful in finding no less than twenty-two, which
I here describe. It is remarkable that, although many printed editions of the
treatise have appeared, no first-class MS. has ever hitherto come under the
notice of any one of the various editors. This point will appear more clearly
hereafter.
§ 2. A.—MS. Dd. 3. 53 (part 2) in the Cambridge University Library. The
'Treatise on the Astrolabie' begins at fol. 212 of the MS. considered as a
whole, but the folios are now properly renumbered throughout the treatise.
The MS. is of vellum, and the writing clear and good, with a great number
of neatly drawn diagrams, which appear wherever the words 'lo here thi
figure' occur in the text. This MS. I have made the basis of the text, and it is
followed with sufficient exactness, except when notice to the contrary is
given in the Critical Notes.
This MS. is of considerable importance. The handwriting exactly resembles
that in MS. B., and a comparison of these MSS. leads to the following
results. It appears that MSS. A. and B. were written out by the same scribe,
nearly at the same time. The peculiarities of spelling, particularly those
which are faulty, are the same in both in a great many instances. It is also
clear that the said scribe had but a very dim notion of what he was writing,
and committed just such blunders as are described in Chaucer's Lines to
Adam Scriveyn, and are there attributed to 'negligence and rape[46].' It is
still more interesting to observe that Chaucer tells us that he had to amend
his MSS. by 'rubbing and scraping' with his own hand; for MS. A. and B.
differ precisely in this point, viz. that while the latter is left uncorrected, the
Page 68
former has been diligently 'rubbed and scraped' by the hand of a corrector
who well knew what he was doing, and the right letters have been inserted
in the right places over the erasures. These inserted letters are in the hand of
a second scribe who was a better writer than the first, and who was
entrusted with the task of drawing the diagrams. The two hands are
contemporaneous, as appears from the additions to the diagrams made by
the writer of the text. Unfortunately, there are still a good many errors left.
This is because the blunders were so numerous as to beguile the corrector
into passing over some of them. When, for example, the scribe, having to
write 'lo here thy figure' at the end of nearly every section, took the trouble
to write the last word 'vigure' or 'vigour' in nearly every instance, we are not
surprised to find that, in a few places, the word has escaped correction. It
further appears that some of the later sections, particularly sections 39 and
40, have not been properly revised; the corrector may very well have
become a little tired of his task by the time he arrived at them. It must also
be remembered, that such blunders as are made by a scribe who is not clear
as to the meaning of his subject-matter are by no means the blunders which
are most puzzling or most misleading; they are obvious at once as evident
blotches, and the general impression left upon the mind by the perusal of
this MS. is—that a careless scribe copied it from some almost perfect
original, and that his errors were partially corrected by an intelligent
corrector (possibly the author), who grew tired of his task just towards the
end.
The order of the Conclusions in Part ii. differs from that in all the editions
hitherto printed, and the MS. terminates abruptly in the middle of a
sentence, at the words 'howre after howre' in Conclusion 40 (p. 223). A
portion of the page of the MS. below these words is left blank, though the
colophon 'Explicit tractatus,' &c. was added at the bottom of the page at a
later period.
Certain allusions in the former part of the MS. render it probable that it was
written in London, about the year 1400.
§ 3. B.—MS. E Museo 54, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. This is an
uncorrected duplicate of the preceding, as has been explained, and ends in
who well knew what he was doing, and the right letters have been inserted
in the right places over the erasures. These inserted letters are in the hand of
a second scribe who was a better writer than the first, and who was
entrusted with the task of drawing the diagrams. The two hands are
contemporaneous, as appears from the additions to the diagrams made by
the writer of the text. Unfortunately, there are still a good many errors left.
This is because the blunders were so numerous as to beguile the corrector
into passing over some of them. When, for example, the scribe, having to
write 'lo here thy figure' at the end of nearly every section, took the trouble
to write the last word 'vigure' or 'vigour' in nearly every instance, we are not
surprised to find that, in a few places, the word has escaped correction. It
further appears that some of the later sections, particularly sections 39 and
40, have not been properly revised; the corrector may very well have
become a little tired of his task by the time he arrived at them. It must also
be remembered, that such blunders as are made by a scribe who is not clear
as to the meaning of his subject-matter are by no means the blunders which
are most puzzling or most misleading; they are obvious at once as evident
blotches, and the general impression left upon the mind by the perusal of
this MS. is—that a careless scribe copied it from some almost perfect
original, and that his errors were partially corrected by an intelligent
corrector (possibly the author), who grew tired of his task just towards the
end.
The order of the Conclusions in Part ii. differs from that in all the editions
hitherto printed, and the MS. terminates abruptly in the middle of a
sentence, at the words 'howre after howre' in Conclusion 40 (p. 223). A
portion of the page of the MS. below these words is left blank, though the
colophon 'Explicit tractatus,' &c. was added at the bottom of the page at a
later period.
Certain allusions in the former part of the MS. render it probable that it was
written in London, about the year 1400.
§ 3. B.—MS. E Museo 54, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. This is an
uncorrected duplicate of the preceding, as has been explained, and ends in
Page 69
the same way, at the words 'howre after howre,' followed by a blank space.
The chief addition is the rubricated title—'Bred and mylk For childeren,'
boldly written at the beginning; in the margin are the following notes in a
late hand—'Sir Jiffray Chaucer'—'Dominus Gaufredus
Chaucerus'—'Galfredi Chauceri Tractatus de Ratione et vsu Astrolabij ad
Ludouicum filium.'
§ 4. C.—MS. Rawlinson, Misc. 1262, otherwise 1370 (leaves 22-42), in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford.
This is a beautifully written MS., on vellum, with 38 pages of text, and 4
blank pages. It has the Conclusions in the same order as the preceding, six
well-executed diagrams, and corrections on nearly every page. It is of early
date, perhaps about A.D. 1420, and of considerable importance. It agrees
closely with the text, and, like it, ends with 'howre after howre.' Some
variations of spelling are to be found in the Critical Notes. In this MS. the
Conclusions are numbered in the margin, and the numbers agree with those
adopted in this edition.
§ 5. D.—MS. Ashmole 391, in the Bodleian Library. I have made but little
use of this MS., on account of its being very imperfect.
§ 6. E.—MS. Bodley 619. This MS., like B., has the title—'Brede and
Milke for children.' Like other good MSS., it ends sect. 40 with 'houre after
houre.' But after this, there occurs an additional section, probably not
genuine, but printed here (for the sake of completeness) as section 46; see p.
229. Cf. § 17.
At fol. 21 is an additional section, not found elsewhere, which is printed in
the Notes; see p. 360. This Conclusion has some claims to our notice,
because, whether genuine or not, it is translated from Messahala.
§ 7. F.—MS. 424, in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Very imperfect, especially at the beginning, where a large portion has been
lost.
The chief addition is the rubricated title—'Bred and mylk For childeren,'
boldly written at the beginning; in the margin are the following notes in a
late hand—'Sir Jiffray Chaucer'—'Dominus Gaufredus
Chaucerus'—'Galfredi Chauceri Tractatus de Ratione et vsu Astrolabij ad
Ludouicum filium.'
§ 4. C.—MS. Rawlinson, Misc. 1262, otherwise 1370 (leaves 22-42), in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford.
This is a beautifully written MS., on vellum, with 38 pages of text, and 4
blank pages. It has the Conclusions in the same order as the preceding, six
well-executed diagrams, and corrections on nearly every page. It is of early
date, perhaps about A.D. 1420, and of considerable importance. It agrees
closely with the text, and, like it, ends with 'howre after howre.' Some
variations of spelling are to be found in the Critical Notes. In this MS. the
Conclusions are numbered in the margin, and the numbers agree with those
adopted in this edition.
§ 5. D.—MS. Ashmole 391, in the Bodleian Library. I have made but little
use of this MS., on account of its being very imperfect.
§ 6. E.—MS. Bodley 619. This MS., like B., has the title—'Brede and
Milke for children.' Like other good MSS., it ends sect. 40 with 'houre after
houre.' But after this, there occurs an additional section, probably not
genuine, but printed here (for the sake of completeness) as section 46; see p.
229. Cf. § 17.
At fol. 21 is an additional section, not found elsewhere, which is printed in
the Notes; see p. 360. This Conclusion has some claims to our notice,
because, whether genuine or not, it is translated from Messahala.
§ 7. F.—MS. 424, in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Very imperfect, especially at the beginning, where a large portion has been
lost.
Page 70
The Conclusions follow the right order, as in the best MSS.
§ 8. G.—MS. R. 15, 18, in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. This
is a curious and interesting volume, as it contains several tracts in English
on astrology and astronomy, with tables of stars, &c.
The copy of the 'Astrolabe' in this MS. is not a good one. It ends in Part ii.
sect. 34, l. 14. The Conclusions are in the right order, and there are a few
diagrams.
§ 9. H.—MS. Sloane 314, British Museum. A late MS. on paper, absurdly
said in a note to be in Chaucer's handwriting, whereas it is clearly to be
referred to the end of the fifteenth century.
§ 10. I.—MS. Sloane 261. This is an 'edited' MS., having been apparently
prepared with a view to publication. Mr. Brae has made considerable use of
it, and gives, in his preface, a careful and interesting account of it. He
concludes that this MS. was written by Walter Stevins in 1555, and
dedicated by him to Edward Earl of Devonshire; and that MS. H. was one
of those which Stevins especially consulted, because it contains marginal
notes in Stevins' handwriting. The contents of this MS. can be so well
ascertained from Mr. Brae's edition that it is unnecessary to say more about
it here. The Conclusions are arranged in the same order as in other MSS.
that are not of the first class.
§ 11. K.—MS. Rawlinson Misc. 3, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. On
vellum, 49 folios, with rich gold capitals, beautifully ornamented; in a large
clear handwriting, with red rubrics. Title—'Astralabium.' Begins—'Lityl
lowys my sone,' &c.—and ends—'For þe mone meuyth the contrarie from
other planetys. as yn here epicircle. but in none other maner'; see end of
Part ii. sect. 35; p. 217. Order of Conclusions in Part ii. as follows; 1-12,
19-21, 13-18, 22-35; as in other late MSS. There are no diagrams, and the
MS., though well written, may perhaps be referred to the latter half of the
fifteenth century.
§ 8. G.—MS. R. 15, 18, in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. This
is a curious and interesting volume, as it contains several tracts in English
on astrology and astronomy, with tables of stars, &c.
The copy of the 'Astrolabe' in this MS. is not a good one. It ends in Part ii.
sect. 34, l. 14. The Conclusions are in the right order, and there are a few
diagrams.
§ 9. H.—MS. Sloane 314, British Museum. A late MS. on paper, absurdly
said in a note to be in Chaucer's handwriting, whereas it is clearly to be
referred to the end of the fifteenth century.
§ 10. I.—MS. Sloane 261. This is an 'edited' MS., having been apparently
prepared with a view to publication. Mr. Brae has made considerable use of
it, and gives, in his preface, a careful and interesting account of it. He
concludes that this MS. was written by Walter Stevins in 1555, and
dedicated by him to Edward Earl of Devonshire; and that MS. H. was one
of those which Stevins especially consulted, because it contains marginal
notes in Stevins' handwriting. The contents of this MS. can be so well
ascertained from Mr. Brae's edition that it is unnecessary to say more about
it here. The Conclusions are arranged in the same order as in other MSS.
that are not of the first class.
§ 11. K.—MS. Rawlinson Misc. 3, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. On
vellum, 49 folios, with rich gold capitals, beautifully ornamented; in a large
clear handwriting, with red rubrics. Title—'Astralabium.' Begins—'Lityl
lowys my sone,' &c.—and ends—'For þe mone meuyth the contrarie from
other planetys. as yn here epicircle. but in none other maner'; see end of
Part ii. sect. 35; p. 217. Order of Conclusions in Part ii. as follows; 1-12,
19-21, 13-18, 22-35; as in other late MSS. There are no diagrams, and the
MS., though well written, may perhaps be referred to the latter half of the
fifteenth century.
Page 71
§ 12. L.—MS. Additional 23002, British Museum. A fair MS., on vellum,
without diagrams; imperfect. See description of MS. R. in § 17. And see the
Note on Part ii. sect. 3 (p. 360).
§ 13. M.—MS. E. 2 in the Library of St. John's College, Cambridge. Small
MS. on vellum, without diagrams. The leaves have been misplaced, and
bound up in a wrong order, but nothing is lost. I have printed from this MS.
the last five words of sect. 40; also 41-43, and 41a-42b; besides collating it
for the improvement of the text in sect. 44; sect. 45 is missing. I have also
been indebted to it for the Latin rubrics to the Conclusions, which I have
not found elsewhere. Several various readings from this MS. appear in the
Critical Notes (pp. 233-241).
§ 14. N.—MS. Digby 72, in the Bodleian Library. From this MS. I have
printed the text of sections 44 and 45 (pp. 226-9), but have made little
further use of it.
§ 15. O.—MS. Ashmole 360, in the Bodleian Library. Late MS., on paper;
former owner's name, Johan Pekeryng; without diagrams. There are
evidently some omissions in it. But it includes sections 44 and 45, and I
have given various readings from it in those sections (p. 240). It ends at the
end of sect. 43a, with the words—'one to twelfe. & sic finis'; see p. 232.
§ 16. P.—MS. Dd. 12. 51 in the Cambridge University Library. Small MS.
on vellum; written in the fifteenth century. The text is by no means a bad
one, though the spelling is peculiar. Some of the pages are very much
rubbed and defaced. I have taken from it some various readings, recorded in
the Critical Notes.
One point deserves particular attention. It not only contains the Conclusions
of Part ii. in the right order, but continues it without a break to the end of
Conclusion 43 (p. 225); at the end of which is the colophon—Explicit
tractatus astrolabii.
§ 17. Q.—MS. Ashmole 393, in the Bodleian Library; on paper. Of little
importance.
without diagrams; imperfect. See description of MS. R. in § 17. And see the
Note on Part ii. sect. 3 (p. 360).
§ 13. M.—MS. E. 2 in the Library of St. John's College, Cambridge. Small
MS. on vellum, without diagrams. The leaves have been misplaced, and
bound up in a wrong order, but nothing is lost. I have printed from this MS.
the last five words of sect. 40; also 41-43, and 41a-42b; besides collating it
for the improvement of the text in sect. 44; sect. 45 is missing. I have also
been indebted to it for the Latin rubrics to the Conclusions, which I have
not found elsewhere. Several various readings from this MS. appear in the
Critical Notes (pp. 233-241).
§ 14. N.—MS. Digby 72, in the Bodleian Library. From this MS. I have
printed the text of sections 44 and 45 (pp. 226-9), but have made little
further use of it.
§ 15. O.—MS. Ashmole 360, in the Bodleian Library. Late MS., on paper;
former owner's name, Johan Pekeryng; without diagrams. There are
evidently some omissions in it. But it includes sections 44 and 45, and I
have given various readings from it in those sections (p. 240). It ends at the
end of sect. 43a, with the words—'one to twelfe. & sic finis'; see p. 232.
§ 16. P.—MS. Dd. 12. 51 in the Cambridge University Library. Small MS.
on vellum; written in the fifteenth century. The text is by no means a bad
one, though the spelling is peculiar. Some of the pages are very much
rubbed and defaced. I have taken from it some various readings, recorded in
the Critical Notes.
One point deserves particular attention. It not only contains the Conclusions
of Part ii. in the right order, but continues it without a break to the end of
Conclusion 43 (p. 225); at the end of which is the colophon—Explicit
tractatus astrolabii.
§ 17. Q.—MS. Ashmole 393, in the Bodleian Library; on paper. Of little
importance.
Page 72
R.—MS. Egerton 2622, in the British Museum. A neat MS., but without
diagrams. Contains: Part I. (except 15-23); Part II. §§ 1-12, 19-21, 13-18,
22-35, 41-43, 44, 45; 41a, 41b, 42a, 43a, 42b, 36, 37. Thus it has all the
additional sections except 46; but 38-40 are missing. MS. L. contains the
same sections in the same order; see § 12.
S.—MS. Addit. 29250. A poor MS., but remarkable for containing the
scarce section no. 46; of which there is but one other copy, viz. that in MS.
E (§ 6); cf. pp. 240, 241.
T.—MS. Phillipps 11955; at Cheltenham. On vellum; 31 leaves; said to be
of the fourteenth century, which is improbable.
U.—MS. Bodley 68. Imperfect; ends at Part ii. § 36.
W.—MS. E Museo 116, in the Bodleian Library. A mere fragment.
X.—A MS. at Brussels, no. 1591. See F. J. Mone, Quellen und
Forschungen, (Aachen, 1830); pp. 549-551.
§ 18. Of the above MSS., Mr. Brae describes H., I., and L. only, and does
not seem to have made use of any others. Mr. Todd, in his Animadversions
on Gower and Chaucer, p. 125, enumerates only four MSS., which are
plainly A., P., F., and G. The rest seem to have escaped attention.
In addition to the MS. authorities, we have one more source of text, viz. the
Editio Princeps, which may be thus described.
Th.—The edition of Chaucer's Works by Wm. Thynne, printed at London
by Thomas Godfray in 1532. This is the first edition in which the Treatise
on the Astrolabe appeared; it begins at fol. ccxcviii, back. The Conclusions
in Part ii. are in the order following, viz. 1-12, 19-21, 13-18, 22-40; after
which come 41-43, and 41a-42b. This order does not agree precisely with
that in any MS. now extant, with the exception of I., which imitates it. It has
some corrupt additions and exhibits many grave errors. All later editions,
diagrams. Contains: Part I. (except 15-23); Part II. §§ 1-12, 19-21, 13-18,
22-35, 41-43, 44, 45; 41a, 41b, 42a, 43a, 42b, 36, 37. Thus it has all the
additional sections except 46; but 38-40 are missing. MS. L. contains the
same sections in the same order; see § 12.
S.—MS. Addit. 29250. A poor MS., but remarkable for containing the
scarce section no. 46; of which there is but one other copy, viz. that in MS.
E (§ 6); cf. pp. 240, 241.
T.—MS. Phillipps 11955; at Cheltenham. On vellum; 31 leaves; said to be
of the fourteenth century, which is improbable.
U.—MS. Bodley 68. Imperfect; ends at Part ii. § 36.
W.—MS. E Museo 116, in the Bodleian Library. A mere fragment.
X.—A MS. at Brussels, no. 1591. See F. J. Mone, Quellen und
Forschungen, (Aachen, 1830); pp. 549-551.
§ 18. Of the above MSS., Mr. Brae describes H., I., and L. only, and does
not seem to have made use of any others. Mr. Todd, in his Animadversions
on Gower and Chaucer, p. 125, enumerates only four MSS., which are
plainly A., P., F., and G. The rest seem to have escaped attention.
In addition to the MS. authorities, we have one more source of text, viz. the
Editio Princeps, which may be thus described.
Th.—The edition of Chaucer's Works by Wm. Thynne, printed at London
by Thomas Godfray in 1532. This is the first edition in which the Treatise
on the Astrolabe appeared; it begins at fol. ccxcviii, back. The Conclusions
in Part ii. are in the order following, viz. 1-12, 19-21, 13-18, 22-40; after
which come 41-43, and 41a-42b. This order does not agree precisely with
that in any MS. now extant, with the exception of I., which imitates it. It has
some corrupt additions and exhibits many grave errors. All later editions,
Page 73
down to Urry's in 1721, contribute no new information. The few slight
alterations which appear in them are such as could have been made without
reference to MSS. at all.
§ 19. Remarks on the Classes of the MSS. On comparing the MSS., it at
once appears that they do not agree as to the order of the Conclusions in
Part ii. The MSS. A., B., C. (which are unquestionably the oldest), as well
as E., F., G., and P., adopt the order which appears in this edition, but which
has never appeared in any previous edition. In all other editions we find the
three sections 19-21 made to precede sections 13-18. Now we might here
appeal to authority only, and say that the order in the oldest MSS. ought to
be preferred. But it so happens that we can appeal to internal evidence as
well, and there are two considerations which shew that the oldest MSS. are
certainly correct. These are as follows. In the first place, sect. 18 amounts to
finding the degree of the zodiac which souths with any star, and begins with
the words 'Set the centre of the sterre upon the lyne meridional'; whilst sect.
19 amounts to finding the degree of the zodiac that rises with any star, and
begins with the words 'Set the sentre of the sterre upon the est orisonte.'
Clearly, these Conclusions are closely linked together, and one ought to
follow the other. But, in all the editions, this continuity is broken. In the
second place, the rubric of sect. 21 is—'To knowe for what latitude in any
regioun,' &c.; whilst that of sect. 22 is—'To knowe in special the latitude of
oure countray,' &c. Clearly, these Conclusions are closely linked, and in
their right order. But, in all the editions, this continuity is again broken; and
we have this absurd result, viz. that a proposition headed—'To knowe the
degrees of the longitudes of fixe sterres' is followed by one headed—'To
knowe in special the latitude of oure countray.' Hence we are enabled to
draw a line, and to divide the MSS. into two classes; those in which the
order of sections is correct, and those in which it has suffered
misplacement, the number in each class being much the same. This gives us
the following result.
First Class. A., B., C, (probably D.,) E., F., G., P.
Second Class. H., I., K., L., M., N., O., R.; to which add Th.
alterations which appear in them are such as could have been made without
reference to MSS. at all.
§ 19. Remarks on the Classes of the MSS. On comparing the MSS., it at
once appears that they do not agree as to the order of the Conclusions in
Part ii. The MSS. A., B., C. (which are unquestionably the oldest), as well
as E., F., G., and P., adopt the order which appears in this edition, but which
has never appeared in any previous edition. In all other editions we find the
three sections 19-21 made to precede sections 13-18. Now we might here
appeal to authority only, and say that the order in the oldest MSS. ought to
be preferred. But it so happens that we can appeal to internal evidence as
well, and there are two considerations which shew that the oldest MSS. are
certainly correct. These are as follows. In the first place, sect. 18 amounts to
finding the degree of the zodiac which souths with any star, and begins with
the words 'Set the centre of the sterre upon the lyne meridional'; whilst sect.
19 amounts to finding the degree of the zodiac that rises with any star, and
begins with the words 'Set the sentre of the sterre upon the est orisonte.'
Clearly, these Conclusions are closely linked together, and one ought to
follow the other. But, in all the editions, this continuity is broken. In the
second place, the rubric of sect. 21 is—'To knowe for what latitude in any
regioun,' &c.; whilst that of sect. 22 is—'To knowe in special the latitude of
oure countray,' &c. Clearly, these Conclusions are closely linked, and in
their right order. But, in all the editions, this continuity is again broken; and
we have this absurd result, viz. that a proposition headed—'To knowe the
degrees of the longitudes of fixe sterres' is followed by one headed—'To
knowe in special the latitude of oure countray.' Hence we are enabled to
draw a line, and to divide the MSS. into two classes; those in which the
order of sections is correct, and those in which it has suffered
misplacement, the number in each class being much the same. This gives us
the following result.
First Class. A., B., C, (probably D.,) E., F., G., P.
Second Class. H., I., K., L., M., N., O., R.; to which add Th.
Page 74
But this division immediately leads to another very curious result, and that
is, a certain lack of authority for sections after the fortieth, which ends on p.
223.
A. ends with an incomplete sentence, in sect. 40, with the words—'howre
after howre.' B., C. end exactly at the same place.
E. ends sect. 40 with the same words; and, after this, has only one
additional section (46), which is, in my opinion, spurious; especially as it
does not appear in Messahala, of which more anon.
D., F., and G. all fail at an earlier point.
In none of the first-class MSS. (excepting P., which terminates with section
43) is there a word about umbra recta or umbra versa.
Even in the second class of MSS., we find H. breaking off at sect. 36, and
K. at sect. 35; so that the sections on the umbrae rest only on MSS. I.
(obviously an edition, not a transcript), L., M., N., O., P., and R. Putting
aside the first of these, as being 'edited,' we have but six left; and in the first
four and the last of these we find that the additional Conclusions appear in a
certain order, viz. they insert 44 and 45 (on the 'mene mote') between three
sections 41-43 on the 'umbrae' and five other sections 41a-42b on the same.
§ 20. The last five sections spurious. This at once suggests two results. The
first is, that, as this gives two sets of sections on the 'umbrae,' we can hardly
expect both to be genuine; and accordingly, we at once find that the last five
of these are mere clumsy repetitions of the first three; for which reason, I
unhesitatingly reject the said last five as spurious. This view is strikingly
confirmed by MS. P.; for this, the only first-class MS. that is carried on
beyond section 40, contains the first three sections on the 'umbrae' only. The
second result is, that if the first three sections on the 'umbrae' are to be
received, there is good reason why we should consider the possible
genuineness of sections 44 and 45 on the 'mene mote,' which rest very
nearly on the same authority.
is, a certain lack of authority for sections after the fortieth, which ends on p.
223.
A. ends with an incomplete sentence, in sect. 40, with the words—'howre
after howre.' B., C. end exactly at the same place.
E. ends sect. 40 with the same words; and, after this, has only one
additional section (46), which is, in my opinion, spurious; especially as it
does not appear in Messahala, of which more anon.
D., F., and G. all fail at an earlier point.
In none of the first-class MSS. (excepting P., which terminates with section
43) is there a word about umbra recta or umbra versa.
Even in the second class of MSS., we find H. breaking off at sect. 36, and
K. at sect. 35; so that the sections on the umbrae rest only on MSS. I.
(obviously an edition, not a transcript), L., M., N., O., P., and R. Putting
aside the first of these, as being 'edited,' we have but six left; and in the first
four and the last of these we find that the additional Conclusions appear in a
certain order, viz. they insert 44 and 45 (on the 'mene mote') between three
sections 41-43 on the 'umbrae' and five other sections 41a-42b on the same.
§ 20. The last five sections spurious. This at once suggests two results. The
first is, that, as this gives two sets of sections on the 'umbrae,' we can hardly
expect both to be genuine; and accordingly, we at once find that the last five
of these are mere clumsy repetitions of the first three; for which reason, I
unhesitatingly reject the said last five as spurious. This view is strikingly
confirmed by MS. P.; for this, the only first-class MS. that is carried on
beyond section 40, contains the first three sections on the 'umbrae' only. The
second result is, that if the first three sections on the 'umbrae' are to be
received, there is good reason why we should consider the possible
genuineness of sections 44 and 45 on the 'mene mote,' which rest very
nearly on the same authority.
Page 75
Now the sections on the 'mene mote' have in their favour one strong piece
of internal evidence; for the date 1397 is mentioned in them more than once
as being the 'root' or epoch from which to reckon. In most cases, the
mention of a date 1397 would lead us to attribute the writing in which it
occurs to that year or to a later year, but a date fixed on for a 'root' may very
well be a prospective one, so that these sections may have been written
before 1397; an idea which is supported by the line 'behold whether thy date
be more or lasse than the yere 1397'; sect. 44, l. 5. But I suspect the date to
be an error for 1387, since that [see Somer in Tyrwhitt's Glossary] was
really the 'rote' used by Nicholas Lenne. In either case, I think we may
connect these sections with the previous sections written in 1391[47].
Besides which, Chaucer so expressly intimates his acquaintance with the
subjects of these sections in the Canterbury Tales[48], that we may the more
readily admit them to be really his. There is still less difficulty about
admitting the first three sections (41-43) on the 'umbrae,' because we find
similar matter in the treatise of Messahala, from which, as will appear, he
derived so much. And hence we may readily conclude that, in the second
part, the first forty sections, found in the oldest MSS., are certainly genuine,
whilst sections 41-43, as well as 44 and 45, have every claim to be
considered genuine also. This need not, however, force us to accept the
remaining sections, since they may easily have been added by another hand;
a circumstance which is rendered the more probable by the fact that
sections 41a-42b merely repeat 41-43 in a more clumsy form, and by the
consideration that, if genuine, they should have occupied their proper place
immediately after sect. 43, instead of being separated from the former set.
As to sect. 46, I pronounce no decided opinion; there is but little to be said
either for or against it, and it is of little consequence.
§ 21. Gap between §§ 40 and 41. But admitting the genuineness of sections
40-45, it at once becomes evident that there are two distinct gaps or breaks
in the continuity of the treatise; the first between 40 and 41; and the second
between 43 and 44. A little consideration will account for these. Looking at
the Canterbury Tales, we observe the very same peculiarity; at certain
points there are distinct breaks, and no mending can link the various groups
together in a satisfactory manner. This can be accounted for in part by our
knowledge of the fact that the poet died before he had completed the proper
linking-together of the tales which he had more or less finished; but I think
of internal evidence; for the date 1397 is mentioned in them more than once
as being the 'root' or epoch from which to reckon. In most cases, the
mention of a date 1397 would lead us to attribute the writing in which it
occurs to that year or to a later year, but a date fixed on for a 'root' may very
well be a prospective one, so that these sections may have been written
before 1397; an idea which is supported by the line 'behold whether thy date
be more or lasse than the yere 1397'; sect. 44, l. 5. But I suspect the date to
be an error for 1387, since that [see Somer in Tyrwhitt's Glossary] was
really the 'rote' used by Nicholas Lenne. In either case, I think we may
connect these sections with the previous sections written in 1391[47].
Besides which, Chaucer so expressly intimates his acquaintance with the
subjects of these sections in the Canterbury Tales[48], that we may the more
readily admit them to be really his. There is still less difficulty about
admitting the first three sections (41-43) on the 'umbrae,' because we find
similar matter in the treatise of Messahala, from which, as will appear, he
derived so much. And hence we may readily conclude that, in the second
part, the first forty sections, found in the oldest MSS., are certainly genuine,
whilst sections 41-43, as well as 44 and 45, have every claim to be
considered genuine also. This need not, however, force us to accept the
remaining sections, since they may easily have been added by another hand;
a circumstance which is rendered the more probable by the fact that
sections 41a-42b merely repeat 41-43 in a more clumsy form, and by the
consideration that, if genuine, they should have occupied their proper place
immediately after sect. 43, instead of being separated from the former set.
As to sect. 46, I pronounce no decided opinion; there is but little to be said
either for or against it, and it is of little consequence.
§ 21. Gap between §§ 40 and 41. But admitting the genuineness of sections
40-45, it at once becomes evident that there are two distinct gaps or breaks
in the continuity of the treatise; the first between 40 and 41; and the second
between 43 and 44. A little consideration will account for these. Looking at
the Canterbury Tales, we observe the very same peculiarity; at certain
points there are distinct breaks, and no mending can link the various groups
together in a satisfactory manner. This can be accounted for in part by our
knowledge of the fact that the poet died before he had completed the proper
linking-together of the tales which he had more or less finished; but I think
Page 76
it also shews him to have been a fragmentary worker. To suppose that, upon
reaching Conclusion 40, he suddenly turned to the sections upon the
'umbrae,' which are at once more easy to explain, more suitable for a child,
and illustrative of a different and more practical use of the Astrolabe, seems
to me natural enough; and more probable than to suppose that anything is
here lost. For, in fact, it is to the very MSS. that contain sections 41-43 that
we are indebted for the last five words of sect. 40, so curiously omitted in
the oldest and best MSS.; and this is a direct argument against the
supposition of any matter having been here lost.
§ 22. Gap between §§ 43 and 44. The break between sections 43 and 44
may be explained in a totally different manner. In this case, the break
indicates a real, not an accidental, gap. I suppose section 43 to have been
really the last section of Part ii, and I refer sections 44 and 45 to the Fourth
Part of the Treatise, and not to the Second at all[49]. For if we run through
the contents of Parts Three and Four (p. 177), we observe that they chiefly
involve tables, with reference to one of which we find the words 'upon
which table ther folwith a canon,' &c. Now sections 44 and 45 exactly
answer the description; they are alternative canons, shewing how certain
tables may be used. It happens that Conclusion 40 is particularly dependent
upon tables. To supply these was partly the object of Part iv—'the whiche
ferthe partie in special shal shewen a table of the verray moeving of the
mone from houre to houre, every day and in every signe, after thyn
almenak; upon which table ther folwith a canon, suffisant to teche as wel
the maner of the wyrking of that same conclusioun, as to knowe in oure
orizonte with which degree of the zodiac that the mone ariseth in any
latitude; and the arising of any planete after his latitude fro the ecliptik
lyne.' The opening words of the same Conclusion are—'Knowe by thyn
almenak the degree of the ecliptik of any signe in which that the planete is
rekned for to be:' (p. 221). This is easily said; but I suppose that it was not
so easy in olden times to know off-hand the exact position of a planet. It
must have been shewn by tables, and these tables chiefly considered the
'mene mote,' or average motion of the planets, and that only for periods of
years. If you wanted the position of a planet at a given hour on a given day,
you had to work it out by figures; the rule for which working was called a
'canon.' This very 'canon' is precisely given at length in sect. 44; and sect.
45 is only another way of doing the same thing, or, in other words, is an
reaching Conclusion 40, he suddenly turned to the sections upon the
'umbrae,' which are at once more easy to explain, more suitable for a child,
and illustrative of a different and more practical use of the Astrolabe, seems
to me natural enough; and more probable than to suppose that anything is
here lost. For, in fact, it is to the very MSS. that contain sections 41-43 that
we are indebted for the last five words of sect. 40, so curiously omitted in
the oldest and best MSS.; and this is a direct argument against the
supposition of any matter having been here lost.
§ 22. Gap between §§ 43 and 44. The break between sections 43 and 44
may be explained in a totally different manner. In this case, the break
indicates a real, not an accidental, gap. I suppose section 43 to have been
really the last section of Part ii, and I refer sections 44 and 45 to the Fourth
Part of the Treatise, and not to the Second at all[49]. For if we run through
the contents of Parts Three and Four (p. 177), we observe that they chiefly
involve tables, with reference to one of which we find the words 'upon
which table ther folwith a canon,' &c. Now sections 44 and 45 exactly
answer the description; they are alternative canons, shewing how certain
tables may be used. It happens that Conclusion 40 is particularly dependent
upon tables. To supply these was partly the object of Part iv—'the whiche
ferthe partie in special shal shewen a table of the verray moeving of the
mone from houre to houre, every day and in every signe, after thyn
almenak; upon which table ther folwith a canon, suffisant to teche as wel
the maner of the wyrking of that same conclusioun, as to knowe in oure
orizonte with which degree of the zodiac that the mone ariseth in any
latitude; and the arising of any planete after his latitude fro the ecliptik
lyne.' The opening words of the same Conclusion are—'Knowe by thyn
almenak the degree of the ecliptik of any signe in which that the planete is
rekned for to be:' (p. 221). This is easily said; but I suppose that it was not
so easy in olden times to know off-hand the exact position of a planet. It
must have been shewn by tables, and these tables chiefly considered the
'mene mote,' or average motion of the planets, and that only for periods of
years. If you wanted the position of a planet at a given hour on a given day,
you had to work it out by figures; the rule for which working was called a
'canon.' This very 'canon' is precisely given at length in sect. 44; and sect.
45 is only another way of doing the same thing, or, in other words, is an
Page 77
alternative canon. When all this is fairly and sufficiently considered, we
shall find good grounds for supposing that these sections on the 'mene mote'
are perfectly genuine, and that they really belong to Part iv. of the Treatise.
I will only add, that the fact of sections 41a-42b being thus placed after a
portion of Part iv. is one more indication that they are spurious.
§ 23. Conclusion 40. But it may be objected, as Mr. Brae has fairly
objected, that Conclusion 40 itself ought to belong to Part iv. So it ought
perhaps, if Chaucer had followed out his own plan. But it is clear from its
contents that the Prologue to the 'Astrolabie' was written before the
commencement of the treatise itself, and not, as prefaces generally are,
afterwards. He was pleased with his son's progress. Little Lewis had asked
him if he might learn something about an astrolabe. The father at once sent
him a small astrolabe[50] by way of reward, constructed for the latitude of
Oxford, and having 45 circles of latitude on the flat disc (see Fig. 5) instead
of having 90 such circles, as the best instruments had[51]. This, however,
was a 'sufficient' astrolabe for the purpose. But he believes the Latin
treatises to be too hard for his son's use, and the Conclusions in them to be
too numerous. He therefore proposes to select some of the more important
Conclusions, and to turn them into English with such modifications as
would render them easier for a child to understand, He then lays down a
table of contents of his proposed five parts, throughout which he employs
the future tense, as 'the firste partie shal reherse,'—'the second partie shal
teche,' &c. This use of the future would not alone prove much, but taken in
connexion with the context, it becomes very suggestive. However, the most
significant phrase is in the last line of the Prologue, which speaks of 'other
noteful thinges, yif god wol vouche-sauf & his modur the mayde, mo than I
behete,' i.e. other useful things, more than I now promise, if God and the
Virgin vouchsafe it. In accordance with his habits of seldom finishing and of
deviating from his own plans at pleasure, we have but an imperfect result,
not altogether answerable to the table of contents. I therefore agree with Mr.
Brae that the 40th Conclusion would have done better for Part iv., though I
do not agree with him in rejecting it as spurious. This he was led to do by
the badness of the text of the MSS. which he consulted, but we can hardly
reject this Conclusion without rejecting the whole Treatise, as it is found in
shall find good grounds for supposing that these sections on the 'mene mote'
are perfectly genuine, and that they really belong to Part iv. of the Treatise.
I will only add, that the fact of sections 41a-42b being thus placed after a
portion of Part iv. is one more indication that they are spurious.
§ 23. Conclusion 40. But it may be objected, as Mr. Brae has fairly
objected, that Conclusion 40 itself ought to belong to Part iv. So it ought
perhaps, if Chaucer had followed out his own plan. But it is clear from its
contents that the Prologue to the 'Astrolabie' was written before the
commencement of the treatise itself, and not, as prefaces generally are,
afterwards. He was pleased with his son's progress. Little Lewis had asked
him if he might learn something about an astrolabe. The father at once sent
him a small astrolabe[50] by way of reward, constructed for the latitude of
Oxford, and having 45 circles of latitude on the flat disc (see Fig. 5) instead
of having 90 such circles, as the best instruments had[51]. This, however,
was a 'sufficient' astrolabe for the purpose. But he believes the Latin
treatises to be too hard for his son's use, and the Conclusions in them to be
too numerous. He therefore proposes to select some of the more important
Conclusions, and to turn them into English with such modifications as
would render them easier for a child to understand, He then lays down a
table of contents of his proposed five parts, throughout which he employs
the future tense, as 'the firste partie shal reherse,'—'the second partie shal
teche,' &c. This use of the future would not alone prove much, but taken in
connexion with the context, it becomes very suggestive. However, the most
significant phrase is in the last line of the Prologue, which speaks of 'other
noteful thinges, yif god wol vouche-sauf & his modur the mayde, mo than I
behete,' i.e. other useful things, more than I now promise, if God and the
Virgin vouchsafe it. In accordance with his habits of seldom finishing and of
deviating from his own plans at pleasure, we have but an imperfect result,
not altogether answerable to the table of contents. I therefore agree with Mr.
Brae that the 40th Conclusion would have done better for Part iv., though I
do not agree with him in rejecting it as spurious. This he was led to do by
the badness of the text of the MSS. which he consulted, but we can hardly
reject this Conclusion without rejecting the whole Treatise, as it is found in
Page 78
all the oldest copies. By way of illustration, I would point out that this is not
the only difficulty, for the Conclusions about astrology ought certainly to
have been reserved for Part v. These are Conclusions 36 and 37, which
concern the 'equaciouns of houses'; and this is probably why, in three of the
MSS. (viz. L., N., and R.), these two conclusions are made to come at the
end of the Treatise. There is nothing for it but to accept what we have, and
be thankful.
§ 24. Extant portion of the Treatise. If, then, the questions be asked, how
much of the Treatise has come down to us, and what was to have been the
contents of the missing portion, the account stands thus.
Of Part i. we have the whole.
Of Part ii. we have nearly all, and probably all that ever was written,
including Conclusions 1-40 on astronomical matters, and Conclusions 41-
43 on the taking of altitudes of terrestrial objects. Possibly Conclusion 46 is
to be added to these; but Conclusions 41a-42b are certainly spurious.
Part iii. probably consisted entirely of tables, and some at least of these may
very well have been transmitted to little Lewis. Indeed, they may have been
prepared by or copied from Nicholas of Lynn and John Somer, before
Chaucer took the rest in hand. The tables were to have been (and perhaps
were) as follows:—
1. Tables of latitude and longitudes of the stars which were represented on
the 'Rete' of the Astrolabe. Specimens of such tables are found in MSS.
2. Tables of declinations of the sun, according to the day of the year.
3. Tables of longitudes of cities and towns.
4. Tables for setting clocks and finding the meridian altitudes (of the sun,
probably).
the only difficulty, for the Conclusions about astrology ought certainly to
have been reserved for Part v. These are Conclusions 36 and 37, which
concern the 'equaciouns of houses'; and this is probably why, in three of the
MSS. (viz. L., N., and R.), these two conclusions are made to come at the
end of the Treatise. There is nothing for it but to accept what we have, and
be thankful.
§ 24. Extant portion of the Treatise. If, then, the questions be asked, how
much of the Treatise has come down to us, and what was to have been the
contents of the missing portion, the account stands thus.
Of Part i. we have the whole.
Of Part ii. we have nearly all, and probably all that ever was written,
including Conclusions 1-40 on astronomical matters, and Conclusions 41-
43 on the taking of altitudes of terrestrial objects. Possibly Conclusion 46 is
to be added to these; but Conclusions 41a-42b are certainly spurious.
Part iii. probably consisted entirely of tables, and some at least of these may
very well have been transmitted to little Lewis. Indeed, they may have been
prepared by or copied from Nicholas of Lynn and John Somer, before
Chaucer took the rest in hand. The tables were to have been (and perhaps
were) as follows:—
1. Tables of latitude and longitudes of the stars which were represented on
the 'Rete' of the Astrolabe. Specimens of such tables are found in MSS.
2. Tables of declinations of the sun, according to the day of the year.
3. Tables of longitudes of cities and towns.
4. Tables for setting clocks and finding the meridian altitudes (of the sun,
probably).
Page 79
Such tables as these are by no means lost. There are MSS. which contain
little else, as e.g. MS. Hh. 6. 8 in the Cambridge University Library. The
longitudes of towns are given in MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3, at fol. 214b. Again, in
MS. F. 25, in St. John's College Library, Cambridge, we find tables of fixed
stars, tables of latitudes and longitudes of towns, tables of altitudes of the
sun at different hours, and many others.
Part iv. was to explain the motions of the heavenly bodies, with their
causes. This was probably never written, though there is an allusion to it in
Part ii. § 11, l. 12. It was also to contain a table to shew the position of the
moon, according to an almanac; and such a table is given in the St. John's
MS. above mentioned, and in MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3, at fol. 143. This was to
have been followed by a canon, and an explanation of the working of the
Conclusion—'to knowe with which degree of the zodiac that the mone
ariseth,' and 'the arising of any planete,' &c. The canon is partly accounted
for, as regards the planets at least, by sections 44 and 45, and the
'Conclusion' by section 40.
Part v. was to contain the general rules of astrology, with tables of equations
of houses, dignities of planets, and other useful things which God and the
Virgin might vouchsafe that the author should accomplish. Sections 36 and
37 tell us something about the equations of houses; but, in all probability,
none (or, at least, no more) of this fifth Part was ever written. Tables of
equations of houses, for the latitude of Toledo, are given in MS. Camb. Ii. 3.
3, at fol. 177, and elsewhere. Of the general rules of astrology we find in
old MSS. somewhat too much, but they are generally in Latin; however, the
Trinity MS. R. 15. 18 has some of them in English.
On the whole, we have quite as much of Chaucer's Treatise as we need care
for; and he may easily have changed his mind about the necessity of writing
Part v; for we actually find him declaring (and it is pleasant to hear him)
that 'natheles, thise ben observauncez of iudicial matiere & rytes of payens,
in which my spirit ne hath no feith'; ii. 4. 36; (p. 192).
§ 25. Sources of the Treatise. I next have to point out the sources whence
Chaucer's treatise was derived. Mr. Halliwell, in a note at the end of his
little else, as e.g. MS. Hh. 6. 8 in the Cambridge University Library. The
longitudes of towns are given in MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3, at fol. 214b. Again, in
MS. F. 25, in St. John's College Library, Cambridge, we find tables of fixed
stars, tables of latitudes and longitudes of towns, tables of altitudes of the
sun at different hours, and many others.
Part iv. was to explain the motions of the heavenly bodies, with their
causes. This was probably never written, though there is an allusion to it in
Part ii. § 11, l. 12. It was also to contain a table to shew the position of the
moon, according to an almanac; and such a table is given in the St. John's
MS. above mentioned, and in MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3, at fol. 143. This was to
have been followed by a canon, and an explanation of the working of the
Conclusion—'to knowe with which degree of the zodiac that the mone
ariseth,' and 'the arising of any planete,' &c. The canon is partly accounted
for, as regards the planets at least, by sections 44 and 45, and the
'Conclusion' by section 40.
Part v. was to contain the general rules of astrology, with tables of equations
of houses, dignities of planets, and other useful things which God and the
Virgin might vouchsafe that the author should accomplish. Sections 36 and
37 tell us something about the equations of houses; but, in all probability,
none (or, at least, no more) of this fifth Part was ever written. Tables of
equations of houses, for the latitude of Toledo, are given in MS. Camb. Ii. 3.
3, at fol. 177, and elsewhere. Of the general rules of astrology we find in
old MSS. somewhat too much, but they are generally in Latin; however, the
Trinity MS. R. 15. 18 has some of them in English.
On the whole, we have quite as much of Chaucer's Treatise as we need care
for; and he may easily have changed his mind about the necessity of writing
Part v; for we actually find him declaring (and it is pleasant to hear him)
that 'natheles, thise ben observauncez of iudicial matiere & rytes of payens,
in which my spirit ne hath no feith'; ii. 4. 36; (p. 192).
§ 25. Sources of the Treatise. I next have to point out the sources whence
Chaucer's treatise was derived. Mr. Halliwell, in a note at the end of his
Page 80
edition of Mandeville's Travels, speaks of the original treatise on the
Astrolabe, written in Sanskrit, on which he supposes Chaucer's treatise to
have been founded. Whether the Latin version used by Chaucer was
ultimately derived from a Sanskrit copy or not, need not be considered here.
The use of the Astrolabe was no doubt well known at an early period in
India and among the Persians and Arabs; see the 'Description of a
Planispheric Astrolabe constructed for Sháh Sultán Husain Safawí, King of
Persia,' by W. H. Morley, in which elaborate and beautifully illustrated
volume the reader may find sufficient information. Marco Polo says (bk. ii.
c. 33) that there were 5000 astrologers and soothsayers in the city of
Cambaluc, adding—'they have a kind of Astrolabe, on which are inscribed
the planetary signs, the hours, and critical points of the whole year'; Marco
Polo, ed. Yule, i. 399. Compare also the mention of the instrument in the
161st night of the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, where a translation
which I have now before me has the words—'instead of putting water into
the basin, he [the barber] took a very handsome astrolabe out of his case,
and went very gravely out of my room to the middle of the yard, to take the
height of the sun'; on which passage Mr. Lane has a note (chap. v. note 57)
which Mr. Brae quotes at length in his edition. There is also at least one
version of a treatise in Greek, entitled περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀστρολάβου χρήσεως,
by Johannes Philoponus, of which the Cambridge University Library
possesses two copies, viz. MSS. Dd. 15. 27 and Gg. 2. 33. But it is clear,
from his own words, that Chaucer followed the Latin, and I can point out[52]
one of the Latin treatises to which he was very considerably indebted. This
is the 'Compositio et Operatio Astrolabie,' by Messahala[53], of which
copies are, I have no doubt, sufficiently numerous. The Cambridge Library
has four, viz. Hh. 6. 8, Ii. 1. 13, Ii. 3. 3[54], and Kk. 1. 1, and there is another
copy in St. John's College Library, Cambridge, marked F. 25. The title
should be particularly observed; for the treatise is distinctly divisible into
two separate parts, viz. the 'Compositio Astrolabii' and the 'Operatio
Astrolabii.' The former begins with the words—'Scito quod astrolabium sit
nomen Graecum,' and explains how to make an astrolabe, and how to
inscribe on it the various necessary lines and circles with sufficient
exactness. It is much the longer portion of the treatise, and (in MS. Ii. 3. 3)
is illustrated by numerous diagrams, whilst the second part has no such
illustrations. But it does not appear that Chaucer made any use of this
former part, as his astrolabe had been procured ready-made. The second
Astrolabe, written in Sanskrit, on which he supposes Chaucer's treatise to
have been founded. Whether the Latin version used by Chaucer was
ultimately derived from a Sanskrit copy or not, need not be considered here.
The use of the Astrolabe was no doubt well known at an early period in
India and among the Persians and Arabs; see the 'Description of a
Planispheric Astrolabe constructed for Sháh Sultán Husain Safawí, King of
Persia,' by W. H. Morley, in which elaborate and beautifully illustrated
volume the reader may find sufficient information. Marco Polo says (bk. ii.
c. 33) that there were 5000 astrologers and soothsayers in the city of
Cambaluc, adding—'they have a kind of Astrolabe, on which are inscribed
the planetary signs, the hours, and critical points of the whole year'; Marco
Polo, ed. Yule, i. 399. Compare also the mention of the instrument in the
161st night of the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, where a translation
which I have now before me has the words—'instead of putting water into
the basin, he [the barber] took a very handsome astrolabe out of his case,
and went very gravely out of my room to the middle of the yard, to take the
height of the sun'; on which passage Mr. Lane has a note (chap. v. note 57)
which Mr. Brae quotes at length in his edition. There is also at least one
version of a treatise in Greek, entitled περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀστρολάβου χρήσεως,
by Johannes Philoponus, of which the Cambridge University Library
possesses two copies, viz. MSS. Dd. 15. 27 and Gg. 2. 33. But it is clear,
from his own words, that Chaucer followed the Latin, and I can point out[52]
one of the Latin treatises to which he was very considerably indebted. This
is the 'Compositio et Operatio Astrolabie,' by Messahala[53], of which
copies are, I have no doubt, sufficiently numerous. The Cambridge Library
has four, viz. Hh. 6. 8, Ii. 1. 13, Ii. 3. 3[54], and Kk. 1. 1, and there is another
copy in St. John's College Library, Cambridge, marked F. 25. The title
should be particularly observed; for the treatise is distinctly divisible into
two separate parts, viz. the 'Compositio Astrolabii' and the 'Operatio
Astrolabii.' The former begins with the words—'Scito quod astrolabium sit
nomen Graecum,' and explains how to make an astrolabe, and how to
inscribe on it the various necessary lines and circles with sufficient
exactness. It is much the longer portion of the treatise, and (in MS. Ii. 3. 3)
is illustrated by numerous diagrams, whilst the second part has no such
illustrations. But it does not appear that Chaucer made any use of this
former part, as his astrolabe had been procured ready-made. The second
Page 81
part of the treatise, or 'Operatio Astrolabii,' begins with the words 'Nomina
instrumentorum sunt hec.' This is evidently one of the sources from which
Chaucer drew largely[55]. Chaucer's Part i. is almost wholly taken from this,
but he has expanded it in several places, with the evident intention of
making it more easy to understand. In Part ii. he has taken from it, with
more or less exactness, sections 1-3, 5-8, 10, 11, 13-18, 20, 21, 24, 25, 27-
31, 33-37, 41 and 42; whilst sections 4, 9, 12, 19, 22, 23, 26, 32, 38-40 and
43 do not appear in it. In other words, Messahala's treatise accounts for
thirty-one conclusions out of forty-three, or about two-thirds of the whole.
In some places, Chaucer has translated almost word for word, so as to leave
no doubt as to his authority. Besides which, I have already remarked that
Chaucer's version is directly connected with Messahala by the quotations
from the latter which appear in MS. E.; see description of this MS. at p. lix.
If it be inquired, whence did Chaucer derive the remaining third of his
Second Part, I think it very likely that some of it may be found amongst the
varied and voluminous contents of such a MS. as Ii 3. 3, which is a sort of
general compendium of astronomical and astrological knowledge. The
complete solution of this question I leave to some one with more leisure
than myself, being satisfied that to have found the original of Part i. and
two-thirds of Part ii. is to have made a good start. It must not be omitted,
that the MSS. of Messahala are not all alike; that some copies have
propositions which are not in others; and that the order of the Conclusions
is not invariable. The chief noteworthy difference between Chaucer's
version and the Latin original is in the order of the Conclusions; it is clear
that Chaucer not only took what he liked, but rearranged his materials after
his own fashion.
§ 26. Various Editions. About the early printed editions of the Astrolabe, I
have not much to say. The Editio Princeps of 1532 was clearly derived from
some MS. of the second class, and, what between the errors of the scribes
and printers, absurdities abound. After a careful examination of the old
editions, I came to the conclusion that the less I consulted them the better,
and have therefore rather avoided them than sought their assistance. All the
editions not only give the conclusions in a wrong order, but (like the MSS.
of the second class) absurdly repeat Conclusion I. of Part ii., and reckon the
repetition of it as Conclusion III. MSS. of the first class are free from this
defect, and may thus be easily known. The only edition worth consulting is
instrumentorum sunt hec.' This is evidently one of the sources from which
Chaucer drew largely[55]. Chaucer's Part i. is almost wholly taken from this,
but he has expanded it in several places, with the evident intention of
making it more easy to understand. In Part ii. he has taken from it, with
more or less exactness, sections 1-3, 5-8, 10, 11, 13-18, 20, 21, 24, 25, 27-
31, 33-37, 41 and 42; whilst sections 4, 9, 12, 19, 22, 23, 26, 32, 38-40 and
43 do not appear in it. In other words, Messahala's treatise accounts for
thirty-one conclusions out of forty-three, or about two-thirds of the whole.
In some places, Chaucer has translated almost word for word, so as to leave
no doubt as to his authority. Besides which, I have already remarked that
Chaucer's version is directly connected with Messahala by the quotations
from the latter which appear in MS. E.; see description of this MS. at p. lix.
If it be inquired, whence did Chaucer derive the remaining third of his
Second Part, I think it very likely that some of it may be found amongst the
varied and voluminous contents of such a MS. as Ii 3. 3, which is a sort of
general compendium of astronomical and astrological knowledge. The
complete solution of this question I leave to some one with more leisure
than myself, being satisfied that to have found the original of Part i. and
two-thirds of Part ii. is to have made a good start. It must not be omitted,
that the MSS. of Messahala are not all alike; that some copies have
propositions which are not in others; and that the order of the Conclusions
is not invariable. The chief noteworthy difference between Chaucer's
version and the Latin original is in the order of the Conclusions; it is clear
that Chaucer not only took what he liked, but rearranged his materials after
his own fashion.
§ 26. Various Editions. About the early printed editions of the Astrolabe, I
have not much to say. The Editio Princeps of 1532 was clearly derived from
some MS. of the second class, and, what between the errors of the scribes
and printers, absurdities abound. After a careful examination of the old
editions, I came to the conclusion that the less I consulted them the better,
and have therefore rather avoided them than sought their assistance. All the
editions not only give the conclusions in a wrong order, but (like the MSS.
of the second class) absurdly repeat Conclusion I. of Part ii., and reckon the
repetition of it as Conclusion III. MSS. of the first class are free from this
defect, and may thus be easily known. The only edition worth consulting is
Page 82
that by Mr. A. E. Brae, published quite recently, in 1870. Mr. Brae made
much use of MS. I., besides which he consulted the Printed Editions, and
MSS. H. and L. See the descriptions of these MSS. above. From this edition
I have taken many hints, and I wish to express, very thankfully, my
obligations to it. Mr. Brae has brought to bear upon his work much skill and
knowledge, and has investigated many points with much patience,
minuteness, and critical ability. But I cannot but perceive that he has often
expended his labour upon very inferior materials, and has been sometimes
misled by the badness of those MSS. to which alone he had access[56].
Besides his print of Chaucer's Astrolabe, Mr. Brae has reprinted some
curious and interesting critical notes of his own, and has added some essays
on Chaucer's 'prime,' on 'the Carrenare,' and 'shippes opposteres.' To all that
he has done I am much indebted.
§ 27. Works on the Subject. The works upon, and descriptions of, the
astrolabe, are numerous. I have had neither time nor inclination to make
researches into the subject; for which reason I here note the names of a few
books which may be examined by the curious reader.
In his Universal Lexicon, Zedler explains that astrolabes are of two kinds,
'universal' and 'particular.' He speaks of the astrolabes (1) of Gemma
Frisius; see Petri Apiani Cosmographia, per Gemmam Phrysium restituta;
(2) of Johan de Rojas, a Spaniard, A.D. 1550; (3) of De la Hire the elder,
professor of mathematics at Paris, A.D. 1702; (4) of Johannes Stoflerinus (or
Stöffler), A.D. 1510. The last of these varied from the others in adopting a
different and more convenient system of projection, viz. that upon the plane
of the equator, or one parallel to it, the eye being in the antarctic pole, and
the arctic pole being made the centre of the instrument. This projection is
the same as that which was used by Ptolemy, and it is adopted in the
diagrams which accompany Chaucer's treatise in some of the MSS. It
should be observed here that the term 'astrolabe' alone is vague; it was
originally a general name for any circular instrument used for observation
of the stars; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it was restricted
to the particular kind called the 'Astrolabe Planisphere,' or astrolabe on a
much use of MS. I., besides which he consulted the Printed Editions, and
MSS. H. and L. See the descriptions of these MSS. above. From this edition
I have taken many hints, and I wish to express, very thankfully, my
obligations to it. Mr. Brae has brought to bear upon his work much skill and
knowledge, and has investigated many points with much patience,
minuteness, and critical ability. But I cannot but perceive that he has often
expended his labour upon very inferior materials, and has been sometimes
misled by the badness of those MSS. to which alone he had access[56].
Besides his print of Chaucer's Astrolabe, Mr. Brae has reprinted some
curious and interesting critical notes of his own, and has added some essays
on Chaucer's 'prime,' on 'the Carrenare,' and 'shippes opposteres.' To all that
he has done I am much indebted.
§ 27. Works on the Subject. The works upon, and descriptions of, the
astrolabe, are numerous. I have had neither time nor inclination to make
researches into the subject; for which reason I here note the names of a few
books which may be examined by the curious reader.
In his Universal Lexicon, Zedler explains that astrolabes are of two kinds,
'universal' and 'particular.' He speaks of the astrolabes (1) of Gemma
Frisius; see Petri Apiani Cosmographia, per Gemmam Phrysium restituta;
(2) of Johan de Rojas, a Spaniard, A.D. 1550; (3) of De la Hire the elder,
professor of mathematics at Paris, A.D. 1702; (4) of Johannes Stoflerinus (or
Stöffler), A.D. 1510. The last of these varied from the others in adopting a
different and more convenient system of projection, viz. that upon the plane
of the equator, or one parallel to it, the eye being in the antarctic pole, and
the arctic pole being made the centre of the instrument. This projection is
the same as that which was used by Ptolemy, and it is adopted in the
diagrams which accompany Chaucer's treatise in some of the MSS. It
should be observed here that the term 'astrolabe' alone is vague; it was
originally a general name for any circular instrument used for observation
of the stars; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it was restricted
to the particular kind called the 'Astrolabe Planisphere,' or astrolabe on a
Page 83
flat surface, in which sense alone the word is used throughout this volume.
See the English Cyclopaedia, Arts and Sciences, s.v. Astrolabe.
The simplest work is that by Stöffler or Stoflerinus, as he calls himself; see
also Gemma Frisius, Metius, Clavius Bambergensis, the Cursus
Mathematicus of Dechales, vol. iv. p. 161, Delambre's History of
Astronomy, and other works. The plates in Metius are most exquisitely
engraved, and on a large scale, and give a better representation of the
instrument than any others that I have seen.
One of the MSS., viz. MS. E., refers to an astrolabe belonging to Merton
College, Oxford[57]. There is a very nice one, made of brass, and by a Dutch
engraver, in the library of King's College, Cambridge. It has several discs or
plates, or, as Chaucer calls them, 'tables[58].' Of this instrument the same
library contains a written description, with some account of the problems it
will solve, and an investigation of its probable date, by H. Godfray, Esq., of
St. John's College.
There is a book entitled 'A verie briefe and most plaine description of Mr.
Blagrave his Astrolabe,' &c., by Mr. Blundevill; London, printed by
William Stansby. But it turns out to be of little practical assistance, because
Blagrave's astrolabe was on a different principle.
§ 28. Description of the Astrolabe Planisphere. There is not, however,
much need of reference to books to understand what the astrolabe used by
Chaucer was like. The instrument may be readily understood from a brief
description, and from the Plates in this volume.
The most important part of the 'astrolabe planisphere' consisted of a
somewhat heavy circular plate of metal from four to seven inches in
diameter, which could be suspended from the thumb by a ring (i. 1),
working with such freedom as would allow the instrument to assume a
perfectly perpendicular position (i. 2). One side of the plate was perfectly
flat, and was called the back. This is represented in Fig. 1. On it was
described a number of concentric rings, marked with various divisions,
which may be readily understood from the figure. Beginning at the
See the English Cyclopaedia, Arts and Sciences, s.v. Astrolabe.
The simplest work is that by Stöffler or Stoflerinus, as he calls himself; see
also Gemma Frisius, Metius, Clavius Bambergensis, the Cursus
Mathematicus of Dechales, vol. iv. p. 161, Delambre's History of
Astronomy, and other works. The plates in Metius are most exquisitely
engraved, and on a large scale, and give a better representation of the
instrument than any others that I have seen.
One of the MSS., viz. MS. E., refers to an astrolabe belonging to Merton
College, Oxford[57]. There is a very nice one, made of brass, and by a Dutch
engraver, in the library of King's College, Cambridge. It has several discs or
plates, or, as Chaucer calls them, 'tables[58].' Of this instrument the same
library contains a written description, with some account of the problems it
will solve, and an investigation of its probable date, by H. Godfray, Esq., of
St. John's College.
There is a book entitled 'A verie briefe and most plaine description of Mr.
Blagrave his Astrolabe,' &c., by Mr. Blundevill; London, printed by
William Stansby. But it turns out to be of little practical assistance, because
Blagrave's astrolabe was on a different principle.
§ 28. Description of the Astrolabe Planisphere. There is not, however,
much need of reference to books to understand what the astrolabe used by
Chaucer was like. The instrument may be readily understood from a brief
description, and from the Plates in this volume.
The most important part of the 'astrolabe planisphere' consisted of a
somewhat heavy circular plate of metal from four to seven inches in
diameter, which could be suspended from the thumb by a ring (i. 1),
working with such freedom as would allow the instrument to assume a
perfectly perpendicular position (i. 2). One side of the plate was perfectly
flat, and was called the back. This is represented in Fig. 1. On it was
described a number of concentric rings, marked with various divisions,
which may be readily understood from the figure. Beginning at the
Page 84
outermost ring, the first two represent the ninety degrees into which each
quadrant of a circle can be divided (i. 7). The next two represent the signs
of the zodiac, each subdivided into thirty degrees (i. 8). The next two
represent the days of the year, and are rather difficult to mark, as the circle
has, for this purpose, to be divided into 365¼ equal parts (i. 9). The next
three circles shew the names of the months, the number of days in each, and
the small divisions which represent each day, which coincide exactly with
those representing the days of the year (i. 10). The two innermost rings
shew the saints' days, with their Sunday-letters. Thus, above the 21st of
December is written 'Thome,' i.e. St. Thomas's day, its Sunday-letter being
E; the rest can easily be traced by the tables in a Prayer-book (i. 11). These
may be thus briefly recapitulated:—
1 and 2. Circles of degrees of the quadrant and circle.
3 and 4. Circles of the zodiacal signs, with their degrees.
5 and 6. Circles of the days of the year, with their numbers.
7, 8 and 9. Circles of the months, with their days and numbers of the
days.
10 and 11. Circles of saints' days, with their Sunday-letters.
Within all these, are the Scales of Umbra Recta and Umbra Versa, in each
of which the scale is divided into twelve equal parts, for the convenience of
taking and computing altitudes (i. 12). This primitive and loose method of
computation has long been superseded by the methods of trigonometry.
Besides these circles, there is a perpendicular line, marking the South and
North points, and a horizontal line from East to West.
The other side of the plate, called the front, and shewn in Fig. 2, had a thick
rim with a wide depression in the middle (i. 3). The rim was marked with
three rings or circles, of which the outermost was the Circle of Letters (A to
Z) representing the twenty-four hours of the day, and the two innermost the
degrees of the quadrants (i. 16). The depressed central portion of the plate
quadrant of a circle can be divided (i. 7). The next two represent the signs
of the zodiac, each subdivided into thirty degrees (i. 8). The next two
represent the days of the year, and are rather difficult to mark, as the circle
has, for this purpose, to be divided into 365¼ equal parts (i. 9). The next
three circles shew the names of the months, the number of days in each, and
the small divisions which represent each day, which coincide exactly with
those representing the days of the year (i. 10). The two innermost rings
shew the saints' days, with their Sunday-letters. Thus, above the 21st of
December is written 'Thome,' i.e. St. Thomas's day, its Sunday-letter being
E; the rest can easily be traced by the tables in a Prayer-book (i. 11). These
may be thus briefly recapitulated:—
1 and 2. Circles of degrees of the quadrant and circle.
3 and 4. Circles of the zodiacal signs, with their degrees.
5 and 6. Circles of the days of the year, with their numbers.
7, 8 and 9. Circles of the months, with their days and numbers of the
days.
10 and 11. Circles of saints' days, with their Sunday-letters.
Within all these, are the Scales of Umbra Recta and Umbra Versa, in each
of which the scale is divided into twelve equal parts, for the convenience of
taking and computing altitudes (i. 12). This primitive and loose method of
computation has long been superseded by the methods of trigonometry.
Besides these circles, there is a perpendicular line, marking the South and
North points, and a horizontal line from East to West.
The other side of the plate, called the front, and shewn in Fig. 2, had a thick
rim with a wide depression in the middle (i. 3). The rim was marked with
three rings or circles, of which the outermost was the Circle of Letters (A to
Z) representing the twenty-four hours of the day, and the two innermost the
degrees of the quadrants (i. 16). The depressed central portion of the plate
Page 85
was marked only with three circles, the 'Tropicus Cancri,' the
'Æquinoctialis,' and the 'Tropicus Capricorni' (i. 17); and with the cross-
lines from North to South, and from East to West (i. 15). But several thin
plates or discs of metal were provided, which were of such a size as exactly
to drop into the depression spoken of. The principal one of these, called the
'Rete,' is shewn in Fig. 2. It consisted of a circular ring marked with the
zodiacal signs, subdivided into degrees, with narrow branching limbs both
within and without this ring, having smaller branches or tongues
terminating in points, each of which denoted the exact position of some
well-known star. The names of these stars, as 'Alhabor,' 'Rigel,' &c., are
(some of them) written on the branches (i. 21). The 'Rete' being thus, as it
were, a skeleton plate, allows the 'Tropicus Cancri,' &c., marked upon the
body of the instrument, to be partially seen below it. Another form of the
'Rete' is shewn in Fig. 9, and other positions of the Rete in Fig. 11 and Fig.
12. But it was more usual to interpose between the 'Rete' and the body of
the instrument (called the 'Mother') another thin plate or disc, such as that in
Fig. 5, so that portions of this latter plate could be seen beneath the
skeleton-form of the 'Rete' (i. 17). These plates are called by Chaucer
'tables,' and sometimes an instrument was provided with several of them,
differently marked, for use in places having different latitudes. The one in
Fig. 5 is suitable for the latitude of Oxford (nearly). The upper part, above
the Horizon Obliquus, is marked with circles of altitude (i. 18), crossed by
incomplete arcs of azimuth tending to a common centre, the zenith (i. 19).
The lower part of the same plate is marked with arcs denoting the twelve
planetary hours (i. 20).
At the back of the astrolabe revolved the 'rule,' made of metal, and fitted
with sights, represented in Fig. 3 (i. 13). At the front of it revolved the
'label,' represented in Fig. 6 (i. 22).
All the parts were held together by the central pin (Fig. 4) which passed
through the holes in the 'moder,' plates, 'Rete,' rule, and label[59], and was
secured by a little wedge (i. 14), which was sometimes fancifully carved to
resemble a horse (Fig. 7).
'Æquinoctialis,' and the 'Tropicus Capricorni' (i. 17); and with the cross-
lines from North to South, and from East to West (i. 15). But several thin
plates or discs of metal were provided, which were of such a size as exactly
to drop into the depression spoken of. The principal one of these, called the
'Rete,' is shewn in Fig. 2. It consisted of a circular ring marked with the
zodiacal signs, subdivided into degrees, with narrow branching limbs both
within and without this ring, having smaller branches or tongues
terminating in points, each of which denoted the exact position of some
well-known star. The names of these stars, as 'Alhabor,' 'Rigel,' &c., are
(some of them) written on the branches (i. 21). The 'Rete' being thus, as it
were, a skeleton plate, allows the 'Tropicus Cancri,' &c., marked upon the
body of the instrument, to be partially seen below it. Another form of the
'Rete' is shewn in Fig. 9, and other positions of the Rete in Fig. 11 and Fig.
12. But it was more usual to interpose between the 'Rete' and the body of
the instrument (called the 'Mother') another thin plate or disc, such as that in
Fig. 5, so that portions of this latter plate could be seen beneath the
skeleton-form of the 'Rete' (i. 17). These plates are called by Chaucer
'tables,' and sometimes an instrument was provided with several of them,
differently marked, for use in places having different latitudes. The one in
Fig. 5 is suitable for the latitude of Oxford (nearly). The upper part, above
the Horizon Obliquus, is marked with circles of altitude (i. 18), crossed by
incomplete arcs of azimuth tending to a common centre, the zenith (i. 19).
The lower part of the same plate is marked with arcs denoting the twelve
planetary hours (i. 20).
At the back of the astrolabe revolved the 'rule,' made of metal, and fitted
with sights, represented in Fig. 3 (i. 13). At the front of it revolved the
'label,' represented in Fig. 6 (i. 22).
All the parts were held together by the central pin (Fig. 4) which passed
through the holes in the 'moder,' plates, 'Rete,' rule, and label[59], and was
secured by a little wedge (i. 14), which was sometimes fancifully carved to
resemble a horse (Fig. 7).
Page 86
Another 'table' or disc is shewn in Fig. 14, and was used for ascertaining the
twelve astrological houses.
§ 29. Uses of the Astrolabe Planisphere. I here briefly enumerate such
principal uses of the instrument as are mentioned by Chaucer.
The back (Fig. 1) shews at once the degree of the zodiac answering to every
day in the year (ii. 1). The altitude of the sun can be taken by the 'Rule,'
elevated at the proper angle (ii. 2). If the Rete be properly adjusted to this
altitude, we can thus tell the hour of the day (ii. 3). The duration of twilight
can be calculated by observing when the sun is 18° below the horizon (ii.
6). Observe the times of sunrise and sundown, and the interval is the
'artificial day' (ii. 7). This day, with the duration of morning and evening
twilights added to it, is called the 'vulgar day' (ii. 9). The plate in Fig. 5
shews the planetary hours (ii. 12). The placing of the sun's degree on the
South-line gives the sun's meridian altitude (ii. 13), and conversely (ii. 14).
The back of the instrument can shew what days in the year are of equal
length (ii. 15). The degree of the zodiac which souths with any star can be
ascertained by observing two altitudes of the star; but the observations must
be made when the star is very near the meridian (ii. 17). If the star be
marked on the Rete, the said degree is easily found by use of the Rete (ii.
18). We can also find with what degree of the zodiac the same star rises (ii.
19). The use of the Rete also shews the declination of every degree in the
zodiac (ii. 20). We can always tell for what latitude a disc such as that in
Fig. 5 is constructed, by properly examining it (ii. 21). The latitude of any
place can be found by two observations of the altitude of the Pole-star (ii.
23); or of any circumpolar star (ii. 24); or by observing the sun's meridional
altitude (ii. 25). The Rete also tells us the 'ascensions of signs,' or how many
degrees of the equinoctial circle pass the meridian with a given sign (ii. 27);
as also the 'oblique ascensions' of the same (ii. 28). The astrolabe can also
be used to discover (but only in an imperfect and approximate manner) the
four cardinal points of the compass (ii. 29). We can also compare the
altitude of a planet with that of the sun (ii. 30). We can find in what part of
the horizon the sun rises (ii. 31); and in what direction to look for a
conjunction of the sun and moon (ii. 32); also near what point of the
compass the sun is at any given hour (ii. 33). The moon's observed altitude
will shew her longitude (ii. 34). We can tell, from two observations of a
twelve astrological houses.
§ 29. Uses of the Astrolabe Planisphere. I here briefly enumerate such
principal uses of the instrument as are mentioned by Chaucer.
The back (Fig. 1) shews at once the degree of the zodiac answering to every
day in the year (ii. 1). The altitude of the sun can be taken by the 'Rule,'
elevated at the proper angle (ii. 2). If the Rete be properly adjusted to this
altitude, we can thus tell the hour of the day (ii. 3). The duration of twilight
can be calculated by observing when the sun is 18° below the horizon (ii.
6). Observe the times of sunrise and sundown, and the interval is the
'artificial day' (ii. 7). This day, with the duration of morning and evening
twilights added to it, is called the 'vulgar day' (ii. 9). The plate in Fig. 5
shews the planetary hours (ii. 12). The placing of the sun's degree on the
South-line gives the sun's meridian altitude (ii. 13), and conversely (ii. 14).
The back of the instrument can shew what days in the year are of equal
length (ii. 15). The degree of the zodiac which souths with any star can be
ascertained by observing two altitudes of the star; but the observations must
be made when the star is very near the meridian (ii. 17). If the star be
marked on the Rete, the said degree is easily found by use of the Rete (ii.
18). We can also find with what degree of the zodiac the same star rises (ii.
19). The use of the Rete also shews the declination of every degree in the
zodiac (ii. 20). We can always tell for what latitude a disc such as that in
Fig. 5 is constructed, by properly examining it (ii. 21). The latitude of any
place can be found by two observations of the altitude of the Pole-star (ii.
23); or of any circumpolar star (ii. 24); or by observing the sun's meridional
altitude (ii. 25). The Rete also tells us the 'ascensions of signs,' or how many
degrees of the equinoctial circle pass the meridian with a given sign (ii. 27);
as also the 'oblique ascensions' of the same (ii. 28). The astrolabe can also
be used to discover (but only in an imperfect and approximate manner) the
four cardinal points of the compass (ii. 29). We can also compare the
altitude of a planet with that of the sun (ii. 30). We can find in what part of
the horizon the sun rises (ii. 31); and in what direction to look for a
conjunction of the sun and moon (ii. 32); also near what point of the
compass the sun is at any given hour (ii. 33). The moon's observed altitude
will shew her longitude (ii. 34). We can tell, from two observations of a
Page 87
planet properly made, whether the planet's movement is direct or retrograde
(ii. 35). The disc shewn in Fig. 14 helps to shew the 'equations of houses'
(ii. 36). The four cardinal points can be found without an astrolabe, by an
experiment properly conducted (ii. 38). The astrolabe can be used to find
the degree of the zodiac with which any planet ascends, even when the
planet is not situated in the ecliptic (ii. 40).
By the use of the Umbra Recta on the back of the instrument, we can take
the altitude of an accessible object by a single observation (ii. 41); or of an
inaccessible object by two observations (ii. 43). Or, the height of an
inaccessible object may likewise be taken by two observations, by the scale
marked Umbra Versa (ii. 42).
The few Conclusions not here referred to are chiefly explanatory, or of
minor interest.
§ 30. Stars marked on the Rete. Several of the Latin MSS. upon the
Astrolabe give a list of the stars marked upon the Rete. There is a double
list, for example, in MS. Ii. 3. 3, in the Cambridge University Library, fol.
70, back. It is given in the form of two tables; the first mentions forty-nine
stars, with the degrees of the zodiac which south along with them, and their
declinations from the equinoctial line. The second table mentions some only
of the same stars, with their longitudes and latitudes, as referred to the
ecliptic.
A list of the principal stars usually marked upon the Rete, as shewn in Fig.
2, is given in the Note to Part i. § 21. 4 (p. 357). Fig. 9 shews another Rete,
with many of the same stars, with the addition of Markep (ι Argous).
Alchimech is the same as Azimech, i.e. α Virginis; Cor Leonis is α Leonis;
and Alfart is α Hydræ.
§ 31. Astrological Notes. For a general sketch of Astrology, see the
English Cyclopaedia, s.v. Worthless as the science is, it is useful to have a
few 'facts' for handy reference. I therefore attempt a synopsis of the chief
points of it, drawn from Johannis Hispalensis Isagoge in Astrologiam.
(ii. 35). The disc shewn in Fig. 14 helps to shew the 'equations of houses'
(ii. 36). The four cardinal points can be found without an astrolabe, by an
experiment properly conducted (ii. 38). The astrolabe can be used to find
the degree of the zodiac with which any planet ascends, even when the
planet is not situated in the ecliptic (ii. 40).
By the use of the Umbra Recta on the back of the instrument, we can take
the altitude of an accessible object by a single observation (ii. 41); or of an
inaccessible object by two observations (ii. 43). Or, the height of an
inaccessible object may likewise be taken by two observations, by the scale
marked Umbra Versa (ii. 42).
The few Conclusions not here referred to are chiefly explanatory, or of
minor interest.
§ 30. Stars marked on the Rete. Several of the Latin MSS. upon the
Astrolabe give a list of the stars marked upon the Rete. There is a double
list, for example, in MS. Ii. 3. 3, in the Cambridge University Library, fol.
70, back. It is given in the form of two tables; the first mentions forty-nine
stars, with the degrees of the zodiac which south along with them, and their
declinations from the equinoctial line. The second table mentions some only
of the same stars, with their longitudes and latitudes, as referred to the
ecliptic.
A list of the principal stars usually marked upon the Rete, as shewn in Fig.
2, is given in the Note to Part i. § 21. 4 (p. 357). Fig. 9 shews another Rete,
with many of the same stars, with the addition of Markep (ι Argous).
Alchimech is the same as Azimech, i.e. α Virginis; Cor Leonis is α Leonis;
and Alfart is α Hydræ.
§ 31. Astrological Notes. For a general sketch of Astrology, see the
English Cyclopaedia, s.v. Worthless as the science is, it is useful to have a
few 'facts' for handy reference. I therefore attempt a synopsis of the chief
points of it, drawn from Johannis Hispalensis Isagoge in Astrologiam.
Page 88
To save space, I give the information in a tabular form, wherein I denote the
twelve Signs by A., T., G., C., L., V., Li., S., Sa., Cp., Aq., P.; and the seven
Planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon, by St., J., Ms.,
Sn., V., My., Mo. What the table exactly means shall be explained presently.
Signs.Man. Ex. Day. Nt. Com.Face Face Face
1. 2. 3.
A. Ms. Sn. Sn. J. St. Ms. Sn. V.
(19)
T. V. Mn. V. Mn. Ms. My. Mn. St.
(3)
G. My. D. St. My. J. J. Ms. Sn.
H.
C. Mn. J. V. Ms. Mn. V. My. Mn.
(15)
L. Sn. Sn. J. St. St. J. Ms.
V. My. My. V. Mn. Ms. Sa. V. My.
(15)
Li. V. St. St. My. J. Mn. St. J.
(19)
S. Ms. V. Ms. Mn. Ms. Sn. V.
Sa. J. D. Sn. J. St. My. Mn. St.
T.
Cp. St. Ms. V. Mn. Ms. J. Ms. Sn.
(28)
Aq. St. St. My. J. V. My. Mn.
P. J. V. V. Ms. Mn. St. J. Ms.
(21)
The first line is to be read thus.
Aries is the mansion (or house) of Mars; the exaltation (or honour) of the
Sun, in the 19th degree of the sign; the lord of the Triplicity of Aries with its
attendant signs is the Sun by day, Jupiter by night, and Saturn in Common,
both by day and night; the first Face of Aries (degrees 1 to 10) is that of
Mars; the second Face (degrees 11 to 20) is that of the Sun; the third Face
twelve Signs by A., T., G., C., L., V., Li., S., Sa., Cp., Aq., P.; and the seven
Planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon, by St., J., Ms.,
Sn., V., My., Mo. What the table exactly means shall be explained presently.
Signs.Man. Ex. Day. Nt. Com.Face Face Face
1. 2. 3.
A. Ms. Sn. Sn. J. St. Ms. Sn. V.
(19)
T. V. Mn. V. Mn. Ms. My. Mn. St.
(3)
G. My. D. St. My. J. J. Ms. Sn.
H.
C. Mn. J. V. Ms. Mn. V. My. Mn.
(15)
L. Sn. Sn. J. St. St. J. Ms.
V. My. My. V. Mn. Ms. Sa. V. My.
(15)
Li. V. St. St. My. J. Mn. St. J.
(19)
S. Ms. V. Ms. Mn. Ms. Sn. V.
Sa. J. D. Sn. J. St. My. Mn. St.
T.
Cp. St. Ms. V. Mn. Ms. J. Ms. Sn.
(28)
Aq. St. St. My. J. V. My. Mn.
P. J. V. V. Ms. Mn. St. J. Ms.
(21)
The first line is to be read thus.
Aries is the mansion (or house) of Mars; the exaltation (or honour) of the
Sun, in the 19th degree of the sign; the lord of the Triplicity of Aries with its
attendant signs is the Sun by day, Jupiter by night, and Saturn in Common,
both by day and night; the first Face of Aries (degrees 1 to 10) is that of
Mars; the second Face (degrees 11 to 20) is that of the Sun; the third Face
Page 89
(degrees 21 to 30) is that of Venus. And so on for the rest; noting that
Gemini is the Exaltation of the Dragon's Head (D. H.), and Sagittarius that
of the Dragon's Tail (D. T.).
The meanings of the words are as follows:—
A Mansion or House appears to be that sign in which the planet is
peculiarly at home for some reason or other.
The Exaltation or Honour is that degree of a sign in which the planet named
has its greatest power; but the degree was often neglected, and Aries was
called the Exaltation of the Sun, simply.
The Fall (Lat. occasus vel detrimentum) of a planet is the sign opposite its
mansion. Libra is opposite Aries; therefore Libra is the Fall of Mars.
The Dejection or Depression (Lat. dedecus) of a planet is the sign opposite
to that of its exaltation. Libra is opposite Aries; therefore Libra is the
Dejection of the Sun. And so on.
A Triplicity is a combination of three signs in the form of a triangle, each
120° apart. Thus Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius form the first triplicity; Taurus,
Virgo, Capricorn, the second; Gemini, Libra, Aquarius, the third; Cancer,
Scorpio, Pisces, the fourth. Equal divisions of a sign (third-parts, namely)
are called Faces. There were also unequal divisions called Terms.
The 'mobill' or movable signs are Aries, Cancer, Libra, Capricorn. The 'fixe'
or fixed signs are Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, Aquarius. The 'common' signs are
Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius, Pisces.
The signs Aries, Gemini, Leo, &c. (taking every other sign) are diurnal or
masculine. The rest, Taurus, Cancer, &c., are nocturnal or feminine.
The first six signs, Aries to Virgo, are northern or sinister signs. So called
because astrologers looked towards the east or ascendent.
Gemini is the Exaltation of the Dragon's Head (D. H.), and Sagittarius that
of the Dragon's Tail (D. T.).
The meanings of the words are as follows:—
A Mansion or House appears to be that sign in which the planet is
peculiarly at home for some reason or other.
The Exaltation or Honour is that degree of a sign in which the planet named
has its greatest power; but the degree was often neglected, and Aries was
called the Exaltation of the Sun, simply.
The Fall (Lat. occasus vel detrimentum) of a planet is the sign opposite its
mansion. Libra is opposite Aries; therefore Libra is the Fall of Mars.
The Dejection or Depression (Lat. dedecus) of a planet is the sign opposite
to that of its exaltation. Libra is opposite Aries; therefore Libra is the
Dejection of the Sun. And so on.
A Triplicity is a combination of three signs in the form of a triangle, each
120° apart. Thus Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius form the first triplicity; Taurus,
Virgo, Capricorn, the second; Gemini, Libra, Aquarius, the third; Cancer,
Scorpio, Pisces, the fourth. Equal divisions of a sign (third-parts, namely)
are called Faces. There were also unequal divisions called Terms.
The 'mobill' or movable signs are Aries, Cancer, Libra, Capricorn. The 'fixe'
or fixed signs are Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, Aquarius. The 'common' signs are
Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius, Pisces.
The signs Aries, Gemini, Leo, &c. (taking every other sign) are diurnal or
masculine. The rest, Taurus, Cancer, &c., are nocturnal or feminine.
The first six signs, Aries to Virgo, are northern or sinister signs. So called
because astrologers looked towards the east or ascendent.
Page 90
The last six, Libra to Pisces, are southern or dexter signs.
The signs Cancer to Sagittarius are western, sovereign, right, or direct
signs. Cf. Astrol. ii. 28, and see Fig. 2.
The rest, Capricorn to Gemini, are eastern, obedient, tortuous, or oblique
signs.
This is all that a reader is likely to want. For other points, see the
authorities.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.
§ 32. Plate I. Fig. 1. The flat back of the Astrolabe; see § 28.
Plate II. Fig. 2. The front of the Astrolabe, with raised border. In the wide
depression in the middle, the plate called the 'Rete' is dropped in, and is
shewn in its primary position. Other positions of it are sketched in Fig. 11
and Fig. 12.
Plate III. Fig. 3. The 'Rewle' carrying two sights, which revolved at the back
of the Astrolabe. Astrol. i. 13.
Fig. 4. The central 'Pin,' shewn with the 'Wedge' inserted through it. Astrol.
i. 14; cf. Fig. 7.
Fig. 5. One of the Tables or discs, used by being dropped within the
depression on the front of the Astrolabe; i. 17. They were marked
differently, according to the latitude of the place. The one here drawn is
suitable for the latitude of Oxford, nearly.
Fig. 6. The 'Label,' which revolved at the front of the Astrolabe; i. 22.
The signs Cancer to Sagittarius are western, sovereign, right, or direct
signs. Cf. Astrol. ii. 28, and see Fig. 2.
The rest, Capricorn to Gemini, are eastern, obedient, tortuous, or oblique
signs.
This is all that a reader is likely to want. For other points, see the
authorities.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.
§ 32. Plate I. Fig. 1. The flat back of the Astrolabe; see § 28.
Plate II. Fig. 2. The front of the Astrolabe, with raised border. In the wide
depression in the middle, the plate called the 'Rete' is dropped in, and is
shewn in its primary position. Other positions of it are sketched in Fig. 11
and Fig. 12.
Plate III. Fig. 3. The 'Rewle' carrying two sights, which revolved at the back
of the Astrolabe. Astrol. i. 13.
Fig. 4. The central 'Pin,' shewn with the 'Wedge' inserted through it. Astrol.
i. 14; cf. Fig. 7.
Fig. 5. One of the Tables or discs, used by being dropped within the
depression on the front of the Astrolabe; i. 17. They were marked
differently, according to the latitude of the place. The one here drawn is
suitable for the latitude of Oxford, nearly.
Fig. 6. The 'Label,' which revolved at the front of the Astrolabe; i. 22.
Page 91
Plate IV. Fig. 7. Another form of the 'Pin,' shewing the Wedge cut into the
shape of a Horse (i. 14); from MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3.
Fig. 8. Diagram, shewing how to draw the three 'principal circles'; see
footnote on p. 183.
Fig. 9. Another form of the 'Rete,' from MS. Ii. 3. 3; cf. Fig. 2. This figure
shews the 'Almury' very clearly; Astrol. i. 23.
Plate V. Fig. 10. Diagram of the nine spheres; from MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3.
Astrol. i. 17.
Fig. 11. Rough sketch of the position of the 'Rete' in Astrol. ii. 3 (first part).
Denticle opposite C, and first point of Aries opposite X; 9 a.m.
Fig. 12. Rough sketch of the position of the 'Rete' in Astrol. ii. 3 (second
part). Denticle near O; first point of Aries near H; 8h. 8m. p.m.
Fig. 13. Diagram of the Elevation of the Pole; Astrol. ii. 23. The arc AN is
56°; A′N is 48°; A′P is 4°; and PN is 52°. A, A′ are two positions of the
Pole-star.
Plate VI. Fig. 14. A 'Table' or disc shewing the twelve astrological 'Houses';
Astrol. ii. 36 and 37.
Fig. 15. Diagram shewing how to ascertain the meridional line from two
shadows of an upright gnomon; Astrol. ii. 38.
Fig. 16. Diagram illustrating the use of the Umbra Recta; Astrol. ii. 41, 41a,
and 41b.
Fig. 17. Diagram of the use of the Umbra Versa, at two observations; Astrol.
ii. 42, 42a, and 42b.
Fig. 18. Use of the Umbra Recta, at two observations; Astrol. ii. 43 and 43a.
shape of a Horse (i. 14); from MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3.
Fig. 8. Diagram, shewing how to draw the three 'principal circles'; see
footnote on p. 183.
Fig. 9. Another form of the 'Rete,' from MS. Ii. 3. 3; cf. Fig. 2. This figure
shews the 'Almury' very clearly; Astrol. i. 23.
Plate V. Fig. 10. Diagram of the nine spheres; from MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3.
Astrol. i. 17.
Fig. 11. Rough sketch of the position of the 'Rete' in Astrol. ii. 3 (first part).
Denticle opposite C, and first point of Aries opposite X; 9 a.m.
Fig. 12. Rough sketch of the position of the 'Rete' in Astrol. ii. 3 (second
part). Denticle near O; first point of Aries near H; 8h. 8m. p.m.
Fig. 13. Diagram of the Elevation of the Pole; Astrol. ii. 23. The arc AN is
56°; A′N is 48°; A′P is 4°; and PN is 52°. A, A′ are two positions of the
Pole-star.
Plate VI. Fig. 14. A 'Table' or disc shewing the twelve astrological 'Houses';
Astrol. ii. 36 and 37.
Fig. 15. Diagram shewing how to ascertain the meridional line from two
shadows of an upright gnomon; Astrol. ii. 38.
Fig. 16. Diagram illustrating the use of the Umbra Recta; Astrol. ii. 41, 41a,
and 41b.
Fig. 17. Diagram of the use of the Umbra Versa, at two observations; Astrol.
ii. 42, 42a, and 42b.
Fig. 18. Use of the Umbra Recta, at two observations; Astrol. ii. 43 and 43a.
Page 92
FIG. 1. BACK OF THE 'ASTROLABE.'
Page 93
FIG. 2. FRONT OF THE 'ASTROLABE.'
Page 94
FIG. 3. LABEL. FIG. 4. PIN. FIG. 5.
PLATE FOR A CLIMATE. FIG. 6. RULE.
PLATE FOR A CLIMATE. FIG. 6. RULE.
Page 95
FIG. 7. WEDGE AND HORSE (from a MS.).
FIG. 8. DIAGRAM FOR A PROPOSITION.
FIG. 9. STAR-POINTS.
FIG. 8. DIAGRAM FOR A PROPOSITION.
FIG. 9. STAR-POINTS.
Page 96
FIG. 10. NINE SPHERES. FIGS. 11, 12, 13.
PROBLEMS.
PROBLEMS.
Page 97
FIG. 14. HOUSES. FIGS. 15-18. UMBRA
RECTA AND UMBRA VERSA.
THE HOUS OF FAME.
RECTA AND UMBRA VERSA.
THE HOUS OF FAME.
Page 98
BOOK I.
God turne us every dreem to gode!
For hit is wonder, by the rode,
To my wit, what causeth swevenes
Either on morwes, or on evenes;
And why the effect folweth of somme, 5
And of somme hit shal never come;
Why that is an avisioun,
And this a revelacioun;
Why this a dreem, why that a sweven, 10
And nat to every man liche even;
Why this a fantom, these oracles,
I noot; but who-so of these miracles
The causes knoweth bet than I,
Devyne he; for I certeinly
Ne can hem noght, ne never thinke 15
To besily my wit to swinke,
To knowe of hir signifiaunce
The gendres, neither the distaunce
Of tymes of hem, ne the causes
For-why this more than that cause is; 20
As if folkes complexiouns
Make hem dreme of reflexiouns;
Or elles thus, as other sayn,
For to greet feblenesse of brayn,
By abstinence, or by seeknesse, 25
Prison, stewe, or greet distresse;
Or elles by disordinaunce
Of naturel acustomaunce,
That som man is to curious
In studie, or melancolious, 30
Or thus, so inly ful of drede,
That no man may him bote bede;
Or elles, that devocioun
Of somme, and contemplacioun
God turne us every dreem to gode!
For hit is wonder, by the rode,
To my wit, what causeth swevenes
Either on morwes, or on evenes;
And why the effect folweth of somme, 5
And of somme hit shal never come;
Why that is an avisioun,
And this a revelacioun;
Why this a dreem, why that a sweven, 10
And nat to every man liche even;
Why this a fantom, these oracles,
I noot; but who-so of these miracles
The causes knoweth bet than I,
Devyne he; for I certeinly
Ne can hem noght, ne never thinke 15
To besily my wit to swinke,
To knowe of hir signifiaunce
The gendres, neither the distaunce
Of tymes of hem, ne the causes
For-why this more than that cause is; 20
As if folkes complexiouns
Make hem dreme of reflexiouns;
Or elles thus, as other sayn,
For to greet feblenesse of brayn,
By abstinence, or by seeknesse, 25
Prison, stewe, or greet distresse;
Or elles by disordinaunce
Of naturel acustomaunce,
That som man is to curious
In studie, or melancolious, 30
Or thus, so inly ful of drede,
That no man may him bote bede;
Or elles, that devocioun
Of somme, and contemplacioun
Page 99
Causeth swiche dremes ofte; 35
Or that the cruel lyf unsofte
Which these ilke lovers leden
That hopen over muche or dreden,
That purely hir impressiouns
Causeth hem avisiouns; 40
Or if that spirits have the might
To make folk to dreme a-night
Or if the soule, of propre kinde,
Be so parfit, as men finde,
That hit forwot that is to come, 45
And that hit warneth alle and somme
Of everiche of hir aventures
By avisiouns, or by figures,
But that our flesh ne hath no might
To understonden hit aright, 50
For hit is warned to derkly;—
But why the cause is, noght wot I.
Wel worthe, of this thing, grete clerkes,
That trete of this and other werkes;
For I of noon opinioun 55
Nil as now make mencioun,
But only that the holy rode
Turne us every dreem to gode!
For never, sith that I was born,
Ne no man elles, me biforn, 60
Mette, I trowe stedfastly,
So wonderful a dreem as I
The tenthe day [dide] of Decembre,
The which, as I can now remembre,
I wol yow tellen every del. 65
The Invocation.
But at my ginning, trusteth wel,
I wol make invocacioun,
With special devocioun,
Or that the cruel lyf unsofte
Which these ilke lovers leden
That hopen over muche or dreden,
That purely hir impressiouns
Causeth hem avisiouns; 40
Or if that spirits have the might
To make folk to dreme a-night
Or if the soule, of propre kinde,
Be so parfit, as men finde,
That hit forwot that is to come, 45
And that hit warneth alle and somme
Of everiche of hir aventures
By avisiouns, or by figures,
But that our flesh ne hath no might
To understonden hit aright, 50
For hit is warned to derkly;—
But why the cause is, noght wot I.
Wel worthe, of this thing, grete clerkes,
That trete of this and other werkes;
For I of noon opinioun 55
Nil as now make mencioun,
But only that the holy rode
Turne us every dreem to gode!
For never, sith that I was born,
Ne no man elles, me biforn, 60
Mette, I trowe stedfastly,
So wonderful a dreem as I
The tenthe day [dide] of Decembre,
The which, as I can now remembre,
I wol yow tellen every del. 65
The Invocation.
But at my ginning, trusteth wel,
I wol make invocacioun,
With special devocioun,
Page 100
Unto the god of slepe anoon,
That dwelleth in a cave of stoon 70
Upon a streem that comth fro Lete,
That is a flood of helle unswete;
Besyde a folk men clepe Cimerie,
Ther slepeth ay this god unmerie
With his slepy thousand sones 75
That alway for to slepe hir wone is—
And to this god, that I of rede,
Preye I, that he wol me spede
My sweven for to telle aright,
If every dreem stonde in his might. 80
And he, that mover is of al
That is and was, and ever shal,
So yive hem Ioye that hit here
Of alle that they dreme to-yere,
And for to stonden alle in grace 85
Of hir loves, or in what place
That hem wer levest for to stonde,
And shelde hem fro povert and shonde,
And fro unhappe and ech disese,
And sende hem al that may hem plese, 90
That take hit wel, and scorne hit noght,
Ne hit misdemen in her thoght
Through malicious entencioun.
And who-so, through presumpcioun,
Or hate or scorne, or through envye, 95
Dispyt, or Iape, or vilanye,
Misdeme hit, preye I Iesus god
That (dreme he barfoot, dreme he shod),
That every harm that any man
Hath had, sith [that] the world began, 100
Befalle him therof, or he sterve,
And graunte he mote hit ful deserve,
Lo! with swich a conclusioun
As had of his avisioun
Cresus, that was king of Lyde, 105
That dwelleth in a cave of stoon 70
Upon a streem that comth fro Lete,
That is a flood of helle unswete;
Besyde a folk men clepe Cimerie,
Ther slepeth ay this god unmerie
With his slepy thousand sones 75
That alway for to slepe hir wone is—
And to this god, that I of rede,
Preye I, that he wol me spede
My sweven for to telle aright,
If every dreem stonde in his might. 80
And he, that mover is of al
That is and was, and ever shal,
So yive hem Ioye that hit here
Of alle that they dreme to-yere,
And for to stonden alle in grace 85
Of hir loves, or in what place
That hem wer levest for to stonde,
And shelde hem fro povert and shonde,
And fro unhappe and ech disese,
And sende hem al that may hem plese, 90
That take hit wel, and scorne hit noght,
Ne hit misdemen in her thoght
Through malicious entencioun.
And who-so, through presumpcioun,
Or hate or scorne, or through envye, 95
Dispyt, or Iape, or vilanye,
Misdeme hit, preye I Iesus god
That (dreme he barfoot, dreme he shod),
That every harm that any man
Hath had, sith [that] the world began, 100
Befalle him therof, or he sterve,
And graunte he mote hit ful deserve,
Lo! with swich a conclusioun
As had of his avisioun
Cresus, that was king of Lyde, 105
Page 101
That high upon a gebet dyde!
This prayer shal he have of me;
I am no bet in charite!
Now herkneth, as I have you seyd,
What that I mette, or I abreyd. 110
The Dream.
Of Decembre the tenthe day,
Whan hit was night, to slepe I lay
Right ther as I was wont to done,
And fil on slepe wonder sone,
As he that wery was for-go 115
On pilgrimage myles two
To the corseynt Leonard,
To make lythe of that was hard.
But as I sleep, me mette I was
Within a temple y-mad of glas; 120
In whiche ther were mo images
Of gold, stondinge in sondry stages,
And mo riche tabernacles,
And with perre mo pinacles,
And mo curious portreytures, 125
And queynte maner of figures
Of olde werke, then I saw ever.
For certeynly, I niste never
Wher that I was, but wel wiste I,
Hit was of Venus redely, 130
The temple; for, in portreyture,
I saw anoon-right hir figure
Naked fletinge in a see.
And also on hir heed, parde,
Hir rose-garlond whyt and reed, 135
And hir comb to kembe hir heed,
Hir dowves, and daun Cupido,
Hir blinde sone, and Vulcano,
That in his face was ful broun.
This prayer shal he have of me;
I am no bet in charite!
Now herkneth, as I have you seyd,
What that I mette, or I abreyd. 110
The Dream.
Of Decembre the tenthe day,
Whan hit was night, to slepe I lay
Right ther as I was wont to done,
And fil on slepe wonder sone,
As he that wery was for-go 115
On pilgrimage myles two
To the corseynt Leonard,
To make lythe of that was hard.
But as I sleep, me mette I was
Within a temple y-mad of glas; 120
In whiche ther were mo images
Of gold, stondinge in sondry stages,
And mo riche tabernacles,
And with perre mo pinacles,
And mo curious portreytures, 125
And queynte maner of figures
Of olde werke, then I saw ever.
For certeynly, I niste never
Wher that I was, but wel wiste I,
Hit was of Venus redely, 130
The temple; for, in portreyture,
I saw anoon-right hir figure
Naked fletinge in a see.
And also on hir heed, parde,
Hir rose-garlond whyt and reed, 135
And hir comb to kembe hir heed,
Hir dowves, and daun Cupido,
Hir blinde sone, and Vulcano,
That in his face was ful broun.
Page 102
But as I romed up and doun, 140
I fond that on a wal ther was
Thus writen, on a table of bras:
'I wol now singe, if that I can,
The armes, and al-so the man,
That first cam, through his destinee, 145
Fugitif of Troye contree,
In Itaile, with ful moche pyne,
Unto the strondes of Lavyne.'
And tho began the story anoon,
As I shal telle yow echoon. 150
First saw I the destruccioun
Of Troye, through the Greek Sinoun,
[That] with his false forsweringe,
And his chere and his lesinge
Made the hors broght into Troye, 155
Thorgh which Troyens loste al hir Ioye.
And after this was grave, allas!
How Ilioun assailed was
And wonne, and king Priam y-slayn,
And Polites his sone, certayn, 160
Dispitously, of dan Pirrus.
And next that saw I how Venus,
Whan that she saw the castel brende,
Doun fro the hevene gan descende,
And bad hir sone Eneas flee; 165
And how he fledde, and how that he
Escaped was from al the pres,
And took his fader, Anchises,
And bar him on his bakke away,
Cryinge, 'Allas, and welaway!' 170
The whiche Anchises in his honde
Bar the goddes of the londe,
Thilke that unbrende were.
And I saw next, in alle this fere,
How Creusa, daun Eneas wyf, 175
Which that he lovede as his lyf,
I fond that on a wal ther was
Thus writen, on a table of bras:
'I wol now singe, if that I can,
The armes, and al-so the man,
That first cam, through his destinee, 145
Fugitif of Troye contree,
In Itaile, with ful moche pyne,
Unto the strondes of Lavyne.'
And tho began the story anoon,
As I shal telle yow echoon. 150
First saw I the destruccioun
Of Troye, through the Greek Sinoun,
[That] with his false forsweringe,
And his chere and his lesinge
Made the hors broght into Troye, 155
Thorgh which Troyens loste al hir Ioye.
And after this was grave, allas!
How Ilioun assailed was
And wonne, and king Priam y-slayn,
And Polites his sone, certayn, 160
Dispitously, of dan Pirrus.
And next that saw I how Venus,
Whan that she saw the castel brende,
Doun fro the hevene gan descende,
And bad hir sone Eneas flee; 165
And how he fledde, and how that he
Escaped was from al the pres,
And took his fader, Anchises,
And bar him on his bakke away,
Cryinge, 'Allas, and welaway!' 170
The whiche Anchises in his honde
Bar the goddes of the londe,
Thilke that unbrende were.
And I saw next, in alle this fere,
How Creusa, daun Eneas wyf, 175
Which that he lovede as his lyf,
Page 103
And hir yonge sone Iulo,
And eek Ascanius also,
Fledden eek with drery chere,
That hit was pitee for to here; 180
And in a forest, as they wente,
At a turninge of a wente,
How Creusa was y-lost, allas!
That deed, [but] noot I how, she was;
How he hir soughte, and how hir gost 185
Bad him to flee the Grekes ost,
And seyde, he moste unto Itaile,
As was his destinee, sauns faille;
That hit was pitee for to here,
Whan hir spirit gan appere, 190
The wordes that she to him seyde,
And for to kepe hir sone him preyde.
Ther saw I graven eek how he,
His fader eek, and his meynee,
With his shippes gan to sayle 195
Toward the contree of Itaile,
As streight as that they mighte go.
Ther saw I thee, cruel Iuno,
That art daun Iupiteres wyf,
That hast y-hated, al thy lyf, 200
Al the Troyanisshe blood,
Renne and crye, as thou were wood,
On Eolus, the god of windes,
To blowen out, of alle kindes,
So loude, that he shulde drenche 205
Lord and lady, grome and wenche
Of al the Troyan nacioun,
Withoute any savacioun.
Ther saw I swich tempeste aryse,
That every herte mighte agryse, 210
To see hit peynted on the walle.
Ther saw I graven eek withalle,
Venus, how ye, my lady dere,
And eek Ascanius also,
Fledden eek with drery chere,
That hit was pitee for to here; 180
And in a forest, as they wente,
At a turninge of a wente,
How Creusa was y-lost, allas!
That deed, [but] noot I how, she was;
How he hir soughte, and how hir gost 185
Bad him to flee the Grekes ost,
And seyde, he moste unto Itaile,
As was his destinee, sauns faille;
That hit was pitee for to here,
Whan hir spirit gan appere, 190
The wordes that she to him seyde,
And for to kepe hir sone him preyde.
Ther saw I graven eek how he,
His fader eek, and his meynee,
With his shippes gan to sayle 195
Toward the contree of Itaile,
As streight as that they mighte go.
Ther saw I thee, cruel Iuno,
That art daun Iupiteres wyf,
That hast y-hated, al thy lyf, 200
Al the Troyanisshe blood,
Renne and crye, as thou were wood,
On Eolus, the god of windes,
To blowen out, of alle kindes,
So loude, that he shulde drenche 205
Lord and lady, grome and wenche
Of al the Troyan nacioun,
Withoute any savacioun.
Ther saw I swich tempeste aryse,
That every herte mighte agryse, 210
To see hit peynted on the walle.
Ther saw I graven eek withalle,
Venus, how ye, my lady dere,
Page 104
Wepinge with ful woful chere,
Prayen Iupiter an hye 215
To save and kepe that navye
Of the Troyan Eneas,
Sith that he hir sone was.
Ther saw I Ioves Venus kisse,
And graunted of the tempest lisse. 220
Ther saw I how the tempest stente,
And how with alle pyne he wente,
And prevely took arrivage
In the contree of Cartage;
And on the morwe, how that he 225
And a knight, hight Achatee,
Metten with Venus that day,
Goinge in a queynt array,
As she had ben an hunteresse,
With wind blowinge upon hir tresse; 230
How Eneas gan him to pleyne,
Whan that he knew hir, of his peyne;
And how his shippes dreynte were,
Or elles lost, he niste where;
How she gan him comforte tho, 235
And bad him to Cartage go,
And ther he shuldë his folk finde,
That in the see were left behinde.
And, shortly of this thing to pace,
She made Eneas so in grace 240
Of Dido, quene of that contree,
That, shortly for to tellen, she
Becam his love, and leet him do
That that wedding longeth to.
What shulde I speke more queynte, 245
Or peyne me my wordes peynte,
To speke of love? hit wol not be;
I can not of that facultee.
And eek to telle the manere
How they aqueynteden in-fere, 250
Prayen Iupiter an hye 215
To save and kepe that navye
Of the Troyan Eneas,
Sith that he hir sone was.
Ther saw I Ioves Venus kisse,
And graunted of the tempest lisse. 220
Ther saw I how the tempest stente,
And how with alle pyne he wente,
And prevely took arrivage
In the contree of Cartage;
And on the morwe, how that he 225
And a knight, hight Achatee,
Metten with Venus that day,
Goinge in a queynt array,
As she had ben an hunteresse,
With wind blowinge upon hir tresse; 230
How Eneas gan him to pleyne,
Whan that he knew hir, of his peyne;
And how his shippes dreynte were,
Or elles lost, he niste where;
How she gan him comforte tho, 235
And bad him to Cartage go,
And ther he shuldë his folk finde,
That in the see were left behinde.
And, shortly of this thing to pace,
She made Eneas so in grace 240
Of Dido, quene of that contree,
That, shortly for to tellen, she
Becam his love, and leet him do
That that wedding longeth to.
What shulde I speke more queynte, 245
Or peyne me my wordes peynte,
To speke of love? hit wol not be;
I can not of that facultee.
And eek to telle the manere
How they aqueynteden in-fere, 250
Page 105
Hit were a long proces to telle,
And over long for yow to dwelle.
Ther saw I grave, how Eneas
Tolde Dido every cas,
That him was tid upon the see. 255
And after grave was, how she
Made of him, shortly, at oo word,
Hir lyf, hir love, hir lust, hir lord;
And dide him al the reverence,
And leyde on him al the dispence, 260
That any woman mighte do,
Weninge hit had al be so,
As he hir swoor; and her-by demed
That he was good, for he swich semed.
Allas! what harm doth apparence, 265
Whan hit is fals in existence!
For he to hir a traitour was;
Wherfor she slow hir-self, allas!
Lo, how a woman doth amis,
To love him that unknowen is! 270
For, by Crist, lo! thus hit fareth;
'Hit is not al gold, that glareth.'
For, al-so brouke I wel myn heed,
Ther may be under goodliheed
Kevered many a shrewed vyce; 275
Therfor be no wight so nyce,
To take a love only for chere,
For speche, or for frendly manere;
For this shal every woman finde
That som man, of his pure kinde, 280
Wol shewen outward the faireste,
Til he have caught that what him leste;
And thanne wol he causes finde,
And swere how that she is unkinde,
Or fals, or prevy, or double was. 285
Al this seye I by Eneas
And Dido, and hir nyce lest,
And over long for yow to dwelle.
Ther saw I grave, how Eneas
Tolde Dido every cas,
That him was tid upon the see. 255
And after grave was, how she
Made of him, shortly, at oo word,
Hir lyf, hir love, hir lust, hir lord;
And dide him al the reverence,
And leyde on him al the dispence, 260
That any woman mighte do,
Weninge hit had al be so,
As he hir swoor; and her-by demed
That he was good, for he swich semed.
Allas! what harm doth apparence, 265
Whan hit is fals in existence!
For he to hir a traitour was;
Wherfor she slow hir-self, allas!
Lo, how a woman doth amis,
To love him that unknowen is! 270
For, by Crist, lo! thus hit fareth;
'Hit is not al gold, that glareth.'
For, al-so brouke I wel myn heed,
Ther may be under goodliheed
Kevered many a shrewed vyce; 275
Therfor be no wight so nyce,
To take a love only for chere,
For speche, or for frendly manere;
For this shal every woman finde
That som man, of his pure kinde, 280
Wol shewen outward the faireste,
Til he have caught that what him leste;
And thanne wol he causes finde,
And swere how that she is unkinde,
Or fals, or prevy, or double was. 285
Al this seye I by Eneas
And Dido, and hir nyce lest,
Page 106
That lovede al to sone a gest;
Therfor I wol seye a proverbe,
That 'he that fully knoweth therbe 290
May saufly leye hit to his yë';
Withoute dreed, this is no lye.
But let us speke of Eneas,
How he betrayed hir, allas!
And lefte hir ful unkindely. 295
So whan she saw al-utterly,
That he wolde hir of trouthe faile,
And wende fro hir to Itaile,
She gan to wringe hir hondes two.
'Allas!' quod she, 'what me is wo! 300
Allas! is every man thus trewe,
That every yere wolde have a newe,
If hit so longe tyme dure,
Or elles three, peraventure?
As thus: of oon he wolde have fame 305
In magnifying of his name;
Another for frendship, seith he;
And yet ther shal the thridde be,
That shal be taken for delyt,
Lo, or for singular profyt.' 310
In swiche wordes gan to pleyne
Dido of hir grete peyne,
As me mette redely;
Non other auctour alegge I.
'Allas!' quod she, 'my swete herte, 315
Have pitee on my sorwes smerte,
And slee me not! go noght away!
O woful Dido, wel away!'
Quod she to hir-selve tho.
'O Eneas! what wil ye do? 320
O, that your love, ne your bonde,
That ye han sworn with your right honde,
Ne my cruel deeth,' quod she,
'May holde yow still heer with me!
Therfor I wol seye a proverbe,
That 'he that fully knoweth therbe 290
May saufly leye hit to his yë';
Withoute dreed, this is no lye.
But let us speke of Eneas,
How he betrayed hir, allas!
And lefte hir ful unkindely. 295
So whan she saw al-utterly,
That he wolde hir of trouthe faile,
And wende fro hir to Itaile,
She gan to wringe hir hondes two.
'Allas!' quod she, 'what me is wo! 300
Allas! is every man thus trewe,
That every yere wolde have a newe,
If hit so longe tyme dure,
Or elles three, peraventure?
As thus: of oon he wolde have fame 305
In magnifying of his name;
Another for frendship, seith he;
And yet ther shal the thridde be,
That shal be taken for delyt,
Lo, or for singular profyt.' 310
In swiche wordes gan to pleyne
Dido of hir grete peyne,
As me mette redely;
Non other auctour alegge I.
'Allas!' quod she, 'my swete herte, 315
Have pitee on my sorwes smerte,
And slee me not! go noght away!
O woful Dido, wel away!'
Quod she to hir-selve tho.
'O Eneas! what wil ye do? 320
O, that your love, ne your bonde,
That ye han sworn with your right honde,
Ne my cruel deeth,' quod she,
'May holde yow still heer with me!
Page 107
O, haveth of my deeth pitee! 325
Y-wis, my dere herte, ye
Knowen ful wel that never yit,
As fer-forth as I hadde wit,
Agilte [I] yow in thoght ne deed.
O, have ye men swich goodliheed 330
In speche, and never a deel of trouthe?
Allas, that ever hadde routhe
Any woman on any man!
Now see I wel, and telle can,
We wrecched wimmen conne non art; 335
For certeyn, for the more part,
Thus we be served everichone.
How sore that ye men conne grone,
Anoon as we have yow receyved!
Certeinly we ben deceyved; 340
For, though your love laste a sesoun,
Wayte upon the conclusioun,
And eek how that ye determynen,
And for the more part diffynen.
'O, welawey that I was born! 345
For through yow is my name lorn,
And alle myn actes red and songe
Over al this lond, on every tonge.
O wikke Fame! for ther nis
Nothing so swift, lo, as she is! 350
O, sooth is, every thing is wist,
Though hit be kevered with the mist.
Eek, thogh I mighte duren ever,
That I have doon, rekever I never,
That I ne shal be seyd, allas, 355
Y-shamed be through Eneas,
And that I shal thus Iuged be—
"Lo, right as she hath doon, now she
Wol do eftsones, hardily;"
Thus seyth the peple prevely.'— 360
But that is doon, nis not to done;
Y-wis, my dere herte, ye
Knowen ful wel that never yit,
As fer-forth as I hadde wit,
Agilte [I] yow in thoght ne deed.
O, have ye men swich goodliheed 330
In speche, and never a deel of trouthe?
Allas, that ever hadde routhe
Any woman on any man!
Now see I wel, and telle can,
We wrecched wimmen conne non art; 335
For certeyn, for the more part,
Thus we be served everichone.
How sore that ye men conne grone,
Anoon as we have yow receyved!
Certeinly we ben deceyved; 340
For, though your love laste a sesoun,
Wayte upon the conclusioun,
And eek how that ye determynen,
And for the more part diffynen.
'O, welawey that I was born! 345
For through yow is my name lorn,
And alle myn actes red and songe
Over al this lond, on every tonge.
O wikke Fame! for ther nis
Nothing so swift, lo, as she is! 350
O, sooth is, every thing is wist,
Though hit be kevered with the mist.
Eek, thogh I mighte duren ever,
That I have doon, rekever I never,
That I ne shal be seyd, allas, 355
Y-shamed be through Eneas,
And that I shal thus Iuged be—
"Lo, right as she hath doon, now she
Wol do eftsones, hardily;"
Thus seyth the peple prevely.'— 360
But that is doon, nis not to done;
Page 108
Al hir compleynt ne al hir mone,
Certeyn, availeth hir not a stre.
And whan she wiste sothly he
Was forth unto his shippes goon, 365
She in hir chambre wente anoon,
And called on hir suster Anne,
And gan hir to compleyne thanne;
And seyde, that she cause was
That she first lovede [Eneas], 370
And thus counseilled hir therto.
But what! when this was seyd and do,
She roof hir-selve to the herte,
And deyde through the wounde smerte.
But al the maner how she deyde, 375
And al the wordes that she seyde,
Who-so to knowe hit hath purpos,
Reed Virgile in Eneidos
Or the Epistle of Ovyde,
What that she wroot or that she dyde; 380
And nere hit to long to endyte,
By god, I woldë hit here wryte.
But, welaway! the harm, the routhe,
That hath betid for swich untrouthe,
As men may ofte in bokes rede, 385
And al day seen hit yet in dede,
That for to thenken hit, a tene is.
Lo, Demophon, duk of Athenis,
How he forswor him ful falsly,
And trayed Phillis wikkedly, 390
That kinges doghter was of Trace,
And falsly gan his terme pace;
And when she wiste that he was fals,
She heng hir-self right by the hals,
For he had do hir swich untrouthe; 395
Lo! was not this a wo and routhe?
Eek lo! how fals and reccheles
Was to Briseida Achilles,
Certeyn, availeth hir not a stre.
And whan she wiste sothly he
Was forth unto his shippes goon, 365
She in hir chambre wente anoon,
And called on hir suster Anne,
And gan hir to compleyne thanne;
And seyde, that she cause was
That she first lovede [Eneas], 370
And thus counseilled hir therto.
But what! when this was seyd and do,
She roof hir-selve to the herte,
And deyde through the wounde smerte.
But al the maner how she deyde, 375
And al the wordes that she seyde,
Who-so to knowe hit hath purpos,
Reed Virgile in Eneidos
Or the Epistle of Ovyde,
What that she wroot or that she dyde; 380
And nere hit to long to endyte,
By god, I woldë hit here wryte.
But, welaway! the harm, the routhe,
That hath betid for swich untrouthe,
As men may ofte in bokes rede, 385
And al day seen hit yet in dede,
That for to thenken hit, a tene is.
Lo, Demophon, duk of Athenis,
How he forswor him ful falsly,
And trayed Phillis wikkedly, 390
That kinges doghter was of Trace,
And falsly gan his terme pace;
And when she wiste that he was fals,
She heng hir-self right by the hals,
For he had do hir swich untrouthe; 395
Lo! was not this a wo and routhe?
Eek lo! how fals and reccheles
Was to Briseida Achilles,
Page 109
And Paris to Enone;
And Iason to Isiphile; 400
And eft Iason to Medea;
And Ercules to Dyanira;
For he lefte hir for Iöle,
That made him cacche his deeth, parde.
How fals eek was he, Theseus; 405
That, as the story telleth us,
How he betrayed Adriane;
The devel be his soules bane!
For had he laughed, had he loured,
He mostë have be al devoured, 410
If Adriane ne had y-be!
And, for she had of him pitee,
She made him fro the dethe escape,
And he made hir a ful fals Iape;
For after this, within a whyle 415
He lefte hir slepinge in an yle,
Deserte alone, right in the see,
And stal away, and leet hir be;
And took hir suster Phedra tho
With him, and gan to shippe go. 420
And yet he had y-sworn to here,
On al that ever he mighte swere,
That, so she saved him his lyf,
He wolde have take hir to his wyf;
For she desired nothing elles, 425
In certein, as the book us telles.
But to excusen Eneas
Fulliche of al his greet trespas,
The book seyth, Mercurie, sauns faile,
Bad him go into Itaile, 430
And leve Auffrykes regioun,
And Dido and hir faire toun.
Tho saw I grave, how to Itaile
Daun Eneas is go to saile;
And how the tempest al began, 435
And Iason to Isiphile; 400
And eft Iason to Medea;
And Ercules to Dyanira;
For he lefte hir for Iöle,
That made him cacche his deeth, parde.
How fals eek was he, Theseus; 405
That, as the story telleth us,
How he betrayed Adriane;
The devel be his soules bane!
For had he laughed, had he loured,
He mostë have be al devoured, 410
If Adriane ne had y-be!
And, for she had of him pitee,
She made him fro the dethe escape,
And he made hir a ful fals Iape;
For after this, within a whyle 415
He lefte hir slepinge in an yle,
Deserte alone, right in the see,
And stal away, and leet hir be;
And took hir suster Phedra tho
With him, and gan to shippe go. 420
And yet he had y-sworn to here,
On al that ever he mighte swere,
That, so she saved him his lyf,
He wolde have take hir to his wyf;
For she desired nothing elles, 425
In certein, as the book us telles.
But to excusen Eneas
Fulliche of al his greet trespas,
The book seyth, Mercurie, sauns faile,
Bad him go into Itaile, 430
And leve Auffrykes regioun,
And Dido and hir faire toun.
Tho saw I grave, how to Itaile
Daun Eneas is go to saile;
And how the tempest al began, 435
Page 110
And how he loste his steresman,
Which that the stere, or he took keep,
Smot over-bord, lo! as he sleep.
And also saw I how Sibyle
And Eneas, besyde an yle, 440
To helle wente, for to see
His fader, Anchises the free.
How he ther fond Palinurus,
And Dido, and eek Deiphebus;
And every tourment eek in helle 445
Saw he, which is long to telle.
Which who-so willeth for to knowe,
He moste rede many a rowe
On Virgile or on Claudian,
Or Daunte, that hit telle can. 450
Tho saw I grave al tharivaile
That Eneas had in Itaile;
And with king Latine his tretee,
And alle the batailles that he
Was at him-self, and eek his knightes, 455
Or he had al y-wonne his rightes;
And how he Turnus refte his lyf,
And wan Lavyna to his wyf;
And al the mervelous signals
Of the goddes celestials; 460
How, maugre Iuno, Eneas,
For al hir sleighte and hir compas,
Acheved al his aventure;
For Iupiter took of him cure
At the prayere of Venus; 465
The whiche I preye alway save us,
And us ay of our sorwes lighte!
Whan I had seyen al this sighte
In this noble temple thus,
'A, Lord!' thoughte I, 'that madest us, 470
Yet saw I never swich noblesse
Of images, ne swich richesse,
Which that the stere, or he took keep,
Smot over-bord, lo! as he sleep.
And also saw I how Sibyle
And Eneas, besyde an yle, 440
To helle wente, for to see
His fader, Anchises the free.
How he ther fond Palinurus,
And Dido, and eek Deiphebus;
And every tourment eek in helle 445
Saw he, which is long to telle.
Which who-so willeth for to knowe,
He moste rede many a rowe
On Virgile or on Claudian,
Or Daunte, that hit telle can. 450
Tho saw I grave al tharivaile
That Eneas had in Itaile;
And with king Latine his tretee,
And alle the batailles that he
Was at him-self, and eek his knightes, 455
Or he had al y-wonne his rightes;
And how he Turnus refte his lyf,
And wan Lavyna to his wyf;
And al the mervelous signals
Of the goddes celestials; 460
How, maugre Iuno, Eneas,
For al hir sleighte and hir compas,
Acheved al his aventure;
For Iupiter took of him cure
At the prayere of Venus; 465
The whiche I preye alway save us,
And us ay of our sorwes lighte!
Whan I had seyen al this sighte
In this noble temple thus,
'A, Lord!' thoughte I, 'that madest us, 470
Yet saw I never swich noblesse
Of images, ne swich richesse,
Page 111
As I saw graven in this chirche;
But not woot I who dide hem wirche,
Ne wher I am, ne in what contree. 475
But now wol I go out and see,
Right at the wiket, if I can
See o-wher stering any man,
That may me telle wher I am.'
When I out at the dores cam, 480
I faste aboute me beheld.
Then saw I but a large feld,
As fer as that I mighte see,
Withouten toun, or hous, or tree,
Or bush, or gras, or ered lond; 485
For al the feld nas but of sond
As smal as man may see yet lye
In the desert of Libye;
Ne I no maner creature,
That is y-formed by nature, 490
Ne saw, me [for] to rede or wisse.
'O Crist,' thoughte I, 'that art in blisse,
Fro fantom and illusioun
Me save!' and with devocioun
Myn yën to the heven I caste. 495
Tho was I war, lo! at the laste,
That faste by the sonne, as hyë
As kenne mighte I with myn yë,
Me thoughte I saw an egle sore,
But that hit semed moche more 500
Then I had any egle seyn.
But this as sooth as deeth, certeyn,
Hit was of golde, and shoon so bright,
That never saw men such a sighte,
But-if the heven hadde y-wonne 505
Al newe of golde another sonne;
So shoon the egles fethres brighte,
And somwhat dounward gan hit lighte.
But not woot I who dide hem wirche,
Ne wher I am, ne in what contree. 475
But now wol I go out and see,
Right at the wiket, if I can
See o-wher stering any man,
That may me telle wher I am.'
When I out at the dores cam, 480
I faste aboute me beheld.
Then saw I but a large feld,
As fer as that I mighte see,
Withouten toun, or hous, or tree,
Or bush, or gras, or ered lond; 485
For al the feld nas but of sond
As smal as man may see yet lye
In the desert of Libye;
Ne I no maner creature,
That is y-formed by nature, 490
Ne saw, me [for] to rede or wisse.
'O Crist,' thoughte I, 'that art in blisse,
Fro fantom and illusioun
Me save!' and with devocioun
Myn yën to the heven I caste. 495
Tho was I war, lo! at the laste,
That faste by the sonne, as hyë
As kenne mighte I with myn yë,
Me thoughte I saw an egle sore,
But that hit semed moche more 500
Then I had any egle seyn.
But this as sooth as deeth, certeyn,
Hit was of golde, and shoon so bright,
That never saw men such a sighte,
But-if the heven hadde y-wonne 505
Al newe of golde another sonne;
So shoon the egles fethres brighte,
And somwhat dounward gan hit lighte.
Page 112
Explicit liber primus.
The authorities are F. (Fairfax 16); B. (Bodley 638); P. (Pepys 2006); Cx.
(Caxton's ed.); Th. (Thynne's ed. 1532). I follow F. mainly, correcting the
spelling.
1. P. drem; rest dreme. 8. All have And why; I omit why. 9, 10. F. swevene,
evene; Cx. Th. sweuen, euen. 11. Th. B. a fantome; P. a fauntom; Cx. a
fanton; F. affaintome; after which, all needlessly insert why. 12. F. Th. B. P.
not; Cx. note (= noot). Elide o in so. 20. All wrongly insert is before more.
24. B. of the; rest of her; I omit the (her). 26. F. B. stewe; P. stoe; Cx. stryf;
Th. stryfe. 35. P. sweche; rest suche, such. 45. F. B. forwote; rest wote. 50.
F. vnderstonde, followed by a metrical mark, indicating a pause: I add n.
58, 62. MSS. dreme (= dreem). 63. See note. 64. B. P. now; F. yow; rest om.
71. P. strem; rest streme (= streem); so P. drem (rest dreme) in l. 80. MSS.
cometh (= com'th). 73. Cx. Th. clepe; F. clepeth. 77. F. That; rest And. 78.
Th. wol; P. wol; Cx. wyl; F. B. wolde. 85. F. B. stonde; Cx. Th. stande; P.
stond. Cx. alle; F. Th. al (wrongly). 88. All pouerte. 89. B. ech; F. eche. 100.
I supply that. 103. P. om. a. 109, 110. Cx. seyd, abreyd; the rest seyde
(sayde), abreyde (abrayde). Grammar requires seyd, abreyd; (abreyde also
occurs). 117, 118. Cx. P. leonard, hard; F. Th. B. leonarde, harde. P. om. of.
119. MSS. slept, slepte; read sleep, as in l. 438. 122. F. Th. golde; Cx. P.
gold; B. goold. 126. All queynt. 127. F. B. olde; Th. golde; Cx. P. gold. F.
sawgh. 131. Th. This; rest The. 132. F. sawgh. 134. Th. heed; B. hed; F. Cx.
hede. Cx. Th. P. parde; F. B. partee (!). 135. B. red; F. Th. rede; Cx. Rose
garlondes smellynge as a mede. 136. MSS. combe. B. hed; rest hede. 139.
Cx. P. brown; F. broune. 140. Cx. down; F. dovne. 141. P. fond; F. Cx. B.
fonde; Th. founde. Cx. Th. wal; B. wall; F. walle. 143. F. B. say; rest synge.
F. B. P. om. that. 146. F. B. Troy. 148. Cx. Th. P. Lauyne; F. B. Labyne. 152.
Cx. Th. P. Troye; F. B. Troy; see l. 155. 153. All om. That. F. B. P. fals; Cx.
fals vntrewe; Th. false vntrewe. 159. Cx. Th. kyng; F. B. kynge. F. y-slayne;
rest slayn. 160. Th. Polytes; F. B. Polite. From this point I make no further
note of obvious corrections in spelling. 172. Cx. P. Th. goddes; F. B.
goddesse (wrongly) 173. F. B. -brende; rest -brenned. 174. Cx. P. this; F. B.
his. 184. F. P. That dede not I how she was; B. That ded not I how she was;
Cx. That rede note I how it was; Th. That rede nat I howe that it was. Read
deed, and insert but. 188. Cx. Th. destyne; F. destanye. 193. Cx. Th. grauen;
The authorities are F. (Fairfax 16); B. (Bodley 638); P. (Pepys 2006); Cx.
(Caxton's ed.); Th. (Thynne's ed. 1532). I follow F. mainly, correcting the
spelling.
1. P. drem; rest dreme. 8. All have And why; I omit why. 9, 10. F. swevene,
evene; Cx. Th. sweuen, euen. 11. Th. B. a fantome; P. a fauntom; Cx. a
fanton; F. affaintome; after which, all needlessly insert why. 12. F. Th. B. P.
not; Cx. note (= noot). Elide o in so. 20. All wrongly insert is before more.
24. B. of the; rest of her; I omit the (her). 26. F. B. stewe; P. stoe; Cx. stryf;
Th. stryfe. 35. P. sweche; rest suche, such. 45. F. B. forwote; rest wote. 50.
F. vnderstonde, followed by a metrical mark, indicating a pause: I add n.
58, 62. MSS. dreme (= dreem). 63. See note. 64. B. P. now; F. yow; rest om.
71. P. strem; rest streme (= streem); so P. drem (rest dreme) in l. 80. MSS.
cometh (= com'th). 73. Cx. Th. clepe; F. clepeth. 77. F. That; rest And. 78.
Th. wol; P. wol; Cx. wyl; F. B. wolde. 85. F. B. stonde; Cx. Th. stande; P.
stond. Cx. alle; F. Th. al (wrongly). 88. All pouerte. 89. B. ech; F. eche. 100.
I supply that. 103. P. om. a. 109, 110. Cx. seyd, abreyd; the rest seyde
(sayde), abreyde (abrayde). Grammar requires seyd, abreyd; (abreyde also
occurs). 117, 118. Cx. P. leonard, hard; F. Th. B. leonarde, harde. P. om. of.
119. MSS. slept, slepte; read sleep, as in l. 438. 122. F. Th. golde; Cx. P.
gold; B. goold. 126. All queynt. 127. F. B. olde; Th. golde; Cx. P. gold. F.
sawgh. 131. Th. This; rest The. 132. F. sawgh. 134. Th. heed; B. hed; F. Cx.
hede. Cx. Th. P. parde; F. B. partee (!). 135. B. red; F. Th. rede; Cx. Rose
garlondes smellynge as a mede. 136. MSS. combe. B. hed; rest hede. 139.
Cx. P. brown; F. broune. 140. Cx. down; F. dovne. 141. P. fond; F. Cx. B.
fonde; Th. founde. Cx. Th. wal; B. wall; F. walle. 143. F. B. say; rest synge.
F. B. P. om. that. 146. F. B. Troy. 148. Cx. Th. P. Lauyne; F. B. Labyne. 152.
Cx. Th. P. Troye; F. B. Troy; see l. 155. 153. All om. That. F. B. P. fals; Cx.
fals vntrewe; Th. false vntrewe. 159. Cx. Th. kyng; F. B. kynge. F. y-slayne;
rest slayn. 160. Th. Polytes; F. B. Polite. From this point I make no further
note of obvious corrections in spelling. 172. Cx. P. Th. goddes; F. B.
goddesse (wrongly) 173. F. B. -brende; rest -brenned. 174. Cx. P. this; F. B.
his. 184. F. P. That dede not I how she was; B. That ded not I how she was;
Cx. That rede note I how it was; Th. That rede nat I howe that it was. Read
deed, and insert but. 188. Cx. Th. destyne; F. destanye. 193. Cx. Th. grauen;
Page 113
P. graven; F. grave; B. graue. 196. F. B. Towardes. 199. P. Iubiter; rest
Iupiters; read Iupiteres. 204. F. blowe; P. Cx. Th. blowen. 210. Th. herte;
rest hert. 220. F. omits from lisse to tempest in next line; the rest are right.
221, 222. F. B. stent, went; Cx. Th. stente, wente. 227. P. Cx. Th. Metten; F.
B. Mette. 235. F. P. comfort; rest comforte. 237. P. folk; rest folke; but
shulde is here dissyllabic. 242. F. tel; B. telle; P. Cx. Th. tellen. 257, 8. All
worde, lorde. 260. Th. the; rest omit. 270. F. vnknowe; rest vnknowen. 278.
Th. Or speche; rest Or (F. Of!) for speche; read For speche. Lines 280-2 3
are in Th. only, which reads some; fayrest; lest; than. 285. Cx. Th. (3rd) or;
F. B. P. om. 290. F. B. therbe (= the herbe); P. Cx. Th. the herbe. 305. Cx.
Th. one; P. on; F. B. love. 309, 310. All delyte, profyte. 313. For mette, Cx.
Th. have mette dremyng (!). 314. F. auttour = auctour. 315. F. he; the rest
she. 320. F. Th. wol; P. wille; Cx. wyl. 322. F. ha; P. B. haue; rest om. 328.
All had. 329. I insert I; which all omit. 332. P. hadde; rest had. 334. Cx.
telle; P. tellen; F. tel. 340. F. omits this line; the rest have it. 347. F. B. al
youre; Cx. Th. P. myn (om. al). 352. F. B. om. be. 353. Th. duren; F. B. dure.
358. Th. done; rest omit. 362. All insert But before Al. 363. Cx. Th. P.
Certeyn; F. B. Certeynly. 365. Cx. goon; P. gon; F. agoon; B. agon. 366. in]
All in to. 370. All Allas (alas); read Eneas. 371. F. B. As; rest And. 375. Cx.
Th. P. But; F. B. And. 381. F. And nor hyt were to; Cx. And nere it were to;
Th. And nere it to; B. P. And ner it were to. Th. B. to endyte; F. Cx. tendyte.
387. P. thenken; F. B. thynke; Cx. Th. thynken. 391. F. B. om. was. 402. Cx.
Th. P. And; F. B. omit. 410. Th. al; Cx. all; P. alle; F. B. om. 426. F. B. om.
as and us. 428. F. B. om. greet. 429. B. Mercure; F. Mercure; rest om. 433.
F. B. how that; rest how. 434. Cx. P. to saylle; Th. for to sayle; F. B. for to
assayle. 446. Th. longe is for; F. B. is longe. Cx. P. whyche no tonge can
telle. 451. For tharivaile, F. B. Th. have the aryvayle; Cx. the arryuaylle; P.
the arevaille. 458. F. labina; rest Lauyna. 468. Cx. P. seyn; rest seen (sene).
473. F. B. grave; rest grauen. 475. F. B. omit in. 478. Th. sterynge any; the
rest any stiryng (sterynge). 486. Cx. Th. P. was but of sonde (sande); F. B.
nas but sonde. 491. I insert for. Cx. Th. P. insert I after saw; but it is in l.
489. 496. F. B. omit lo. 504. F. B. omit lines 504-507. Colophon and Title.
So in Cx.; the rest omit them.
Iupiters; read Iupiteres. 204. F. blowe; P. Cx. Th. blowen. 210. Th. herte;
rest hert. 220. F. omits from lisse to tempest in next line; the rest are right.
221, 222. F. B. stent, went; Cx. Th. stente, wente. 227. P. Cx. Th. Metten; F.
B. Mette. 235. F. P. comfort; rest comforte. 237. P. folk; rest folke; but
shulde is here dissyllabic. 242. F. tel; B. telle; P. Cx. Th. tellen. 257, 8. All
worde, lorde. 260. Th. the; rest omit. 270. F. vnknowe; rest vnknowen. 278.
Th. Or speche; rest Or (F. Of!) for speche; read For speche. Lines 280-2 3
are in Th. only, which reads some; fayrest; lest; than. 285. Cx. Th. (3rd) or;
F. B. P. om. 290. F. B. therbe (= the herbe); P. Cx. Th. the herbe. 305. Cx.
Th. one; P. on; F. B. love. 309, 310. All delyte, profyte. 313. For mette, Cx.
Th. have mette dremyng (!). 314. F. auttour = auctour. 315. F. he; the rest
she. 320. F. Th. wol; P. wille; Cx. wyl. 322. F. ha; P. B. haue; rest om. 328.
All had. 329. I insert I; which all omit. 332. P. hadde; rest had. 334. Cx.
telle; P. tellen; F. tel. 340. F. omits this line; the rest have it. 347. F. B. al
youre; Cx. Th. P. myn (om. al). 352. F. B. om. be. 353. Th. duren; F. B. dure.
358. Th. done; rest omit. 362. All insert But before Al. 363. Cx. Th. P.
Certeyn; F. B. Certeynly. 365. Cx. goon; P. gon; F. agoon; B. agon. 366. in]
All in to. 370. All Allas (alas); read Eneas. 371. F. B. As; rest And. 375. Cx.
Th. P. But; F. B. And. 381. F. And nor hyt were to; Cx. And nere it were to;
Th. And nere it to; B. P. And ner it were to. Th. B. to endyte; F. Cx. tendyte.
387. P. thenken; F. B. thynke; Cx. Th. thynken. 391. F. B. om. was. 402. Cx.
Th. P. And; F. B. omit. 410. Th. al; Cx. all; P. alle; F. B. om. 426. F. B. om.
as and us. 428. F. B. om. greet. 429. B. Mercure; F. Mercure; rest om. 433.
F. B. how that; rest how. 434. Cx. P. to saylle; Th. for to sayle; F. B. for to
assayle. 446. Th. longe is for; F. B. is longe. Cx. P. whyche no tonge can
telle. 451. For tharivaile, F. B. Th. have the aryvayle; Cx. the arryuaylle; P.
the arevaille. 458. F. labina; rest Lauyna. 468. Cx. P. seyn; rest seen (sene).
473. F. B. grave; rest grauen. 475. F. B. omit in. 478. Th. sterynge any; the
rest any stiryng (sterynge). 486. Cx. Th. P. was but of sonde (sande); F. B.
nas but sonde. 491. I insert for. Cx. Th. P. insert I after saw; but it is in l.
489. 496. F. B. omit lo. 504. F. B. omit lines 504-507. Colophon and Title.
So in Cx.; the rest omit them.
Page 114
BOOK II.
Incipit liber secundus.
Proem.
Now herkneth, every maner man
That English understonde can, 510
And listeth of my dreem to lere;
For now at erste shul ye here
So selly an avisioun,
That Isaye, ne Scipioun,
Ne king Nabugodonosor, 515
Pharo, Turnus, ne Elcanor,
Ne mette swich a dreem as this!
Now faire blisful, O Cipris, (10)
So be my favour at this tyme!
And ye, me to endyte and ryme 520
Helpeth, that on Parnaso dwelle
By Elicon the clere welle.
O Thought, that wroot al that I mette,
And in the tresorie hit shette
Of my brayn! now shal men see 525
If any vertu in thee be,
To tellen al my dreem aright;
Now kythe thyn engyn and might! (20)
The Dream.
This egle, of which I have yow told,
That shoon with fethres as of gold, 530
Which that so hyë gan to sore,
I gan beholde more and more,
To see hir beautee and the wonder;
But never was ther dint of thonder,
Ne that thing that men calle foudre, 535
Incipit liber secundus.
Proem.
Now herkneth, every maner man
That English understonde can, 510
And listeth of my dreem to lere;
For now at erste shul ye here
So selly an avisioun,
That Isaye, ne Scipioun,
Ne king Nabugodonosor, 515
Pharo, Turnus, ne Elcanor,
Ne mette swich a dreem as this!
Now faire blisful, O Cipris, (10)
So be my favour at this tyme!
And ye, me to endyte and ryme 520
Helpeth, that on Parnaso dwelle
By Elicon the clere welle.
O Thought, that wroot al that I mette,
And in the tresorie hit shette
Of my brayn! now shal men see 525
If any vertu in thee be,
To tellen al my dreem aright;
Now kythe thyn engyn and might! (20)
The Dream.
This egle, of which I have yow told,
That shoon with fethres as of gold, 530
Which that so hyë gan to sore,
I gan beholde more and more,
To see hir beautee and the wonder;
But never was ther dint of thonder,
Ne that thing that men calle foudre, 535
Page 115
That smoot somtyme a tour to poudre,
And in his swifte coming brende,
That so swythe gan descende, (30)
As this foul, whan hit behelde
That I a-roume was in the felde; 540
And with his grimme pawes stronge,
Within his sharpe nayles longe,
Me, fleinge, at a swappe he hente,
And with his sours agayn up wente,
Me caryinge in his clawes starke 545
As lightly as I were a larke,
How high, I can not telle yow,
For I cam up, I niste how. (40)
For so, astonied and a-sweved
Was every vertu in my heved, 550
What with his sours and with my drede,
That al my feling gan to dede;
For-why hit was to greet affray.
Thus I longe in his clawes lay,
Til at the laste he to me spak 555
In mannes vois, and seyde, 'Awak!
And be not so a-gast, for shame!'
And called me tho by my name. (50)
And, for I sholde the bet abreyde—
Me mette—'Awak,' to me he seyde, 560
Right in the same vois and stevene
That useth oon I coude nevene;
And with that vois, soth for to sayn,
My minde cam to me agayn;
For hit was goodly seyd to me, 565
So nas hit never wont to be.
And herwithal I gan to stere,
And he me in his feet to bere, (60)
Til that he felte that I had hete,
And felte eek tho myn herte bete. 570
And tho gan he me to disporte,
And with wordes to comforte,
And in his swifte coming brende,
That so swythe gan descende, (30)
As this foul, whan hit behelde
That I a-roume was in the felde; 540
And with his grimme pawes stronge,
Within his sharpe nayles longe,
Me, fleinge, at a swappe he hente,
And with his sours agayn up wente,
Me caryinge in his clawes starke 545
As lightly as I were a larke,
How high, I can not telle yow,
For I cam up, I niste how. (40)
For so, astonied and a-sweved
Was every vertu in my heved, 550
What with his sours and with my drede,
That al my feling gan to dede;
For-why hit was to greet affray.
Thus I longe in his clawes lay,
Til at the laste he to me spak 555
In mannes vois, and seyde, 'Awak!
And be not so a-gast, for shame!'
And called me tho by my name. (50)
And, for I sholde the bet abreyde—
Me mette—'Awak,' to me he seyde, 560
Right in the same vois and stevene
That useth oon I coude nevene;
And with that vois, soth for to sayn,
My minde cam to me agayn;
For hit was goodly seyd to me, 565
So nas hit never wont to be.
And herwithal I gan to stere,
And he me in his feet to bere, (60)
Til that he felte that I had hete,
And felte eek tho myn herte bete. 570
And tho gan he me to disporte,
And with wordes to comforte,
Page 116
And sayde twyës, 'Seynte Marie!
Thou art noyous for to carie,
And nothing nedeth hit, parde! 575
For al-so wis god helpe me
As thou non harm shalt have of this;
And this cas, that betid thee is, (70)
Is for thy lore and for thy prow;—
Let see! darst thou yet loke now? 580
Be ful assured, boldely,
I am thy frend.' And therwith I
Gan for to wondren in my minde.
'O god,' thoughte I, 'that madest kinde,
Shal I non other weyes dye? 585
Wher Ioves wol me stellifye,
Or what thing may this signifye?
I neither am Enok, ne Elye, (80)
Ne Romulus, ne Ganymede
That was y-bore up, as men rede, 590
To hevene with dan Iupiter,
And maad the goddes boteler.'
Lo! this was tho my fantasye!
But he that bar me gan espye
That I so thoghte, and seyde this:— 595
'Thou demest of thy-self amis;
For Ioves is not ther-aboute—
I dar wel putte thee out of doute— (90)
To make of thee as yet a sterre.
But er I bere thee moche ferre, 600
I wol thee telle what I am,
And whider thou shalt, and why I cam
To done this, so that thou take
Good herte, and not for fere quake.'
'Gladly,' quod I. 'Now wel,' quod he:— 605
'First I, that in my feet have thee,
Of which thou hast a feer and wonder,
Am dwelling with the god of thonder, (100)
Which that men callen Iupiter,
Thou art noyous for to carie,
And nothing nedeth hit, parde! 575
For al-so wis god helpe me
As thou non harm shalt have of this;
And this cas, that betid thee is, (70)
Is for thy lore and for thy prow;—
Let see! darst thou yet loke now? 580
Be ful assured, boldely,
I am thy frend.' And therwith I
Gan for to wondren in my minde.
'O god,' thoughte I, 'that madest kinde,
Shal I non other weyes dye? 585
Wher Ioves wol me stellifye,
Or what thing may this signifye?
I neither am Enok, ne Elye, (80)
Ne Romulus, ne Ganymede
That was y-bore up, as men rede, 590
To hevene with dan Iupiter,
And maad the goddes boteler.'
Lo! this was tho my fantasye!
But he that bar me gan espye
That I so thoghte, and seyde this:— 595
'Thou demest of thy-self amis;
For Ioves is not ther-aboute—
I dar wel putte thee out of doute— (90)
To make of thee as yet a sterre.
But er I bere thee moche ferre, 600
I wol thee telle what I am,
And whider thou shalt, and why I cam
To done this, so that thou take
Good herte, and not for fere quake.'
'Gladly,' quod I. 'Now wel,' quod he:— 605
'First I, that in my feet have thee,
Of which thou hast a feer and wonder,
Am dwelling with the god of thonder, (100)
Which that men callen Iupiter,
Page 117
That dooth me flee ful ofte fer 610
To do al his comaundement.
And for this cause he hath me sent
To thee: now herke, by thy trouthe!
Certeyn, he hath of thee routhe,
That thou so longe trewely 615
Hast served so ententifly
His blinde nevew Cupido,
And fair Venus [goddesse] also, (110)
Withoute guerdoun ever yit,
And nevertheles hast set thy wit— 620
Although that in thy hede ful lyte is—
To make bokes, songes, dytees,
In ryme, or elles in cadence,
As thou best canst, in reverence
Of Love, and of his servants eke, 625
That have his servise soght, and seke;
And peynest thee to preyse his art,
Althogh thou haddest never part; (120)
Wherfor, al-so god me blesse,
Ioves halt hit greet humblesse 630
And vertu eek, that thou wolt make
A-night ful ofte thyn heed to ake,
In thy studie so thou wrytest,
And ever-mo of love endytest,
In honour of him and preysinges, 635
And in his folkes furtheringes,
And in hir matere al devysest,
And noght him nor his folk despysest, (130)
Although thou mayst go in the daunce
Of hem that him list not avaunce. 640
'Wherfor, as I seyde, y-wis,
Iupiter considereth this,
And also, beau sir, other thinges;
That is, that thou hast no tydinges
Of Loves folk, if they be glade, 645
Ne of noght elles that god made;
To do al his comaundement.
And for this cause he hath me sent
To thee: now herke, by thy trouthe!
Certeyn, he hath of thee routhe,
That thou so longe trewely 615
Hast served so ententifly
His blinde nevew Cupido,
And fair Venus [goddesse] also, (110)
Withoute guerdoun ever yit,
And nevertheles hast set thy wit— 620
Although that in thy hede ful lyte is—
To make bokes, songes, dytees,
In ryme, or elles in cadence,
As thou best canst, in reverence
Of Love, and of his servants eke, 625
That have his servise soght, and seke;
And peynest thee to preyse his art,
Althogh thou haddest never part; (120)
Wherfor, al-so god me blesse,
Ioves halt hit greet humblesse 630
And vertu eek, that thou wolt make
A-night ful ofte thyn heed to ake,
In thy studie so thou wrytest,
And ever-mo of love endytest,
In honour of him and preysinges, 635
And in his folkes furtheringes,
And in hir matere al devysest,
And noght him nor his folk despysest, (130)
Although thou mayst go in the daunce
Of hem that him list not avaunce. 640
'Wherfor, as I seyde, y-wis,
Iupiter considereth this,
And also, beau sir, other thinges;
That is, that thou hast no tydinges
Of Loves folk, if they be glade, 645
Ne of noght elles that god made;
Page 118
And noght only fro fer contree
That ther no tyding comth to thee, (140)
But of thy verray neyghebores,
That dwellen almost at thy dores, 650
Thou herest neither that ne this;
For whan thy labour doon al is,
And hast y-maad thy rekeninges,
In stede of reste and newe thinges,
Thou gost hoom to thy hous anoon; 655
And, also domb as any stoon,
Thou sittest at another boke,
Til fully daswed is thy loke, (150)
And livest thus as an hermyte,
Although thyn abstinence is lyte. 660
'And therfor Ioves, through his grace,
Wol that I bere thee to a place,
Which that hight the Hous of Fame,
To do thee som disport and game,
In som recompensacioun 665
Of labour and devocioun
That thou hast had, lo! causeles,
To Cupido, the reccheles! (160)
And thus this god, thorgh his meryte,
Wol with som maner thing thee quyte, 670
So that thou wolt be of good chere.
For truste wel, that thou shalt here,
When we be comen ther I seye,
Mo wonder thinges, dar I leye,
Of Loves folke mo tydinges, 675
Bothe soth-sawes and lesinges;
And mo loves newe begonne,
And longe y-served loves wonne, (170)
And mo loves casuelly
That been betid, no man wot why, 680
But as a blind man stert an hare;
And more Iolytee and fare,
Whyl that they finde love of stele,
That ther no tyding comth to thee, (140)
But of thy verray neyghebores,
That dwellen almost at thy dores, 650
Thou herest neither that ne this;
For whan thy labour doon al is,
And hast y-maad thy rekeninges,
In stede of reste and newe thinges,
Thou gost hoom to thy hous anoon; 655
And, also domb as any stoon,
Thou sittest at another boke,
Til fully daswed is thy loke, (150)
And livest thus as an hermyte,
Although thyn abstinence is lyte. 660
'And therfor Ioves, through his grace,
Wol that I bere thee to a place,
Which that hight the Hous of Fame,
To do thee som disport and game,
In som recompensacioun 665
Of labour and devocioun
That thou hast had, lo! causeles,
To Cupido, the reccheles! (160)
And thus this god, thorgh his meryte,
Wol with som maner thing thee quyte, 670
So that thou wolt be of good chere.
For truste wel, that thou shalt here,
When we be comen ther I seye,
Mo wonder thinges, dar I leye,
Of Loves folke mo tydinges, 675
Bothe soth-sawes and lesinges;
And mo loves newe begonne,
And longe y-served loves wonne, (170)
And mo loves casuelly
That been betid, no man wot why, 680
But as a blind man stert an hare;
And more Iolytee and fare,
Whyl that they finde love of stele,
Page 119
As thinketh hem, and over-al wele;
Mo discords, and mo Ielousyes, 685
Mo murmurs, and mo novelryes,
And mo dissimulaciouns,
And feyned reparaciouns; (180)
And mo berdes in two houres
Withoute rasour or sisoures 690
Y-maad, then greynes be of sondes;
And eke mo holdinge in hondes,
And also mo renovelaunces
Of olde forleten aqueyntaunces;
Mo love-dayes and acordes 695
Then on instruments ben cordes;
And eke of loves mo eschaunges
Than ever cornes were in graunges; (190)
Unethe maistow trowen this?'—
Quod he. 'No, helpe me god so wis!'— 700
Quod I. 'No? why?' quod he. 'For hit
Were impossible, to my wit,
Though that Fame hadde al the pyes
In al a realme, and al the spyes,
How that yet she shulde here al this, 705
Or they espye hit.' 'O yis, yis!'
Quod he to me, 'that can I preve
By resoun, worthy for to leve, (200)
So that thou yeve thyn advertence
To understonde my sentence. 710
'First shall thou heren wher she dwelleth,
And so thyn owne book hit telleth;
Hir paleys stant, as I shal seye,
Right even in middes of the weye
Betwixen hevene, erthe, and see; 715
That, what-so-ever in al these three
Is spoken, in privee or aperte,
The wey therto is so overte, (210)
And stant eek in so Iuste a place,
That every soun mot to hit pace, 720
Mo discords, and mo Ielousyes, 685
Mo murmurs, and mo novelryes,
And mo dissimulaciouns,
And feyned reparaciouns; (180)
And mo berdes in two houres
Withoute rasour or sisoures 690
Y-maad, then greynes be of sondes;
And eke mo holdinge in hondes,
And also mo renovelaunces
Of olde forleten aqueyntaunces;
Mo love-dayes and acordes 695
Then on instruments ben cordes;
And eke of loves mo eschaunges
Than ever cornes were in graunges; (190)
Unethe maistow trowen this?'—
Quod he. 'No, helpe me god so wis!'— 700
Quod I. 'No? why?' quod he. 'For hit
Were impossible, to my wit,
Though that Fame hadde al the pyes
In al a realme, and al the spyes,
How that yet she shulde here al this, 705
Or they espye hit.' 'O yis, yis!'
Quod he to me, 'that can I preve
By resoun, worthy for to leve, (200)
So that thou yeve thyn advertence
To understonde my sentence. 710
'First shall thou heren wher she dwelleth,
And so thyn owne book hit telleth;
Hir paleys stant, as I shal seye,
Right even in middes of the weye
Betwixen hevene, erthe, and see; 715
That, what-so-ever in al these three
Is spoken, in privee or aperte,
The wey therto is so overte, (210)
And stant eek in so Iuste a place,
That every soun mot to hit pace, 720
Page 120
Or what so comth fro any tonge,
Be hit rouned, red, or songe,
Or spoke in seurtee or drede,
Certein, hit moste thider nede.
'Now herkne wel; for-why I wille 735
Tellen thee a propre skile,
And worthy demonstracioun
In myn imagynacioun. (220)
'Geffrey, thou wost right wel this,
That every kindly thing that is, 730
Hath a kindly stede ther he
May best in hit conserved be;
Unto which place every thing,
Through his kindly enclyning,
Moveth for to come to, 735
Whan that hit is awey therfro;
As thus; lo, thou mayst al day see
That any thing that hevy be, (230)
As stoon or leed, or thing of wighte,
And ber hit never so hye on highte, 740
Lat go thyn hand, hit falleth doun.
'Right so seye I by fyre or soun,
Or smoke, or other thinges lighte,
Alwey they seke upward on highte;
Whyl ech of hem is at his large, 745
Light thing up, and dounward charge.
'And for this cause mayst thou see,
That every river to the see (240)
Enclyned is to go, by kinde.
And by these skilles, as I finde, 750
Hath fish dwellinge in floode and see,
And treës eek in erthe be.
Thus every thing, by this resoun,
Hath his propre mansioun,
To which hit seketh to repaire, 755
As ther hit shulde not apaire.
Lo, this sentence is knowen couthe
Be hit rouned, red, or songe,
Or spoke in seurtee or drede,
Certein, hit moste thider nede.
'Now herkne wel; for-why I wille 735
Tellen thee a propre skile,
And worthy demonstracioun
In myn imagynacioun. (220)
'Geffrey, thou wost right wel this,
That every kindly thing that is, 730
Hath a kindly stede ther he
May best in hit conserved be;
Unto which place every thing,
Through his kindly enclyning,
Moveth for to come to, 735
Whan that hit is awey therfro;
As thus; lo, thou mayst al day see
That any thing that hevy be, (230)
As stoon or leed, or thing of wighte,
And ber hit never so hye on highte, 740
Lat go thyn hand, hit falleth doun.
'Right so seye I by fyre or soun,
Or smoke, or other thinges lighte,
Alwey they seke upward on highte;
Whyl ech of hem is at his large, 745
Light thing up, and dounward charge.
'And for this cause mayst thou see,
That every river to the see (240)
Enclyned is to go, by kinde.
And by these skilles, as I finde, 750
Hath fish dwellinge in floode and see,
And treës eek in erthe be.
Thus every thing, by this resoun,
Hath his propre mansioun,
To which hit seketh to repaire, 755
As ther hit shulde not apaire.
Lo, this sentence is knowen couthe
Page 121
Of every philosophres mouthe, (250)
As Aristotle and dan Platon,
And other clerkes many oon; 760
And to confirme my resoun,
Thou wost wel this, that speche is soun,
Or elles no man mighte hit here;
Now herkne what I wol thee lere.
'Soun is noght but air y-broken, 765
And every speche that is spoken,
Loud or privee, foul or fair,
In his substaunce is but air; (260)
For as flaumbe is but lighted smoke,
Right so soun is air y-broke. 770
But this may be in many wyse,
Of which I wil thee two devyse,
As soun that comth of pype or harpe.
For whan a pype is blowen sharpe,
The air is twist with violence, 775
And rent; lo, this is my sentence;
Eek, whan men harpe-stringes smyte,
Whether hit be moche or lyte, (270)
Lo, with the strook the air to-breketh;
Right so hit breketh whan men speketh. 780
Thus wost thou wel what thing is speche.
'Now hennesforth I wol thee teche,
How every speche, or noise, or soun,
Through his multiplicacioun,
Thogh hit were pyped of a mouse, 785
Moot nede come to Fames House.
I preve hit thus—tak hede now—
By experience; for if that thou (280)
Throwe on water now a stoon,
Wel wost thou, hit wol make anoon 790
A litel roundel as a cercle,
Paraventure brood as a covercle;
And right anoon thou shalt see weel,
That wheel wol cause another wheel,
As Aristotle and dan Platon,
And other clerkes many oon; 760
And to confirme my resoun,
Thou wost wel this, that speche is soun,
Or elles no man mighte hit here;
Now herkne what I wol thee lere.
'Soun is noght but air y-broken, 765
And every speche that is spoken,
Loud or privee, foul or fair,
In his substaunce is but air; (260)
For as flaumbe is but lighted smoke,
Right so soun is air y-broke. 770
But this may be in many wyse,
Of which I wil thee two devyse,
As soun that comth of pype or harpe.
For whan a pype is blowen sharpe,
The air is twist with violence, 775
And rent; lo, this is my sentence;
Eek, whan men harpe-stringes smyte,
Whether hit be moche or lyte, (270)
Lo, with the strook the air to-breketh;
Right so hit breketh whan men speketh. 780
Thus wost thou wel what thing is speche.
'Now hennesforth I wol thee teche,
How every speche, or noise, or soun,
Through his multiplicacioun,
Thogh hit were pyped of a mouse, 785
Moot nede come to Fames House.
I preve hit thus—tak hede now—
By experience; for if that thou (280)
Throwe on water now a stoon,
Wel wost thou, hit wol make anoon 790
A litel roundel as a cercle,
Paraventure brood as a covercle;
And right anoon thou shalt see weel,
That wheel wol cause another wheel,
Page 122
And that the thridde, and so forth, brother, 795
Every cercle causing other,
Wyder than himselve was;
And thus, fro roundel to compas, (290)
Ech aboute other goinge,
Caused of othres steringe, 800
And multiplying ever-mo,
Til that hit be so fer y-go
That hit at bothe brinkes be.
Al-thogh thou mowe hit not y-see
Above, hit goth yet alway under, 805
Although thou thenke hit a gret wonder.
And who-so seith of trouthe I varie,
Bid him proven the contrarie. (300)
And right thus every word, y-wis,
That loude or privee spoken is, 810
Moveth first an air aboute,
And of this moving, out of doute,
Another air anoon is meved,
As I have of the water preved,
That every cercle causeth other. 815
Right so of air, my leve brother;
Everich air in other stereth
More and more, and speche up bereth, (310)
Or vois, or noise, or word, or soun,
Ay through multiplicacioun, 820
Til hit be atte House of Fame;—
Tak hit in ernest or in game.
'Now have I told, if thou have minde,
How speche or soun, of pure kinde,
Enclyned is upward to meve; 825
This, mayst thou fele, wel I preve.
And that [the mansioun], y-wis,
That every thing enclyned to is, (320)
Hath his kindeliche stede:
That sheweth hit, withouten drede, 830
That kindely the mansioun
Every cercle causing other,
Wyder than himselve was;
And thus, fro roundel to compas, (290)
Ech aboute other goinge,
Caused of othres steringe, 800
And multiplying ever-mo,
Til that hit be so fer y-go
That hit at bothe brinkes be.
Al-thogh thou mowe hit not y-see
Above, hit goth yet alway under, 805
Although thou thenke hit a gret wonder.
And who-so seith of trouthe I varie,
Bid him proven the contrarie. (300)
And right thus every word, y-wis,
That loude or privee spoken is, 810
Moveth first an air aboute,
And of this moving, out of doute,
Another air anoon is meved,
As I have of the water preved,
That every cercle causeth other. 815
Right so of air, my leve brother;
Everich air in other stereth
More and more, and speche up bereth, (310)
Or vois, or noise, or word, or soun,
Ay through multiplicacioun, 820
Til hit be atte House of Fame;—
Tak hit in ernest or in game.
'Now have I told, if thou have minde,
How speche or soun, of pure kinde,
Enclyned is upward to meve; 825
This, mayst thou fele, wel I preve.
And that [the mansioun], y-wis,
That every thing enclyned to is, (320)
Hath his kindeliche stede:
That sheweth hit, withouten drede, 830
That kindely the mansioun
Page 123
Of every speche, of every soun,
Be hit either foul or fair,
Hath his kinde place in air.
And sin that every thing, that is 835
Out of his kinde place, y-wis,
Moveth thider for to go
If hit a-weye be therfro, (330)
As I before have preved thee,
Hit seweth, every soun, pardee, 840
Moveth kindely to pace
Al up into his kindely place.
And this place of which I telle,
Ther as Fame list to dwelle,
Is set amiddes of these three, 845
Heven, erthe, and eek the see,
As most conservatif the soun.
Than is this the conclusioun, (340)
That every speche of every man,
As I thee telle first began, 850
Moveth up on high to pace
Kindely to Fames place.
'Telle me this feithfully,
Have I not preved thus simply,
Withouten any subtiltee 855
Of speche, or gret prolixitee
Of termes of philosophye,
Of figures of poetrye, (350)
Or colours of rethoryke?
Pardee, hit oghte thee to lyke; 860
For hard langage and hard matere
Is encombrous for to here
At ones; wost thou not wel this?'
And I answerde, and seyde, 'Yis.'
'A ha!' quod he, 'lo, so I can, 865
Lewedly to a lewed man
Speke, and shewe him swiche skiles,
That he may shake hem by the biles, (360)
Be hit either foul or fair,
Hath his kinde place in air.
And sin that every thing, that is 835
Out of his kinde place, y-wis,
Moveth thider for to go
If hit a-weye be therfro, (330)
As I before have preved thee,
Hit seweth, every soun, pardee, 840
Moveth kindely to pace
Al up into his kindely place.
And this place of which I telle,
Ther as Fame list to dwelle,
Is set amiddes of these three, 845
Heven, erthe, and eek the see,
As most conservatif the soun.
Than is this the conclusioun, (340)
That every speche of every man,
As I thee telle first began, 850
Moveth up on high to pace
Kindely to Fames place.
'Telle me this feithfully,
Have I not preved thus simply,
Withouten any subtiltee 855
Of speche, or gret prolixitee
Of termes of philosophye,
Of figures of poetrye, (350)
Or colours of rethoryke?
Pardee, hit oghte thee to lyke; 860
For hard langage and hard matere
Is encombrous for to here
At ones; wost thou not wel this?'
And I answerde, and seyde, 'Yis.'
'A ha!' quod he, 'lo, so I can, 865
Lewedly to a lewed man
Speke, and shewe him swiche skiles,
That he may shake hem by the biles, (360)
Page 124
So palpable they shulden be.
But tel me this, now pray I thee, 870
How thinkth thee my conclusioun?'
[Quod he]. 'A good persuasioun,'
Quod I, 'hit is; and lyk to be
Right so as thou hast preved me.'
'By god,' quod he, 'and as I leve, 875
Thou shall have yit, or hit be eve,
Of every word of this sentence
A preve, by experience; (370)
And with thyn eres heren wel
Top and tail, and everydel, 880
That every word that spoken is
Comth into Fames Hous, y-wis,
As I have seyd; what wilt thou more?'
And with this word upper to sore
He gan, and seyde, 'By Seynt Iame! 885
Now wil we speken al of game.'—
'How farest thou?' quod he to me.
'Wel,' quod I. 'Now see,' quod he, (380)
'By thy trouthe, yond adoun,
Wher that thou knowest any toun, 890
Or hous, or any other thing.
And whan thou hast of ought knowing,
Loke that thou warne me,
And I anoon shal telle thee
How fer that thou art now therfro.' 895
And I adoun gan loken tho,
And beheld feldes and plaines,
And now hilles, and now mountaines, (390)
Now valeys, and now forestes,
And now, unethes, grete bestes; 900
Now riveres, now citees,
Now tounes, and now grete trees,
Now shippes sailinge in the see.
But thus sone in a whyle he
Was flowen fro the grounde so hyë, 905
But tel me this, now pray I thee, 870
How thinkth thee my conclusioun?'
[Quod he]. 'A good persuasioun,'
Quod I, 'hit is; and lyk to be
Right so as thou hast preved me.'
'By god,' quod he, 'and as I leve, 875
Thou shall have yit, or hit be eve,
Of every word of this sentence
A preve, by experience; (370)
And with thyn eres heren wel
Top and tail, and everydel, 880
That every word that spoken is
Comth into Fames Hous, y-wis,
As I have seyd; what wilt thou more?'
And with this word upper to sore
He gan, and seyde, 'By Seynt Iame! 885
Now wil we speken al of game.'—
'How farest thou?' quod he to me.
'Wel,' quod I. 'Now see,' quod he, (380)
'By thy trouthe, yond adoun,
Wher that thou knowest any toun, 890
Or hous, or any other thing.
And whan thou hast of ought knowing,
Loke that thou warne me,
And I anoon shal telle thee
How fer that thou art now therfro.' 895
And I adoun gan loken tho,
And beheld feldes and plaines,
And now hilles, and now mountaines, (390)
Now valeys, and now forestes,
And now, unethes, grete bestes; 900
Now riveres, now citees,
Now tounes, and now grete trees,
Now shippes sailinge in the see.
But thus sone in a whyle he
Was flowen fro the grounde so hyë, 905
Page 125
That al the world, as to myn yë,
No more semed than a prikke;
Or elles was the air so thikke (400)
That I ne mighte not discerne.
With that he spak to me as yerne, 910
And seyde: 'Seestow any [toun]
Or ought thou knowest yonder doun?'
I seyde, 'Nay.' 'No wonder nis,'
Quod he, 'for half so high as this
Nas Alexander Macedo; 915
Ne the king, dan Scipio,
That saw in dreme, at point devys,
Helle and erthe, and paradys; (410)
Ne eek the wrecche Dedalus,
Ne his child, nyce Icarus, 920
That fleigh so highe that the hete
His winges malt, and he fel wete
In-mid the see, and ther he dreynte,
For whom was maked moch compleynte.
'Now turn upward,' quod he, 'thy face, 925
And behold this large place,
This air; but loke thou ne be
Adrad of hem that thou shalt see; (420)
For in this regioun, certein,
Dwelleth many a citezein, 930
Of which that speketh dan Plato.
These ben the eyrish bestes, lo!'
And so saw I al that meynee
Bothe goon and also flee.
'Now,' quod he tho, 'cast up thyn yë; 935
See yonder, lo, the Galaxyë,
Which men clepeth the Milky Wey,
For hit is whyt: and somme, parfey, (430)
Callen hit Watlinge Strete:
That ones was y-brent with hete, 940
Whan the sonnes sone, the rede,
That highte Pheton, wolde lede
No more semed than a prikke;
Or elles was the air so thikke (400)
That I ne mighte not discerne.
With that he spak to me as yerne, 910
And seyde: 'Seestow any [toun]
Or ought thou knowest yonder doun?'
I seyde, 'Nay.' 'No wonder nis,'
Quod he, 'for half so high as this
Nas Alexander Macedo; 915
Ne the king, dan Scipio,
That saw in dreme, at point devys,
Helle and erthe, and paradys; (410)
Ne eek the wrecche Dedalus,
Ne his child, nyce Icarus, 920
That fleigh so highe that the hete
His winges malt, and he fel wete
In-mid the see, and ther he dreynte,
For whom was maked moch compleynte.
'Now turn upward,' quod he, 'thy face, 925
And behold this large place,
This air; but loke thou ne be
Adrad of hem that thou shalt see; (420)
For in this regioun, certein,
Dwelleth many a citezein, 930
Of which that speketh dan Plato.
These ben the eyrish bestes, lo!'
And so saw I al that meynee
Bothe goon and also flee.
'Now,' quod he tho, 'cast up thyn yë; 935
See yonder, lo, the Galaxyë,
Which men clepeth the Milky Wey,
For hit is whyt: and somme, parfey, (430)
Callen hit Watlinge Strete:
That ones was y-brent with hete, 940
Whan the sonnes sone, the rede,
That highte Pheton, wolde lede
Page 126
Algate his fader cart, and gye.
The cart-hors gonne wel espye
That he ne coude no governaunce 945
And gonne for to lepe and launce,
And beren him now up, now doun,
Til that he saw the Scorpioun, (440)
Which that in heven a signe is yit.
And he, for ferde, loste his wit, 950
Of that, and leet the reynes goon
Of his hors; and they anoon
Gonne up to mounte, and doun descende
Til bothe the eyr and erthe brende;
Til Iupiter, lo, atte laste, 955
Him slow, and fro the carte caste.
Lo, is it not a greet mischaunce,
To lete a fole han governaunce (450)
Of thing that he can not demeine?'
And with this word, soth for to seyne, 960
He gan alway upper to sore,
And gladded me ay more and more,
So feithfully to me spak he.
Tho gan I loken under me,
And beheld the eyrish bestes, 965
Cloudes, mistes, and tempestes,
Snowes, hailes, reines, windes,
And thengendring in hir kindes, (460)
And al the wey through whiche I cam;
'O god,' quod I, 'that made Adam, 970
Moche is thy might and thy noblesse!'
And tho thoughte I upon Boëce,
That writ, 'a thought may flee so hyë,
With fetheres of Philosophye,
To passen everich element; 975
And whan he hath so fer y-went,
Than may be seen, behind his bak,
Cloud, and al that I of spak.' (470)
Tho gan I wexen in a were,
The cart-hors gonne wel espye
That he ne coude no governaunce 945
And gonne for to lepe and launce,
And beren him now up, now doun,
Til that he saw the Scorpioun, (440)
Which that in heven a signe is yit.
And he, for ferde, loste his wit, 950
Of that, and leet the reynes goon
Of his hors; and they anoon
Gonne up to mounte, and doun descende
Til bothe the eyr and erthe brende;
Til Iupiter, lo, atte laste, 955
Him slow, and fro the carte caste.
Lo, is it not a greet mischaunce,
To lete a fole han governaunce (450)
Of thing that he can not demeine?'
And with this word, soth for to seyne, 960
He gan alway upper to sore,
And gladded me ay more and more,
So feithfully to me spak he.
Tho gan I loken under me,
And beheld the eyrish bestes, 965
Cloudes, mistes, and tempestes,
Snowes, hailes, reines, windes,
And thengendring in hir kindes, (460)
And al the wey through whiche I cam;
'O god,' quod I, 'that made Adam, 970
Moche is thy might and thy noblesse!'
And tho thoughte I upon Boëce,
That writ, 'a thought may flee so hyë,
With fetheres of Philosophye,
To passen everich element; 975
And whan he hath so fer y-went,
Than may be seen, behind his bak,
Cloud, and al that I of spak.' (470)
Tho gan I wexen in a were,
Page 127
And seyde, 'I woot wel I am here; 980
But wher in body or in gost
I noot, y-wis; but god, thou wost!'
For more cleer entendement
Nadde he me never yit y-sent.
And than thoughte I on Marcian, 985
And eek on Anteclaudian,
That sooth was hir descripcioun
Of al the hevenes regioun, (480)
As fer as that I saw the preve;
Therfor I can hem now beleve. 990
With that this egle gan to crye:
'Lat be,' quod he, 'thy fantasye;
Wilt thou lere of sterres aught?'
'Nay, certeinly,' quod I, 'right naught;
And why? for I am now to old.' 995
'Elles I wolde thee have told,'
Quod he, 'the sterres names, lo,
And al the hevenes signes to, (490)
And which they been.' 'No fors,' quod I.
'Yis, pardee,' quod he; 'wostow why? 1000
For whan thou redest poetrye,
How goddes gonne stellifye
Brid, fish, beste, or him or here,
As the Raven, or either Bere,
Or Ariones harpe fyn, 1005
Castor, Pollux, or Delphyn,
Or Atlantes doughtres sevene,
How alle these arn set in hevene; (500)
For though thou have hem ofte on honde,
Yet nostow not wher that they stonde.' 1010
'No fors,' quod I, 'hit is no nede;
I leve as wel, so god me spede,
Hem that wryte of this matere,
As though I knew hir places here;
And eek they shynen here so brighte, 1015
Hit shulde shenden al my sighte,
But wher in body or in gost
I noot, y-wis; but god, thou wost!'
For more cleer entendement
Nadde he me never yit y-sent.
And than thoughte I on Marcian, 985
And eek on Anteclaudian,
That sooth was hir descripcioun
Of al the hevenes regioun, (480)
As fer as that I saw the preve;
Therfor I can hem now beleve. 990
With that this egle gan to crye:
'Lat be,' quod he, 'thy fantasye;
Wilt thou lere of sterres aught?'
'Nay, certeinly,' quod I, 'right naught;
And why? for I am now to old.' 995
'Elles I wolde thee have told,'
Quod he, 'the sterres names, lo,
And al the hevenes signes to, (490)
And which they been.' 'No fors,' quod I.
'Yis, pardee,' quod he; 'wostow why? 1000
For whan thou redest poetrye,
How goddes gonne stellifye
Brid, fish, beste, or him or here,
As the Raven, or either Bere,
Or Ariones harpe fyn, 1005
Castor, Pollux, or Delphyn,
Or Atlantes doughtres sevene,
How alle these arn set in hevene; (500)
For though thou have hem ofte on honde,
Yet nostow not wher that they stonde.' 1010
'No fors,' quod I, 'hit is no nede;
I leve as wel, so god me spede,
Hem that wryte of this matere,
As though I knew hir places here;
And eek they shynen here so brighte, 1015
Hit shulde shenden al my sighte,
Page 128
To loke on hem.' 'That may wel be,'
Quod he. And so forth bar he me (510)
A whyl, and than he gan to crye,
That never herde I thing so hye, 1020
'Now up the heed; for al is wel;
Seynt Iulyan, lo, bon hostel!
See here the House of Fame, lo!
Maistow not heren that I do?'
'What?' quod I. 'The grete soun,' 1025
Quod he, 'that rumbleth up and doun
In Fames Hous, ful of tydinges,
Bothe of fair speche and chydinges, (520)
And of fals and soth compouned.
Herkne wel; hit is not rouned. 1030
Herestow not the grete swogh?'
'Yis, pardee,' quod I, 'wel y-nogh.'
'And what soun is it lyk?' quod he.
'Peter! lyk beting of the see,'
Quod I, 'again the roches holowe, 1035
Whan tempest doth the shippes swalowe;
And lat a man stonde, out of doute,
A myle thens, and here hit route; (530)
Or elles lyk the last humblinge
After the clappe of a thundringe, 1040
When Ioves hath the air y-bete;
But hit doth me for fere swete.'
'Nay, dred thee not therof,' quod he,
'Hit is nothing wil byten thee;
Thou shalt non harm have, trewely.' 1045
And with this word bothe he and I
As nigh the place arryved were
As men may casten with a spere. (540)
I nistë how, but in a strete
He sette me faire on my fete, 1050
And seyde, 'Walke forth a pas,
And tak thyn aventure or cas,
That thou shalt finde in Fames place.'
Quod he. And so forth bar he me (510)
A whyl, and than he gan to crye,
That never herde I thing so hye, 1020
'Now up the heed; for al is wel;
Seynt Iulyan, lo, bon hostel!
See here the House of Fame, lo!
Maistow not heren that I do?'
'What?' quod I. 'The grete soun,' 1025
Quod he, 'that rumbleth up and doun
In Fames Hous, ful of tydinges,
Bothe of fair speche and chydinges, (520)
And of fals and soth compouned.
Herkne wel; hit is not rouned. 1030
Herestow not the grete swogh?'
'Yis, pardee,' quod I, 'wel y-nogh.'
'And what soun is it lyk?' quod he.
'Peter! lyk beting of the see,'
Quod I, 'again the roches holowe, 1035
Whan tempest doth the shippes swalowe;
And lat a man stonde, out of doute,
A myle thens, and here hit route; (530)
Or elles lyk the last humblinge
After the clappe of a thundringe, 1040
When Ioves hath the air y-bete;
But hit doth me for fere swete.'
'Nay, dred thee not therof,' quod he,
'Hit is nothing wil byten thee;
Thou shalt non harm have, trewely.' 1045
And with this word bothe he and I
As nigh the place arryved were
As men may casten with a spere. (540)
I nistë how, but in a strete
He sette me faire on my fete, 1050
And seyde, 'Walke forth a pas,
And tak thyn aventure or cas,
That thou shalt finde in Fames place.'
Page 129
'Now,' quod I, 'whyl we han space
To speke, or that I go fro thee, 1055
For the love of god, tel me,
In sooth, that wil I of thee lere,
If this noise that I here (550)
Be, as I have herd thee tellen,
Of folk that doun in erthe dwellen, 1060
And comth here in the same wyse
As I thee herde or this devyse;
And that ther lyves body nis
In al that hous that yonder is,
That maketh al this loude fare?' 1065
'No,' quod he, 'by Seynte Clare,
And also wis god rede me!
But o thinge I wil warne thee (560)
Of the which thou wolt have wonder.
Lo, to the House of Fame yonder 1070
Thou wost how cometh every speche,
Hit nedeth noght thee eft to teche.
But understond now right wel this;
Whan any speche y-comen is
Up to the paleys, anon-right 1075
Hit wexeth lyk the same wight,
Which that the word in erthe spak,
Be hit clothed reed or blak; (570)
And hath so verray his lyknesse
That spak the word, that thou wilt gesse 1080
That hit the same body be,
Man or woman, he or she.
And is not this a wonder thing?'
'Yis,' quod I tho, 'by hevene king!'
And with this worde, 'Farwel,' quod he, 1085
'And here I wol abyden thee;
And god of hevene sende thee grace,
Som good to lernen in this place.' (580)
And I of him took leve anoon,
And gan forth to the paleys goon. 1090
To speke, or that I go fro thee, 1055
For the love of god, tel me,
In sooth, that wil I of thee lere,
If this noise that I here (550)
Be, as I have herd thee tellen,
Of folk that doun in erthe dwellen, 1060
And comth here in the same wyse
As I thee herde or this devyse;
And that ther lyves body nis
In al that hous that yonder is,
That maketh al this loude fare?' 1065
'No,' quod he, 'by Seynte Clare,
And also wis god rede me!
But o thinge I wil warne thee (560)
Of the which thou wolt have wonder.
Lo, to the House of Fame yonder 1070
Thou wost how cometh every speche,
Hit nedeth noght thee eft to teche.
But understond now right wel this;
Whan any speche y-comen is
Up to the paleys, anon-right 1075
Hit wexeth lyk the same wight,
Which that the word in erthe spak,
Be hit clothed reed or blak; (570)
And hath so verray his lyknesse
That spak the word, that thou wilt gesse 1080
That hit the same body be,
Man or woman, he or she.
And is not this a wonder thing?'
'Yis,' quod I tho, 'by hevene king!'
And with this worde, 'Farwel,' quod he, 1085
'And here I wol abyden thee;
And god of hevene sende thee grace,
Som good to lernen in this place.' (580)
And I of him took leve anoon,
And gan forth to the paleys goon. 1090
Page 130
Explicit liber secundus.
511. P. listeth; Th. lysteth; F. Cx. listeneth; B. lystneth. 513. All sely; read
selly (Willert). 514. Cx. Th. Scipion; F. P. Cipion; B. Cypyon. 516. Th.
Alcanore. 533. Cx. Th. P. her; F. B. the. 535. F. B. kynge (by mistake for
thing). 536. Cx. Th. P. smyte; F. B. smote. Cx. Th. P. to; F. B. of. 537. Cx.
Th. P. brende; F. beende; B. bende. 543. Cx. Th. P. at; F. B. in. 545. F.
cryinge (!). 548. Cx. P. cam; F. came. 552. P. Cx. Th. That; F. B. And. F.
felynge. 557. Cx. Th. P. agast so (but read so agast); F. B. omit so. 558. Cx.
Th. tho; which F. B. P. omit. 566. B. Th. nas; F. Cx. was. 570. F. that; the
rest tho. 573. All seynt. 575. F. B. omit hit. 592. All made. 603. All do; read
done (gerund). 618. goddesse is not in the MSS. The line is obviously too
short. 621. F. Th. lytel; Cx. lytyl; B. litell; P. litil (all wrong); read lyte. 622.
Cx. P. bookes songes or ditees; Th. bokes songes and ditees; F. B. songes
dytees bookys. 635. F. B. and in; rest and. 647. F. frerre (by mistake). 650.
Cx. Th. dwellen; P. dwelleth; F. B. dwelle. 651. F. ner; B. nor; Cx. Th. P. ne.
653. F. ymade; B. I-made; Cx. made alle thy; Th. made al thy; P. I-made alle
thy. 658. Cx. P. daswed; F. B. dasewyd; Th. dased. 673. Cx. Th. comen; F.
come. 676. F. sothe sawes; Cx. Th. P. sothsawes. 680. Cx. Th. ben; P. been;
F. B. omit. 682. fare] Cx. Th. P. welfare. 685. Cx. Th. and; rest om. 696. F.
B. acordes (!). 705. Cx. she; rest he. 711. P. heren; rest here. 715. F. and
erthe; rest omit and. 717. Cx. Th. P. in; F. B. either. 723. or] F. B. or in. 727.
Cx. Th. a worthy; P. a wurthy; F. worthe a; B. worth a; omit a. 739, 740. I
add e in wighte, highte. 746. Cx. Th. vp; F. B. P. vpwarde. Cx. Th. P.
transpose 745, 746. 755. B. it; F. om.; Cx. Th. P. he. 764. All herke; see l.
725. 766. Cx. Th. spoken; P. poken (!); F. B. yspoken. 773. Cx. Th. P. As; F.
B. Of (copied from l. 772). 780. Cx. Th. P. And ryght so brekyth it; F. B.
omit this line. 789. F. Thorwe; B. P. Throw; Cx. Th. Threwe. 794. F. Th. B.
whele sercle (for 1st wheel); Cx. P. omit the line. (Sercle is a gloss upon
wheel). 798. F. B. this; rest thus. F. B. om. to. 800. Cx. Th. P. Causeth. 803.
F. Tyl; rest That. 804. F. om. thogh. 805. F. B. om. alway. 810. F. B.
yspoken. 817. F. B. om. in. Read another (Willert). 821. Cx. Th. P. at the.
823. Cx. Th. P. thou haue; F. B. ye haue in. 827. F. And that sum place stide;
B. And that som styde; Th. And that some stede; Cx. P. omit ll. 827-864.
read And that the mansioun (see ll. 754, 831). 830. For That read Than?
838. MSS. a wey, away. 839. F. Th. B. haue before; Cx. P. omit the line.
511. P. listeth; Th. lysteth; F. Cx. listeneth; B. lystneth. 513. All sely; read
selly (Willert). 514. Cx. Th. Scipion; F. P. Cipion; B. Cypyon. 516. Th.
Alcanore. 533. Cx. Th. P. her; F. B. the. 535. F. B. kynge (by mistake for
thing). 536. Cx. Th. P. smyte; F. B. smote. Cx. Th. P. to; F. B. of. 537. Cx.
Th. P. brende; F. beende; B. bende. 543. Cx. Th. P. at; F. B. in. 545. F.
cryinge (!). 548. Cx. P. cam; F. came. 552. P. Cx. Th. That; F. B. And. F.
felynge. 557. Cx. Th. P. agast so (but read so agast); F. B. omit so. 558. Cx.
Th. tho; which F. B. P. omit. 566. B. Th. nas; F. Cx. was. 570. F. that; the
rest tho. 573. All seynt. 575. F. B. omit hit. 592. All made. 603. All do; read
done (gerund). 618. goddesse is not in the MSS. The line is obviously too
short. 621. F. Th. lytel; Cx. lytyl; B. litell; P. litil (all wrong); read lyte. 622.
Cx. P. bookes songes or ditees; Th. bokes songes and ditees; F. B. songes
dytees bookys. 635. F. B. and in; rest and. 647. F. frerre (by mistake). 650.
Cx. Th. dwellen; P. dwelleth; F. B. dwelle. 651. F. ner; B. nor; Cx. Th. P. ne.
653. F. ymade; B. I-made; Cx. made alle thy; Th. made al thy; P. I-made alle
thy. 658. Cx. P. daswed; F. B. dasewyd; Th. dased. 673. Cx. Th. comen; F.
come. 676. F. sothe sawes; Cx. Th. P. sothsawes. 680. Cx. Th. ben; P. been;
F. B. omit. 682. fare] Cx. Th. P. welfare. 685. Cx. Th. and; rest om. 696. F.
B. acordes (!). 705. Cx. she; rest he. 711. P. heren; rest here. 715. F. and
erthe; rest omit and. 717. Cx. Th. P. in; F. B. either. 723. or] F. B. or in. 727.
Cx. Th. a worthy; P. a wurthy; F. worthe a; B. worth a; omit a. 739, 740. I
add e in wighte, highte. 746. Cx. Th. vp; F. B. P. vpwarde. Cx. Th. P.
transpose 745, 746. 755. B. it; F. om.; Cx. Th. P. he. 764. All herke; see l.
725. 766. Cx. Th. spoken; P. poken (!); F. B. yspoken. 773. Cx. Th. P. As; F.
B. Of (copied from l. 772). 780. Cx. Th. P. And ryght so brekyth it; F. B.
omit this line. 789. F. Thorwe; B. P. Throw; Cx. Th. Threwe. 794. F. Th. B.
whele sercle (for 1st wheel); Cx. P. omit the line. (Sercle is a gloss upon
wheel). 798. F. B. this; rest thus. F. B. om. to. 800. Cx. Th. P. Causeth. 803.
F. Tyl; rest That. 804. F. om. thogh. 805. F. B. om. alway. 810. F. B.
yspoken. 817. F. B. om. in. Read another (Willert). 821. Cx. Th. P. at the.
823. Cx. Th. P. thou haue; F. B. ye haue in. 827. F. And that sum place stide;
B. And that som styde; Th. And that some stede; Cx. P. omit ll. 827-864.
read And that the mansioun (see ll. 754, 831). 830. For That read Than?
838. MSS. a wey, away. 839. F. Th. B. haue before; Cx. P. omit the line.
Page 131
853. Th. B. this; F. thus. 859. Th. of; F. B. or. 860. All ought. 866. P. to a
lewde; Cx. Th. vnto a lewde; F. trealwed (!); B. talwyd (!). 872. All omit
Quod he; cf. ll. 700, 701. 873. P. Cx. Th. I; F. B. he. F. B. me (for be). 886.
P. Cx. speken; rest speke. 896. Cx. Th. gan to; rest to (!). 899. F. B. P. om.
and. 911. F. B. omit this line; for Seestow, Cx. Th. P. have Seest thou. For
toun, all have token; see l. 890. 912. From P.; F. B. omit this line. Cx. Or
ought that in the world is of spoken; Th. Or aught that in this worlde is of
spoken; see l. 889. 913. F. B. om. I seyde. 932. F. B. om. the. 951. Cx. P. lete
(= leet); F. B. lat. 955. F. Cx. Iubiter. 956. F. B. fer fro; P. Cx. Th. om. fer.
957. Cx. P. grete; Th. great; F. mochil; B. mochill. 961. Cx. Th. P. alway
vpper; F. B. vpper alway for. Cf. l. 884. 964. F. Th. B. ins. to bef. loken.
969. P. Cx. And; rest om. 973. Cx. Th. wryteth; F. writ. F. B. of (for a). 978.
So P. Cx.; rest ins. and erthe bef. and. 984. F. B. Nas (om. he me); Th. Nas
me; Cx. P. Nadde he me. 998. to] F. B. ther-to. 999. F. B. insert and before
No. 1003. F. B. Briddes; P. Brid; Cx. Byrd; Th. Byrde. 1007. F. Cx. Th. B.
Athalantes (-ys); P. athlauntres; see note. 1014. Cx. Th. P. As; F. Alle; B. Al.
1015. Cx. P. they shynen; F. Th. B. thy seluen (!). 1029. F. inserts that
before soth. 1030. Cx. Herkne; P. Th. Herken; F. B. Herke. 1034. F. B. P.
om. lyk. 1040. Cx. Th. P. the; F. P. a. Cx. Th. P. a; F. B. oo. 1044. F. P. beten;
Th. B. byten; Cx. greue. 1056. Th. tel; P. tell; rest telle. 1057. Cx. Th. P. I
wyl; F. B. wil I. 1063. F. B. om. And. 1071. F. B. ins. now bef. how. 1072.
Th. the efte; Cx. the more; F. B. eft the; P. the. 1079. Cx. Th. hath so very;
P. hath so verrey; F. B. so were (!). 1080. Cx. P. That; F. B. Th. And (!).
1088. F. Cx. Th. lerne; read lernen. Colophon.—From Cx. Th.
lewde; Cx. Th. vnto a lewde; F. trealwed (!); B. talwyd (!). 872. All omit
Quod he; cf. ll. 700, 701. 873. P. Cx. Th. I; F. B. he. F. B. me (for be). 886.
P. Cx. speken; rest speke. 896. Cx. Th. gan to; rest to (!). 899. F. B. P. om.
and. 911. F. B. omit this line; for Seestow, Cx. Th. P. have Seest thou. For
toun, all have token; see l. 890. 912. From P.; F. B. omit this line. Cx. Or
ought that in the world is of spoken; Th. Or aught that in this worlde is of
spoken; see l. 889. 913. F. B. om. I seyde. 932. F. B. om. the. 951. Cx. P. lete
(= leet); F. B. lat. 955. F. Cx. Iubiter. 956. F. B. fer fro; P. Cx. Th. om. fer.
957. Cx. P. grete; Th. great; F. mochil; B. mochill. 961. Cx. Th. P. alway
vpper; F. B. vpper alway for. Cf. l. 884. 964. F. Th. B. ins. to bef. loken.
969. P. Cx. And; rest om. 973. Cx. Th. wryteth; F. writ. F. B. of (for a). 978.
So P. Cx.; rest ins. and erthe bef. and. 984. F. B. Nas (om. he me); Th. Nas
me; Cx. P. Nadde he me. 998. to] F. B. ther-to. 999. F. B. insert and before
No. 1003. F. B. Briddes; P. Brid; Cx. Byrd; Th. Byrde. 1007. F. Cx. Th. B.
Athalantes (-ys); P. athlauntres; see note. 1014. Cx. Th. P. As; F. Alle; B. Al.
1015. Cx. P. they shynen; F. Th. B. thy seluen (!). 1029. F. inserts that
before soth. 1030. Cx. Herkne; P. Th. Herken; F. B. Herke. 1034. F. B. P.
om. lyk. 1040. Cx. Th. P. the; F. P. a. Cx. Th. P. a; F. B. oo. 1044. F. P. beten;
Th. B. byten; Cx. greue. 1056. Th. tel; P. tell; rest telle. 1057. Cx. Th. P. I
wyl; F. B. wil I. 1063. F. B. om. And. 1071. F. B. ins. now bef. how. 1072.
Th. the efte; Cx. the more; F. B. eft the; P. the. 1079. Cx. Th. hath so very;
P. hath so verrey; F. B. so were (!). 1080. Cx. P. That; F. B. Th. And (!).
1088. F. Cx. Th. lerne; read lernen. Colophon.—From Cx. Th.
Page 132
Page 133
BOOK III.
Incipit liber tercius.
Invocation.
O god of science and of light,
Apollo, through thy grete might,
This litel laste book thou gye!
Nat that I wilne, for maistrye,
Here art poetical be shewed; 1095
But, for the rym is light and lewed,
Yit make hit sumwhat agreable,
Though som vers faile in a sillable;
And that I do no diligence
To shewe craft, but o sentence. (10) 1100
And if, divyne vertu, thou
Wilt helpe me to shewe now
That in myn hede y-marked is—
Lo, that is for to menen this,
The Hous of Fame to descryve— 1105
Thou shalt see me go, as blyve,
Unto the nexte laure I see,
And kisse hit, for hit is thy tree;
Now entreth in my breste anoon!—
The Dream.
Whan I was fro this egle goon, (20) 1110
I gan beholde upon this place.
And certein, or I ferther pace,
I wol yow al the shap devyse
Of hous and site; and al the wyse
How I gan to this place aproche 1115
That stood upon so high a roche,
Hyer stant ther noon in Spaine.
Incipit liber tercius.
Invocation.
O god of science and of light,
Apollo, through thy grete might,
This litel laste book thou gye!
Nat that I wilne, for maistrye,
Here art poetical be shewed; 1095
But, for the rym is light and lewed,
Yit make hit sumwhat agreable,
Though som vers faile in a sillable;
And that I do no diligence
To shewe craft, but o sentence. (10) 1100
And if, divyne vertu, thou
Wilt helpe me to shewe now
That in myn hede y-marked is—
Lo, that is for to menen this,
The Hous of Fame to descryve— 1105
Thou shalt see me go, as blyve,
Unto the nexte laure I see,
And kisse hit, for hit is thy tree;
Now entreth in my breste anoon!—
The Dream.
Whan I was fro this egle goon, (20) 1110
I gan beholde upon this place.
And certein, or I ferther pace,
I wol yow al the shap devyse
Of hous and site; and al the wyse
How I gan to this place aproche 1115
That stood upon so high a roche,
Hyer stant ther noon in Spaine.
Page 134
But up I clomb with alle paine,
And though to climbe hit greved me,
Yit I ententif was to see, (30) 1120
And for to pouren wonder lowe,
If I coude any weyes knowe
What maner stoon this roche was;
For hit was lyk a thing of glas,
But that hit shoon ful more clere; 1125
But of what congeled matere
Hit was, I niste redely.
But at the laste espyed I,
And found that hit was, every deel,
A roche of yse, and not of steel. (40) 1130
Thoughte I, 'By Seynt Thomas of Kent!
This were a feble foundement
To bilden on a place hye;
He oughte him litel glorifye
That her-on bilt, god so me save!' 1135
Tho saw I al the half y-grave
With famous folkes names fele,
That had y-been in mochel wele,
And hir fames wyde y-blowe.
But wel unethes coude I knowe (50) 1140
Any lettres for to rede
Hir names by; for, out of drede,
They were almost of-thowed so,
That of the lettres oon or two
Was molte away of every name; 1145
So unfamous was wexe hir fame;
But men seyn, 'What may ever laste?'
Tho gan I in myn herte caste,
That they were molte awey with hete,
And not awey with stormes bete. (60) 1150
For on that other syde I sey
Of this hille, that northward lay,
How hit was writen ful of names
Of folk that hadden grete fames
And though to climbe hit greved me,
Yit I ententif was to see, (30) 1120
And for to pouren wonder lowe,
If I coude any weyes knowe
What maner stoon this roche was;
For hit was lyk a thing of glas,
But that hit shoon ful more clere; 1125
But of what congeled matere
Hit was, I niste redely.
But at the laste espyed I,
And found that hit was, every deel,
A roche of yse, and not of steel. (40) 1130
Thoughte I, 'By Seynt Thomas of Kent!
This were a feble foundement
To bilden on a place hye;
He oughte him litel glorifye
That her-on bilt, god so me save!' 1135
Tho saw I al the half y-grave
With famous folkes names fele,
That had y-been in mochel wele,
And hir fames wyde y-blowe.
But wel unethes coude I knowe (50) 1140
Any lettres for to rede
Hir names by; for, out of drede,
They were almost of-thowed so,
That of the lettres oon or two
Was molte away of every name; 1145
So unfamous was wexe hir fame;
But men seyn, 'What may ever laste?'
Tho gan I in myn herte caste,
That they were molte awey with hete,
And not awey with stormes bete. (60) 1150
For on that other syde I sey
Of this hille, that northward lay,
How hit was writen ful of names
Of folk that hadden grete fames
Page 135
Of olde tyme, and yit they were 1155
As fresshe as men had writen hem there
The selve day right, or that houre
That I upon hem gan to poure.
But wel I wiste what hit made;
Hit was conserved with the shade— (70) 1160
Al this wrytinge that I sy—
Of a castel, that stood on by,
And stood eek on so cold a place,
That hete mighte hit not deface.
Tho gan I up the hille to goon, 1165
And fond upon the coppe a woon,
That alle the men that ben on lyve
Ne han the cunning to descryve
The beautee of that ilke place,
Ne coude casten no compace (80) 1170
Swich another for to make,
That mighte of beautee be his make,
Ne [be] so wonderliche y-wrought;
That hit astonieth yit my thought,
And maketh al my wit to swinke 1175
On this castel to bethinke.
So that the grete craft, beautee,
The cast, the curiositee
Ne can I not to yow devyse,
My wit ne may me not suifyse. (90) 1180
But natheles al the substance
I have yit in my remembrance:
For-why me thoughte, by Seynt Gyle!
Al was of stone of beryle,
Bothe castel and the tour, 1185
And eek the halle, and every bour,
Withouten peces or Ioininges.
But many subtil compassinges,
Babewinnes and pinacles,
Imageries and tabernacles, (100) 1190
I saw; and ful eek of windowes,
As fresshe as men had writen hem there
The selve day right, or that houre
That I upon hem gan to poure.
But wel I wiste what hit made;
Hit was conserved with the shade— (70) 1160
Al this wrytinge that I sy—
Of a castel, that stood on by,
And stood eek on so cold a place,
That hete mighte hit not deface.
Tho gan I up the hille to goon, 1165
And fond upon the coppe a woon,
That alle the men that ben on lyve
Ne han the cunning to descryve
The beautee of that ilke place,
Ne coude casten no compace (80) 1170
Swich another for to make,
That mighte of beautee be his make,
Ne [be] so wonderliche y-wrought;
That hit astonieth yit my thought,
And maketh al my wit to swinke 1175
On this castel to bethinke.
So that the grete craft, beautee,
The cast, the curiositee
Ne can I not to yow devyse,
My wit ne may me not suifyse. (90) 1180
But natheles al the substance
I have yit in my remembrance:
For-why me thoughte, by Seynt Gyle!
Al was of stone of beryle,
Bothe castel and the tour, 1185
And eek the halle, and every bour,
Withouten peces or Ioininges.
But many subtil compassinges,
Babewinnes and pinacles,
Imageries and tabernacles, (100) 1190
I saw; and ful eek of windowes,
Page 136
As flakes falle in grete snowes.
And eek in ech of the pinacles
Weren sondry habitacles,
In whiche stoden, al withoute— 1195
Ful the castel, al aboute—
Of alle maner of minstrales,
And gestiours, that tellen tales
Bothe of weping and of game,
Of al that longeth unto Fame. (110) 1200
Ther herde I pleyen on an harpe
That souned bothe wel and sharpe,
Orpheus ful craftely,
And on his syde, faste by,
Sat the harper Orion, 1205
And Eacides Chiron,
And other harpers many oon,
And the Bret Glascurion;
And smale harpers with her gleës
Seten under hem in seës, (120) 1210
And gonne on hem upward to gape,
And countrefete hem as an ape,
Or as craft countrefeteth kinde.
Tho saugh I stonden hem behinde,
A-fer fro hem, al by hemselve, 1215
Many thousand tymes twelve,
That maden loude menstralcyes
In cornemuse and shalmyes,
And many other maner pype,
That craftely begunne pype (130) 1220
Bothe in doucet and in rede,
That ben at festes with the brede;
And many floute and lilting-horne,
And pypes made of grene corne,
As han thise litel herde-gromes, 1225
That kepen bestes in the bromes.
Ther saugh I than Atiteris,
And of Athenes dan Pseustis,
And eek in ech of the pinacles
Weren sondry habitacles,
In whiche stoden, al withoute— 1195
Ful the castel, al aboute—
Of alle maner of minstrales,
And gestiours, that tellen tales
Bothe of weping and of game,
Of al that longeth unto Fame. (110) 1200
Ther herde I pleyen on an harpe
That souned bothe wel and sharpe,
Orpheus ful craftely,
And on his syde, faste by,
Sat the harper Orion, 1205
And Eacides Chiron,
And other harpers many oon,
And the Bret Glascurion;
And smale harpers with her gleës
Seten under hem in seës, (120) 1210
And gonne on hem upward to gape,
And countrefete hem as an ape,
Or as craft countrefeteth kinde.
Tho saugh I stonden hem behinde,
A-fer fro hem, al by hemselve, 1215
Many thousand tymes twelve,
That maden loude menstralcyes
In cornemuse and shalmyes,
And many other maner pype,
That craftely begunne pype (130) 1220
Bothe in doucet and in rede,
That ben at festes with the brede;
And many floute and lilting-horne,
And pypes made of grene corne,
As han thise litel herde-gromes, 1225
That kepen bestes in the bromes.
Ther saugh I than Atiteris,
And of Athenes dan Pseustis,
Page 137
And Marcia that lost her skin,
Bothe in face, body, and chin, (140) 1230
For that she wolde envyen, lo!
To pypen bet then Apollo.
Ther saugh I famous, olde and yonge,
Pypers of the Duche tonge,
To lerne love-daunces, springes, 1235
Reyes, and these straunge thinges.
Tho saugh I in another place
Stonden in a large space,
Of hem that maken blody soun
In trumpe, beme, and clarioun; (150) 1240
For in fight and blood-shedinge
Is used gladly clarioninge.
Ther herde I trumpen Messenus,
Of whom that speketh Virgilius.
Ther herde I Ioab trumpe also, 1245
Theodomas, and other mo;
And alle that used clarion
In Cataloigne and Aragon,
That in hir tyme famous were
To lerne, saugh I trumpe there. (160) 1250
Ther saugh I sitte in other seës,
Pleyinge upon sondry gleës,
Whiche that I cannot nevene,
Mo then sterres been in hevene,
Of whiche I nil as now not ryme, 1255
For ese of yow, and losse of tyme:
For tyme y-lost, this knowen ye,
By no way may recovered be.
Ther saugh I pleyen Iogelours,
Magiciens and tregetours, (170) 1260
And phitonesses, charmeresses,
Olde wicches, sorceresses,
That use exorsisaciouns,
And eek thise fumigaciouns;
And clerkes eek, which conne wel 1265
Bothe in face, body, and chin, (140) 1230
For that she wolde envyen, lo!
To pypen bet then Apollo.
Ther saugh I famous, olde and yonge,
Pypers of the Duche tonge,
To lerne love-daunces, springes, 1235
Reyes, and these straunge thinges.
Tho saugh I in another place
Stonden in a large space,
Of hem that maken blody soun
In trumpe, beme, and clarioun; (150) 1240
For in fight and blood-shedinge
Is used gladly clarioninge.
Ther herde I trumpen Messenus,
Of whom that speketh Virgilius.
Ther herde I Ioab trumpe also, 1245
Theodomas, and other mo;
And alle that used clarion
In Cataloigne and Aragon,
That in hir tyme famous were
To lerne, saugh I trumpe there. (160) 1250
Ther saugh I sitte in other seës,
Pleyinge upon sondry gleës,
Whiche that I cannot nevene,
Mo then sterres been in hevene,
Of whiche I nil as now not ryme, 1255
For ese of yow, and losse of tyme:
For tyme y-lost, this knowen ye,
By no way may recovered be.
Ther saugh I pleyen Iogelours,
Magiciens and tregetours, (170) 1260
And phitonesses, charmeresses,
Olde wicches, sorceresses,
That use exorsisaciouns,
And eek thise fumigaciouns;
And clerkes eek, which conne wel 1265
Page 138
Al this magyke naturel,
That craftely don hir ententes,
To make, in certeyn ascendentes,
Images, lo, through which magyk
To make a man ben hool or syk. (180) 1270
Ther saugh I thee, queen Medea,
And Circes eke, and Calipsa;
Ther saugh I Hermes Ballenus,
Lymote, and eek Simon Magus.
Ther saugh I, and knew hem by name, 1275
That by such art don men han fame.
Ther saugh I Colle tregetour
Upon a table of sicamour
Pleye an uncouthe thing to telle;
I saugh him carien a wind-melle (190) 1280
Under a walsh-note shale.
What shuld I make lenger tale
Of al the peple that I say,
Fro hennes in-to domesday?
Whan I had al this folk beholde, 1285
And fond me lous, and noght y-holde,
And eft y-mused longe whyle
Upon these walles of beryle,
That shoon ful lighter than a glas,
And made wel more than hit was (200) 1290
To semen, every thing, y-wis,
As kinde thing of fames is;
I gan forth romen til I fond
The castel-yate on my right hond,
Which that so wel corven was 1295
That never swich another nas;
And yit hit was by aventure
Y-wrought, as often as by cure.
Hit nedeth noght yow for to tellen,
To make yow to longe dwellen, (210) 1300
Of this yates florisshinges,
Ne of compasses, ne of kervinges,
That craftely don hir ententes,
To make, in certeyn ascendentes,
Images, lo, through which magyk
To make a man ben hool or syk. (180) 1270
Ther saugh I thee, queen Medea,
And Circes eke, and Calipsa;
Ther saugh I Hermes Ballenus,
Lymote, and eek Simon Magus.
Ther saugh I, and knew hem by name, 1275
That by such art don men han fame.
Ther saugh I Colle tregetour
Upon a table of sicamour
Pleye an uncouthe thing to telle;
I saugh him carien a wind-melle (190) 1280
Under a walsh-note shale.
What shuld I make lenger tale
Of al the peple that I say,
Fro hennes in-to domesday?
Whan I had al this folk beholde, 1285
And fond me lous, and noght y-holde,
And eft y-mused longe whyle
Upon these walles of beryle,
That shoon ful lighter than a glas,
And made wel more than hit was (200) 1290
To semen, every thing, y-wis,
As kinde thing of fames is;
I gan forth romen til I fond
The castel-yate on my right hond,
Which that so wel corven was 1295
That never swich another nas;
And yit hit was by aventure
Y-wrought, as often as by cure.
Hit nedeth noght yow for to tellen,
To make yow to longe dwellen, (210) 1300
Of this yates florisshinges,
Ne of compasses, ne of kervinges,
Page 139
Ne how they hatte in masoneries,
As, corbets fulle of imageries.
But, lord! so fair hit was to shewe, 1305
For hit was al with gold behewe.
But in I wente, and that anoon;
Ther mette I crying many oon,—
'A larges, larges, hold up wel!
God save the lady of this pel, (220) 1310
Our owne gentil lady Fame,
And hem that wilnen to have name
Of us!' Thus herde I cryen alle,
And faste comen out of halle,
And shoken nobles and sterlinges. 1315
And somme crouned were as kinges,
With crounes wroght ful of losenges;
And many riban, and many frenges
Were on hir clothes trewely.
Tho atte laste aspyed I (230) 1320
That pursevauntes and heraudes,
That cryen riche folkes laudes,
Hit weren alle; and every man
Of hem, as I yow tellen can,
Had on him throwen a vesture, 1325
Which that men clepe a cote-armure,
Enbrowded wonderliche riche,
Al-though they nere nought y-liche.
But noght nil I, so mote I thryve,
Been aboute to discryve (240) 1330
Al these armes that ther weren,
That they thus on hir cotes beren,
For hit to me were impossible;
Men mighte make of hem a bible
Twenty foot thikke, as I trowe. 1335
For certeyn, who-so coude y-knowe
Mighte ther alle the armes seen
Of famous folk that han y-been
In Auffrike, Europe, and Asye,
As, corbets fulle of imageries.
But, lord! so fair hit was to shewe, 1305
For hit was al with gold behewe.
But in I wente, and that anoon;
Ther mette I crying many oon,—
'A larges, larges, hold up wel!
God save the lady of this pel, (220) 1310
Our owne gentil lady Fame,
And hem that wilnen to have name
Of us!' Thus herde I cryen alle,
And faste comen out of halle,
And shoken nobles and sterlinges. 1315
And somme crouned were as kinges,
With crounes wroght ful of losenges;
And many riban, and many frenges
Were on hir clothes trewely.
Tho atte laste aspyed I (230) 1320
That pursevauntes and heraudes,
That cryen riche folkes laudes,
Hit weren alle; and every man
Of hem, as I yow tellen can,
Had on him throwen a vesture, 1325
Which that men clepe a cote-armure,
Enbrowded wonderliche riche,
Al-though they nere nought y-liche.
But noght nil I, so mote I thryve,
Been aboute to discryve (240) 1330
Al these armes that ther weren,
That they thus on hir cotes beren,
For hit to me were impossible;
Men mighte make of hem a bible
Twenty foot thikke, as I trowe. 1335
For certeyn, who-so coude y-knowe
Mighte ther alle the armes seen
Of famous folk that han y-been
In Auffrike, Europe, and Asye,
Page 140
Sith first began the chevalrye. (250) 1340
Lo! how shulde I now telle al this?
Ne of the halle eek what nede is
To tellen yow, that every wal
Of hit, and floor, and roof and al
Was plated half a fote thikke 1345
Of gold, and that nas no-thing wikke,
But, for to prove in alle wyse,
As fyn as ducat in Venyse,
Of whiche to lyte al in my pouche is?
And they wer set as thikke of nouchis (260) 1350
Fulle of the fynest stones faire,
That men rede in the Lapidaire,
As greses growen in a mede;
But hit were al to longe to rede
The names; and therfore I pace. 1355
But in this riche lusty place,
That Fames halle called was,
Ful moche prees of folk ther nas,
Ne crouding, for to mochil prees.
But al on hye, above a dees, (270) 1360
Sitte in a see imperial,
That maad was of a rubee al,
Which that a carbuncle is y-called,
I saugh, perpetually y-stalled,
A feminyne creature; 1365
That never formed by nature
Nas swich another thing y-seye.
For altherfirst, soth for to seye,
Me thoughte that she was so lyte,
That the lengthe of a cubyte (280) 1370
Was lenger than she semed be;
But thus sone, in a whyle, she
Hir tho so wonderliche streighte,
That with hir feet she therthe reighte,
And with hir heed she touched hevene, 1375
Ther as shynen sterres sevene.
Lo! how shulde I now telle al this?
Ne of the halle eek what nede is
To tellen yow, that every wal
Of hit, and floor, and roof and al
Was plated half a fote thikke 1345
Of gold, and that nas no-thing wikke,
But, for to prove in alle wyse,
As fyn as ducat in Venyse,
Of whiche to lyte al in my pouche is?
And they wer set as thikke of nouchis (260) 1350
Fulle of the fynest stones faire,
That men rede in the Lapidaire,
As greses growen in a mede;
But hit were al to longe to rede
The names; and therfore I pace. 1355
But in this riche lusty place,
That Fames halle called was,
Ful moche prees of folk ther nas,
Ne crouding, for to mochil prees.
But al on hye, above a dees, (270) 1360
Sitte in a see imperial,
That maad was of a rubee al,
Which that a carbuncle is y-called,
I saugh, perpetually y-stalled,
A feminyne creature; 1365
That never formed by nature
Nas swich another thing y-seye.
For altherfirst, soth for to seye,
Me thoughte that she was so lyte,
That the lengthe of a cubyte (280) 1370
Was lenger than she semed be;
But thus sone, in a whyle, she
Hir tho so wonderliche streighte,
That with hir feet she therthe reighte,
And with hir heed she touched hevene, 1375
Ther as shynen sterres sevene.
Page 141
And ther-to eek, as to my wit,
I saugh a gretter wonder yit,
Upon hir eyen to beholde;
But certeyn I hem never tolde; (290) 1380
For as fele eyen hadde she
As fetheres upon foules be,
Or weren on the bestes foure,
That goddes trone gunne honoure,
As Iohn writ in thapocalips. 1385
Hir heer, that oundy was and crips,
As burned gold hit shoon to see.
And sooth to tellen, also she
Had also fele up-stonding eres
And tonges, as on bestes heres; (300) 1390
And on hir feet wexen saugh I
Partriches winges redely.
But, lord! the perrie and the richesse
I saugh sitting on this goddesse!
And, lord! the hevenish melodye 1395
Of songes, ful of armonye,
I herde aboute her trone y-songe,
That al the paleys-walles ronge!
So song the mighty Muse, she
That cleped is Caliopee, (310) 1400
And hir eighte sustren eke,
That in hir face semen meke;
And evermo, eternally,
They songe of Fame, as tho herde I:—
'Heried be thou and thy name, 1405
Goddesse of renoun and of fame!'
Tho was I war, lo, atte laste,
As I myn eyen gan up caste,
That this ilke noble quene
On hir shuldres gan sustene (320) 1410
Bothe tharmes and the name
Of tho that hadde large fame;
Alexander, and Hercules
I saugh a gretter wonder yit,
Upon hir eyen to beholde;
But certeyn I hem never tolde; (290) 1380
For as fele eyen hadde she
As fetheres upon foules be,
Or weren on the bestes foure,
That goddes trone gunne honoure,
As Iohn writ in thapocalips. 1385
Hir heer, that oundy was and crips,
As burned gold hit shoon to see.
And sooth to tellen, also she
Had also fele up-stonding eres
And tonges, as on bestes heres; (300) 1390
And on hir feet wexen saugh I
Partriches winges redely.
But, lord! the perrie and the richesse
I saugh sitting on this goddesse!
And, lord! the hevenish melodye 1395
Of songes, ful of armonye,
I herde aboute her trone y-songe,
That al the paleys-walles ronge!
So song the mighty Muse, she
That cleped is Caliopee, (310) 1400
And hir eighte sustren eke,
That in hir face semen meke;
And evermo, eternally,
They songe of Fame, as tho herde I:—
'Heried be thou and thy name, 1405
Goddesse of renoun and of fame!'
Tho was I war, lo, atte laste,
As I myn eyen gan up caste,
That this ilke noble quene
On hir shuldres gan sustene (320) 1410
Bothe tharmes and the name
Of tho that hadde large fame;
Alexander, and Hercules
Page 142
That with a sherte his lyf lees!
Thus fond I sitting this goddesse, 1415
In nobley, honour, and richesse;
Of which I stinte a whyle now,
Other thing to tellen yow.
Tho saugh I stonde on either syde,
Streight doun to the dores wyde, (330) 1420
Fro the dees, many a pileer
Of metal, that shoon not ful cleer;
But though they nere of no richesse,
Yet they were maad for greet noblesse,
And in hem greet [and hy] sentence; 1425
And folk of digne reverence,
Of whiche I wol yow telle fonde,
Upon the piler saugh I stonde.
Alderfirst, lo, ther I sigh,
Upon a piler stonde on high, (340) 1430
That was of lede and yren fyn,
Him of secte Saturnyn,
The Ebrayk Iosephus, the olde,
That of Iewes gestes tolde;
And bar upon his shuldres hye 1435
The fame up of the Iewerye.
And by him stoden other sevene,
Wyse and worthy for to nevene,
To helpen him here up the charge,
Hit was so hevy and so large. (350) 1440
And for they writen of batailes,
As wel as other olde mervailes,
Therfor was, lo, this pileer,
Of which that I yow telle heer,
Of lede and yren bothe, y-wis. 1445
For yren Martes metal is,
Which that god is of bataile;
And the leed, withouten faile,
Is, lo, the metal of Saturne,
That hath ful large wheel to turne. (360) 1450
Thus fond I sitting this goddesse, 1415
In nobley, honour, and richesse;
Of which I stinte a whyle now,
Other thing to tellen yow.
Tho saugh I stonde on either syde,
Streight doun to the dores wyde, (330) 1420
Fro the dees, many a pileer
Of metal, that shoon not ful cleer;
But though they nere of no richesse,
Yet they were maad for greet noblesse,
And in hem greet [and hy] sentence; 1425
And folk of digne reverence,
Of whiche I wol yow telle fonde,
Upon the piler saugh I stonde.
Alderfirst, lo, ther I sigh,
Upon a piler stonde on high, (340) 1430
That was of lede and yren fyn,
Him of secte Saturnyn,
The Ebrayk Iosephus, the olde,
That of Iewes gestes tolde;
And bar upon his shuldres hye 1435
The fame up of the Iewerye.
And by him stoden other sevene,
Wyse and worthy for to nevene,
To helpen him here up the charge,
Hit was so hevy and so large. (350) 1440
And for they writen of batailes,
As wel as other olde mervailes,
Therfor was, lo, this pileer,
Of which that I yow telle heer,
Of lede and yren bothe, y-wis. 1445
For yren Martes metal is,
Which that god is of bataile;
And the leed, withouten faile,
Is, lo, the metal of Saturne,
That hath ful large wheel to turne. (360) 1450
Page 143
Tho stoden forth, on every rowe,
Of hem which that I coude knowe,
Thogh I hem noght by ordre telle,
To make yow to long to dwelle.
These, of whiche I ginne rede, 1455
Ther saugh I stonden, out of drede:
Upon an yren piler strong,
That peynted was, al endelong,
With tygres blode in every place,
The Tholosan that highte Stace, (370) 1460
That bar of Thebes up the fame
Upon his shuldres, and the name
Also of cruel Achilles.
And by him stood, withouten lees,
Ful wonder hye on a pileer 1465
Of yren, he, the gret Omeer;
And with him Dares and Tytus
Before, and eek he, Lollius,
And Guido eek de Columpnis,
And English Gaufride eek, y-wis; (380) 1470
And ech of these, as have I Ioye,
Was besy for to bere up Troye.
So hevy ther-of was the fame,
That for to bere hit was no game.
But yit I gan ful wel espye, 1475
Betwix hem was a litel envye.
Oon seyde, Omere made lyes,
Feyninge in his poetryes,
And was to Grekes favorable;
Therfor held he hit but fable. (390) 1480
Tho saugh I stonde on a pileer,
That was of tinned yren cleer,
That Latin poete, [dan] Virgyle,
That bore hath up a longe whyle
The fame of Pius Eneas. 1485
And next him on a piler was,
Of coper, Venus clerk, Ovyde,
Of hem which that I coude knowe,
Thogh I hem noght by ordre telle,
To make yow to long to dwelle.
These, of whiche I ginne rede, 1455
Ther saugh I stonden, out of drede:
Upon an yren piler strong,
That peynted was, al endelong,
With tygres blode in every place,
The Tholosan that highte Stace, (370) 1460
That bar of Thebes up the fame
Upon his shuldres, and the name
Also of cruel Achilles.
And by him stood, withouten lees,
Ful wonder hye on a pileer 1465
Of yren, he, the gret Omeer;
And with him Dares and Tytus
Before, and eek he, Lollius,
And Guido eek de Columpnis,
And English Gaufride eek, y-wis; (380) 1470
And ech of these, as have I Ioye,
Was besy for to bere up Troye.
So hevy ther-of was the fame,
That for to bere hit was no game.
But yit I gan ful wel espye, 1475
Betwix hem was a litel envye.
Oon seyde, Omere made lyes,
Feyninge in his poetryes,
And was to Grekes favorable;
Therfor held he hit but fable. (390) 1480
Tho saugh I stonde on a pileer,
That was of tinned yren cleer,
That Latin poete, [dan] Virgyle,
That bore hath up a longe whyle
The fame of Pius Eneas. 1485
And next him on a piler was,
Of coper, Venus clerk, Ovyde,
Page 144
That hath y-sowen wonder wyde
The grete god of Loves name.
And ther he bar up wel his fame, (400) 1490
Upon this piler, also hye
As I might see hit with myn yë:
For-why this halle, of whiche I rede
Was woxe on highte, lengthe and brede,
Wel more, by a thousand del, 1495
Than hit was erst, that saugh I wel.
Tho saugh I, on a piler by,
Of yren wroght ful sternely,
The grete poete, daun Lucan,
And on his shuldres bar up than, (410) 1500
As highe as that I mighte see,
The fame of Iulius and Pompee.
And by him stoden alle these clerkes,
That writen of Romes mighty werkes,
That, if I wolde hir names telle, 1505
Al to longe moste I dwelle.
And next him on a piler stood
Of soulfre, lyk as he were wood,
Dan Claudian, the soth to telle,
That bar up al the fame of helle, (420) 1510
Of Pluto, and of Proserpyne,
That quene is of the derke pyne.
What shulde I more telle of this?
The halle was al ful, y-wis,
Of hem that writen olde gestes, 1515
As ben on treës rokes nestes;
But hit a ful confus matere
Were al the gestes for to here,
That they of write, and how they highte.
But whyl that I beheld this sighte, (430) 1520
I herde a noise aprochen blyve,
That ferde as been don in an hyve,
Agen her tyme of out-fleyinge;
Right swiche a maner murmuringe,
The grete god of Loves name.
And ther he bar up wel his fame, (400) 1490
Upon this piler, also hye
As I might see hit with myn yë:
For-why this halle, of whiche I rede
Was woxe on highte, lengthe and brede,
Wel more, by a thousand del, 1495
Than hit was erst, that saugh I wel.
Tho saugh I, on a piler by,
Of yren wroght ful sternely,
The grete poete, daun Lucan,
And on his shuldres bar up than, (410) 1500
As highe as that I mighte see,
The fame of Iulius and Pompee.
And by him stoden alle these clerkes,
That writen of Romes mighty werkes,
That, if I wolde hir names telle, 1505
Al to longe moste I dwelle.
And next him on a piler stood
Of soulfre, lyk as he were wood,
Dan Claudian, the soth to telle,
That bar up al the fame of helle, (420) 1510
Of Pluto, and of Proserpyne,
That quene is of the derke pyne.
What shulde I more telle of this?
The halle was al ful, y-wis,
Of hem that writen olde gestes, 1515
As ben on treës rokes nestes;
But hit a ful confus matere
Were al the gestes for to here,
That they of write, and how they highte.
But whyl that I beheld this sighte, (430) 1520
I herde a noise aprochen blyve,
That ferde as been don in an hyve,
Agen her tyme of out-fleyinge;
Right swiche a maner murmuringe,
Page 145
For al the world, hit semed me. 1525
Tho gan I loke aboute and see,
That ther com entring in the halle
A right gret company with-alle,
And that of sondry regiouns,
Of alleskinnes condiciouns, (440) 1530
That dwelle in erthe under the mone,
Pore and ryche. And also sone
As they were come into the halle,
They gonne doun on kneës falle
Before this ilke noble quene, 1535
And seyde, 'Graunte us, lady shene,
Ech of us, of thy grace, a bone!'
And somme of hem she graunted sone,
And somme she werned wel and faire;
And somme she graunted the contraire (450) 1540
Of hir axing utterly.
But thus I seye yow trewely,
What hir cause was, I niste.
For this folk, ful wel I wiste,
They hadde good fame ech deserved, 1545
Althogh they were diversly served;
Right as hir suster, dame Fortune,
Is wont to serven in comune.
Now herkne how she gan to paye
That gonne hir of hir grace praye; (460) 1550
And yit, lo, al this companye
Seyden sooth, and noght a lye.
'Madame,' seyden they, 'we be
Folk that heer besechen thee,
That thou graunte us now good fame, 1555
And lete our werkes han that name;
In ful recompensacioun
Of good werk, give us good renoun.'
'I werne yow hit,' quod she anoon,
'Ye gete of me good fame noon, (470) 1560
By god! and therfor go your wey.'
Tho gan I loke aboute and see,
That ther com entring in the halle
A right gret company with-alle,
And that of sondry regiouns,
Of alleskinnes condiciouns, (440) 1530
That dwelle in erthe under the mone,
Pore and ryche. And also sone
As they were come into the halle,
They gonne doun on kneës falle
Before this ilke noble quene, 1535
And seyde, 'Graunte us, lady shene,
Ech of us, of thy grace, a bone!'
And somme of hem she graunted sone,
And somme she werned wel and faire;
And somme she graunted the contraire (450) 1540
Of hir axing utterly.
But thus I seye yow trewely,
What hir cause was, I niste.
For this folk, ful wel I wiste,
They hadde good fame ech deserved, 1545
Althogh they were diversly served;
Right as hir suster, dame Fortune,
Is wont to serven in comune.
Now herkne how she gan to paye
That gonne hir of hir grace praye; (460) 1550
And yit, lo, al this companye
Seyden sooth, and noght a lye.
'Madame,' seyden they, 'we be
Folk that heer besechen thee,
That thou graunte us now good fame, 1555
And lete our werkes han that name;
In ful recompensacioun
Of good werk, give us good renoun.'
'I werne yow hit,' quod she anoon,
'Ye gete of me good fame noon, (470) 1560
By god! and therfor go your wey.'
Page 146
'Alas,' quod they, 'and welaway!
Telle us, what may your cause be?'
'For me list hit noght,' quod she;
'No wight shal speke of yow, y-wis, 1565
Good ne harm, ne that ne this.'
And with that word she gan to calle
Hir messanger, that was in halle,
And bad that he shulde faste goon,
Up peyne to be blind anoon, (480) 1570
For Eolus, the god of winde;—
'In Trace ther ye shul him finde,
And bid him bringe his clarioun,
That is ful dyvers of his soun,
And hit is cleped Clere Laude, 1575
With which he wont is to heraude
Hem that me list y-preised be:
And also bid him how that he
Bringe his other clarioun,
That highte Sclaundre in every toun, (490) 1580
With which he wont is to diffame
Hem that me list, and do hem shame.'
This messanger gan faste goon,
And found wher, in a cave of stoon,
In a contree that highte Trace, 1585
This Eolus, with harde grace,
Held the windes in distresse,
And gan hem under him to presse,
That they gonne as beres rore,
He bond and pressed hem so sore. (500) 1590
This messanger gan faste crye,
'Rys up,' quod he, 'and faste hye,
Til that thou at my lady be;
And tak thy clarions eek with thee,
And speed thee forth.' And he anon 1595
Took to a man, that hight Triton,
His clariouns to bere tho,
And leet a certeyn wind to go,
Telle us, what may your cause be?'
'For me list hit noght,' quod she;
'No wight shal speke of yow, y-wis, 1565
Good ne harm, ne that ne this.'
And with that word she gan to calle
Hir messanger, that was in halle,
And bad that he shulde faste goon,
Up peyne to be blind anoon, (480) 1570
For Eolus, the god of winde;—
'In Trace ther ye shul him finde,
And bid him bringe his clarioun,
That is ful dyvers of his soun,
And hit is cleped Clere Laude, 1575
With which he wont is to heraude
Hem that me list y-preised be:
And also bid him how that he
Bringe his other clarioun,
That highte Sclaundre in every toun, (490) 1580
With which he wont is to diffame
Hem that me list, and do hem shame.'
This messanger gan faste goon,
And found wher, in a cave of stoon,
In a contree that highte Trace, 1585
This Eolus, with harde grace,
Held the windes in distresse,
And gan hem under him to presse,
That they gonne as beres rore,
He bond and pressed hem so sore. (500) 1590
This messanger gan faste crye,
'Rys up,' quod he, 'and faste hye,
Til that thou at my lady be;
And tak thy clarions eek with thee,
And speed thee forth.' And he anon 1595
Took to a man, that hight Triton,
His clariouns to bere tho,
And leet a certeyn wind to go,
Page 147
That blew so hidously and hye,
That hit ne lefte not a skye (510) 1600
In al the welken longe and brood.
This Eolus no-wher abood
Til he was come at Fames feet,
And eek the man that Triton heet;
And ther he stood, as still as stoon. 1605
And her-withal ther com anoon
Another huge companye
Of gode folk, and gunne crye,
'Lady, graunte us now good fame,
And lat our werkes han that name (520) 1610
Now, in honour of gentilesse,
And also god your soule blesse!
For we han wel deserved hit,
Therfor is right that we ben quit.'
'As thryve I,' quod she, 'ye shal faile, 1615
Good werkes shal yow noght availe
To have of me good fame as now.
But wite ye what? I graunte yow,
That ye shal have a shrewed fame
And wikked loos, and worse name, (530) 1620
Though ye good loos have wel deserved.
Now go your wey, for ye be served;
And thou, dan Eolus, let see!
Tak forth thy trumpe anon,' quod she,
'That is y-cleped Sclaunder light, 1625
And blow hir loos, that every wight
Speke of hem harm and shrewednesse,
In stede of good and worthinesse.
For thou shalt trumpe al the contraire
Of that they han don wel or faire.' (540) 1630
'Alas,' thoughte I, 'what aventures
Han these sory creatures!
For they, amonges al the pres,
Shul thus be shamed gilteles!
But what! hit moste nedes be.' 1635
That hit ne lefte not a skye (510) 1600
In al the welken longe and brood.
This Eolus no-wher abood
Til he was come at Fames feet,
And eek the man that Triton heet;
And ther he stood, as still as stoon. 1605
And her-withal ther com anoon
Another huge companye
Of gode folk, and gunne crye,
'Lady, graunte us now good fame,
And lat our werkes han that name (520) 1610
Now, in honour of gentilesse,
And also god your soule blesse!
For we han wel deserved hit,
Therfor is right that we ben quit.'
'As thryve I,' quod she, 'ye shal faile, 1615
Good werkes shal yow noght availe
To have of me good fame as now.
But wite ye what? I graunte yow,
That ye shal have a shrewed fame
And wikked loos, and worse name, (530) 1620
Though ye good loos have wel deserved.
Now go your wey, for ye be served;
And thou, dan Eolus, let see!
Tak forth thy trumpe anon,' quod she,
'That is y-cleped Sclaunder light, 1625
And blow hir loos, that every wight
Speke of hem harm and shrewednesse,
In stede of good and worthinesse.
For thou shalt trumpe al the contraire
Of that they han don wel or faire.' (540) 1630
'Alas,' thoughte I, 'what aventures
Han these sory creatures!
For they, amonges al the pres,
Shul thus be shamed gilteles!
But what! hit moste nedes be.' 1635
Page 148
What did this Eolus, but he
Tok out his blakke trumpe of bras,
That fouler than the devil was,
And gan this trumpe for to blowe,
As al the world shulde overthrowe; (550) 1640
That through-out every regioun
Wente this foule trumpes soun,
As swift as pelet out of gonne,
Whan fyr is in the poudre ronne.
And swiche a smoke gan out-wende 1645
Out of his foule trumpes ende,
Blak, blo, grenish, swartish reed,
As doth wher that men melte leed,
Lo, al on high fro the tuel!
And therto oo thing saugh I wel, (560) 1650
That, the ferther that hit ran,
The gretter wexen hit began,
As doth the river from a welle,
And hit stank as the pit of helle.
Alas, thus was hir shame y-ronge, 1655
And giltelees, on every tonge.
Tho com the thridde companye,
And gunne up to the dees to hye,
And doun on knees they fille anon,
And seyde, 'We ben everichon (570) 1660
Folk that han ful trewely
Deserved fame rightfully,
And praye yow, hit mot be knowe,
Right as hit is, and forth y-blowe.'
'I graunte,' quod she, 'for me list 1665
That now your gode werk be wist;
And yit ye shul han better loos,
Right in dispyt of alle your foos,
Than worthy is; and that anoon:
Lat now,' quod she, 'thy trumpe goon, (580) 1670
Thou Eolus, that is so blak;
And out thyn other trumpe tak
Tok out his blakke trumpe of bras,
That fouler than the devil was,
And gan this trumpe for to blowe,
As al the world shulde overthrowe; (550) 1640
That through-out every regioun
Wente this foule trumpes soun,
As swift as pelet out of gonne,
Whan fyr is in the poudre ronne.
And swiche a smoke gan out-wende 1645
Out of his foule trumpes ende,
Blak, blo, grenish, swartish reed,
As doth wher that men melte leed,
Lo, al on high fro the tuel!
And therto oo thing saugh I wel, (560) 1650
That, the ferther that hit ran,
The gretter wexen hit began,
As doth the river from a welle,
And hit stank as the pit of helle.
Alas, thus was hir shame y-ronge, 1655
And giltelees, on every tonge.
Tho com the thridde companye,
And gunne up to the dees to hye,
And doun on knees they fille anon,
And seyde, 'We ben everichon (570) 1660
Folk that han ful trewely
Deserved fame rightfully,
And praye yow, hit mot be knowe,
Right as hit is, and forth y-blowe.'
'I graunte,' quod she, 'for me list 1665
That now your gode werk be wist;
And yit ye shul han better loos,
Right in dispyt of alle your foos,
Than worthy is; and that anoon:
Lat now,' quod she, 'thy trumpe goon, (580) 1670
Thou Eolus, that is so blak;
And out thyn other trumpe tak
Page 149
That highte Laude, and blow hit so
That through the world hir fame go
Al esely, and not to faste, 1675
That hit be knowen atte laste.'
'Ful gladly, lady myn,' he seyde;
And out his trumpe of golde he brayde
Anon, and sette hit to his mouthe,
And blew hit est, and west, and southe, (590) 1680
And north, as loude as any thunder,
That every wight hadde of hit wonder,
So brode hit ran, or than hit stente.
And, certes, al the breeth that wente
Out of his trumpes mouthe smelde 1685
As men a pot-ful bawme helde
Among a basket ful of roses;
This favour dide he til hir loses.
And right with this I gan aspye,
Ther com the ferthe companye— (600) 1690
But certeyn they were wonder fewe—
And gonne stonden in a rewe,
And seyden, 'Certes, lady brighte,
We han don wel with al our mighte;
But we ne kepen have no fame. 1695
Hyd our werkes and our name,
For goddes love! for certes we
Han certeyn doon hit for bountee,
And for no maner other thing.'
'I graunte yow al your asking,' (610) 1700
Quod she; 'let your werk be deed.'
With that aboute I clew myn heed,
And saugh anoon the fifte route
That to this lady gonne loute,
And doun on knees anoon to falle; 1705
And to hir tho besoughten alle
To hyde hir gode werkes eek,
And seyde, they yeven noght a leek
For fame, ne for swich renoun;
That through the world hir fame go
Al esely, and not to faste, 1675
That hit be knowen atte laste.'
'Ful gladly, lady myn,' he seyde;
And out his trumpe of golde he brayde
Anon, and sette hit to his mouthe,
And blew hit est, and west, and southe, (590) 1680
And north, as loude as any thunder,
That every wight hadde of hit wonder,
So brode hit ran, or than hit stente.
And, certes, al the breeth that wente
Out of his trumpes mouthe smelde 1685
As men a pot-ful bawme helde
Among a basket ful of roses;
This favour dide he til hir loses.
And right with this I gan aspye,
Ther com the ferthe companye— (600) 1690
But certeyn they were wonder fewe—
And gonne stonden in a rewe,
And seyden, 'Certes, lady brighte,
We han don wel with al our mighte;
But we ne kepen have no fame. 1695
Hyd our werkes and our name,
For goddes love! for certes we
Han certeyn doon hit for bountee,
And for no maner other thing.'
'I graunte yow al your asking,' (610) 1700
Quod she; 'let your werk be deed.'
With that aboute I clew myn heed,
And saugh anoon the fifte route
That to this lady gonne loute,
And doun on knees anoon to falle; 1705
And to hir tho besoughten alle
To hyde hir gode werkes eek,
And seyde, they yeven noght a leek
For fame, ne for swich renoun;
Page 150
For they, for contemplacioun (620) 1710
And goddes love, hadde y-wrought;
Ne of fame wolde they nought.
'What?' quod she, 'and be ye wood?
And wene ye for to do good,
And for to have of that no fame? 1715
Have ye dispyt to have my name?
Nay, ye shul liven everichoon!
Blow thy trumpe and that anoon,'
Quod she, 'thou Eolus, I hote,
And ring this folkes werk by note, (630) 1720
That al the world may of hit here.'
And he gan blowe hir loos so clere
In his golden clarioun,
That through the world wente the soun,
So kenely, and eek so softe; 1725
But atte laste hit was on-lofte.
Thoo com the sexte companye,
And gonne faste on Fame crye.
Right verraily, in this manere
They seyden: 'Mercy, lady dere! (640) 1730
To telle certein, as hit is,
We han don neither that ne this,
But ydel al our lyf y-be.
But, natheles, yit preye we,
That we mowe han so good a fame, 1735
And greet renoun and knowen name,
As they that han don noble gestes,
And acheved alle hir lestes,
As wel of love as other thing;
Al was us never broche ne ring, (650) 1740
Ne elles nought, from wimmen sent,
Ne ones in hir herte y-ment
To make us only frendly chere,
But mighte temen us on bere;
Yit lat us to the peple seme 1745
Swiche as the world may of us deme,
And goddes love, hadde y-wrought;
Ne of fame wolde they nought.
'What?' quod she, 'and be ye wood?
And wene ye for to do good,
And for to have of that no fame? 1715
Have ye dispyt to have my name?
Nay, ye shul liven everichoon!
Blow thy trumpe and that anoon,'
Quod she, 'thou Eolus, I hote,
And ring this folkes werk by note, (630) 1720
That al the world may of hit here.'
And he gan blowe hir loos so clere
In his golden clarioun,
That through the world wente the soun,
So kenely, and eek so softe; 1725
But atte laste hit was on-lofte.
Thoo com the sexte companye,
And gonne faste on Fame crye.
Right verraily, in this manere
They seyden: 'Mercy, lady dere! (640) 1730
To telle certein, as hit is,
We han don neither that ne this,
But ydel al our lyf y-be.
But, natheles, yit preye we,
That we mowe han so good a fame, 1735
And greet renoun and knowen name,
As they that han don noble gestes,
And acheved alle hir lestes,
As wel of love as other thing;
Al was us never broche ne ring, (650) 1740
Ne elles nought, from wimmen sent,
Ne ones in hir herte y-ment
To make us only frendly chere,
But mighte temen us on bere;
Yit lat us to the peple seme 1745
Swiche as the world may of us deme,
Page 151
That wimmen loven us for wood.
Hit shal don us as moche good,
And to our herte as moche availe
To countrepeise ese and travaile, (660) 1750
As we had wonne hit with labour;
For that is dere boght honour
At regard of our grete ese.
And yit thou most us more plese;
Let us be holden eek, therto, 1755
Worthy, wyse, and gode also,
And riche, and happy unto love.
For goddes love, that sit above,
Though we may not the body have
Of wimmen, yet, so god yow save! (670) 1760
Let men glewe on us the name;
Suffyceth that we han the fame.'
'I graunte,' quod she, 'by my trouthe!
Now, Eolus, with-outen slouthe,
Tak out thy trumpe of gold, let see, 1765
And blow as they han axed me,
That every man wene hem at ese,
Though they gon in ful badde lese.'
This Eolus gan hit so blowe,
That through the world hit was y-knowe. (680) 1770
Tho com the seventh route anoon,
And fel on kneës everichoon,
And seyde, 'Lady, graunte us sone
The same thing, the same bone,
That [ye] this nexte folk han doon.' 1775
'Fy on yow,' quod she, 'everichoon!
Ye masty swyn, ye ydel wrecches,
Ful of roten slowe tecches!
What? false theves! wher ye wolde
Be famous good, and no-thing nolde (690) 1780
Deserve why, ne never roughte?
Men rather yow to-hangen oughte!
For ye be lyk the sweynte cat,
Hit shal don us as moche good,
And to our herte as moche availe
To countrepeise ese and travaile, (660) 1750
As we had wonne hit with labour;
For that is dere boght honour
At regard of our grete ese.
And yit thou most us more plese;
Let us be holden eek, therto, 1755
Worthy, wyse, and gode also,
And riche, and happy unto love.
For goddes love, that sit above,
Though we may not the body have
Of wimmen, yet, so god yow save! (670) 1760
Let men glewe on us the name;
Suffyceth that we han the fame.'
'I graunte,' quod she, 'by my trouthe!
Now, Eolus, with-outen slouthe,
Tak out thy trumpe of gold, let see, 1765
And blow as they han axed me,
That every man wene hem at ese,
Though they gon in ful badde lese.'
This Eolus gan hit so blowe,
That through the world hit was y-knowe. (680) 1770
Tho com the seventh route anoon,
And fel on kneës everichoon,
And seyde, 'Lady, graunte us sone
The same thing, the same bone,
That [ye] this nexte folk han doon.' 1775
'Fy on yow,' quod she, 'everichoon!
Ye masty swyn, ye ydel wrecches,
Ful of roten slowe tecches!
What? false theves! wher ye wolde
Be famous good, and no-thing nolde (690) 1780
Deserve why, ne never roughte?
Men rather yow to-hangen oughte!
For ye be lyk the sweynte cat,
Page 152
That wolde have fish; but wostow what?
He wolde no-thing wete his clowes. 1785
Yvel thrift come on your Iowes,
And eek on myn, if I hit graunte,
Or do yow favour, yow to avaunte!
Thou Eolus, thou king of Trace!
Go, blow this folk a sory grace,' (700) 1790
Quod she, 'anoon; and wostow how?
As I shal telle thee right now;
Sey: "These ben they that wolde honour
Have, and do noskinnes labour,
Ne do no good, and yit han laude; 1795
And that men wende that bele Isaude
Ne coude hem noght of love werne;
And yit she that grint at a querne
Is al to good to ese hir herte."'
This Eolus anon up sterte, (710) 1800
And with his blakke clarioun
He gan to blasen out a soun,
As loude as belweth wind in helle.
And eek therwith, [the] sooth to telle,
This soun was [al] so ful of Iapes, 1805
As ever mowes were in apes.
And that wente al the world aboute,
That every wight gan on hem shoute,
And for to laughe as they were wode;
Such game fonde they in hir hode. (720) 1810
Tho com another companye,
That had y-doon the traiterye,
The harm, the gretest wikkednesse
That any herte couthe gesse;
And preyed hir to han good fame, 1815
And that she nolde hem doon no shame,
But yeve hem loos and good renoun,
And do hit blowe in clarioun.
'Nay, wis!' quod she, 'hit were a vyce;
Al be ther in me no Iustyce, (730) 1820
He wolde no-thing wete his clowes. 1785
Yvel thrift come on your Iowes,
And eek on myn, if I hit graunte,
Or do yow favour, yow to avaunte!
Thou Eolus, thou king of Trace!
Go, blow this folk a sory grace,' (700) 1790
Quod she, 'anoon; and wostow how?
As I shal telle thee right now;
Sey: "These ben they that wolde honour
Have, and do noskinnes labour,
Ne do no good, and yit han laude; 1795
And that men wende that bele Isaude
Ne coude hem noght of love werne;
And yit she that grint at a querne
Is al to good to ese hir herte."'
This Eolus anon up sterte, (710) 1800
And with his blakke clarioun
He gan to blasen out a soun,
As loude as belweth wind in helle.
And eek therwith, [the] sooth to telle,
This soun was [al] so ful of Iapes, 1805
As ever mowes were in apes.
And that wente al the world aboute,
That every wight gan on hem shoute,
And for to laughe as they were wode;
Such game fonde they in hir hode. (720) 1810
Tho com another companye,
That had y-doon the traiterye,
The harm, the gretest wikkednesse
That any herte couthe gesse;
And preyed hir to han good fame, 1815
And that she nolde hem doon no shame,
But yeve hem loos and good renoun,
And do hit blowe in clarioun.
'Nay, wis!' quod she, 'hit were a vyce;
Al be ther in me no Iustyce, (730) 1820
Page 153
Me listeth not to do hit now,
Ne this nil I not graunte you.'
Tho come ther lepinge in a route,
And gonne choppen al aboute
Every man upon the croune, 1825
That al the halle gan to soune,
And seyden: 'Lady, lefe and dere,
We ben swich folk as ye mowe here.
To tellen al the tale aright,
We ben shrewes, every wight, (740) 1830
And han delyt in wikkednes,
As gode folk han in goodnes;
And Ioye to be knowen shrewes,
And fulle of vyce and wikked thewes;
Wherfor we preyen yow, a-rowe, 1835
That our fame swich be knowe
In alle thing right as hit is.'
'I graunte hit yow,' quod she, 'y-wis.
But what art thou that seyst this tale,
That werest on thy hose a pale, (750) 1840
And on thy tipet swiche a belle!'
'Madame,' quod he, 'sooth to telle,
I am that ilke shrewe, y-wis,
That brende the temple of Isidis
In Athenes, lo, that citee.' 1845
'And wherfor didest thou so?' quod she.
'By my thrift,' quod he, 'madame,
I wolde fayn han had a fame,
As other folk hadde in the toun,
Al-thogh they were of greet renoun (760) 1850
For hir vertu and for hir thewes;
Thoughte I, as greet a fame han shrewes,
Thogh hit be [but] for shrewednesse,
As gode folk han for goodnesse;
And sith I may not have that oon, 1855
That other nil I noght for-goon.
And for to gette of Fames hyre,
Ne this nil I not graunte you.'
Tho come ther lepinge in a route,
And gonne choppen al aboute
Every man upon the croune, 1825
That al the halle gan to soune,
And seyden: 'Lady, lefe and dere,
We ben swich folk as ye mowe here.
To tellen al the tale aright,
We ben shrewes, every wight, (740) 1830
And han delyt in wikkednes,
As gode folk han in goodnes;
And Ioye to be knowen shrewes,
And fulle of vyce and wikked thewes;
Wherfor we preyen yow, a-rowe, 1835
That our fame swich be knowe
In alle thing right as hit is.'
'I graunte hit yow,' quod she, 'y-wis.
But what art thou that seyst this tale,
That werest on thy hose a pale, (750) 1840
And on thy tipet swiche a belle!'
'Madame,' quod he, 'sooth to telle,
I am that ilke shrewe, y-wis,
That brende the temple of Isidis
In Athenes, lo, that citee.' 1845
'And wherfor didest thou so?' quod she.
'By my thrift,' quod he, 'madame,
I wolde fayn han had a fame,
As other folk hadde in the toun,
Al-thogh they were of greet renoun (760) 1850
For hir vertu and for hir thewes;
Thoughte I, as greet a fame han shrewes,
Thogh hit be [but] for shrewednesse,
As gode folk han for goodnesse;
And sith I may not have that oon, 1855
That other nil I noght for-goon.
And for to gette of Fames hyre,
Page 154
The temple sette I al a-fyre.
Now do our loos be blowen swythe,
As wisly be thou ever blythe.' (770) 1860
'Gladly,' quod she; 'thou Eolus,
Herestow not what they preyen us?'
'Madame, yis, ful wel,' quod he,
'And I wil trumpen hit, parde!'
And tok his blakke trumpe faste, 1865
And gan to puffen and to blaste,
Til hit was at the worldes ende.
With that I gan aboute wende;
For oon that stood right at my bak,
Me thoughte, goodly to me spak, (780) 1870
And seyde: 'Frend, what is thy name?
Artow come hider to han fame?'
'Nay, for-sothe, frend!' quod I;
'I cam noght hider, graunt mercy!
For no swich cause, by my heed! 1875
Suffyceth me, as I were deed,
That no wight have my name in honde.
I woot my-self best how I stonde;
For what I drye or what I thinke,
I wol my-selven al hit drinke, (790) 1880
Certeyn, for the more part,
As ferforth as I can myn art.'
'But what dost thou here than?' quod he.
Quod I, 'that wol I tellen thee,
The cause why I stondë here:— 1885
Som newe tydings for to lere:—
Som newe thinges, I not what,
Tydinges, other this or that,
Of love, or swiche thinges glade.
For certeynly, he that me made (800) 1890
To comen hider, seyde me,
I shulde bothe here and see,
In this place, wonder thinges;
But these be no swiche tydinges
Now do our loos be blowen swythe,
As wisly be thou ever blythe.' (770) 1860
'Gladly,' quod she; 'thou Eolus,
Herestow not what they preyen us?'
'Madame, yis, ful wel,' quod he,
'And I wil trumpen hit, parde!'
And tok his blakke trumpe faste, 1865
And gan to puffen and to blaste,
Til hit was at the worldes ende.
With that I gan aboute wende;
For oon that stood right at my bak,
Me thoughte, goodly to me spak, (780) 1870
And seyde: 'Frend, what is thy name?
Artow come hider to han fame?'
'Nay, for-sothe, frend!' quod I;
'I cam noght hider, graunt mercy!
For no swich cause, by my heed! 1875
Suffyceth me, as I were deed,
That no wight have my name in honde.
I woot my-self best how I stonde;
For what I drye or what I thinke,
I wol my-selven al hit drinke, (790) 1880
Certeyn, for the more part,
As ferforth as I can myn art.'
'But what dost thou here than?' quod he.
Quod I, 'that wol I tellen thee,
The cause why I stondë here:— 1885
Som newe tydings for to lere:—
Som newe thinges, I not what,
Tydinges, other this or that,
Of love, or swiche thinges glade.
For certeynly, he that me made (800) 1890
To comen hider, seyde me,
I shulde bothe here and see,
In this place, wonder thinges;
But these be no swiche tydinges
Page 155
As I mene of.' 'No?' quod he. 1895
And I answerde, 'No, pardee!
For wel I wiste, ever yit,
Sith that first I hadde wit,
That som folk han desyred fame
Dyversly, and loos, and name; (810) 1900
But certeynly, I niste how
Ne wher that Fame dwelte, er now;
Ne eek of hir descripcioun,
Ne also hir condicioun,
Ne the ordre of hir dome, 1905
Unto the tyme I hider come.'
'[Whiche] be, lo, these tydinges,
That thou now [thus] hider bringes,
That thou hast herd?' quod he to me;
'But now, no fors; for wel I see (820) 1910
What thou desyrest for to here.
Com forth, and stond no longer here,
And I wol thee, with-outen drede,
In swich another place lede,
Ther thou shalt here many oon.' 1915
Tho gan I forth with him to goon
Out of the castel, soth to seye.
Tho saugh I stonde in a valeye,
Under the castel, faste by,
An hous, that domus Dedali, (830) 1920
That Laborintus cleped is,
Nas maad so wonderliche, y-wis,
Ne half so queynteliche y-wrought.
And evermo, so swift as thought,
This queynte hous aboute wente, 1925
That never-mo hit stille stente.
And ther-out com so greet a noise,
That, had hit stonden upon Oise,
Men mighte hit han herd esely
To Rome, I trowe sikerly. (840) 1930
And the noyse which that I herde,
And I answerde, 'No, pardee!
For wel I wiste, ever yit,
Sith that first I hadde wit,
That som folk han desyred fame
Dyversly, and loos, and name; (810) 1900
But certeynly, I niste how
Ne wher that Fame dwelte, er now;
Ne eek of hir descripcioun,
Ne also hir condicioun,
Ne the ordre of hir dome, 1905
Unto the tyme I hider come.'
'[Whiche] be, lo, these tydinges,
That thou now [thus] hider bringes,
That thou hast herd?' quod he to me;
'But now, no fors; for wel I see (820) 1910
What thou desyrest for to here.
Com forth, and stond no longer here,
And I wol thee, with-outen drede,
In swich another place lede,
Ther thou shalt here many oon.' 1915
Tho gan I forth with him to goon
Out of the castel, soth to seye.
Tho saugh I stonde in a valeye,
Under the castel, faste by,
An hous, that domus Dedali, (830) 1920
That Laborintus cleped is,
Nas maad so wonderliche, y-wis,
Ne half so queynteliche y-wrought.
And evermo, so swift as thought,
This queynte hous aboute wente, 1925
That never-mo hit stille stente.
And ther-out com so greet a noise,
That, had hit stonden upon Oise,
Men mighte hit han herd esely
To Rome, I trowe sikerly. (840) 1930
And the noyse which that I herde,
Page 156
For al the world right so hit ferde,
As doth the routing of the stoon
That from thengyn is leten goon.
And al this hous, of whiche I rede, 1935
Was made of twigges, falwe, rede,
And grene eek, and som weren whyte,
Swiche as men to these cages thwyte,
Or maken of these paniers,
Or elles hottes or dossers; (850) 1940
That, for the swough and for the twigges,
This hous was also ful of gigges,
And also ful eek of chirkinges,
And of many other werkinges;
And eek this hous hath of entrees 1945
As fele as leves been on trees
In somer, whan they grene been;
And on the roof men may yit seen
A thousand holes, and wel mo,
To leten wel the soun out go. (860) 1950
And by day, in every tyde,
Ben al the dores open wyde,
And by night, echoon, unshette;
Ne porter ther is non to lette
No maner tydings in to pace; 1955
Ne never reste is in that place,
That hit nis fild ful of tydinges,
Other loude, or of whispringes;
And, over alle the houses angles,
Is ful of rouninges and of Iangles (870) 1960
Of werre, of pees, of mariages,
Of reste, of labour, of viages,
Of abood, of deeth, of lyfe,
Of love, of hate, acorde, of stryfe,
Of loos, of lore, and of winninges, 1965
Of hele, of sekenesse, of bildinges,
Of faire windes, of tempestes,
Of qualme of folk, and eek of bestes;
As doth the routing of the stoon
That from thengyn is leten goon.
And al this hous, of whiche I rede, 1935
Was made of twigges, falwe, rede,
And grene eek, and som weren whyte,
Swiche as men to these cages thwyte,
Or maken of these paniers,
Or elles hottes or dossers; (850) 1940
That, for the swough and for the twigges,
This hous was also ful of gigges,
And also ful eek of chirkinges,
And of many other werkinges;
And eek this hous hath of entrees 1945
As fele as leves been on trees
In somer, whan they grene been;
And on the roof men may yit seen
A thousand holes, and wel mo,
To leten wel the soun out go. (860) 1950
And by day, in every tyde,
Ben al the dores open wyde,
And by night, echoon, unshette;
Ne porter ther is non to lette
No maner tydings in to pace; 1955
Ne never reste is in that place,
That hit nis fild ful of tydinges,
Other loude, or of whispringes;
And, over alle the houses angles,
Is ful of rouninges and of Iangles (870) 1960
Of werre, of pees, of mariages,
Of reste, of labour, of viages,
Of abood, of deeth, of lyfe,
Of love, of hate, acorde, of stryfe,
Of loos, of lore, and of winninges, 1965
Of hele, of sekenesse, of bildinges,
Of faire windes, of tempestes,
Of qualme of folk, and eek of bestes;
Page 157
Of dyvers transmutaciouns
Of estats, and eek of regiouns; (880) 1970
Of trust, of drede, of Ielousye,
Of wit, of winninge, of folye;
Of plentee, and of greet famyne,
Of chepe, of derth, and of ruyne;
Of good or mis governement, 1975
Of fyr, of dyvers accident.
And lo, this hous, of whiche I wryte,
Siker be ye, hit nas not lyte;
For hit was sixty myle of lengthe;
Al was the timber of no strengthe, (890) 1980
Yet hit is founded to endure
Whyl that hit list to Aventure,
That is the moder of tydinges,
As the see of welles and springes,—
And hit was shapen lyk a cage. 1985
'Certes,' quod I, 'in al myn age,
Ne saugh I swich a hous as this.'
And as I wondred me, y-wis,
Upon this hous, tho war was I
How that myn egle, faste by, (900) 1990
Was perched hye upon a stoon;
And I gan streighte to him goon
And seyde thus: 'I preye thee
That thou a whyl abyde me
For goddes love, and let me seen 1995
What wondres in this place been;
For yit, paraventure, I may lere
Som good ther-on, or sumwhat here
That leef me were, or that I wente.'
'Peter! that is myn entente,' (910) 2000
Quod he to me; 'therfor I dwelle;
But certein, oon thing I thee telle,
That, but I bringe thee ther-inne,
Ne shalt thou never cunne ginne
To come in-to hit, out of doute, 2005
Of estats, and eek of regiouns; (880) 1970
Of trust, of drede, of Ielousye,
Of wit, of winninge, of folye;
Of plentee, and of greet famyne,
Of chepe, of derth, and of ruyne;
Of good or mis governement, 1975
Of fyr, of dyvers accident.
And lo, this hous, of whiche I wryte,
Siker be ye, hit nas not lyte;
For hit was sixty myle of lengthe;
Al was the timber of no strengthe, (890) 1980
Yet hit is founded to endure
Whyl that hit list to Aventure,
That is the moder of tydinges,
As the see of welles and springes,—
And hit was shapen lyk a cage. 1985
'Certes,' quod I, 'in al myn age,
Ne saugh I swich a hous as this.'
And as I wondred me, y-wis,
Upon this hous, tho war was I
How that myn egle, faste by, (900) 1990
Was perched hye upon a stoon;
And I gan streighte to him goon
And seyde thus: 'I preye thee
That thou a whyl abyde me
For goddes love, and let me seen 1995
What wondres in this place been;
For yit, paraventure, I may lere
Som good ther-on, or sumwhat here
That leef me were, or that I wente.'
'Peter! that is myn entente,' (910) 2000
Quod he to me; 'therfor I dwelle;
But certein, oon thing I thee telle,
That, but I bringe thee ther-inne,
Ne shalt thou never cunne ginne
To come in-to hit, out of doute, 2005
Page 158
So faste hit whirleth, lo, aboute.
But sith that Ioves, of his grace,
As I have seyd, wol thee solace
Fynally with [swiche] thinges,
Uncouthe sightes and tydinges, (920) 2010
To passe with thyn hevinesse;
Suche routhe hath he of thy distresse,
That thou suffrest debonairly—
And wost thy-selven utterly
Disesperat of alle blis, 2015
Sith that Fortune hath maad a-mis
The [fruit] of al thyn hertes reste
Languisshe and eek in point to breste—
That he, through his mighty meryte,
Wol do thee ese, al be hit lyte, (930) 2020
And yaf expres commaundement,
To whiche I am obedient,
To furthre thee with al my might,
And wisse and teche thee aright
Wher thou maist most tydinges here; 2025
Shaltow anoon heer many oon lere.'
With this worde he, right anoon,
Hente me up bitwene his toon,
And at a windowe in me broghte,
That in this hous was, as me thoghte— (940) 2030
And ther-withal, me thoghte hit stente,
And no-thing hit aboute wente—
And me sette in the flore adoun.
But which a congregacioun
Of folk, as I saugh rome aboute 2035
Some within and some withoute,
Nas never seen, ne shal ben eft;
That, certes, in the world nis left
So many formed by Nature,
Ne deed so many a creature; (950) 2040
That wel unethe, in that place,
Hadde I oon foot-brede of space;
But sith that Ioves, of his grace,
As I have seyd, wol thee solace
Fynally with [swiche] thinges,
Uncouthe sightes and tydinges, (920) 2010
To passe with thyn hevinesse;
Suche routhe hath he of thy distresse,
That thou suffrest debonairly—
And wost thy-selven utterly
Disesperat of alle blis, 2015
Sith that Fortune hath maad a-mis
The [fruit] of al thyn hertes reste
Languisshe and eek in point to breste—
That he, through his mighty meryte,
Wol do thee ese, al be hit lyte, (930) 2020
And yaf expres commaundement,
To whiche I am obedient,
To furthre thee with al my might,
And wisse and teche thee aright
Wher thou maist most tydinges here; 2025
Shaltow anoon heer many oon lere.'
With this worde he, right anoon,
Hente me up bitwene his toon,
And at a windowe in me broghte,
That in this hous was, as me thoghte— (940) 2030
And ther-withal, me thoghte hit stente,
And no-thing hit aboute wente—
And me sette in the flore adoun.
But which a congregacioun
Of folk, as I saugh rome aboute 2035
Some within and some withoute,
Nas never seen, ne shal ben eft;
That, certes, in the world nis left
So many formed by Nature,
Ne deed so many a creature; (950) 2040
That wel unethe, in that place,
Hadde I oon foot-brede of space;
Page 159
And every wight that I saugh there
Rouned ech in otheres ere
A newe tyding prevely, 2045
Or elles tolde al openly
Right thus, and seyde: 'Nost not thou
That is betid, lo, late or now?'
'No,' quod [the other], 'tel me what;'—
And than he tolde him this and that, (960) 2050
And swoor ther-to that hit was sooth—
'Thus hath he seyd'—and 'Thus he dooth'—
'Thus shal hit be'—'Thus herde I seye'—
'That shal be found'—' That dar I leye:'—
That al the folk that is a-lyve 2055
Ne han the cunning to discryve
The thinges that I herde there,
What aloude, and what in ere.
But al the wonder-most was this:—
Whan oon had herd a thing, y-wis, (970) 2060
He com forth to another wight,
And gan him tellen, anoon-right,
The same that to him was told,
Or hit a furlong-way was old,
But gan somwhat for to eche 2065
To this tyding in this speche
More than hit ever was.
And nat so sone departed nas
That he fro him, that he ne mette
With the thridde; and, or he lette (980) 2070
Any stounde, he tolde him als;
Were the tyding sooth or fals,
Yit wolde he telle hit nathelees,
And evermo with more encrees
Than hit was erst. Thus north and southe 2075
Went every [word] fro mouth to mouthe,
And that encresing ever-mo,
As fyr is wont to quikke and go
From a sparke spronge amis,
Rouned ech in otheres ere
A newe tyding prevely, 2045
Or elles tolde al openly
Right thus, and seyde: 'Nost not thou
That is betid, lo, late or now?'
'No,' quod [the other], 'tel me what;'—
And than he tolde him this and that, (960) 2050
And swoor ther-to that hit was sooth—
'Thus hath he seyd'—and 'Thus he dooth'—
'Thus shal hit be'—'Thus herde I seye'—
'That shal be found'—' That dar I leye:'—
That al the folk that is a-lyve 2055
Ne han the cunning to discryve
The thinges that I herde there,
What aloude, and what in ere.
But al the wonder-most was this:—
Whan oon had herd a thing, y-wis, (970) 2060
He com forth to another wight,
And gan him tellen, anoon-right,
The same that to him was told,
Or hit a furlong-way was old,
But gan somwhat for to eche 2065
To this tyding in this speche
More than hit ever was.
And nat so sone departed nas
That he fro him, that he ne mette
With the thridde; and, or he lette (980) 2070
Any stounde, he tolde him als;
Were the tyding sooth or fals,
Yit wolde he telle hit nathelees,
And evermo with more encrees
Than hit was erst. Thus north and southe 2075
Went every [word] fro mouth to mouthe,
And that encresing ever-mo,
As fyr is wont to quikke and go
From a sparke spronge amis,
Page 160
Til al a citee brent up is. (990) 2080
And, whan that was ful y-spronge,
And woxen more on every tonge
Than ever hit was, [hit] wente anoon
Up to a windowe, out to goon;
Or, but hit mighte out ther pace, 2085
Hit gan out crepe at som crevace,
And fleigh forth faste for the nones.
And somtyme saugh I tho, at ones,
A lesing and a sad soth-sawe,
That gonne of aventure drawe (1000) 2090
Out at a windowe for to pace;
And, when they metten in that place,
They were a-chekked bothe two,
And neither of hem moste out go;
For other so they gonne croude, 2095
Til eche of hem gan cryen loude,
'Lat me go first!' 'Nay, but lat me!
And here I wol ensuren thee
With the nones that thou wolt do so,
That I shal never fro thee go, (1010) 2100
But be thyn owne sworen brother!
We wil medle us ech with other,
That no man, be he never so wrothe,
Shal han that oon [of] two, but bothe
At ones, al beside his leve, 2105
Come we a-morwe or on eve,
Be we cryed or stille y-rouned.'
Thus saugh I fals and sooth compouned
Togeder flee for oo tydinge.
Thus out at holes gonne wringe (1020) 2110
Every tyding streight to Fame;
And she gan yeven eche his name.
After hir disposicioun,
And yaf hem eek duracioun,
Some to wexe and wane sone, 2115
As dooth the faire whyte mone,
And, whan that was ful y-spronge,
And woxen more on every tonge
Than ever hit was, [hit] wente anoon
Up to a windowe, out to goon;
Or, but hit mighte out ther pace, 2085
Hit gan out crepe at som crevace,
And fleigh forth faste for the nones.
And somtyme saugh I tho, at ones,
A lesing and a sad soth-sawe,
That gonne of aventure drawe (1000) 2090
Out at a windowe for to pace;
And, when they metten in that place,
They were a-chekked bothe two,
And neither of hem moste out go;
For other so they gonne croude, 2095
Til eche of hem gan cryen loude,
'Lat me go first!' 'Nay, but lat me!
And here I wol ensuren thee
With the nones that thou wolt do so,
That I shal never fro thee go, (1010) 2100
But be thyn owne sworen brother!
We wil medle us ech with other,
That no man, be he never so wrothe,
Shal han that oon [of] two, but bothe
At ones, al beside his leve, 2105
Come we a-morwe or on eve,
Be we cryed or stille y-rouned.'
Thus saugh I fals and sooth compouned
Togeder flee for oo tydinge.
Thus out at holes gonne wringe (1020) 2110
Every tyding streight to Fame;
And she gan yeven eche his name.
After hir disposicioun,
And yaf hem eek duracioun,
Some to wexe and wane sone, 2115
As dooth the faire whyte mone,
Page 161
And leet hem gon. Ther mighte I seen
Wenged wondres faste fleen,
Twenty thousand in a route,
As Eolus hem blew aboute. (1030) 2120
And, lord! this hous, in alle tymes,
Was ful of shipmen and pilgrymes,
With scrippes bret-ful of lesinges,
Entremedled with tydinges,
And eek alone by hem-selve. 2125
O, many a thousand tymes twelve
Saugh I eek of these pardoneres,
Currours, and eek messangeres,
With boistes crammed ful of lyes
As ever vessel was with lyes. (1040) 2130
And as I alther-fastest wente
Aboute, and dide al myn entente
Me for to pleye and for to lere,
And eek a tyding for to here,
That I had herd of som contree 2135
That shal not now be told for me;—
For hit no nede is, redely;
Folk can singe hit bet than I;
For al mot out, other late or rathe,
Alle the sheves in the lathe;— (1050) 2140
I herde a gret noise withalle
In a corner of the halle,
Ther men of love tydings tolde,
And I gan thiderward beholde;
For I saugh renninge every wight, 2145
As faste as that they hadden might;
And everich cryed, 'What thing is that?'
And som seyde, 'I not never what.'
And whan they were alle on an hepe,
Tho behinde gonne up lepe, (1060) 2150
And clamben up on othere faste,
And up the nose on hye caste,
And troden faste on othere heles
Wenged wondres faste fleen,
Twenty thousand in a route,
As Eolus hem blew aboute. (1030) 2120
And, lord! this hous, in alle tymes,
Was ful of shipmen and pilgrymes,
With scrippes bret-ful of lesinges,
Entremedled with tydinges,
And eek alone by hem-selve. 2125
O, many a thousand tymes twelve
Saugh I eek of these pardoneres,
Currours, and eek messangeres,
With boistes crammed ful of lyes
As ever vessel was with lyes. (1040) 2130
And as I alther-fastest wente
Aboute, and dide al myn entente
Me for to pleye and for to lere,
And eek a tyding for to here,
That I had herd of som contree 2135
That shal not now be told for me;—
For hit no nede is, redely;
Folk can singe hit bet than I;
For al mot out, other late or rathe,
Alle the sheves in the lathe;— (1050) 2140
I herde a gret noise withalle
In a corner of the halle,
Ther men of love tydings tolde,
And I gan thiderward beholde;
For I saugh renninge every wight, 2145
As faste as that they hadden might;
And everich cryed, 'What thing is that?'
And som seyde, 'I not never what.'
And whan they were alle on an hepe,
Tho behinde gonne up lepe, (1060) 2150
And clamben up on othere faste,
And up the nose on hye caste,
And troden faste on othere heles
Page 162
And stampe, as men don after eles.
Atte laste I saugh a man, 2155
Which that I [nevene] naught ne can;
But he semed for to be
A man of greet auctoritee.... (1068) 2158
(Unfinished.)
1101. Cx. Th. thou; P. thow; F. nowe; B. now. 1102. Cx. P. now; Th. nowe;
F. yowe; B. yow. 1105. Cx. to; rest for to. 1106. F. B. men; rest me. 1107.
Cx. lawrer; Th. laurer. 1113. F. B. this; rest the. 1114. F. citee; P. cite (=
site); rest cyte (= syte). 1115. F. hys (for this). 1119. Cx. P. it; B. yt; F. Th.
om. 1127. Th. I nyste; Cx. I ne wyst; P. I nust; F. B. nyste I neuer. 1132. F.
B. fundament; rest foundement. 1135. bilt = bildeth; Th. B. bylte. 1136. F.
B. om. al; cf. l. 1151. 1145. Cx. Th. Were; rest Was. 1154. F. B. folkes; rest
folk. 1155. F. tymes; rest tyme. F. there; rest they. 1156. Cx. Th. P. there; F.
B. here. 1162. F. om. that. 1173. I supply be. 1177. Supply craft from l. 1178,
where it occurs, after cast, in Cx. Th. P. (Willert). 1178. F. To; the rest The.
1185. Cx. Th. P. ins. the before castel. 1189. F. Rabewyures or Rabewynres;
B. Rabewynnes; Cx. As babeuwryes; Th. As babeuries; P. Babeweuries.
1195. F. B. om. stoden. 1197. F. om. of. 1201. F. B. vpon; rest on. 1202. F.
B. sowneth; rest sowned. 1204. P. Cx. his; Th. B. this; F. the. 1206. F.
Eaycidis; P. Eaycides; Cx. Th. Gacides. 1208. B. bret; Th. Briton; Cx.
Bryton; P. Bretur; F. gret. 1210. F. Saten; B. Sate; Cx. Th. Sat; P. Sett; read
Seten. 1210, 1, 2, 4. F. hym (for hem); P. hym (in 1210 only); B. him (in
1211, 2, 4). 1211. Cx. Th. P. gape; F. iape; B. yape. 1220. F. Cx. Th. B. to
pipe; P. om. to. 1221. F. B. riede; rest rede. 1222. Cx. Th. P. brede; B.
Bryede; F. bride. 1227. F. Atiteris; B. Atyterys; Cx. Th. dan Cytherus; P. an
Citherus. F. B. transpose lines 1227 and 1228. 1228. F. Pseustis; B.
Pseustys; Cx. Th. proserus; P. presentus. 1233. F. B. fames; rest famous.
1234. F. B. of alle; Th. of al; P. Cx. of. F. om. the. 1236. Cx. Th. Reyes; P.
Reyþs; F. B. Reus. 1241. F. seight (!); for fight. 1245. F. B. trumpe Ioab.
1255. Cx. Th. P. as now not; F. B. not now. 1259. Th. pleyeng; rest pley;
read pleyen. 1262. F. wrecches (wrongly); for wicches. 1269. P. magyk; rest
magyke. 1270. F. B. syke; rest seke. 1271. All the. 1272. Cx. Th. P. Circes;
Atte laste I saugh a man, 2155
Which that I [nevene] naught ne can;
But he semed for to be
A man of greet auctoritee.... (1068) 2158
(Unfinished.)
1101. Cx. Th. thou; P. thow; F. nowe; B. now. 1102. Cx. P. now; Th. nowe;
F. yowe; B. yow. 1105. Cx. to; rest for to. 1106. F. B. men; rest me. 1107.
Cx. lawrer; Th. laurer. 1113. F. B. this; rest the. 1114. F. citee; P. cite (=
site); rest cyte (= syte). 1115. F. hys (for this). 1119. Cx. P. it; B. yt; F. Th.
om. 1127. Th. I nyste; Cx. I ne wyst; P. I nust; F. B. nyste I neuer. 1132. F.
B. fundament; rest foundement. 1135. bilt = bildeth; Th. B. bylte. 1136. F.
B. om. al; cf. l. 1151. 1145. Cx. Th. Were; rest Was. 1154. F. B. folkes; rest
folk. 1155. F. tymes; rest tyme. F. there; rest they. 1156. Cx. Th. P. there; F.
B. here. 1162. F. om. that. 1173. I supply be. 1177. Supply craft from l. 1178,
where it occurs, after cast, in Cx. Th. P. (Willert). 1178. F. To; the rest The.
1185. Cx. Th. P. ins. the before castel. 1189. F. Rabewyures or Rabewynres;
B. Rabewynnes; Cx. As babeuwryes; Th. As babeuries; P. Babeweuries.
1195. F. B. om. stoden. 1197. F. om. of. 1201. F. B. vpon; rest on. 1202. F.
B. sowneth; rest sowned. 1204. P. Cx. his; Th. B. this; F. the. 1206. F.
Eaycidis; P. Eaycides; Cx. Th. Gacides. 1208. B. bret; Th. Briton; Cx.
Bryton; P. Bretur; F. gret. 1210. F. Saten; B. Sate; Cx. Th. Sat; P. Sett; read
Seten. 1210, 1, 2, 4. F. hym (for hem); P. hym (in 1210 only); B. him (in
1211, 2, 4). 1211. Cx. Th. P. gape; F. iape; B. yape. 1220. F. Cx. Th. B. to
pipe; P. om. to. 1221. F. B. riede; rest rede. 1222. Cx. Th. P. brede; B.
Bryede; F. bride. 1227. F. Atiteris; B. Atyterys; Cx. Th. dan Cytherus; P. an
Citherus. F. B. transpose lines 1227 and 1228. 1228. F. Pseustis; B.
Pseustys; Cx. Th. proserus; P. presentus. 1233. F. B. fames; rest famous.
1234. F. B. of alle; Th. of al; P. Cx. of. F. om. the. 1236. Cx. Th. Reyes; P.
Reyþs; F. B. Reus. 1241. F. seight (!); for fight. 1245. F. B. trumpe Ioab.
1255. Cx. Th. P. as now not; F. B. not now. 1259. Th. pleyeng; rest pley;
read pleyen. 1262. F. wrecches (wrongly); for wicches. 1269. P. magyk; rest
magyke. 1270. F. B. syke; rest seke. 1271. All the. 1272. Cx. Th. P. Circes;
Page 163
F. Artes; B. Artys. 1273. So in all. 1274. Cx. Th. Lymote; F. Limete; B.
Lumete; P. Llymote. 1275, 6. From B.; F. om. both lines. P. hem; Cx. hym;
B. Th. om. 1278. Th. Sycamour; F. B. Sygamour; Cx. Sycomour; P.
Cicomour. 1283. F. B. y ther; rest that I. 1285. F. B. folkys. 1286. B. I-
holde; Cx. Th. P. holde; F. y-colde. 1287. Cx. P. eft; F. oft; B. all; Th. om. F.
B. P. I mused. 1293. F. B. to; rest forth. 1299. Cx. P. for; rest more. 1301. B.
this; rest these; see 1294. 1303. F. how they hat; B. how they hate; Cx. how
the hackyng; P. Th. how the hackynge. 1304. Cx. Th. P. As corbettis(-es)
and ymageries; B. As corbettz, full of ymageryes; F. As corbetz, followed by
a blank space. 1309. F. hald; rest hold (holde). 1315. Cx. Th. P. shoke; F.
shoon; B. shone. 1316. F. B. As (for And). 1317. P. Cx. lesynges; rest
losynges; read losenges. 1318. F. frenges; B. Th. frynges. 1321. F. B.
herauldes. 1326. F. crepen (!). 1327. P. wonderliche; the rest wonderly.
1328. Cx. P. Alle though; F. Th. B. As though. 1332. Cx. Th. P. cotes; F. B.
cote. 1335. F. B. om. as. 1349. F. B. litel; rest lyte. 1350. B. thicke; Th.
thyke; F. thik. 1351. P. Cx. Full; rest Fyne. 1353. P. As; Cx. Th. Or as; F. B.
Of. 1356. P. Cx. riche lusty; rest lusty and riche. 1361. F. Sit; B. Syt; Cx. P.
Sat; Th. Satte; read Sitte. 1369. F. B. om. that. 1371. F. B. omit semed be.
1372. So Cx. Th. P.; F. B. read—This was gret marvaylle to me. 1373. All
wonderly; cf. l. 1327. 1374. F. B. erthe. 1377. F. B. om. to. 1404. F. synge;
rest songe. 1406. F. B. or; rest and. 1411. Th. the armes; rest armes; read
tharmes (i.e. th' armes). 1415. All And thus. 1416. Cx. P. nobley; F. Th. B.
noble (= noblee). 1421. F. peler; B. pylere. 1425. I supply and hy. 1431. All
fyne. 1432. Cx. Hym that wrote thactes dyuyne; P. om.; F. B. Th. Saturnyne.
1435. Cx. P. bare vpon; F. Th. B. he bare on. 1436. F. B. om. up. 1437. F.
stonden; rest stoden. 1442. P. Cx. Th. as of other merveilles. 1443. P. Cx.
piler; F. B. pilere. 1444. All here. 1450. F. B. a ful; rest ful. 1456. F. B.
stonde; Cx. Th. stande; P. stond. 1460. F. B. Tholausan; Th. Tholason; P.
Tolofan; Cx. tholophan. 1477. So Cx. Th. P.; F. B. seyde Omere was. 1483.
I supply dan; see l. 1499. 1484. F. B. omit a. 1492. F. And; rest As; B. As I
hit myght se with myn ye; P. Cx. Th. As I myght see it wyth myn ye. 1494.
F. high the (= highthe); Cx. Th heyght; see l. 744. 1498. F. sturmely. 1507.
F. om. a. 1510. F. B. om. al. 1515. F. inserts al of the before olde; B. inserts
of the. 1527. All in-to (for in). 1530. F. alle skynnes; Cx. alle kyns. 1543.
Cx. Th. grace (for cause). 1546. F. B. om. this line. 1549. F. B. herke. 1551.
Cx. Th. P. yet; F. B. right. 1553. Cx. Th. P. sayd; F. quod; B. quoth. 1570. F.
B. Vpon the peyn to be blynde, omitting l. 1572; Cx. Th. om. the. Read Vp,
Lumete; P. Llymote. 1275, 6. From B.; F. om. both lines. P. hem; Cx. hym;
B. Th. om. 1278. Th. Sycamour; F. B. Sygamour; Cx. Sycomour; P.
Cicomour. 1283. F. B. y ther; rest that I. 1285. F. B. folkys. 1286. B. I-
holde; Cx. Th. P. holde; F. y-colde. 1287. Cx. P. eft; F. oft; B. all; Th. om. F.
B. P. I mused. 1293. F. B. to; rest forth. 1299. Cx. P. for; rest more. 1301. B.
this; rest these; see 1294. 1303. F. how they hat; B. how they hate; Cx. how
the hackyng; P. Th. how the hackynge. 1304. Cx. Th. P. As corbettis(-es)
and ymageries; B. As corbettz, full of ymageryes; F. As corbetz, followed by
a blank space. 1309. F. hald; rest hold (holde). 1315. Cx. Th. P. shoke; F.
shoon; B. shone. 1316. F. B. As (for And). 1317. P. Cx. lesynges; rest
losynges; read losenges. 1318. F. frenges; B. Th. frynges. 1321. F. B.
herauldes. 1326. F. crepen (!). 1327. P. wonderliche; the rest wonderly.
1328. Cx. P. Alle though; F. Th. B. As though. 1332. Cx. Th. P. cotes; F. B.
cote. 1335. F. B. om. as. 1349. F. B. litel; rest lyte. 1350. B. thicke; Th.
thyke; F. thik. 1351. P. Cx. Full; rest Fyne. 1353. P. As; Cx. Th. Or as; F. B.
Of. 1356. P. Cx. riche lusty; rest lusty and riche. 1361. F. Sit; B. Syt; Cx. P.
Sat; Th. Satte; read Sitte. 1369. F. B. om. that. 1371. F. B. omit semed be.
1372. So Cx. Th. P.; F. B. read—This was gret marvaylle to me. 1373. All
wonderly; cf. l. 1327. 1374. F. B. erthe. 1377. F. B. om. to. 1404. F. synge;
rest songe. 1406. F. B. or; rest and. 1411. Th. the armes; rest armes; read
tharmes (i.e. th' armes). 1415. All And thus. 1416. Cx. P. nobley; F. Th. B.
noble (= noblee). 1421. F. peler; B. pylere. 1425. I supply and hy. 1431. All
fyne. 1432. Cx. Hym that wrote thactes dyuyne; P. om.; F. B. Th. Saturnyne.
1435. Cx. P. bare vpon; F. Th. B. he bare on. 1436. F. B. om. up. 1437. F.
stonden; rest stoden. 1442. P. Cx. Th. as of other merveilles. 1443. P. Cx.
piler; F. B. pilere. 1444. All here. 1450. F. B. a ful; rest ful. 1456. F. B.
stonde; Cx. Th. stande; P. stond. 1460. F. B. Tholausan; Th. Tholason; P.
Tolofan; Cx. tholophan. 1477. So Cx. Th. P.; F. B. seyde Omere was. 1483.
I supply dan; see l. 1499. 1484. F. B. omit a. 1492. F. And; rest As; B. As I
hit myght se with myn ye; P. Cx. Th. As I myght see it wyth myn ye. 1494.
F. high the (= highthe); Cx. Th heyght; see l. 744. 1498. F. sturmely. 1507.
F. om. a. 1510. F. B. om. al. 1515. F. inserts al of the before olde; B. inserts
of the. 1527. All in-to (for in). 1530. F. alle skynnes; Cx. alle kyns. 1543.
Cx. Th. grace (for cause). 1546. F. B. om. this line. 1549. F. B. herke. 1551.
Cx. Th. P. yet; F. B. right. 1553. Cx. Th. P. sayd; F. quod; B. quoth. 1570. F.
B. Vpon the peyn to be blynde, omitting l. 1572; Cx. Th. om. the. Read Vp,
Page 164
the usual idiom. 1572. In Cx. Th. only. 1585. F. B. om. that. 1594. F. B.
clarioun; see l. 1597. 1599. F. B. And (for That). 1603. Cx. P. at; rest to.
1609. F. B. om. now. 1614. F. B. insert wel after be. 1618. F. B. wete; rest
wote; read wite. 1621. F. B. om. wel. 1623. Cx. Th. P. And thou dan; F. B.
Haue doon. 1637. P. blak; F. B. blake. 1647. Cx. Th. P. swartysh; F. B.
swart, swarte. 1657. B. thridde; F. thirdde. 1661. F. ben; rest han. 1666. All
werkes, pl.; see 1701. Th. That your good workes shal be wyst (perhaps
better). 1668. F. B. om. Right. 1675. F. B. om. Al. 1682. F. B. Cx. Th. hath;
P. have. 1686. All of bawme; omit of (Koch). 1701. werk] all werkes
(werkys); see 1666, 1720, 1. 1702. B. clew; F. clywe; Cx. Th. P. torned,
turned. 1707. Cx. P. To hyde; Th. To hyden; F. B. And hidden. 1709. P. Cx.
fame; rest no fame. P. Cx. Th. ne (om. for); F. B. for (om. ne). 1717. F. B.
Th. lyen (for lyuen); P. be; Cx. om. 1720. werk] all werkes (werkys); but
see hit in 1721. 1725. F. B. Th. Al so; rest And so; read So. 1726. So F. B.;
Cx. Th. That theyr fame was blowe a lofte. 1735. Cx. P. so good a; Th. as
good a; F. B. as good. 1742. Th. Cx. P. in her herte; F. in hem; B. in her.
1744. Th. on; rest upon. 1745. F. B. om. the. 1748, 1749. F. a; rest as. 1750.
P. Cx. To; rest The. 1765. F. B. now let se (I omit now); rest quod she. 1775.
I supply ye. 1779. P. wher; Cx. Th. where; F. B. or. 1781. F. B. neuer ye;
rest om. ye. 1782. F. B. om. to-. 1783. F. swynt; B. sweynte; Cx. Th. P.
slepy. 1786. Cx. P. on; the rest to. 1787. Cx. Th. P. on; F. B. to. 1792. F. B.
om. thee. 1793. F. B. om. they. 1801. P. blak; F. B. blake. 1804. I supply the.
1805. al is not in the MSS.; but P. has as (= al-so). 1813. All grete, gret;
read gretest (Willert). 1816. MSS. doon (don, do) hem. 1818. F. B. in a; P.
Cx. Th. in. 1821. B. liste; rest list, short for listeth. F. B. P. om. to; Cx. Th.
insert it. 1822. P. not; which F. B. Cx. Th. omit. 1824. F. choppen; B.
choppyn; Th. clappen; Cx. P. clappe. 1828. B. P. folk; rest folkes. 1834. P.
vice; Cx. Th. vyce; F. B. vices. 1836. F. B. suche be; Cx. Th. P. be suche.
1843. Here P. ends. 1853. F. Th. be noght for; Cx. B. be for; read be but for
(Koch). 1862. Cx. Th. they; F. B. this folke. 1880. F. selfe; read selven.
1883. Th. than; Cx. thenne; F. B. om. 1887. All thing, thinge; read thinges.
Cf. l. 1889. 1891. All come. 1897. All wote (for wiste); see l. 1901. 1898.
All had. 1902. All dwelled or dwellyth. 1903. F. And; rest Ne. 1906. B. the;
F. om.. B. hidyr; Th. hyder; Cx. hether; F. thidder. 1907. B. Whi then; rest
Why than; Koch suggests Which than; read Which-e. Ll. 1907-9 are
probably corrupt; see note. 1908. I supply thus. 1926. Th. it stil; rest stil
hyt. 1931. Th. B. that I; F. I haue; Cx. I had. 1938. F. B. Whiche; Cx. Th.
clarioun; see l. 1597. 1599. F. B. And (for That). 1603. Cx. P. at; rest to.
1609. F. B. om. now. 1614. F. B. insert wel after be. 1618. F. B. wete; rest
wote; read wite. 1621. F. B. om. wel. 1623. Cx. Th. P. And thou dan; F. B.
Haue doon. 1637. P. blak; F. B. blake. 1647. Cx. Th. P. swartysh; F. B.
swart, swarte. 1657. B. thridde; F. thirdde. 1661. F. ben; rest han. 1666. All
werkes, pl.; see 1701. Th. That your good workes shal be wyst (perhaps
better). 1668. F. B. om. Right. 1675. F. B. om. Al. 1682. F. B. Cx. Th. hath;
P. have. 1686. All of bawme; omit of (Koch). 1701. werk] all werkes
(werkys); see 1666, 1720, 1. 1702. B. clew; F. clywe; Cx. Th. P. torned,
turned. 1707. Cx. P. To hyde; Th. To hyden; F. B. And hidden. 1709. P. Cx.
fame; rest no fame. P. Cx. Th. ne (om. for); F. B. for (om. ne). 1717. F. B.
Th. lyen (for lyuen); P. be; Cx. om. 1720. werk] all werkes (werkys); but
see hit in 1721. 1725. F. B. Th. Al so; rest And so; read So. 1726. So F. B.;
Cx. Th. That theyr fame was blowe a lofte. 1735. Cx. P. so good a; Th. as
good a; F. B. as good. 1742. Th. Cx. P. in her herte; F. in hem; B. in her.
1744. Th. on; rest upon. 1745. F. B. om. the. 1748, 1749. F. a; rest as. 1750.
P. Cx. To; rest The. 1765. F. B. now let se (I omit now); rest quod she. 1775.
I supply ye. 1779. P. wher; Cx. Th. where; F. B. or. 1781. F. B. neuer ye;
rest om. ye. 1782. F. B. om. to-. 1783. F. swynt; B. sweynte; Cx. Th. P.
slepy. 1786. Cx. P. on; the rest to. 1787. Cx. Th. P. on; F. B. to. 1792. F. B.
om. thee. 1793. F. B. om. they. 1801. P. blak; F. B. blake. 1804. I supply the.
1805. al is not in the MSS.; but P. has as (= al-so). 1813. All grete, gret;
read gretest (Willert). 1816. MSS. doon (don, do) hem. 1818. F. B. in a; P.
Cx. Th. in. 1821. B. liste; rest list, short for listeth. F. B. P. om. to; Cx. Th.
insert it. 1822. P. not; which F. B. Cx. Th. omit. 1824. F. choppen; B.
choppyn; Th. clappen; Cx. P. clappe. 1828. B. P. folk; rest folkes. 1834. P.
vice; Cx. Th. vyce; F. B. vices. 1836. F. B. suche be; Cx. Th. P. be suche.
1843. Here P. ends. 1853. F. Th. be noght for; Cx. B. be for; read be but for
(Koch). 1862. Cx. Th. they; F. B. this folke. 1880. F. selfe; read selven.
1883. Th. than; Cx. thenne; F. B. om. 1887. All thing, thinge; read thinges.
Cf. l. 1889. 1891. All come. 1897. All wote (for wiste); see l. 1901. 1898.
All had. 1902. All dwelled or dwellyth. 1903. F. And; rest Ne. 1906. B. the;
F. om.. B. hidyr; Th. hyder; Cx. hether; F. thidder. 1907. B. Whi then; rest
Why than; Koch suggests Which than; read Which-e. Ll. 1907-9 are
probably corrupt; see note. 1908. I supply thus. 1926. Th. it stil; rest stil
hyt. 1931. Th. B. that I; F. I haue; Cx. I had. 1938. F. B. Whiche; Cx. Th.
Page 165
Suche. 1940. F. Cx. B. hattes; Th. hutches. Read hottes. 1941. F. twynges
(!); B. twigys. 1944. Corrupt. From Cx. Th.; B. omits the line; F. has only
As ful this lo. 1946. Cx. Th. as; F. of; B. as of. Th. on; F. B. in; Cx. of.
1948. Cx. roof; Th. rofe; F. B. roue. 1952. Cx. Th. open; F. opened; B. I-
opened. 1955. Cx. out (for in). 1957. F. silde; B. fylde; Cx. Th. fylled. 1961.
All werres (pl.); read werre. 1962. All restes (pl.). Cx. of labour; F. Th. B.
and of labour. 1967. All insert and eek before of; see l. 1968. 1975. All write
mis governement as one word. 1976. All and of; omit and. 1984. F. B. and
of; Cx. Th. om. of. 1997. Th. paraunter. 2009. I substitute swiche for these.
2010. Th. syghtes; rest syght. 2017. F. The frot; B. The foot; Cx. Th. The
swote. Read The fruit (Koch). 2018. Cx. Th. Languysshe; F. B. Laugh.
2020. Th. B. the (for thee); Cx. the an; F. than (perhaps = the an). 2021. All
insert in after yaf. 2026. F. B. insert anoon (anon) after here, which Cx. Th.
omit. For here anoon read anoon heer. 2028. F. B. omit this line. 2036. F. B.
omit this line; it is probably corrupt. Read Many a thousand in a route
(Koch). 2042. Cx. one; F. Th. B. a. 2044. F. Rovned in; B. Rownyd yn; Cx.
Th. Rowned euerych in. 2048. F. has only—That ys betydde; B. That is
betyd late or now; Cx. Th. That ys betyd lo ryght now. 2049. All he; read
the other (Willert). 2053. All insert And (twice) before thus; but compare
the next line. 2059. All wonder most (moste). 2061. F. B. forth ryght to; Cx.
forth vnto; Th. streyght to. 2063. Cx. to; rest om. 2066. F. Tho; rest To.
2069. F. B. That he; Cx. Th. Tho. F. thoo; B. tho; Cx. Th. that. 2076. F. B.
Went every mouthe; Cx. Th. Wente euery tydyng. 2081. Cx. Th. vp spronge.
2083. All and (for 2nd hit). 2087. F. flygh; B. fligh; Cx. Th. flewe. 2088. F.
om. I. 2090. Cx. Th. drawe; F. B. thrawe. 2091. Cx. Th. at; F. B. to. 2093. F.
B. a cheked; Cx. Th. a chekked. 2095-2158. Cx. omits. 2099. B. om. the.
2103. Th. he; F. B. they. 2104. F. han on two (sic); B. haue that oon (om. of
two); Th. haue one two. I supply that from B.; and also of. 2106. Th.
amorowe; F. B. morwe. 2112. All yeue. 2115. Th. wane; F. B. wynne (!).
2123. Th. scrippes; F. B. shrippes. 2129. F. boystes; Th. boxes; B. bowgys.
2150. Th. gonne; B. bigonne; F. begunne. 2151, 3. F. other; B. othir; read
othere (oth're), plural. 2152. F. noyse an highen (!); Th. noyse on hyghen
(!); B. nose and yen; read on hye (Koch). 2153. F. B. other; Th. others.
2154. F. B. stampen; Th. stampe. 2156. I supply nevene. 2158. Here F. B.
end; Cx. Th. add 12 spurious lines.
(!); B. twigys. 1944. Corrupt. From Cx. Th.; B. omits the line; F. has only
As ful this lo. 1946. Cx. Th. as; F. of; B. as of. Th. on; F. B. in; Cx. of.
1948. Cx. roof; Th. rofe; F. B. roue. 1952. Cx. Th. open; F. opened; B. I-
opened. 1955. Cx. out (for in). 1957. F. silde; B. fylde; Cx. Th. fylled. 1961.
All werres (pl.); read werre. 1962. All restes (pl.). Cx. of labour; F. Th. B.
and of labour. 1967. All insert and eek before of; see l. 1968. 1975. All write
mis governement as one word. 1976. All and of; omit and. 1984. F. B. and
of; Cx. Th. om. of. 1997. Th. paraunter. 2009. I substitute swiche for these.
2010. Th. syghtes; rest syght. 2017. F. The frot; B. The foot; Cx. Th. The
swote. Read The fruit (Koch). 2018. Cx. Th. Languysshe; F. B. Laugh.
2020. Th. B. the (for thee); Cx. the an; F. than (perhaps = the an). 2021. All
insert in after yaf. 2026. F. B. insert anoon (anon) after here, which Cx. Th.
omit. For here anoon read anoon heer. 2028. F. B. omit this line. 2036. F. B.
omit this line; it is probably corrupt. Read Many a thousand in a route
(Koch). 2042. Cx. one; F. Th. B. a. 2044. F. Rovned in; B. Rownyd yn; Cx.
Th. Rowned euerych in. 2048. F. has only—That ys betydde; B. That is
betyd late or now; Cx. Th. That ys betyd lo ryght now. 2049. All he; read
the other (Willert). 2053. All insert And (twice) before thus; but compare
the next line. 2059. All wonder most (moste). 2061. F. B. forth ryght to; Cx.
forth vnto; Th. streyght to. 2063. Cx. to; rest om. 2066. F. Tho; rest To.
2069. F. B. That he; Cx. Th. Tho. F. thoo; B. tho; Cx. Th. that. 2076. F. B.
Went every mouthe; Cx. Th. Wente euery tydyng. 2081. Cx. Th. vp spronge.
2083. All and (for 2nd hit). 2087. F. flygh; B. fligh; Cx. Th. flewe. 2088. F.
om. I. 2090. Cx. Th. drawe; F. B. thrawe. 2091. Cx. Th. at; F. B. to. 2093. F.
B. a cheked; Cx. Th. a chekked. 2095-2158. Cx. omits. 2099. B. om. the.
2103. Th. he; F. B. they. 2104. F. han on two (sic); B. haue that oon (om. of
two); Th. haue one two. I supply that from B.; and also of. 2106. Th.
amorowe; F. B. morwe. 2112. All yeue. 2115. Th. wane; F. B. wynne (!).
2123. Th. scrippes; F. B. shrippes. 2129. F. boystes; Th. boxes; B. bowgys.
2150. Th. gonne; B. bigonne; F. begunne. 2151, 3. F. other; B. othir; read
othere (oth're), plural. 2152. F. noyse an highen (!); Th. noyse on hyghen
(!); B. nose and yen; read on hye (Koch). 2153. F. B. other; Th. others.
2154. F. B. stampen; Th. stampe. 2156. I supply nevene. 2158. Here F. B.
end; Cx. Th. add 12 spurious lines.
Page 166
THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN.
The Prologue to this Poem exists in two different versions, which differ
widely from each other in many passages. The arrangement of the material
is also different.
For the sake of clearness, the earlier version is here called 'Text A,' and the
later version 'Text B.'
'Text A' exists in one MS. only, but this MS. is of early date and much
importance. It is the MS. marked Gg. 4. 27 in the Cambridge University
Library, and is here denoted by the letter 'C.' It is the same MS. as that
denoted by the abbreviation 'Cm.' in the footnotes to the Canterbury Tales
and Troilus and Criseyde. This text is printed in the upper part of the
following pages. The footnotes give the MS. spellings, where these are
amended in the text.
'Text B' occupies the lower part of the following pages. It follows the
Fairfax MS. mainly, which is denoted by 'F.' In many places, the inferior
spellings of this MS. are relegated to the footnotes, amended spellings being
given in the text. Various readings are given from Tn. (Tanner MS. 346); T.
(Trinity MS., R. 3. 19); A. (Arch. Seld. B. 24 in the Bodleian Library); Th.
(Thynne's Edition, 1532); B. (Bodley MS. 638); P. (Pepys MS. 2006); and
sometimes from C. (already mentioned) or Add. (Addit. 9832).
Lines which occur in one text only are marked (in either text) by a prefixed
asterisk. Lines marked with a dagger (†) stand just the same in both texts.
The blank space after A 60 (p. 70) shews that there is nothing in Text A
corresponding to B 69-72. Where the corresponding matter is transposed to
another place, one or other text has a portion printed in smaller type.
The prologe of .ix. goode Wimmen.
A thousand sythes have I herd men telle,
The Prologue to this Poem exists in two different versions, which differ
widely from each other in many passages. The arrangement of the material
is also different.
For the sake of clearness, the earlier version is here called 'Text A,' and the
later version 'Text B.'
'Text A' exists in one MS. only, but this MS. is of early date and much
importance. It is the MS. marked Gg. 4. 27 in the Cambridge University
Library, and is here denoted by the letter 'C.' It is the same MS. as that
denoted by the abbreviation 'Cm.' in the footnotes to the Canterbury Tales
and Troilus and Criseyde. This text is printed in the upper part of the
following pages. The footnotes give the MS. spellings, where these are
amended in the text.
'Text B' occupies the lower part of the following pages. It follows the
Fairfax MS. mainly, which is denoted by 'F.' In many places, the inferior
spellings of this MS. are relegated to the footnotes, amended spellings being
given in the text. Various readings are given from Tn. (Tanner MS. 346); T.
(Trinity MS., R. 3. 19); A. (Arch. Seld. B. 24 in the Bodleian Library); Th.
(Thynne's Edition, 1532); B. (Bodley MS. 638); P. (Pepys MS. 2006); and
sometimes from C. (already mentioned) or Add. (Addit. 9832).
Lines which occur in one text only are marked (in either text) by a prefixed
asterisk. Lines marked with a dagger (†) stand just the same in both texts.
The blank space after A 60 (p. 70) shews that there is nothing in Text A
corresponding to B 69-72. Where the corresponding matter is transposed to
another place, one or other text has a portion printed in smaller type.
The prologe of .ix. goode Wimmen.
A thousand sythes have I herd men telle,
Page 167
†That ther is Ioye in heven, and peyne in helle;
And I acorde wel that hit be so;
But natheles, this wot I wel also,
That ther nis noon that dwelleth in this contree, 5
That either hath in helle or heven y-be,
†Ne may of hit non other weyes witen,
†But as he hath herd seyd, or founde hit writen;
†For by assay ther may no man hit preve.
But goddes forbode, but men shulde leve 10
†Wel more thing then men han seen with yë!
†Men shal nat wenen every-thing a lyë
For that he seigh it nat of yore ago.
God wot, a thing is never the lesse so
†Thogh every wight ne may hit nat y-see. 15
†Bernard the monk ne saugh nat al, parde!
†Than mote we to bokes that we finde,
†Through which that olde thinges been in minde,
†And to the doctrine of these olde wyse,
†Yeven credence, in every skilful wyse, 20
And trowen on these olde aproved stories
†Of holinesse, of regnes, of victories,
†Of love, of hate, of other sundry thinges,
†Of whiche I may not maken rehersinges.
†And if that olde bokes were a-weye, 25
†Y-loren were of remembraunce the keye.
Wel oghte us than on olde bokes leve,
Ther-as ther is non other assay by preve.
And, as for me, though that my wit be lyte,
†On bokes for to rede I me delyte, 30
†And in myn herte have hem in reverence;
And to hem yeve swich lust and swich credence,
That ther is wel unethe game noon
That from my bokes make me to goon,
But hit be other up-on the haly-day, 35
Or elles in the Ioly tyme of May;
Whan that I here the smale foules singe,
†And that the floures ginne for to springe,
And I acorde wel that hit be so;
But natheles, this wot I wel also,
That ther nis noon that dwelleth in this contree, 5
That either hath in helle or heven y-be,
†Ne may of hit non other weyes witen,
†But as he hath herd seyd, or founde hit writen;
†For by assay ther may no man hit preve.
But goddes forbode, but men shulde leve 10
†Wel more thing then men han seen with yë!
†Men shal nat wenen every-thing a lyë
For that he seigh it nat of yore ago.
God wot, a thing is never the lesse so
†Thogh every wight ne may hit nat y-see. 15
†Bernard the monk ne saugh nat al, parde!
†Than mote we to bokes that we finde,
†Through which that olde thinges been in minde,
†And to the doctrine of these olde wyse,
†Yeven credence, in every skilful wyse, 20
And trowen on these olde aproved stories
†Of holinesse, of regnes, of victories,
†Of love, of hate, of other sundry thinges,
†Of whiche I may not maken rehersinges.
†And if that olde bokes were a-weye, 25
†Y-loren were of remembraunce the keye.
Wel oghte us than on olde bokes leve,
Ther-as ther is non other assay by preve.
And, as for me, though that my wit be lyte,
†On bokes for to rede I me delyte, 30
†And in myn herte have hem in reverence;
And to hem yeve swich lust and swich credence,
That ther is wel unethe game noon
That from my bokes make me to goon,
But hit be other up-on the haly-day, 35
Or elles in the Ioly tyme of May;
Whan that I here the smale foules singe,
†And that the floures ginne for to springe,
Page 168
Farwel my studie, as lasting that sesoun!
Now have I therto this condicioun 40
†That, of alle the floures in the mede,
†Than love I most these floures whyte and rede,
†Swiche as men callen daysies in our toun.
†To hem have I so greet affeccioun,
†As I seyde erst, whan comen is the May, 45
†That in my bed ther daweth me no day
†That I nam up, and walking in the mede
To seen these floures agein the sonne sprede,
Whan hit up-riseth by the morwe shene,
*The longe day, thus walking in the grene. 50
From A. 55-58.
This dayesye, of alle floures flour, (B. 53)
Fulfild of vertu and of alle honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair and fresh of hewe,
As wel in winter as in somer newe—
And whan the sonne ginneth for to weste, (B. 61)
Than closeth hit, and draweth hit to reste.
So sore hit is afered of the night,
*Til on the morwe, that hit is dayes light.
This dayesye, of alle floures flour, 55
Fulfild of vertu and of alle honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair and fresh of hewe,
As wel in winter as in somer newe,
Fain wolde I preisen, if I coude aright; (B. 67)
*But wo is me, hit lyth nat in my might! 60
For wel I wot, that folk han her-beforn (B. 73)
†Of making ropen, and lad a-wey the corn;
†And I come after, glening here and there,
†And am ful glad if I may finde an ere
Of any goodly word that they han left. 65
And, if hit happe me rehersen eft
That they han in her fresshe songes sayd,
I hope that they wil nat ben evel apayd,
Now have I therto this condicioun 40
†That, of alle the floures in the mede,
†Than love I most these floures whyte and rede,
†Swiche as men callen daysies in our toun.
†To hem have I so greet affeccioun,
†As I seyde erst, whan comen is the May, 45
†That in my bed ther daweth me no day
†That I nam up, and walking in the mede
To seen these floures agein the sonne sprede,
Whan hit up-riseth by the morwe shene,
*The longe day, thus walking in the grene. 50
From A. 55-58.
This dayesye, of alle floures flour, (B. 53)
Fulfild of vertu and of alle honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair and fresh of hewe,
As wel in winter as in somer newe—
And whan the sonne ginneth for to weste, (B. 61)
Than closeth hit, and draweth hit to reste.
So sore hit is afered of the night,
*Til on the morwe, that hit is dayes light.
This dayesye, of alle floures flour, 55
Fulfild of vertu and of alle honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair and fresh of hewe,
As wel in winter as in somer newe,
Fain wolde I preisen, if I coude aright; (B. 67)
*But wo is me, hit lyth nat in my might! 60
For wel I wot, that folk han her-beforn (B. 73)
†Of making ropen, and lad a-wey the corn;
†And I come after, glening here and there,
†And am ful glad if I may finde an ere
Of any goodly word that they han left. 65
And, if hit happe me rehersen eft
That they han in her fresshe songes sayd,
I hope that they wil nat ben evel apayd,
Page 169
Sith hit is seid in forthering and honour
Of hem that either serven leef or flour. 70
For trusteth wel, I ne have nat undertake
As of the leef, ageyn the flour, to make;
Ne of the flour to make, ageyn the leef,
†No more than of the corn ageyn the sheef.
For, as to me, is leefer noon ne lother; 75
I am with-holde yit with never nother.
I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
That nis nothing the entent of my labour.
For this werk is al of another tunne,
Of olde story, er swich stryf was begunne. 80
†But wherfor that I spak, to yeve credence (B. 97)
To bokes olde and doon hem reverence,
Is for men shulde autoritees beleve,
Ther as ther lyth non other assay by preve.
*For myn entent is, or I fro yow fare, 85
*The naked text in English to declare
*Of many a story, or elles of many a geste,
*As autours seyn; leveth hem if yow leste!
Whan passed was almost the month of May, (B. 108)
And I had romed, al the someres day, 90
*The grene medew, of which that I yow tolde,
Upon the fresshe daysy to beholde,
And that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And closed was the flour and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, of which she dredde, 95
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde;
†And, in a litel erber that I have,
Y-benched newe with turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men shulde me my couche make;
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake, 100
†I bad hem strowe floures on my bed.
†Whan I was layd, and had myn eyen hed,
I fel a-slepe with-in an houre or two.
Me mette how I was in the medew tho,
Of hem that either serven leef or flour. 70
For trusteth wel, I ne have nat undertake
As of the leef, ageyn the flour, to make;
Ne of the flour to make, ageyn the leef,
†No more than of the corn ageyn the sheef.
For, as to me, is leefer noon ne lother; 75
I am with-holde yit with never nother.
I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
That nis nothing the entent of my labour.
For this werk is al of another tunne,
Of olde story, er swich stryf was begunne. 80
†But wherfor that I spak, to yeve credence (B. 97)
To bokes olde and doon hem reverence,
Is for men shulde autoritees beleve,
Ther as ther lyth non other assay by preve.
*For myn entent is, or I fro yow fare, 85
*The naked text in English to declare
*Of many a story, or elles of many a geste,
*As autours seyn; leveth hem if yow leste!
Whan passed was almost the month of May, (B. 108)
And I had romed, al the someres day, 90
*The grene medew, of which that I yow tolde,
Upon the fresshe daysy to beholde,
And that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And closed was the flour and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, of which she dredde, 95
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde;
†And, in a litel erber that I have,
Y-benched newe with turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men shulde me my couche make;
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake, 100
†I bad hem strowe floures on my bed.
†Whan I was layd, and had myn eyen hed,
I fel a-slepe with-in an houre or two.
Me mette how I was in the medew tho,
Page 170
*And that I romed in that same gyse, 105
To seen that flour, as ye han herd devyse.
*Fair was this medew, as thoughte me overal;
With floures swote enbrowded was it al;
As for to speke of gomme, or erbe, or tree,
†Comparisoun may noon y-maked be. 110
For hit surmounted pleynly alle odoures,
†And eek of riche beaute alle floures.
†Forgeten had the erthe his pore estat
†Of winter, that him naked made and mat,
And with his swerd of cold so sore had greved. 115
Now had the atempre sonne al that releved,
And clothed him in grene al newe agayn.
†The smale foules, of the seson fayn,
†That from the panter and the net ben scaped,
†Upon the fouler, that hem made a-whaped 120
†In winter, and distroyed had hir brood,
†In his despyt, hem thoughte hit did hem good
†To singe of him, and in hir song despyse
†The foule cherl that, for his covetyse,
†Had hem betrayed with his sophistrye. 125
†This was hir song—'the fouler we defye!'
Somme songen [layes] on the braunches clere (B. 139)
Of love and [May], that Ioye hit was to here,
In worship and in preysing of hir make,
And of the newe blisful someres sake, 130
That songen, 'blissed be seynt Valentyn! (B. 145)
[For] at his day I chees yow to be myn,
†With-oute repenting, myn herte swete!'
†And therwith-al hir bekes gonnen mete.
[They dide honour and] humble obeisaunces, 135
And after diden other observaunces
Right [plesing] un-to love and to nature;
*So ech of hem [doth wel] to creature.
*This song to herkne I dide al myn entente,
*For-why I mette I wiste what they mente. 140
To seen that flour, as ye han herd devyse.
*Fair was this medew, as thoughte me overal;
With floures swote enbrowded was it al;
As for to speke of gomme, or erbe, or tree,
†Comparisoun may noon y-maked be. 110
For hit surmounted pleynly alle odoures,
†And eek of riche beaute alle floures.
†Forgeten had the erthe his pore estat
†Of winter, that him naked made and mat,
And with his swerd of cold so sore had greved. 115
Now had the atempre sonne al that releved,
And clothed him in grene al newe agayn.
†The smale foules, of the seson fayn,
†That from the panter and the net ben scaped,
†Upon the fouler, that hem made a-whaped 120
†In winter, and distroyed had hir brood,
†In his despyt, hem thoughte hit did hem good
†To singe of him, and in hir song despyse
†The foule cherl that, for his covetyse,
†Had hem betrayed with his sophistrye. 125
†This was hir song—'the fouler we defye!'
Somme songen [layes] on the braunches clere (B. 139)
Of love and [May], that Ioye hit was to here,
In worship and in preysing of hir make,
And of the newe blisful someres sake, 130
That songen, 'blissed be seynt Valentyn! (B. 145)
[For] at his day I chees yow to be myn,
†With-oute repenting, myn herte swete!'
†And therwith-al hir bekes gonnen mete.
[They dide honour and] humble obeisaunces, 135
And after diden other observaunces
Right [plesing] un-to love and to nature;
*So ech of hem [doth wel] to creature.
*This song to herkne I dide al myn entente,
*For-why I mette I wiste what they mente. 140
Page 171
From A. 90.
And I had romed, al the someres day, (B. 180)
From A. 92.
Up-on the fresshe daysy to beholde. (B. 182)
From A. 71-80.
For trusteth wel, I ne have nat undertake (B. 188)
As of the leef, ageyn the flour, to make;
Ne of the flour to make, ageyn the leef,
†No more than of the corn ageyn the sheef.
For, as to me, is leefer noon ne lother; 75
I am with-holde yit with never nother.
I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
That nis nothing the entent of my labour.
For this werk is al of another tunne,
Of olde story, er swich stryf was begunne. 80
From A. 93-96.
And that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And closed was the flour and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, of which she dredde,
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde
From A. 106.
To seen that flour, as ye han herd devyse.
From A. 97-104.
†And, in a litel erber that I have,
Y-benched newe with turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men shulde me my couche make;
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake, 100
†I bad hem strowe floures on my bed.
†Whan I was layd, and had myn eyen hed,
I fel a-slepe within an houre or two.
Me mette how I was in the medew tho,
*Til at the laste a larke song above: 141
And I had romed, al the someres day, (B. 180)
From A. 92.
Up-on the fresshe daysy to beholde. (B. 182)
From A. 71-80.
For trusteth wel, I ne have nat undertake (B. 188)
As of the leef, ageyn the flour, to make;
Ne of the flour to make, ageyn the leef,
†No more than of the corn ageyn the sheef.
For, as to me, is leefer noon ne lother; 75
I am with-holde yit with never nother.
I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
That nis nothing the entent of my labour.
For this werk is al of another tunne,
Of olde story, er swich stryf was begunne. 80
From A. 93-96.
And that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And closed was the flour and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, of which she dredde,
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde
From A. 106.
To seen that flour, as ye han herd devyse.
From A. 97-104.
†And, in a litel erber that I have,
Y-benched newe with turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men shulde me my couche make;
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake, 100
†I bad hem strowe floures on my bed.
†Whan I was layd, and had myn eyen hed,
I fel a-slepe within an houre or two.
Me mette how I was in the medew tho,
*Til at the laste a larke song above: 141
Page 172
*'I see,' quod she, 'the mighty god of love!
*Lo! yond he cometh, I see his winges sprede!'
From A. 106.
To seen that flour, as ye han herd devyse,
Tho gan I loken endelong the mede, (B. 212)
And saw him come, and in his hond a quene, 145
Clothed in ryal abite al of grene.
†A fret of gold she hadde next hir heer,
†And up-on that a whyt coroun she beer
With many floures, and I shal nat lye;
For al the world, right as the dayesye 150
†I-coroned is with whyte leves lyte,
Swich were the floures of hir coroun whyte.
For of o perle fyn and oriental
†Hir whyte coroun was y-maked al;
†For which the whyte coroun, above the grene, 155
†Made hir lyk a daysie for to sene,
Considered eek the fret of gold above.
†Y-clothed was this mighty god of love
Of silk, y-brouded ful of grene greves;
A garlond on his heed of rose-leves 160
*Steked al with lilie floures newe;
*But of his face I can nat seyn the hewe.
For sekirly his face shoon so brighte,
*That with the gleem a-stoned was the sighte;
A furlong-wey I mighte him nat beholde. 165
But at the laste in hande I saw him holde
†Two fyry dartes, as the gledes rede;
And aungellich his wenges gan he sprede.
†And al be that men seyn that blind is he,
Al-gate me thoughte he mighte wel y-see; 170
†For sternely on me he gan biholde,
†So that his loking doth myn herte colde.
†And by the hande he held the noble quene,
†Corouned with whyte, and clothed al in grene,
*Lo! yond he cometh, I see his winges sprede!'
From A. 106.
To seen that flour, as ye han herd devyse,
Tho gan I loken endelong the mede, (B. 212)
And saw him come, and in his hond a quene, 145
Clothed in ryal abite al of grene.
†A fret of gold she hadde next hir heer,
†And up-on that a whyt coroun she beer
With many floures, and I shal nat lye;
For al the world, right as the dayesye 150
†I-coroned is with whyte leves lyte,
Swich were the floures of hir coroun whyte.
For of o perle fyn and oriental
†Hir whyte coroun was y-maked al;
†For which the whyte coroun, above the grene, 155
†Made hir lyk a daysie for to sene,
Considered eek the fret of gold above.
†Y-clothed was this mighty god of love
Of silk, y-brouded ful of grene greves;
A garlond on his heed of rose-leves 160
*Steked al with lilie floures newe;
*But of his face I can nat seyn the hewe.
For sekirly his face shoon so brighte,
*That with the gleem a-stoned was the sighte;
A furlong-wey I mighte him nat beholde. 165
But at the laste in hande I saw him holde
†Two fyry dartes, as the gledes rede;
And aungellich his wenges gan he sprede.
†And al be that men seyn that blind is he,
Al-gate me thoughte he mighte wel y-see; 170
†For sternely on me he gan biholde,
†So that his loking doth myn herte colde.
†And by the hande he held the noble quene,
†Corouned with whyte, and clothed al in grene,
Page 173
†So womanly, so benigne, and so meke, 175
†That in this world, thogh that men wolde seke,
†Half hir beautee shulde men nat finde
†In creature that formed is by kinde,
Hir name was Alceste the debonayre;
I prey to god that ever falle she fayre! 180
†For ne hadde confort been of hir presence,
†I had be deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere,
†As, whan tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Byhind this god of love, up-on this grene, 185
†I saw cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In ryal abite, a ful esy pas,
†And after hem com of wemen swich a tras
That, sin that god Adam made of erthe,
The thredde part of wemen, ne the ferthe, 190
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee
Hadden ever in this world y-be; (B. 289)
†And trewe of love thise wemen were echoon.
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anoon as that they gonne espye 195
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle at-ones,
And kneled adoun, as it were for the nones.
*And after that they wenten in compas,
*Daunsinge aboute this flour an esy pas, 200
*And songen, as it were in carole-wyse,
*This balade, which that I shal yow devyse.
Balade.
†Hyd, Absolon, thy gilte tresses clere;
†Ester, ley them thy meknesse al a-doun;
†Hyd, Ionathas, al thy frendly manere; 205
†Penalopee, and Marcia Catoun,
†Mak of your wyfhod no comparisoun;
†Hyde ye your beautes, Isoude and Eleyne,
†That in this world, thogh that men wolde seke,
†Half hir beautee shulde men nat finde
†In creature that formed is by kinde,
Hir name was Alceste the debonayre;
I prey to god that ever falle she fayre! 180
†For ne hadde confort been of hir presence,
†I had be deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere,
†As, whan tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Byhind this god of love, up-on this grene, 185
†I saw cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In ryal abite, a ful esy pas,
†And after hem com of wemen swich a tras
That, sin that god Adam made of erthe,
The thredde part of wemen, ne the ferthe, 190
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee
Hadden ever in this world y-be; (B. 289)
†And trewe of love thise wemen were echoon.
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anoon as that they gonne espye 195
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle at-ones,
And kneled adoun, as it were for the nones.
*And after that they wenten in compas,
*Daunsinge aboute this flour an esy pas, 200
*And songen, as it were in carole-wyse,
*This balade, which that I shal yow devyse.
Balade.
†Hyd, Absolon, thy gilte tresses clere;
†Ester, ley them thy meknesse al a-doun;
†Hyd, Ionathas, al thy frendly manere; 205
†Penalopee, and Marcia Catoun,
†Mak of your wyfhod no comparisoun;
†Hyde ye your beautes, Isoude and Eleyne,
Page 174
Alceste is here, that al that may desteyne.
†Thy faire body, lat hit nat appere, 210
†Lavyne; and thou, Lucresse of Rome toun,
†And Polixene, that boghte love so dere,
Eek Cleopatre, with al thy passioun,
Hyde ye your trouthe in love and your renoun;
And thou, Tisbe, that hast for love swich peyne: 215
Alceste is here, that al that may desteyne.
Herro, Dido, Laudomia, alle in-fere,
Eek Phyllis, hanging for thy Demophoun,
†And Canace, espyed by thy chere,
Ysiphile, betrayed with Jasoun, 220
Mak of your trouthe in love no bost ne soun;
Nor Ypermistre or Adriane, ne pleyne;
Alceste is here, that al that may desteyne.
Whan that this balade al y-songen was, (B. 270)
From A. 179-198.
Hir name was Alceste the debonayre;
I prey to god that ever falle she fayre! 180
†For ne hadde confort been of hir presence,
†I had be deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere,
†As, whan tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Byhind this god of love, up-on this grene, 185
†I saw cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In ryal abite, a ful esy pas,
†And after hem com of wemen swich a tras,
That, sin that god Adam made of erthe,
The thredde part of wemen, ne the ferthe, 190
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee
Hadden ever in this world y-be.
†And trewe of love these wemen were echoon.
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anon as that they gonne espye 195
†Thy faire body, lat hit nat appere, 210
†Lavyne; and thou, Lucresse of Rome toun,
†And Polixene, that boghte love so dere,
Eek Cleopatre, with al thy passioun,
Hyde ye your trouthe in love and your renoun;
And thou, Tisbe, that hast for love swich peyne: 215
Alceste is here, that al that may desteyne.
Herro, Dido, Laudomia, alle in-fere,
Eek Phyllis, hanging for thy Demophoun,
†And Canace, espyed by thy chere,
Ysiphile, betrayed with Jasoun, 220
Mak of your trouthe in love no bost ne soun;
Nor Ypermistre or Adriane, ne pleyne;
Alceste is here, that al that may desteyne.
Whan that this balade al y-songen was, (B. 270)
From A. 179-198.
Hir name was Alceste the debonayre;
I prey to god that ever falle she fayre! 180
†For ne hadde confort been of hir presence,
†I had be deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere,
†As, whan tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Byhind this god of love, up-on this grene, 185
†I saw cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In ryal abite, a ful esy pas,
†And after hem com of wemen swich a tras,
That, sin that god Adam made of erthe,
The thredde part of wemen, ne the ferthe, 190
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee
Hadden ever in this world y-be.
†And trewe of love these wemen were echoon.
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anon as that they gonne espye 195
Page 175
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle atones,
And kneled adoun, as it were for the nones.
*Upon the softe and swote grene gras 225
†They setten hem ful softely adoun, (B. 301)
By ordre alle in compas, alle enveroun.
First sat the god of love, and than this quene
†With the whyte coroun, clad in grene;
†And sithen al the remenant by and by, 230
As they were of degree, ful curteisly;
†Ne nat a word was spoken in the place
†The mountance of a furlong-wey of space.
I, lening faste by under a bente,
†Abood, to knowen what this peple mente, 235
†As stille as any stoon; til at the laste,
The god of love on me his eye caste,
And seyde, 'who resteth ther?' and I answerde
Un-to his axing, whan that I him herde,
†And seyde, 'sir, hit am I'; and cam him neer, 240
†And salued him. Quod he, 'what dostow heer
In my presence, and that so boldely?
†For it were better worthy, trewely,
A werm to comen in my sight than thou.'
†'And why, sir,' quod I, 'and hit lyke yow?' 245
†'For thou,' quod he, 'art ther-to nothing able.
*My servaunts been alle wyse and honourable.
Thou art my mortal fo, and me warreyest, (B. 322)
†And of myne olde servaunts thou misseyest,
†And hinderest hem with thy translacioun, 250
And lettest folk to han devocioun
†To serven me, and haldest hit folye
To troste on me. Thou mayst hit nat denye;
For in pleyn text, hit nedeth nat to glose,
†Thou hast translated the Romauns of the Rose, 255
†That is an heresye ageyns my lawe,
†And makest wyse folk fro me withdrawe.
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle atones,
And kneled adoun, as it were for the nones.
*Upon the softe and swote grene gras 225
†They setten hem ful softely adoun, (B. 301)
By ordre alle in compas, alle enveroun.
First sat the god of love, and than this quene
†With the whyte coroun, clad in grene;
†And sithen al the remenant by and by, 230
As they were of degree, ful curteisly;
†Ne nat a word was spoken in the place
†The mountance of a furlong-wey of space.
I, lening faste by under a bente,
†Abood, to knowen what this peple mente, 235
†As stille as any stoon; til at the laste,
The god of love on me his eye caste,
And seyde, 'who resteth ther?' and I answerde
Un-to his axing, whan that I him herde,
†And seyde, 'sir, hit am I'; and cam him neer, 240
†And salued him. Quod he, 'what dostow heer
In my presence, and that so boldely?
†For it were better worthy, trewely,
A werm to comen in my sight than thou.'
†'And why, sir,' quod I, 'and hit lyke yow?' 245
†'For thou,' quod he, 'art ther-to nothing able.
*My servaunts been alle wyse and honourable.
Thou art my mortal fo, and me warreyest, (B. 322)
†And of myne olde servaunts thou misseyest,
†And hinderest hem with thy translacioun, 250
And lettest folk to han devocioun
†To serven me, and haldest hit folye
To troste on me. Thou mayst hit nat denye;
For in pleyn text, hit nedeth nat to glose,
†Thou hast translated the Romauns of the Rose, 255
†That is an heresye ageyns my lawe,
†And makest wyse folk fro me withdrawe.
Page 176
*And thinkest in thy wit, that is ful cool.
*That he nis but a verray propre fool
*That loveth paramours, to harde and hote. 260
*Wel wot I ther-by thou beginnest dote
*As olde foles, whan hir spirit fayleth;
*Than blame they folk, and wite nat what hem ayleth.
*Hast thou nat mad in English eek the book
How that Crisseyde Troilus forsook, (B. 332) 265
In shewinge how that wemen han don mis?
*But natheles, answere me now to this,
*Why noldest thou as wel han seyd goodnesse
*Of wemen, as thou hast seyd wikkednesse?
*Was ther no good matere in thy minde, 270
*Ne in alle thy bokes coudest thou nat finde
*Sum story of wemen that were goode and trewe?
*Yis! god wot, sixty bokes olde and newe
*Hast thou thy-self, alle fulle of stories grete,
*That bothe Romains and eek Grekes trete 275
*Of sundry wemen, which lyf that they ladde,
*And ever an hundred gode ageyn oon badde.
*This knoweth god, and alle clerkes eke,
*That usen swiche materes for to seke.
*What seith Valerie, Titus, or Claudian? 280
*What seith Ierome ageyns Iovinian?
*How clene maydens, and how trewe wyves,
*How stedfast widwes during al hir lyves,
*Telleth Jerome; and that nat of a fewe,
*But, I dar seyn, an hundred on a rewe; 285
*That hit is pitee for to rede, and routhe,
*The wo that they enduren for hir trouthe.
For to hir love were they so trewe, (B. 334)
*That, rather than they wolde take a newe,
*They chosen to be dede in sundry wyse, 290
*And deyden, as the story wol devyse;
*And some were brend, and some were cut the hals,
*And some dreynt, for they wolden nat be fals.
*For alle keped they hir maydenhed,
*That he nis but a verray propre fool
*That loveth paramours, to harde and hote. 260
*Wel wot I ther-by thou beginnest dote
*As olde foles, whan hir spirit fayleth;
*Than blame they folk, and wite nat what hem ayleth.
*Hast thou nat mad in English eek the book
How that Crisseyde Troilus forsook, (B. 332) 265
In shewinge how that wemen han don mis?
*But natheles, answere me now to this,
*Why noldest thou as wel han seyd goodnesse
*Of wemen, as thou hast seyd wikkednesse?
*Was ther no good matere in thy minde, 270
*Ne in alle thy bokes coudest thou nat finde
*Sum story of wemen that were goode and trewe?
*Yis! god wot, sixty bokes olde and newe
*Hast thou thy-self, alle fulle of stories grete,
*That bothe Romains and eek Grekes trete 275
*Of sundry wemen, which lyf that they ladde,
*And ever an hundred gode ageyn oon badde.
*This knoweth god, and alle clerkes eke,
*That usen swiche materes for to seke.
*What seith Valerie, Titus, or Claudian? 280
*What seith Ierome ageyns Iovinian?
*How clene maydens, and how trewe wyves,
*How stedfast widwes during al hir lyves,
*Telleth Jerome; and that nat of a fewe,
*But, I dar seyn, an hundred on a rewe; 285
*That hit is pitee for to rede, and routhe,
*The wo that they enduren for hir trouthe.
For to hir love were they so trewe, (B. 334)
*That, rather than they wolde take a newe,
*They chosen to be dede in sundry wyse, 290
*And deyden, as the story wol devyse;
*And some were brend, and some were cut the hals,
*And some dreynt, for they wolden nat be fals.
*For alle keped they hir maydenhed,
Page 177
*Or elles wedlok, or hir widwehed. 295
*And this thing was nat kept for holinesse,
*But al for verray vertu and clennesse,
*And for men shulde sette on hem no lak;
*And yit they weren hethen, al the pak,
*That were so sore adrad of alle shame. 300
*These olde wemen kepte so hir name,
*That in this world I trow men shal nat finde
*A man that coude be so trewe and kinde,
*As was the leste woman in that tyde.
*What seith also the epistels of Ovyde 305
*Of trewe wyves, and of hir labour?
*What Vincent, in his Storial Mirour?
*Eek al the world of autours maystow here,
*Cristen and hethen, trete of swich matere;
*It nedeth nat alday thus for tendyte. 310
*But yit I sey, what eyleth thee to wryte
*The draf of stories, and forgo the corn?
By seint Venus, of whom that I was born, (B. 338)
Although [that] thou reneyed hast my lay, (B. 336)
As othere olde foles many a day, (B. 337) 315
Thou shalt repente hit, that hit shal be sene!'
Than spak Alceste, the worthieste quene,
†And seyde, 'god, right of your curtesye,
†Ye moten herknen if he can replye
Ageyns these points that ye han to him meved; 320
†A god ne sholde nat be thus agreved,
†But of his deitee he shal be stable,
And therto rightful and eek merciable.
*He shal nat rightfully his yre wreke
*Or he have herd the tother party speke. 325
*Al ne is nat gospel that is to yow pleyned;
*The god of love herth many a tale y-feyned.
From A. 338, 339.
This man to yow may wrongly been accused,
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused;
*And this thing was nat kept for holinesse,
*But al for verray vertu and clennesse,
*And for men shulde sette on hem no lak;
*And yit they weren hethen, al the pak,
*That were so sore adrad of alle shame. 300
*These olde wemen kepte so hir name,
*That in this world I trow men shal nat finde
*A man that coude be so trewe and kinde,
*As was the leste woman in that tyde.
*What seith also the epistels of Ovyde 305
*Of trewe wyves, and of hir labour?
*What Vincent, in his Storial Mirour?
*Eek al the world of autours maystow here,
*Cristen and hethen, trete of swich matere;
*It nedeth nat alday thus for tendyte. 310
*But yit I sey, what eyleth thee to wryte
*The draf of stories, and forgo the corn?
By seint Venus, of whom that I was born, (B. 338)
Although [that] thou reneyed hast my lay, (B. 336)
As othere olde foles many a day, (B. 337) 315
Thou shalt repente hit, that hit shal be sene!'
Than spak Alceste, the worthieste quene,
†And seyde, 'god, right of your curtesye,
†Ye moten herknen if he can replye
Ageyns these points that ye han to him meved; 320
†A god ne sholde nat be thus agreved,
†But of his deitee he shal be stable,
And therto rightful and eek merciable.
*He shal nat rightfully his yre wreke
*Or he have herd the tother party speke. 325
*Al ne is nat gospel that is to yow pleyned;
*The god of love herth many a tale y-feyned.
From A. 338, 339.
This man to yow may wrongly been accused,
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused;
Page 178
†For in your court is many a losengeour,
†And many a queynte totelere accusour,
That tabouren in your eres many a thing 330
For hate, or for Ielous imagining,
And for to han with yow som daliaunce.
Envye (I prey to god yeve hir mischaunce!)
Is lavender in the grete court alway.
†For she ne parteth, neither night ne day, 335
†Out of the hous of Cesar; thus seith Dante;
Who-so that goth, alwey she moot [nat] wante.
This man to yow may wrongly been accused,
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused.
Or elles, sir, for that this man is nyce, 340
He may translate a thing in no malyce.
But for he useth bokes for to make,
And takth non heed of what matere he take;
*Therfor he wroot the Rose and eek Crisseyde
*Of innocence, and niste what he seyde; 345
†Or him was boden make thilke tweye
†Of som persone, and durste hit nat with-seye;
*For he hath writen many a book er this.
†He ne hath nat doon so grevously amis
†To translaten that olde clerkes wryten, 350
†As thogh that he of malice wolde endyten
Despyt of love, and hadde him-self y-wroght.
†This shulde a rightwys lord han in his thoght,
†And nat be lyk tiraunts of Lumbardye,
That usen wilfulhed and tirannye, 355
†For he that king or lord is naturel,
†Him oghte nat be tiraunt ne cruel,
†As is a fermour, to doon the harm he can.
†He moste thinke hit is his lige man,
*And that him oweth, of verray duetee, 360
*Shewen his peple pleyn benignitee,
*And wel to here hir excusaciouns,
*And hir compleyntes and peticiouns,
*In duewe tyme, whan they shal hit profre.
†And many a queynte totelere accusour,
That tabouren in your eres many a thing 330
For hate, or for Ielous imagining,
And for to han with yow som daliaunce.
Envye (I prey to god yeve hir mischaunce!)
Is lavender in the grete court alway.
†For she ne parteth, neither night ne day, 335
†Out of the hous of Cesar; thus seith Dante;
Who-so that goth, alwey she moot [nat] wante.
This man to yow may wrongly been accused,
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused.
Or elles, sir, for that this man is nyce, 340
He may translate a thing in no malyce.
But for he useth bokes for to make,
And takth non heed of what matere he take;
*Therfor he wroot the Rose and eek Crisseyde
*Of innocence, and niste what he seyde; 345
†Or him was boden make thilke tweye
†Of som persone, and durste hit nat with-seye;
*For he hath writen many a book er this.
†He ne hath nat doon so grevously amis
†To translaten that olde clerkes wryten, 350
†As thogh that he of malice wolde endyten
Despyt of love, and hadde him-self y-wroght.
†This shulde a rightwys lord han in his thoght,
†And nat be lyk tiraunts of Lumbardye,
That usen wilfulhed and tirannye, 355
†For he that king or lord is naturel,
†Him oghte nat be tiraunt ne cruel,
†As is a fermour, to doon the harm he can.
†He moste thinke hit is his lige man,
*And that him oweth, of verray duetee, 360
*Shewen his peple pleyn benignitee,
*And wel to here hir excusaciouns,
*And hir compleyntes and peticiouns,
*In duewe tyme, whan they shal hit profre.
Page 179
†This is the sentence of the philosophre: (B. 381) 365
†A king to kepe his liges in Iustyce;
†With-outen doute, that is his offyce.
*And therto is a king ful depe y-sworn,
*Ful many an hundred winter heer-biforn;
And for to kepe his lordes hir degree, 370
†As hit is right and skilful that they be
†Enhaunced and honoured, and most dere—
†For they ben half-goddes in this world here—
This shal he doon, bothe to pore [and] riche,
Al be that here stat be nat a-liche, 375
†And han of pore folk compassioun.
†For lo, the gentil kind of the lioun!
†For whan a flye offendeth him or byteth,
†He with his tayl awey the flye smyteth
†Al esily; for, of his genterye, 380
†Him deyneth nat to wreke him on a flye,
†As doth a curre or elles another beste.
†In noble corage oghte been areste,
†And weyen every thing by equitee,
†And ever han reward to his owen degree. 385
†For, sir, hit is no maystrie for a lord
To dampne a man with-oute answere or word;
†And, for a lord, that is ful foul to use.
†And if so be he may him nat excuse,
[But] axeth mercy with a sorweful herte, 390
†And profreth him, right in his bare sherte,
†To been right at your owne Iugement,
†Than oghte a god, by short avysement,
†Considre his owne honour and his trespas.
†For sith no cause of deeth lyth in this cas, 395
†Yow oghte been the lighter merciable;
†Leteth your yre, and beth somwhat tretable!
†The man hath served yow of his conning,
And forthered your lawe with his making.
*Whyl he was yong, he kepte your estat; 400
*I not wher he be now a renegat.
†A king to kepe his liges in Iustyce;
†With-outen doute, that is his offyce.
*And therto is a king ful depe y-sworn,
*Ful many an hundred winter heer-biforn;
And for to kepe his lordes hir degree, 370
†As hit is right and skilful that they be
†Enhaunced and honoured, and most dere—
†For they ben half-goddes in this world here—
This shal he doon, bothe to pore [and] riche,
Al be that here stat be nat a-liche, 375
†And han of pore folk compassioun.
†For lo, the gentil kind of the lioun!
†For whan a flye offendeth him or byteth,
†He with his tayl awey the flye smyteth
†Al esily; for, of his genterye, 380
†Him deyneth nat to wreke him on a flye,
†As doth a curre or elles another beste.
†In noble corage oghte been areste,
†And weyen every thing by equitee,
†And ever han reward to his owen degree. 385
†For, sir, hit is no maystrie for a lord
To dampne a man with-oute answere or word;
†And, for a lord, that is ful foul to use.
†And if so be he may him nat excuse,
[But] axeth mercy with a sorweful herte, 390
†And profreth him, right in his bare sherte,
†To been right at your owne Iugement,
†Than oghte a god, by short avysement,
†Considre his owne honour and his trespas.
†For sith no cause of deeth lyth in this cas, 395
†Yow oghte been the lighter merciable;
†Leteth your yre, and beth somwhat tretable!
†The man hath served yow of his conning,
And forthered your lawe with his making.
*Whyl he was yong, he kepte your estat; 400
*I not wher he be now a renegat.
Page 180
But wel I wot, with that he can endyte,
He hath maked lewed folk delyte
†To serve you, in preysing of your name.
†He made the book that hight the Hous of Fame, 405
†And eek the Deeth of Blaunche the Duchesse,
†And the Parlement of Foules, as I gesse,
†And al the love of Palamon and Arcyte
†Of Thebes, thogh the story is knowen lyte;
†And many an ympne for your halydayes, 410
†That highten Balades, Roundels, Virelayes;
And for to speke of other besinesse,
†He hath in prose translated Boëce;
*And of the Wreched Engendring of Mankinde,
*As man may in pope Innocent y-finde; 415
†And mad the Lyf also of seynt Cecyle; (B. 426)
†He made also, goon sithen a greet whyl,
†Origenes upon the Maudeleyne;
†Him oghte now to have the lesse peyne;
†He hath mad many a lay and many a thing. 420
†'Now as ye been a god, and eek a king,
†I, your Alceste, whylom quene of Trace,
†I axe yow this man, right of your grace,
†That ye him never hurte in al his lyve;
†And he shal sweren yow, and that as blyve, 425
†He shal no more agilten in this wyse;
†But he shal maken, as ye wil devyse,
†Of wemen trewe in lovinge al hir lyve,
†Wher-so ye wil, of maiden or of wyve,
†And forthren yow, as muche as he misseyde 430
†Or in the Rose or elles in Crisseyde.'
†The god of love answerde hir thus anoon,
†'Madame,' quod he, 'hit is so long agoon
†That I yow knew so charitable and trewe,
†That never yit, sith that the world was newe, 435
†To me ne fond I better noon than ye.
That, if that I wol save my degree,
†I may ne wol nat warne your requeste;
He hath maked lewed folk delyte
†To serve you, in preysing of your name.
†He made the book that hight the Hous of Fame, 405
†And eek the Deeth of Blaunche the Duchesse,
†And the Parlement of Foules, as I gesse,
†And al the love of Palamon and Arcyte
†Of Thebes, thogh the story is knowen lyte;
†And many an ympne for your halydayes, 410
†That highten Balades, Roundels, Virelayes;
And for to speke of other besinesse,
†He hath in prose translated Boëce;
*And of the Wreched Engendring of Mankinde,
*As man may in pope Innocent y-finde; 415
†And mad the Lyf also of seynt Cecyle; (B. 426)
†He made also, goon sithen a greet whyl,
†Origenes upon the Maudeleyne;
†Him oghte now to have the lesse peyne;
†He hath mad many a lay and many a thing. 420
†'Now as ye been a god, and eek a king,
†I, your Alceste, whylom quene of Trace,
†I axe yow this man, right of your grace,
†That ye him never hurte in al his lyve;
†And he shal sweren yow, and that as blyve, 425
†He shal no more agilten in this wyse;
†But he shal maken, as ye wil devyse,
†Of wemen trewe in lovinge al hir lyve,
†Wher-so ye wil, of maiden or of wyve,
†And forthren yow, as muche as he misseyde 430
†Or in the Rose or elles in Crisseyde.'
†The god of love answerde hir thus anoon,
†'Madame,' quod he, 'hit is so long agoon
†That I yow knew so charitable and trewe,
†That never yit, sith that the world was newe, 435
†To me ne fond I better noon than ye.
That, if that I wol save my degree,
†I may ne wol nat warne your requeste;
Page 181
Al lyth in yow, doth with him what yow leste
†And al foryeve, with-outen lenger space; 440
†For who-so yeveth a yift, or doth a grace,
†Do hit by tyme, his thank is wel the more;
†And demeth ye what he shal do therfore.
†Go thanke now my lady heer,' quod he.
†I roos, and doun I sette me on my knee, 445
†And seyde thus: 'Madame, the god above
†Foryelde yow, that ye the god of love
†Han maked me his wrathe to foryive;
†And yeve me grace so long for to live,
†That I may knowe soothly what ye be 450
That han me holpen, and put in swich degree.
†But trewely I wende, as in this cas,
†Naught have agilt, ne doon to love trespas.
†Forwhy a trewe man, with-outen drede,
†Hath nat to parten with a theves dede; 455
†Ne a trewe lover oghte me nat blame,
†Thogh that I speke a fals lover som shame.
†They oghte rather with me for to holde,
†For that I of Creseyde wroot or tolde,
†Or of the Rose; what-so myn auctour mente, 460
†Algate, god wot, hit was myn entente
†To forthren trouthe in love and hit cheryce;
†And to be war fro falsnesse and fro vyce
†By swich ensample; this was my meninge.'
†And she answerde, 'lat be thyn arguinge; 465
†For Love ne wol nat countrepleted be
In right ne wrong; and lerne this at me!
†Thou hast thy grace, and hold thee right ther-to.
†Now wol I seyn what penance thou shalt do
†For thy trespas, and understond hit here: 470
†Thou shalt, whyl that thou livest, yeer by yere,
The moste party of thy lyve spende
†In making of a glorious Legende
†Of Gode Wemen, maidenes and wyves,
†That were trewe in lovinge al hir lyves; 475
†And al foryeve, with-outen lenger space; 440
†For who-so yeveth a yift, or doth a grace,
†Do hit by tyme, his thank is wel the more;
†And demeth ye what he shal do therfore.
†Go thanke now my lady heer,' quod he.
†I roos, and doun I sette me on my knee, 445
†And seyde thus: 'Madame, the god above
†Foryelde yow, that ye the god of love
†Han maked me his wrathe to foryive;
†And yeve me grace so long for to live,
†That I may knowe soothly what ye be 450
That han me holpen, and put in swich degree.
†But trewely I wende, as in this cas,
†Naught have agilt, ne doon to love trespas.
†Forwhy a trewe man, with-outen drede,
†Hath nat to parten with a theves dede; 455
†Ne a trewe lover oghte me nat blame,
†Thogh that I speke a fals lover som shame.
†They oghte rather with me for to holde,
†For that I of Creseyde wroot or tolde,
†Or of the Rose; what-so myn auctour mente, 460
†Algate, god wot, hit was myn entente
†To forthren trouthe in love and hit cheryce;
†And to be war fro falsnesse and fro vyce
†By swich ensample; this was my meninge.'
†And she answerde, 'lat be thyn arguinge; 465
†For Love ne wol nat countrepleted be
In right ne wrong; and lerne this at me!
†Thou hast thy grace, and hold thee right ther-to.
†Now wol I seyn what penance thou shalt do
†For thy trespas, and understond hit here: 470
†Thou shalt, whyl that thou livest, yeer by yere,
The moste party of thy lyve spende
†In making of a glorious Legende
†Of Gode Wemen, maidenes and wyves,
†That were trewe in lovinge al hir lyves; 475
Page 182
†And telle of false men that hem bitrayen,
†That al hir lyf ne doon nat but assayen
†How many wemen they may doon a shame;
For in your world that is now holden game.
And thogh thee lesteth nat a lover be, 480
†Spek wel of love; this penance yeve I thee.
†And to the god of love I shal so preye,
†That he shal charge his servants, by any weye,
†To forthren thee, and wel thy labour quyte;
Go now thy wey, thy penance is but lyte.' (B. 495) 485
†The god of love gan smyle, and than he seyde,
†'Wostow,' quod he, 'wher this be wyf or mayde,
†Or quene, or countesse, or of what degree,
†That hath so litel penance yeven thee,
†That hast deserved sorer for to smerte? 490
†But pitee renneth sone in gentil herte;
†That mayst thou seen, she kytheth what she is.'
†And I answerde, 'nay, sir, so have I blis,
†No more but that I see wel she is good.'
†'That is a trewe tale, by myn hood,' 495
†Quod Love, 'and that thou knowest wel, pardee,
†If hit be so that thou avyse thee.
†Hastow nat in a book, lyth in thy cheste,
†The grete goodnesse of the quene Alceste,
†That turned was into a dayesye: 500
†She that for hir husbonde chees to dye,
†And eek to goon to helle, rather than he,
†And Ercules rescued hir, pardee,
†And broghte hir out of helle agayn to blis?'
†And I answerde ageyn, and seyde, 'yis, 505
†Now knowe I hir! And is this good Alceste,
†The dayesye, and myn owne hertes reste?
†Now fele I wel the goodnesse of this wyf,
†That bothe after hir deeth, and in hir lyf,
†Hir grete bountee doubleth hir renoun! 510
†Wel hath she quit me myn affeccioun
†That al hir lyf ne doon nat but assayen
†How many wemen they may doon a shame;
For in your world that is now holden game.
And thogh thee lesteth nat a lover be, 480
†Spek wel of love; this penance yeve I thee.
†And to the god of love I shal so preye,
†That he shal charge his servants, by any weye,
†To forthren thee, and wel thy labour quyte;
Go now thy wey, thy penance is but lyte.' (B. 495) 485
†The god of love gan smyle, and than he seyde,
†'Wostow,' quod he, 'wher this be wyf or mayde,
†Or quene, or countesse, or of what degree,
†That hath so litel penance yeven thee,
†That hast deserved sorer for to smerte? 490
†But pitee renneth sone in gentil herte;
†That mayst thou seen, she kytheth what she is.'
†And I answerde, 'nay, sir, so have I blis,
†No more but that I see wel she is good.'
†'That is a trewe tale, by myn hood,' 495
†Quod Love, 'and that thou knowest wel, pardee,
†If hit be so that thou avyse thee.
†Hastow nat in a book, lyth in thy cheste,
†The grete goodnesse of the quene Alceste,
†That turned was into a dayesye: 500
†She that for hir husbonde chees to dye,
†And eek to goon to helle, rather than he,
†And Ercules rescued hir, pardee,
†And broghte hir out of helle agayn to blis?'
†And I answerde ageyn, and seyde, 'yis, 505
†Now knowe I hir! And is this good Alceste,
†The dayesye, and myn owne hertes reste?
†Now fele I wel the goodnesse of this wyf,
†That bothe after hir deeth, and in hir lyf,
†Hir grete bountee doubleth hir renoun! 510
†Wel hath she quit me myn affeccioun
Page 183
†That I have to hir flour, the dayesye!
†No wonder is thogh Iove hir stellifye,
†As telleth Agaton, for hir goodnesse!
†Hir whyte coroun berth of hit witnesse; 515
†For also many vertues hadde she,
†As smale floures in hir coroun be.
†In remembraunce of hir and in honour,
†Cibella made the dayesy and the flour
†Y-coroned al with whyt, as men may see; 520
†And Mars yaf to hir coroun reed, pardee,
†In stede of rubies, set among the whyte.'
†Therwith this quene wex reed for shame a lyte,
†Whan she was preysed so in hir presence.
†Than seyde Love, 'a ful gret negligence 525
Was hit to thee, to write unstedfastnesse
*Of women, sith thou knowest hir goodnesse
*By preef, and eek by stories heer-biforn;
*Let be the chaf, and wryt wel of the corn.
*Why noldest thou han writen of Alceste, 530
*And leten Criseide been a-slepe and reste?
*For of Alceste shulde thy wryting be,
Sin that thou wost that kalender is she (B. 542)
Of goodnesse, for she taughte of fyn lovinge,
†And namely of wyfhood the livinge, 535
†And alle the boundes that she oghte kepe;
†Thy litel wit was thilke tyme a-slepe.
†But now I charge thee, upon thy lyf,
†That in thy Legend thou make of this wyf,
Whan thou hast othere smale mad before; 540
†And fare now wel, I charge thee no more. (B. 551)
†At Cleopatre I wol that thou beginne; (B. 566)
†And so forth; and my love so shalt thou winne.'
And with that word of sleep I gan a-awake, (B. 578)
†And right thus on my Legend gan I make. 545
Explicit prohemium.
†No wonder is thogh Iove hir stellifye,
†As telleth Agaton, for hir goodnesse!
†Hir whyte coroun berth of hit witnesse; 515
†For also many vertues hadde she,
†As smale floures in hir coroun be.
†In remembraunce of hir and in honour,
†Cibella made the dayesy and the flour
†Y-coroned al with whyt, as men may see; 520
†And Mars yaf to hir coroun reed, pardee,
†In stede of rubies, set among the whyte.'
†Therwith this quene wex reed for shame a lyte,
†Whan she was preysed so in hir presence.
†Than seyde Love, 'a ful gret negligence 525
Was hit to thee, to write unstedfastnesse
*Of women, sith thou knowest hir goodnesse
*By preef, and eek by stories heer-biforn;
*Let be the chaf, and wryt wel of the corn.
*Why noldest thou han writen of Alceste, 530
*And leten Criseide been a-slepe and reste?
*For of Alceste shulde thy wryting be,
Sin that thou wost that kalender is she (B. 542)
Of goodnesse, for she taughte of fyn lovinge,
†And namely of wyfhood the livinge, 535
†And alle the boundes that she oghte kepe;
†Thy litel wit was thilke tyme a-slepe.
†But now I charge thee, upon thy lyf,
†That in thy Legend thou make of this wyf,
Whan thou hast othere smale mad before; 540
†And fare now wel, I charge thee no more. (B. 551)
†At Cleopatre I wol that thou beginne; (B. 566)
†And so forth; and my love so shalt thou winne.'
And with that word of sleep I gan a-awake, (B. 578)
†And right thus on my Legend gan I make. 545
Explicit prohemium.
Page 184
1. thousent sythis. 2. there; heuene. 3. it. 4. wit (over erasure); read wot. 5.
ne is; dwellyth; cuntre. 6. heuene. 10. goddis; schulde. 13. say (better
seigh). 14. neuere. 21. trowyn; aprouede storyis. 27. ouȝte; thanne; bokys.
28. There; othyr a-say (see l. 9); be (for by). 29. thow; myn. 30, 34. bokys.
33. onethe. 39. stodye; lastynge. 48. sen; flouris a-gen; sunne to sprede. 49.
be (for by); schene. 50. walkynge. 51. sunne be-gynnys. 52. it; drawith it.
53. it; a-ferid. 54. it; dayis. 55. flouris. 57. frosch. 58. wyntyr; somyr. 59.
preysyn; a-ryht. 60. myn. 62. makynge ropyn. 63. C. om. And; aftyr
glenynge; ther. 64. er. 65. ony; laft. 66. reherse. 67. here frosche songis. 68.
wele; euele a-payed. 69. Sithe. 70. eythir seruyn lef. 71. trustyth; vndyr-
take. 72. lef a-gayn. 73. lef. 74. a-gen; shef. 75. lefere non; lothere. 76.
witholde; nothire. 77. ho seruyth lef. 80. old. 81. -fore. 82. bokys; don. 83.
schulde autoriteis. 84. There; there; othyr a-say; be. 86. nakede tixt; englis.
87. manye (twice); ellis. 88. autourys; leuyth. 89. monyth. 90. hadde;
somerys. 91. medewe. 92. frosche dayseie. 93. souht (!). 94. clothede (error
for closed). 95. derknese; nyht; sche dradde. 96. spadde. 97. lytyl. 98. I-
benchede; turwis frorsche I-grawe (!). 99. schulde; myn. 100. somerys. 101.
flouris. 102. hadde; hid (for hed). 103. with-Inne; our. 104. medewe. 105.
romede. 106. sen. 107. medewe. 108. flouris sote embroudit. 110. non I-
makede. 111. surmountede; odours. 112. om. eek; beute; flourys. 113.
Forgetyn hadde. 114. wyntyr; nakede. 115. hadde greuyd. 116. hadde the
tempre; releuyd. 117. clothede; a-geyn. 127. I supply layes. 128. I supply
May. 129. worschepe; hire. 130. somerys. 131. sungyn blyssede; volentyn.
132. I supply For; ches. 133. repentynge. 134. here bekys gunne. 135. C. is
here corrupt; it has—The honour and the humble obeysaunce. I try to give
some sense; in any case we must read obeisaunces. 136. dedyn othere. 137,
138. C. is again corrupt and imperfect; I supply plesing and doth wel. C.
has natures, cryaturys; but read nature. 139. herkenyn; dede; entent. 140.
ment. 143. comyth; hise wyngis. 144. loke. 146. Clothid. 147. frette; goold;
hyre her. 148. corone sche ber. 149. mane (!) flourys. 150. dayseye. 151. I-
corounede; leuys. 152. flourys; corene (sic). 159. I-broudede; greuys. 160.
hed; leuys. 161. Stekid; lylye flourys. 163. schon; bryhte. 164. glem a-
stonede; syhte. 165. myhte; not. 167. Tho (error for Two); fery dartis;
gleedys. 168. hyse wengis. 179. the thebonoyre (sic). 180. preye; euere.
186. nynetene. 192. Haddyn euere. 199. aftyr; wentyn. 201. songyn. 202.
whiche; schal. 206. Penolope. 209. destene. 221. ȝoure. 224. I-songyn. [179.
thebonoyre.] [185. Byhynde.] [186. ladyis nynetene.] [192. Haddyn.] [196.
ne is; dwellyth; cuntre. 6. heuene. 10. goddis; schulde. 13. say (better
seigh). 14. neuere. 21. trowyn; aprouede storyis. 27. ouȝte; thanne; bokys.
28. There; othyr a-say (see l. 9); be (for by). 29. thow; myn. 30, 34. bokys.
33. onethe. 39. stodye; lastynge. 48. sen; flouris a-gen; sunne to sprede. 49.
be (for by); schene. 50. walkynge. 51. sunne be-gynnys. 52. it; drawith it.
53. it; a-ferid. 54. it; dayis. 55. flouris. 57. frosch. 58. wyntyr; somyr. 59.
preysyn; a-ryht. 60. myn. 62. makynge ropyn. 63. C. om. And; aftyr
glenynge; ther. 64. er. 65. ony; laft. 66. reherse. 67. here frosche songis. 68.
wele; euele a-payed. 69. Sithe. 70. eythir seruyn lef. 71. trustyth; vndyr-
take. 72. lef a-gayn. 73. lef. 74. a-gen; shef. 75. lefere non; lothere. 76.
witholde; nothire. 77. ho seruyth lef. 80. old. 81. -fore. 82. bokys; don. 83.
schulde autoriteis. 84. There; there; othyr a-say; be. 86. nakede tixt; englis.
87. manye (twice); ellis. 88. autourys; leuyth. 89. monyth. 90. hadde;
somerys. 91. medewe. 92. frosche dayseie. 93. souht (!). 94. clothede (error
for closed). 95. derknese; nyht; sche dradde. 96. spadde. 97. lytyl. 98. I-
benchede; turwis frorsche I-grawe (!). 99. schulde; myn. 100. somerys. 101.
flouris. 102. hadde; hid (for hed). 103. with-Inne; our. 104. medewe. 105.
romede. 106. sen. 107. medewe. 108. flouris sote embroudit. 110. non I-
makede. 111. surmountede; odours. 112. om. eek; beute; flourys. 113.
Forgetyn hadde. 114. wyntyr; nakede. 115. hadde greuyd. 116. hadde the
tempre; releuyd. 117. clothede; a-geyn. 127. I supply layes. 128. I supply
May. 129. worschepe; hire. 130. somerys. 131. sungyn blyssede; volentyn.
132. I supply For; ches. 133. repentynge. 134. here bekys gunne. 135. C. is
here corrupt; it has—The honour and the humble obeysaunce. I try to give
some sense; in any case we must read obeisaunces. 136. dedyn othere. 137,
138. C. is again corrupt and imperfect; I supply plesing and doth wel. C.
has natures, cryaturys; but read nature. 139. herkenyn; dede; entent. 140.
ment. 143. comyth; hise wyngis. 144. loke. 146. Clothid. 147. frette; goold;
hyre her. 148. corone sche ber. 149. mane (!) flourys. 150. dayseye. 151. I-
corounede; leuys. 152. flourys; corene (sic). 159. I-broudede; greuys. 160.
hed; leuys. 161. Stekid; lylye flourys. 163. schon; bryhte. 164. glem a-
stonede; syhte. 165. myhte; not. 167. Tho (error for Two); fery dartis;
gleedys. 168. hyse wengis. 179. the thebonoyre (sic). 180. preye; euere.
186. nynetene. 192. Haddyn euere. 199. aftyr; wentyn. 201. songyn. 202.
whiche; schal. 206. Penolope. 209. destene. 221. ȝoure. 224. I-songyn. [179.
thebonoyre.] [185. Byhynde.] [186. ladyis nynetene.] [192. Haddyn.] [196.
Page 185
whiche; dayseye.] [197. styntyn; atonys.] [198. knelede; nonys.] 225. sote.
226. settyn. 227. ordere; cumpas; in-veroun. 228. thanne. 231. degre. 234.
lenynge; vndyr. 238. ho (for who). 239. axsynge. 243. bettere. 244. come;
syht. 247. Myne; ben. 248. myn. 249. mysseyst. 251. lettist. 252. seruyn;
haldist. 254. tixt. 258. thyn; cole. 259. fole. 260. louyth paramouris. 262.
folis; spryt (sic) faylyth. 263. wete; ealyth. 264. englys ek; bok. 265. forsok.
267. Bit (for But). 268. noldist; a (for have or han); goodnes. 269.
wekedenes. 270. matyr; thyn. 271. thyne bokys ne coudist; (I omit ne). 273.
lx. bokys. 274. thyn-self; storyis. 275. romaynys; ek grekis. 276. sundery;
whiche; ledde. 277. euere; hunderede goode; on. 278. knowith; clerkis ek.
279. vsyn sweche materis; sek. 282. maydenys; wyuys. 283. stedefaste
wedewys durynge all here lyuys. 284. Tellyth. 285. hunderede. 286. pete.
287. endure; here. 289. rathere; wole (error for wolde). 290. chose; ded;
sundery. 291. deiedyn; wele (for wol). 293. dreynkt (!); thy (for they);
woldyn. 294. kepid maydynhed. 295. ellis wedlek; here wedewehed. 299.
were hethene. 302. trowe; schal. 303. trowe. 305. epistelle (see note). 306.
wyuys. 307. estoryal. 308. te (for the); autourys. 309. Cristene; hethene.
310. nedyth; to endite. 311. seye; eylyth the. 312. storyis; forgete, with gete
over erasure; read forgo. 313. Be (for By). 314. Al-thow; I supply that;
reneyist (sic) hast myn. 315. folys. 316. so that (for that; I omit so). 317.
Thanne; worthyere (!). 320. poyntys; mevid. 322. dede (for deitee; the
scribe's error). 323. ek. 325. tothyr. 327. hereth manye; I-feynyd. 328.
losenger. 329. totulour. 330. tabourryn; ȝoure; manye. 332. sum. 333. prere
(!). 335. che; partyth; nygh (!). 337. mote; I supply nat. 338. ben acused.
339. There; be; oughte ben excusid. 340. sere. 342. vsyth bokis. 343. takyth;
hed. 344. ek. 348. wrete manye; bok. 355. vsyn. 357. oughte. 358. don. 359.
must. 360. owith; o (error for of); verry. 361. Schewyn; benygnete. 362.
heryn here. 363. here compleyntys. 367. Which oughtyn (!). 369. manye;
hunderede wyntyr here-. 370. lordys. 372. Enhaunsede; om. 2nd and. 373.
goddys. 374. don; I supply and. 388. C. wol; for ful. 389. ascuse. 390. I
supply But. 397, 399, 400. ȝoure. 401. where (= whether); renagat. 403.
makid lewede folk to; I omit to. 412. othyr. 413. translatid. 414. wrechede
engendrynge. 436. I neuere non betere; the. 437. wele; myn. 438. wel. 456.
may (for oghte). 507. herte is reste. 518. Of (for In). 526. the;
onstedefastnesse. 527. sithe thow knowist here. 528. pref; ek; storyis here.
530. noldist; writyn. 531. latyn; ben. 532. thyn wrytynge. 533. wist (badly);
calandier. 544. slep. 545. myn legende.
226. settyn. 227. ordere; cumpas; in-veroun. 228. thanne. 231. degre. 234.
lenynge; vndyr. 238. ho (for who). 239. axsynge. 243. bettere. 244. come;
syht. 247. Myne; ben. 248. myn. 249. mysseyst. 251. lettist. 252. seruyn;
haldist. 254. tixt. 258. thyn; cole. 259. fole. 260. louyth paramouris. 262.
folis; spryt (sic) faylyth. 263. wete; ealyth. 264. englys ek; bok. 265. forsok.
267. Bit (for But). 268. noldist; a (for have or han); goodnes. 269.
wekedenes. 270. matyr; thyn. 271. thyne bokys ne coudist; (I omit ne). 273.
lx. bokys. 274. thyn-self; storyis. 275. romaynys; ek grekis. 276. sundery;
whiche; ledde. 277. euere; hunderede goode; on. 278. knowith; clerkis ek.
279. vsyn sweche materis; sek. 282. maydenys; wyuys. 283. stedefaste
wedewys durynge all here lyuys. 284. Tellyth. 285. hunderede. 286. pete.
287. endure; here. 289. rathere; wole (error for wolde). 290. chose; ded;
sundery. 291. deiedyn; wele (for wol). 293. dreynkt (!); thy (for they);
woldyn. 294. kepid maydynhed. 295. ellis wedlek; here wedewehed. 299.
were hethene. 302. trowe; schal. 303. trowe. 305. epistelle (see note). 306.
wyuys. 307. estoryal. 308. te (for the); autourys. 309. Cristene; hethene.
310. nedyth; to endite. 311. seye; eylyth the. 312. storyis; forgete, with gete
over erasure; read forgo. 313. Be (for By). 314. Al-thow; I supply that;
reneyist (sic) hast myn. 315. folys. 316. so that (for that; I omit so). 317.
Thanne; worthyere (!). 320. poyntys; mevid. 322. dede (for deitee; the
scribe's error). 323. ek. 325. tothyr. 327. hereth manye; I-feynyd. 328.
losenger. 329. totulour. 330. tabourryn; ȝoure; manye. 332. sum. 333. prere
(!). 335. che; partyth; nygh (!). 337. mote; I supply nat. 338. ben acused.
339. There; be; oughte ben excusid. 340. sere. 342. vsyth bokis. 343. takyth;
hed. 344. ek. 348. wrete manye; bok. 355. vsyn. 357. oughte. 358. don. 359.
must. 360. owith; o (error for of); verry. 361. Schewyn; benygnete. 362.
heryn here. 363. here compleyntys. 367. Which oughtyn (!). 369. manye;
hunderede wyntyr here-. 370. lordys. 372. Enhaunsede; om. 2nd and. 373.
goddys. 374. don; I supply and. 388. C. wol; for ful. 389. ascuse. 390. I
supply But. 397, 399, 400. ȝoure. 401. where (= whether); renagat. 403.
makid lewede folk to; I omit to. 412. othyr. 413. translatid. 414. wrechede
engendrynge. 436. I neuere non betere; the. 437. wele; myn. 438. wel. 456.
may (for oghte). 507. herte is reste. 518. Of (for In). 526. the;
onstedefastnesse. 527. sithe thow knowist here. 528. pref; ek; storyis here.
530. noldist; writyn. 531. latyn; ben. 532. thyn wrytynge. 533. wist (badly);
calandier. 544. slep. 545. myn legende.
Page 186
The prologe of .ix. goode Wimmen.
Page 187
A thousand tymes have I herd men telle,
†That ther is Ioye in heven, and peyne in helle;
And I acorde wel that hit is so;
But natheles, yit wot I wel also,
That ther nis noon dwelling in this contree, 5
That either hath in heven or helle y-be,
†Ne may of hit non other weyes witen,
†But as he hath herd seyd, or founde hit writen;
†For by assay ther may no man hit preve.
But god forbede but men shulde leve 10
†Wel more thing then men han seen with yë!
†Men shal nat wenen every-thing a lyë
But-if him-self hit seeth, or elles dooth;
For, god wot, thing is never the lasse sooth,
†Thogh every wight ne may hit nat y-see. 15
†Bernard the monk ne saugh nat al, parde!
†Than mote we to bokes that we finde,
†Through which that olde thinges been in minde.
†And to the doctrine of these olde wyse,
†Yeve credence, in every skilful wyse, 20
That tellen of these olde appreved stories,
†Of holinesse, of regnes, of victories,
†Of love, of hate, of other sundry thinges,
†Of whiche I may not maken rehersinges.
†And if that olde bokes were a-weye, 25
†Y-loren were of remembraunce the keye.
Wel oghte us than honouren and beleve
These bokes, ther we han non other preve.
And as for me, thogh that I can but lyte,
†On bokes for to rede I me delyte, 30
And to hem yeve I feyth and ful credence,
†And in myn herte have hem in reverence
So hertely, that ther is game noon
That fro my bokes maketh me to goon,
But hit be seldom, on the holyday; 35
Save, certeynly, whan that the month of May
Is comen, and that I here the foules singe,
†That ther is Ioye in heven, and peyne in helle;
And I acorde wel that hit is so;
But natheles, yit wot I wel also,
That ther nis noon dwelling in this contree, 5
That either hath in heven or helle y-be,
†Ne may of hit non other weyes witen,
†But as he hath herd seyd, or founde hit writen;
†For by assay ther may no man hit preve.
But god forbede but men shulde leve 10
†Wel more thing then men han seen with yë!
†Men shal nat wenen every-thing a lyë
But-if him-self hit seeth, or elles dooth;
For, god wot, thing is never the lasse sooth,
†Thogh every wight ne may hit nat y-see. 15
†Bernard the monk ne saugh nat al, parde!
†Than mote we to bokes that we finde,
†Through which that olde thinges been in minde.
†And to the doctrine of these olde wyse,
†Yeve credence, in every skilful wyse, 20
That tellen of these olde appreved stories,
†Of holinesse, of regnes, of victories,
†Of love, of hate, of other sundry thinges,
†Of whiche I may not maken rehersinges.
†And if that olde bokes were a-weye, 25
†Y-loren were of remembraunce the keye.
Wel oghte us than honouren and beleve
These bokes, ther we han non other preve.
And as for me, thogh that I can but lyte,
†On bokes for to rede I me delyte, 30
And to hem yeve I feyth and ful credence,
†And in myn herte have hem in reverence
So hertely, that ther is game noon
That fro my bokes maketh me to goon,
But hit be seldom, on the holyday; 35
Save, certeynly, whan that the month of May
Is comen, and that I here the foules singe,
Page 188
†And that the floures ginnen for to springe,
Farwel my book and my devocioun!
Now have I than swich a condicioun, 40
†That, of alle the floures in the mede,
†Than love I most these floures whyte and rede,
†Swiche as men callen daysies in our toun.
†To hem have I so greet affeccioun,
†As I seyde erst, whan comen is the May, 45
†That in my bed ther daweth me no day
†That I nam up, and walking in the mede
To seen this flour agein the sonne sprede,
Whan hit upryseth erly by the morwe;
*That blisful sighte softneth al my sorwe, 50
*So glad am I whan that I have presence
*Of hit, to doon al maner reverence,
As she, that is of alle floures flour,
Fulfilled of al vertu and honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair, and fresh of hewe; 55
And I love hit, and ever y-lyke newe,
*And ever shal, til that myn herte dye;
*Al swere I nat, of this I wol nat lye,
*Ther loved no wight hotter in his lyve.
*And whan that hit is eve, I renne blyve, 60
As sone as ever the sonne ginneth weste,
To seen this flour, how it wol go to reste,
For fere of night, so hateth she derknesse!
From B. 53-56.
As she, that is of alle floures flour,
Fulfilled of al vertu and honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair, and fresh of hewe;
And I love hit, and ever y-lyke newe.
*Hir chere is pleynly sprad in the brightnesse
*Of the sonne, for ther hit wol unclose. 65
*Allas! that I ne had English, ryme or prose,
Suffisant this flour to preyse aright!
Farwel my book and my devocioun!
Now have I than swich a condicioun, 40
†That, of alle the floures in the mede,
†Than love I most these floures whyte and rede,
†Swiche as men callen daysies in our toun.
†To hem have I so greet affeccioun,
†As I seyde erst, whan comen is the May, 45
†That in my bed ther daweth me no day
†That I nam up, and walking in the mede
To seen this flour agein the sonne sprede,
Whan hit upryseth erly by the morwe;
*That blisful sighte softneth al my sorwe, 50
*So glad am I whan that I have presence
*Of hit, to doon al maner reverence,
As she, that is of alle floures flour,
Fulfilled of al vertu and honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair, and fresh of hewe; 55
And I love hit, and ever y-lyke newe,
*And ever shal, til that myn herte dye;
*Al swere I nat, of this I wol nat lye,
*Ther loved no wight hotter in his lyve.
*And whan that hit is eve, I renne blyve, 60
As sone as ever the sonne ginneth weste,
To seen this flour, how it wol go to reste,
For fere of night, so hateth she derknesse!
From B. 53-56.
As she, that is of alle floures flour,
Fulfilled of al vertu and honour,
†And ever y-lyke fair, and fresh of hewe;
And I love hit, and ever y-lyke newe.
*Hir chere is pleynly sprad in the brightnesse
*Of the sonne, for ther hit wol unclose. 65
*Allas! that I ne had English, ryme or prose,
Suffisant this flour to preyse aright!
Page 189
*But helpeth, ye that han conning and might,
*Ye lovers, that can make of sentement;
*In this cas oghte ye be diligent 70
*To forthren me somwhat in my labour,
*Whether ye ben with the leef or with the flour.
For wel I wot, that ye han her-biforn
†Of making ropen, and lad awey the corn;
†And I come after, glening here and there, 75
†And am ful glad if I may finde an ere
Of any goodly word that ye han left.
And thogh it happen me rehercen eft
That ye han in your fresshe songes sayd,
For-bereth me, and beth nat evel apayd, 80
Sin that ye see I do hit in the honour
Of love, and eek in service of the flour,
From B. 188-196.
But natheles, ne wene nat that I make
In preysing of the flour agayn the leef,
†No more than of the corn agayn the sheef.
For as to me, nis lever noon ne lother;
I nam with-holden yit with never nother.
Ne I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
Wel brouken they hir service or labour.
For this thing is al of another tonne,
Of olde story, er swich thing was begonne.
*Whom that I serve as I have wit or might.
*She is the clernesse and the verray light,
*That in this derke worlde me wynt and ledeth, 85
*The herte in-with my sorowful brest yow dredeth,
*And loveth so sore, that ye ben verrayly
*The maistresse of my wit, and nothing I.
*My word, my werk, is knit so in your bonde,
*That, as an harpe obeyeth to the honde 90
*And maketh hit soune after his fingeringe,
*Right so mowe ye out of myn herte bringe
*Ye lovers, that can make of sentement;
*In this cas oghte ye be diligent 70
*To forthren me somwhat in my labour,
*Whether ye ben with the leef or with the flour.
For wel I wot, that ye han her-biforn
†Of making ropen, and lad awey the corn;
†And I come after, glening here and there, 75
†And am ful glad if I may finde an ere
Of any goodly word that ye han left.
And thogh it happen me rehercen eft
That ye han in your fresshe songes sayd,
For-bereth me, and beth nat evel apayd, 80
Sin that ye see I do hit in the honour
Of love, and eek in service of the flour,
From B. 188-196.
But natheles, ne wene nat that I make
In preysing of the flour agayn the leef,
†No more than of the corn agayn the sheef.
For as to me, nis lever noon ne lother;
I nam with-holden yit with never nother.
Ne I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
Wel brouken they hir service or labour.
For this thing is al of another tonne,
Of olde story, er swich thing was begonne.
*Whom that I serve as I have wit or might.
*She is the clernesse and the verray light,
*That in this derke worlde me wynt and ledeth, 85
*The herte in-with my sorowful brest yow dredeth,
*And loveth so sore, that ye ben verrayly
*The maistresse of my wit, and nothing I.
*My word, my werk, is knit so in your bonde,
*That, as an harpe obeyeth to the honde 90
*And maketh hit soune after his fingeringe,
*Right so mowe ye out of myn herte bringe
Page 190
*Swich vois, right as yow list, to laughe or pleyne.
*Be ye my gyde and lady sovereyne;
*As to myn erthly god, to yow I calle, 95
*Bothe in this werke and in my sorwes alle.
†But wherfor that I spak, to give credence
To olde stories, and doon hem reverence,
And that men mosten more thing beleve
Then men may seen at eye or elles preve? 100
*That shal I seyn, whan that I see my tyme;
*I may not al at ones speke in ryme.
*My besy gost, that thrusteth alwey newe
*To seen this flour so yong, so fresh of hewe,
*Constreyned me with so gledy desyr, 105
*That in my herte I fele yit the fyr,
*That made me to ryse er hit wer day—
And this was now the firste morwe of May—
*With dredful herte and glad devocioun,
*For to ben at the resureccioun 110
*Of this flour, whan that it shuld unclose
*Agayn the sonne, that roos as rede as rose,
*That in the brest was of the beste that day,
*That Agenores doghter ladde away.
*And doun on knees anon-right I me sette, 115
*And, as I coude, this fresshe flour I grette;
*Kneling alwey, til hit unclosed was,
*Upon the smale softe swote gras,
From B. 180, 182.
The longe day I shoop me for to abyde ...
But for to loke upon the dayesye.
From B. 197-200.
Whan that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And that this flour gan close and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, the which she dredde,
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde;
From B. 203-211.
*Be ye my gyde and lady sovereyne;
*As to myn erthly god, to yow I calle, 95
*Bothe in this werke and in my sorwes alle.
†But wherfor that I spak, to give credence
To olde stories, and doon hem reverence,
And that men mosten more thing beleve
Then men may seen at eye or elles preve? 100
*That shal I seyn, whan that I see my tyme;
*I may not al at ones speke in ryme.
*My besy gost, that thrusteth alwey newe
*To seen this flour so yong, so fresh of hewe,
*Constreyned me with so gledy desyr, 105
*That in my herte I fele yit the fyr,
*That made me to ryse er hit wer day—
And this was now the firste morwe of May—
*With dredful herte and glad devocioun,
*For to ben at the resureccioun 110
*Of this flour, whan that it shuld unclose
*Agayn the sonne, that roos as rede as rose,
*That in the brest was of the beste that day,
*That Agenores doghter ladde away.
*And doun on knees anon-right I me sette, 115
*And, as I coude, this fresshe flour I grette;
*Kneling alwey, til hit unclosed was,
*Upon the smale softe swote gras,
From B. 180, 182.
The longe day I shoop me for to abyde ...
But for to loke upon the dayesye.
From B. 197-200.
Whan that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And that this flour gan close and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, the which she dredde,
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde;
From B. 203-211.
Page 191
†And, in a litel herber that I have,
That benched was on turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men sholde me my couche make;
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake,
†I bad hem strawen floures on my bed.
†Whan I was leyd, and had my eyen hed,
I fel on slepe in-with an houre or two;
Me mette how I lay in the medew tho,
To seen this flour, that I so love and drede,
That was with floures swote enbrouded al,
*Of swich swetnesse and swich odour over-al, 120
That, for to speke of gomme, or herbe, or tree,
†Comparisoun may noon y-maked be;
For hit surmounteth pleynly alle odoures,
†And eek of riche beautee alle floures.
†Forgeten had the erthe his pore estat 125
†Of winter, that him naked made and mat,
And with his swerd of cold so sore greved;
Now hath the atempre sonne al that releved
That naked was, and clad hit new agayn.
†The smale foules, of the seson fayn, 130
†That from the panter and the net ben scaped,
†Upon the fouler, that hem made a-whaped
†In winter, and distroyed had hir brood,
†In his despyt, hem thoughte hit did hem good
†To singe of him, and in hir song despyse 135
†The foule cherl that, for his covetyse,
†Had hem betrayed with his sophistrye.
†This was hir song—'the fouler we defye,
And al his craft!' And somme songen clere
Layes of love, that Ioye hit was to here, 140
In worshipinge and preisinge of hir make.
And, for the newe blisful somers sake,
*Upon the braunches ful of blosmes softe,
*In hir delyt, they turned hem ful ofte,
And songen, 'blessed be seynt Valentyn! 145
That benched was on turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men sholde me my couche make;
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake,
†I bad hem strawen floures on my bed.
†Whan I was leyd, and had my eyen hed,
I fel on slepe in-with an houre or two;
Me mette how I lay in the medew tho,
To seen this flour, that I so love and drede,
That was with floures swote enbrouded al,
*Of swich swetnesse and swich odour over-al, 120
That, for to speke of gomme, or herbe, or tree,
†Comparisoun may noon y-maked be;
For hit surmounteth pleynly alle odoures,
†And eek of riche beautee alle floures.
†Forgeten had the erthe his pore estat 125
†Of winter, that him naked made and mat,
And with his swerd of cold so sore greved;
Now hath the atempre sonne al that releved
That naked was, and clad hit new agayn.
†The smale foules, of the seson fayn, 130
†That from the panter and the net ben scaped,
†Upon the fouler, that hem made a-whaped
†In winter, and distroyed had hir brood,
†In his despyt, hem thoughte hit did hem good
†To singe of him, and in hir song despyse 135
†The foule cherl that, for his covetyse,
†Had hem betrayed with his sophistrye.
†This was hir song—'the fouler we defye,
And al his craft!' And somme songen clere
Layes of love, that Ioye hit was to here, 140
In worshipinge and preisinge of hir make.
And, for the newe blisful somers sake,
*Upon the braunches ful of blosmes softe,
*In hir delyt, they turned hem ful ofte,
And songen, 'blessed be seynt Valentyn! 145
Page 192
For on his day I chees yow to be myn,
†Withouten repenting, myn herte swete!'
†And therwith-al hir bekes gonnen mete,
Yelding honour and humble obeisaunces
To love, and diden hir other observaunces 150
That longeth unto love and to nature;
*Construeth that as yow list, I do no cure.
*And tho that hadde doon unkindenesse—
*As dooth the tydif, for new-fangelnesse—
*Besoghte mercy of hir trespassinge, 155
*And humblely songen hir repentinge,
*And sworen on the blosmes to be trewe,
*So that hir makes wolde upon hem rewe,
*And at the laste maden hir acord.
*Al founde they Daunger for a tyme a lord, 160
*Yet Pitee, through his stronge gentil might,
*Forgaf, and made Mercy passen Right,
*Through innocence and ruled curtesye.
*But I ne clepe nat innocence folye,
*Ne fals pitee, for 'vertu is the mene,' 165
*As Etik saith, in swich maner I mene.
*And thus thise foules, voide of al malyce,
*Acordeden to love, and laften vyce
*Of hate, and songen alle of oon acord,
*'Welcome, somer, our governour and lord!' 170
*And Zephirus and Flora gentilly
*Yaf to the floures, softe and tenderly,
*Hir swote breth, and made hem for to sprede,
*As god and goddesse of the floury mede;
*In which me thoghte I mighte, day by day, 175
*Dwellen alwey, the Ioly month of May,
*Withouten sleep, withouten mete or drinke.
*A-doun ful softely I gan to sinke;
*And, leninge on myn elbowe and my syde,
The longe day I shoop me for to abyde 180
*For nothing elles, and I shal nat lye,
But for to loke upon the dayesye,
†Withouten repenting, myn herte swete!'
†And therwith-al hir bekes gonnen mete,
Yelding honour and humble obeisaunces
To love, and diden hir other observaunces 150
That longeth unto love and to nature;
*Construeth that as yow list, I do no cure.
*And tho that hadde doon unkindenesse—
*As dooth the tydif, for new-fangelnesse—
*Besoghte mercy of hir trespassinge, 155
*And humblely songen hir repentinge,
*And sworen on the blosmes to be trewe,
*So that hir makes wolde upon hem rewe,
*And at the laste maden hir acord.
*Al founde they Daunger for a tyme a lord, 160
*Yet Pitee, through his stronge gentil might,
*Forgaf, and made Mercy passen Right,
*Through innocence and ruled curtesye.
*But I ne clepe nat innocence folye,
*Ne fals pitee, for 'vertu is the mene,' 165
*As Etik saith, in swich maner I mene.
*And thus thise foules, voide of al malyce,
*Acordeden to love, and laften vyce
*Of hate, and songen alle of oon acord,
*'Welcome, somer, our governour and lord!' 170
*And Zephirus and Flora gentilly
*Yaf to the floures, softe and tenderly,
*Hir swote breth, and made hem for to sprede,
*As god and goddesse of the floury mede;
*In which me thoghte I mighte, day by day, 175
*Dwellen alwey, the Ioly month of May,
*Withouten sleep, withouten mete or drinke.
*A-doun ful softely I gan to sinke;
*And, leninge on myn elbowe and my syde,
The longe day I shoop me for to abyde 180
*For nothing elles, and I shal nat lye,
But for to loke upon the dayesye,
Page 193
*That wel by reson men hit calle may
*The 'dayesye' or elles the 'ye of day,'
*The emperice and flour of floures alle. 185
*I pray to god that faire mot she falle,
*And alle that loven floures, for hir sake!
But natheles, ne wene nat that I make
In preysing of the flour agayn the leef,
*No more than of the corn agayn the sheef: 190
For, as to me, nis lever noon ne lother;
I nam with-holden yit with never nother.
Ne I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
Wel brouken they hir service or labour;
For this thing is al of another tonne, 195
Of olde story, er swich thing was be-gonne.
Whan that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And that this flour gan close and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, the which she dredde,
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde 200
*To goon to reste, and erly for to ryse,
To seen this flour to sprede, as I devyse.
†And, in a litel herber that I have,
That benched was on turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men sholde me my couche make; 205
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake,
†I bad hem strawen floures on my bed.
†Whan I was leyd, and had myn eyen hed,
I fel on slepe in-with an houre or two;
Me mette how I lay in the medew tho, 210
To seen this flour that I so love and drede.
And from a-fer com walking in the mede
The god of love, and in his hande a quene;
And she was clad in real habit grene.
†A fret of gold she hadde next hir heer, 215
†And upon that a whyt coroun she beer
With florouns smale, and I shal nat lye;
For al the world, ryght as a dayesye
*The 'dayesye' or elles the 'ye of day,'
*The emperice and flour of floures alle. 185
*I pray to god that faire mot she falle,
*And alle that loven floures, for hir sake!
But natheles, ne wene nat that I make
In preysing of the flour agayn the leef,
*No more than of the corn agayn the sheef: 190
For, as to me, nis lever noon ne lother;
I nam with-holden yit with never nother.
Ne I not who serveth leef, ne who the flour;
Wel brouken they hir service or labour;
For this thing is al of another tonne, 195
Of olde story, er swich thing was be-gonne.
Whan that the sonne out of the south gan weste,
And that this flour gan close and goon to reste
For derknesse of the night, the which she dredde,
†Hoom to myn hous ful swiftly I me spedde 200
*To goon to reste, and erly for to ryse,
To seen this flour to sprede, as I devyse.
†And, in a litel herber that I have,
That benched was on turves fresshe y-grave,
†I bad men sholde me my couche make; 205
†For deyntee of the newe someres sake,
†I bad hem strawen floures on my bed.
†Whan I was leyd, and had myn eyen hed,
I fel on slepe in-with an houre or two;
Me mette how I lay in the medew tho, 210
To seen this flour that I so love and drede.
And from a-fer com walking in the mede
The god of love, and in his hande a quene;
And she was clad in real habit grene.
†A fret of gold she hadde next hir heer, 215
†And upon that a whyt coroun she beer
With florouns smale, and I shal nat lye;
For al the world, ryght as a dayesye
Page 194
†Y-corouned is with whyte leves lyte,
So were the florouns of hir coroun whyte; 220
For of o perle fyne, oriental,
†Hir whyte coroun was y-maked al;
†For which the whyte coroun, above the grene,
†Made hir lyk a daysie for to sene,
Considered eek hir fret of gold above. 225
†Y-clothed was this mighty god of love
In silke, enbrouded ful of grene greves,
In-with a fret of rede rose-leves,
*The fresshest sin the world was first bigonne.
*His gilte heer was corouned with a sonne, 230
*In-stede of gold, for hevinesse and wighte;
Therwith me thoughte his face shoon so brighte
That wel unnethes mighte I him beholde;
And in his hande me thoughte I saugh him holde
†Two fyry dartes, as the gledes rede; 235
And aungellyke his winges saugh I sprede.
†And al be that men seyn that blind is he,
Al-gate me thoughte that he mighte see;
†For sternely on me he gan biholde,
†So that his loking doth myn herte colde. 240
†And by the hande he held this noble quene,
†Corouned with whyte, and clothed al in grene,
†So womanly, so benigne, and so meke,
†That in this world, thogh that men wolde seke,
†Half hir beautee shulde men nat finde 245
†In creature that formed is by kinde.
From B. 276-295.
That is so good, so fair, so debonaire;
I prey to god that ever falle hir faire!
†For, nadde comfort been of hir presence,
†I had ben deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere; 280
†As, when tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Behind this god of love, upon the grene,
So were the florouns of hir coroun whyte; 220
For of o perle fyne, oriental,
†Hir whyte coroun was y-maked al;
†For which the whyte coroun, above the grene,
†Made hir lyk a daysie for to sene,
Considered eek hir fret of gold above. 225
†Y-clothed was this mighty god of love
In silke, enbrouded ful of grene greves,
In-with a fret of rede rose-leves,
*The fresshest sin the world was first bigonne.
*His gilte heer was corouned with a sonne, 230
*In-stede of gold, for hevinesse and wighte;
Therwith me thoughte his face shoon so brighte
That wel unnethes mighte I him beholde;
And in his hande me thoughte I saugh him holde
†Two fyry dartes, as the gledes rede; 235
And aungellyke his winges saugh I sprede.
†And al be that men seyn that blind is he,
Al-gate me thoughte that he mighte see;
†For sternely on me he gan biholde,
†So that his loking doth myn herte colde. 240
†And by the hande he held this noble quene,
†Corouned with whyte, and clothed al in grene,
†So womanly, so benigne, and so meke,
†That in this world, thogh that men wolde seke,
†Half hir beautee shulde men nat finde 245
†In creature that formed is by kinde.
From B. 276-295.
That is so good, so fair, so debonaire;
I prey to god that ever falle hir faire!
†For, nadde comfort been of hir presence,
†I had ben deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere; 280
†As, when tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Behind this god of love, upon the grene,
Page 195
†I saugh cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In real habit, a ful esy paas;
†And after hem com of women swich a traas, 285
That, sin that god Adam had mad of erthe
The thridde part of mankynd, or the ferthe,
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee,
Had ever in this wyde worlde y-be;
†And trewe of love thise women were echoon. 290
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anoon as that they gonne espye
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle at ones,
And kneled doun, as it were for the nones, 295
*And therfor may I seyn, as thinketh me, 247
*This song, in preysing of this lady fre.
Balade.
†Hyd, Absolon, thy gilte tresses clere;
†Ester, ley thou thy meknesse al a-doun; 250
†Hyd, Ionathas, al thy frendly manere;
†Penalopee, and Marcia Catoun,
†Mak of your wyfhod no comparisoun;
†Hyde ye your beautes, Isoude and Eleyne,
My lady cometh, that al this may disteyne. 255
†Thy faire body, lat hit nat appere,
†Lavyne; and thou, Lucresse of Rome toun,
†And Polixene, that boghten love so dere,
And Cleopatre, with al thy passioun,
Hyde ye your trouthe of love and your renoun; 260
And thou, Tisbe, that hast of love swich peyne;
My lady cometh, that al this may disteyne.
Herro, Dido, Laudomia, alle y-fere,
And Phyllis, hanging for thy Demophoun,
†And Canace, espyed by thy chere, 265
†In real habit, a ful esy paas;
†And after hem com of women swich a traas, 285
That, sin that god Adam had mad of erthe
The thridde part of mankynd, or the ferthe,
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee,
Had ever in this wyde worlde y-be;
†And trewe of love thise women were echoon. 290
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anoon as that they gonne espye
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle at ones,
And kneled doun, as it were for the nones, 295
*And therfor may I seyn, as thinketh me, 247
*This song, in preysing of this lady fre.
Balade.
†Hyd, Absolon, thy gilte tresses clere;
†Ester, ley thou thy meknesse al a-doun; 250
†Hyd, Ionathas, al thy frendly manere;
†Penalopee, and Marcia Catoun,
†Mak of your wyfhod no comparisoun;
†Hyde ye your beautes, Isoude and Eleyne,
My lady cometh, that al this may disteyne. 255
†Thy faire body, lat hit nat appere,
†Lavyne; and thou, Lucresse of Rome toun,
†And Polixene, that boghten love so dere,
And Cleopatre, with al thy passioun,
Hyde ye your trouthe of love and your renoun; 260
And thou, Tisbe, that hast of love swich peyne;
My lady cometh, that al this may disteyne.
Herro, Dido, Laudomia, alle y-fere,
And Phyllis, hanging for thy Demophoun,
†And Canace, espyed by thy chere, 265
Page 196
Ysiphile, betraysed with Jasoun,
Maketh of your trouthe neyther boost ne soun;
Nor Ypermistre or Adriane, ye tweyne;
My lady cometh, that al this may disteyne.
This balade may ful wel y-songen be, 270
*As I have seyd erst, by my lady free;
*For certeynly, alle these mow nat suffyse
*To apperen with my lady in no wyse.
*For as the sonne wol the fyr disteyne,
*So passeth al my lady sovereyne, 275
That is so good, so fair, so debonaire;
I prey to god that ever falle hir faire!
†For, nadde comfort been of hir presence,
†I had ben deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere; 280
†As, when tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Behind this god of love, upon the grene,
†I saugh cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In real habit, a ful esy paas;
†And after hem com of women swich a traas, 285
That, sin that god Adam had mad of erthe,
The thridde part of mankynd, or the ferthe,
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee,
Had ever in this wyde worlde y-be;
†And trewe of love thise women were echoon. 290
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anoon as that they gonne espye
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle at ones,
And kneled doun, as it were for the nones, 295
*And songen with o vois, 'Hele and honour
*To trouthe of womanhede, and to this flour
*That berth our alder prys in figuringe!
*Hir whyte coroun berth the witnessinge!'
And with that word, a-compas enviroun, 300
†They setten hem ful softely adoun.
Maketh of your trouthe neyther boost ne soun;
Nor Ypermistre or Adriane, ye tweyne;
My lady cometh, that al this may disteyne.
This balade may ful wel y-songen be, 270
*As I have seyd erst, by my lady free;
*For certeynly, alle these mow nat suffyse
*To apperen with my lady in no wyse.
*For as the sonne wol the fyr disteyne,
*So passeth al my lady sovereyne, 275
That is so good, so fair, so debonaire;
I prey to god that ever falle hir faire!
†For, nadde comfort been of hir presence,
†I had ben deed, withouten any defence,
†For drede of Loves wordes and his chere; 280
†As, when tyme is, her-after ye shal here.
Behind this god of love, upon the grene,
†I saugh cominge of ladyës nyntene
†In real habit, a ful esy paas;
†And after hem com of women swich a traas, 285
That, sin that god Adam had mad of erthe,
The thridde part of mankynd, or the ferthe,
†Ne wende I nat by possibilitee,
Had ever in this wyde worlde y-be;
†And trewe of love thise women were echoon. 290
†Now whether was that a wonder thing or noon,
†That, right anoon as that they gonne espye
†This flour, which that I clepe the dayesye,
†Ful sodeinly they stinten alle at ones,
And kneled doun, as it were for the nones, 295
*And songen with o vois, 'Hele and honour
*To trouthe of womanhede, and to this flour
*That berth our alder prys in figuringe!
*Hir whyte coroun berth the witnessinge!'
And with that word, a-compas enviroun, 300
†They setten hem ful softely adoun.
Page 197
First sat the god of love, and sith his quene
†With the whyte coroun, clad in grene;
†And sithen al the remenant by and by,
As they were of estaat, ful curteisly; 305
†Ne nat a word was spoken in the place
†The mountance of a furlong-wey of space.
I kneling by this flour, in good entente
†Abood, to knowen what this peple mente,
†As stille as any stoon; til at the laste, 310
This god of love on me his eyen caste,
And seyde, 'who kneleth ther'? and I answerde
Unto his asking, whan that I hit herde,
†And seyde, 'sir, hit am I'; and com him neer,
†And salued him. Quod he, 'what dostow heer 315
So nigh myn owne flour, so boldely?
†For it were better worthy, trewely,
A worm to neghen neer my flour than thou.'
†'And why, sir,' quod I, 'and hit lyke yow?'
†'For thou,' quod he, 'art ther-to nothing able. 320
*Hit is my relik, digne and delytable,
And thou my fo, and al my folk werreyest,
†And of myn olde servaunts thou misseyest,
†And hindrest hem, with thy translacioun,
And lettest folk from hir devocioun 325
†To serve me, and holdest hit folye
To serve Love. Thou mayst hit nat denye;
For in pleyn text, with-outen nede of glose,
†Thou hast translated the Romaunce of the Rose,
†That is an heresye ageyns my lawe, 330
†And makest wyse folk fro me withdrawe.
And of Criseyde thou hast seyd as thee liste,
That maketh men to wommen lasse triste,
That ben as trewe as ever was any steel.
*Of thyn answere avyse thee right weel; 335
For, thogh that thou reneyed hast my lay,
As other wrecches han doon many a day,
By seynt Venus, that my moder is,
†With the whyte coroun, clad in grene;
†And sithen al the remenant by and by,
As they were of estaat, ful curteisly; 305
†Ne nat a word was spoken in the place
†The mountance of a furlong-wey of space.
I kneling by this flour, in good entente
†Abood, to knowen what this peple mente,
†As stille as any stoon; til at the laste, 310
This god of love on me his eyen caste,
And seyde, 'who kneleth ther'? and I answerde
Unto his asking, whan that I hit herde,
†And seyde, 'sir, hit am I'; and com him neer,
†And salued him. Quod he, 'what dostow heer 315
So nigh myn owne flour, so boldely?
†For it were better worthy, trewely,
A worm to neghen neer my flour than thou.'
†'And why, sir,' quod I, 'and hit lyke yow?'
†'For thou,' quod he, 'art ther-to nothing able. 320
*Hit is my relik, digne and delytable,
And thou my fo, and al my folk werreyest,
†And of myn olde servaunts thou misseyest,
†And hindrest hem, with thy translacioun,
And lettest folk from hir devocioun 325
†To serve me, and holdest hit folye
To serve Love. Thou mayst hit nat denye;
For in pleyn text, with-outen nede of glose,
†Thou hast translated the Romaunce of the Rose,
†That is an heresye ageyns my lawe, 330
†And makest wyse folk fro me withdrawe.
And of Criseyde thou hast seyd as thee liste,
That maketh men to wommen lasse triste,
That ben as trewe as ever was any steel.
*Of thyn answere avyse thee right weel; 335
For, thogh that thou reneyed hast my lay,
As other wrecches han doon many a day,
By seynt Venus, that my moder is,
Page 198
If that thou live, thou shalt repenten this
So cruelly, that hit shal wel be sene!' 340
Tho spak this lady, clothed al in grene,
†And seyde, 'god, right of your curtesye,
†Ye moten herknen if he can replye
Agayns al this that ye han to him meved;
†A god ne sholde nat be thus agreved, 345
†But of his deitee he shal be stable,
And therto gracious and merciable.
*And if ye nere a god, that knowen al,
*Than mighte hit be, as I yow tellen shal;
This man to you may falsly been accused, 350
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused.
†For in your court is many a losengeour,
†And many a queynte totelere accusour,
That tabouren in your eres many a soun,
Right after hir imaginacioun, 355
To have your daliance, and for envye;
*These been the causes, and I shall nat lye.
Envye is lavender of the court alway;
†For she ne parteth, neither night ne day,
†Out of the hous of Cesar; thus seith Dante; 360
Who-so that goth, algate she wol nat wante.
From B. 350, 351.
This man to yow may falsly been accused,
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused.
And eek, paraunter, for this man is nyce,
He mighte doon hit, gessing no malyce,
But for he useth thinges for to make;
Him rekketh noght of what matere he take; 365
†Or him was boden maken thilke tweye
†Of som persone, and durste hit nat with-seye;
*Or him repenteth utterly of this.
†He ne hath nat doon so grevously amis
†To translaten that olde clerkes wryten, 370
So cruelly, that hit shal wel be sene!' 340
Tho spak this lady, clothed al in grene,
†And seyde, 'god, right of your curtesye,
†Ye moten herknen if he can replye
Agayns al this that ye han to him meved;
†A god ne sholde nat be thus agreved, 345
†But of his deitee he shal be stable,
And therto gracious and merciable.
*And if ye nere a god, that knowen al,
*Than mighte hit be, as I yow tellen shal;
This man to you may falsly been accused, 350
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused.
†For in your court is many a losengeour,
†And many a queynte totelere accusour,
That tabouren in your eres many a soun,
Right after hir imaginacioun, 355
To have your daliance, and for envye;
*These been the causes, and I shall nat lye.
Envye is lavender of the court alway;
†For she ne parteth, neither night ne day,
†Out of the hous of Cesar; thus seith Dante; 360
Who-so that goth, algate she wol nat wante.
From B. 350, 351.
This man to yow may falsly been accused,
†Ther as by right him oghte been excused.
And eek, paraunter, for this man is nyce,
He mighte doon hit, gessing no malyce,
But for he useth thinges for to make;
Him rekketh noght of what matere he take; 365
†Or him was boden maken thilke tweye
†Of som persone, and durste hit nat with-seye;
*Or him repenteth utterly of this.
†He ne hath nat doon so grevously amis
†To translaten that olde clerkes wryten, 370
Page 199
†As thogh that he of malice wolde endyten
Despyt of love, and had him-self hit wroght.
†This shulde a rightwys lord have in his thoght,
†And nat be lyk tiraunts of Lumbardye,
Than han no reward but at tirannye. 375
†For he that king or lord is naturel,
†Him oghte nat be tiraunt ne cruel,
†As is a fermour, to doon the harm he can.
†He moste thinke hit is his lige man,
*And is his tresour, and his gold in cofre. 380
†This is the sentence of the philosophre:
†A king to kepe his liges in Iustyce;
†With-outen doute, that is his offyce.
Al wol he kepe his lordes hir degree,
†As hit is right and skilful that they be 385
†Enhaunced and honoured, and most dere—
†For they ben half-goddes in this world here—
Yit mot he doon bothe right, to pore and riche,
Al be that hir estat be nat y-liche,
†And han of pore folk compassioun. 390
†For lo, the gentil kynd of the leoun!
†For whan a flye offendeth him or byteth,
†He with his tayl awey the flye smyteth
†Al esily; for, of his genterye,
†Him deyneth nat to wreke him on a flye, 395
†As doth a curre or elles another beste.
†In noble corage oghte been areste,
†And weyen every thing by equitee,
†And ever han reward to his owen degree.
†For, sir, hit is no maystrie for a lord 400
To dampne a man with-oute answere of word;
†And, for a lord, that is ful foul to use.
†And if so be he may him nat excuse,
But asketh mercy with a dredful herte,
†And profreth him, right in his bare sherte, 405
†To been right at your owne Iugement,
Despyt of love, and had him-self hit wroght.
†This shulde a rightwys lord have in his thoght,
†And nat be lyk tiraunts of Lumbardye,
Than han no reward but at tirannye. 375
†For he that king or lord is naturel,
†Him oghte nat be tiraunt ne cruel,
†As is a fermour, to doon the harm he can.
†He moste thinke hit is his lige man,
*And is his tresour, and his gold in cofre. 380
†This is the sentence of the philosophre:
†A king to kepe his liges in Iustyce;
†With-outen doute, that is his offyce.
Al wol he kepe his lordes hir degree,
†As hit is right and skilful that they be 385
†Enhaunced and honoured, and most dere—
†For they ben half-goddes in this world here—
Yit mot he doon bothe right, to pore and riche,
Al be that hir estat be nat y-liche,
†And han of pore folk compassioun. 390
†For lo, the gentil kynd of the leoun!
†For whan a flye offendeth him or byteth,
†He with his tayl awey the flye smyteth
†Al esily; for, of his genterye,
†Him deyneth nat to wreke him on a flye, 395
†As doth a curre or elles another beste.
†In noble corage oghte been areste,
†And weyen every thing by equitee,
†And ever han reward to his owen degree.
†For, sir, hit is no maystrie for a lord 400
To dampne a man with-oute answere of word;
†And, for a lord, that is ful foul to use.
†And if so be he may him nat excuse,
But asketh mercy with a dredful herte,
†And profreth him, right in his bare sherte, 405
†To been right at your owne Iugement,
Page 200
†Than oghte a god, by short avysement,
†Considre his owne honour and his trespas.
†For sith no cause of deeth lyth in this cas,
†Yow oghte been the lighter merciable; 410
†Leteth your yre, and beth somwhat tretable!
†The man hath served yow of his conning,
And forthred wel your lawe in his making.
'Al be hit that he can nat wel endyte,
Yet hath he maked lewed folk delyte 415
†To serve you, in preysing of your name.
†He made the book that hight the Hous of Fame,
†And eek the Deeth of Blaunche the Duchesse,
†And the Parlement of Foules, as I gesse,
†And al the love of Palamon and Arcyte 420
†Of Thebes, thogh the story is knowen lyte;
†And many an ympne for your halydayes,
†That highten Balades, Roundels, Virelayes;
And, for to speke of other holynesse,
†He hath in prose translated Boëce, 425
†And mad the Lyf also of seynt Cecyle;
†He made also, goon sithen a greet whyl,
†Origenes upon the Maudeleyne;
†Him oghte now to have the lesse peyne;
†He hath mad many a lay and many a thing. 430
†'Now as ye been a god, and eek a king,
†I, your Alceste, whylom quene of Trace,
†I aske yow this man, right of your grace,
†That ye him never hurte in al his lyve;
†And he shal sweren yow, and that as blyve, 435
†He shal no more agilten in this wyse;
†But he shal maken, as ye wil devyse,
†Of wommen trewe in lovinge al hir lyve,
†Wher-so ye wil, of maiden or of wyve,
†And forthren yow, as muche as he misseyde 440
†Or in the Rose or elles in Creseyde.'
†The god of love answerde hir thus anoon,
†Considre his owne honour and his trespas.
†For sith no cause of deeth lyth in this cas,
†Yow oghte been the lighter merciable; 410
†Leteth your yre, and beth somwhat tretable!
†The man hath served yow of his conning,
And forthred wel your lawe in his making.
'Al be hit that he can nat wel endyte,
Yet hath he maked lewed folk delyte 415
†To serve you, in preysing of your name.
†He made the book that hight the Hous of Fame,
†And eek the Deeth of Blaunche the Duchesse,
†And the Parlement of Foules, as I gesse,
†And al the love of Palamon and Arcyte 420
†Of Thebes, thogh the story is knowen lyte;
†And many an ympne for your halydayes,
†That highten Balades, Roundels, Virelayes;
And, for to speke of other holynesse,
†He hath in prose translated Boëce, 425
†And mad the Lyf also of seynt Cecyle;
†He made also, goon sithen a greet whyl,
†Origenes upon the Maudeleyne;
†Him oghte now to have the lesse peyne;
†He hath mad many a lay and many a thing. 430
†'Now as ye been a god, and eek a king,
†I, your Alceste, whylom quene of Trace,
†I aske yow this man, right of your grace,
†That ye him never hurte in al his lyve;
†And he shal sweren yow, and that as blyve, 435
†He shal no more agilten in this wyse;
†But he shal maken, as ye wil devyse,
†Of wommen trewe in lovinge al hir lyve,
†Wher-so ye wil, of maiden or of wyve,
†And forthren yow, as muche as he misseyde 440
†Or in the Rose or elles in Creseyde.'
†The god of love answerde hir thus anoon,
Page 201
†'Madame,' quod he, 'hit is so long agoon
†That I yow knew so charitable and trewe,
†That never yit, sith that the world was newe, 445
†To me ne fond I better noon than ye.
If that I wolde save my degree,
†I may ne wol nat werne your requeste;
Al lyth in yow, doth with him as yow leste.
†I al foryeve, with-outen lenger space; 450
†For who-so yeveth a yift, or doth a grace,
†Do hit by tyme, his thank is wel the more;
†And demeth ye what he shal do therfore.
†Go thanke now my lady heer,' quod he.
†I roos, and doun I sette me on my knee, 455
†And seyde thus: 'Madame, the god above
†Foryelde yow, that ye the god of love
†Han maked me his wrathe to foryive;
†And yeve me grace so long for to live,
†That I may knowe soothly what ye be 460
That han me holpe and put in this degree.
†But trewely I wende, as in this cas,
†Naught have agilt, ne doon to love trespas.
†Forwhy a trewe man, with-outen drede,
†Hath nat to parten with a theves dede; 465
†Ne a trewe lover oghte me nat blame,
†Thogh that I speke a fals lover som shame.
†They oghte rather with me for to holde,
†For that I of Creseyde wroot or tolde,
†Or of the Rose; what-so myn auctour mente, 470
†Algate, god wot, hit was myn entente
†To forthren trouthe in love and hit cheryce;
†And to be war fro falsnesse and fro vyce
†By swich ensample; this was my meninge.'
†And she answerde, 'lat be thyn arguinge; 475
†For Love ne wol nat countrepleted be
In right ne wrong; and lerne that of me!
†Thou hast thy grace, and hold thee right ther-to.
†Now wol I seyn what penance thou shalt do
†That I yow knew so charitable and trewe,
†That never yit, sith that the world was newe, 445
†To me ne fond I better noon than ye.
If that I wolde save my degree,
†I may ne wol nat werne your requeste;
Al lyth in yow, doth with him as yow leste.
†I al foryeve, with-outen lenger space; 450
†For who-so yeveth a yift, or doth a grace,
†Do hit by tyme, his thank is wel the more;
†And demeth ye what he shal do therfore.
†Go thanke now my lady heer,' quod he.
†I roos, and doun I sette me on my knee, 455
†And seyde thus: 'Madame, the god above
†Foryelde yow, that ye the god of love
†Han maked me his wrathe to foryive;
†And yeve me grace so long for to live,
†That I may knowe soothly what ye be 460
That han me holpe and put in this degree.
†But trewely I wende, as in this cas,
†Naught have agilt, ne doon to love trespas.
†Forwhy a trewe man, with-outen drede,
†Hath nat to parten with a theves dede; 465
†Ne a trewe lover oghte me nat blame,
†Thogh that I speke a fals lover som shame.
†They oghte rather with me for to holde,
†For that I of Creseyde wroot or tolde,
†Or of the Rose; what-so myn auctour mente, 470
†Algate, god wot, hit was myn entente
†To forthren trouthe in love and hit cheryce;
†And to be war fro falsnesse and fro vyce
†By swich ensample; this was my meninge.'
†And she answerde, 'lat be thyn arguinge; 475
†For Love ne wol nat countrepleted be
In right ne wrong; and lerne that of me!
†Thou hast thy grace, and hold thee right ther-to.
†Now wol I seyn what penance thou shalt do
Page 202
†For thy trespas, and understond hit here: 480
†Thou shalt, whyl that thou livest, yeer by yere,
The moste party of thy tyme spende
†In making of a glorious Legende
†Of Gode Wommen, maidenes and wyves,
†That weren trewe in lovinge al hir lyves; 485
†And telle of false men that hem bitrayen,
†That al hir lyf ne doon nat but assayen
†How many wommen they may doon a shame;
For in your world that is now holde a game.
And thogh thee lyke nat a lover be, 490
†Spek wel of love; this penance yive I thee.
†And to the god of love I shal so preye,
†That he shal charge his servants, by any weye,
†To forthren thee, and wel thy labour quyte;
Go now thy wey, this penance is but lyte. 495
*And whan this book is maad, yive hit the quene
*On my behalfe, at Eltham, or at Shene.'
†The god of love gan smyle, and than he seyde,
†'Wostow,' quod he, 'wher this be wyf or mayde,
†Or quene, or countesse, or of what degree, 500
†That hath so litel penance yiven thee,
†That hast deserved sorer for to smerte?
†But pitee renneth sone in gentil herte;
†That maystow seen, she kytheth what she is.'
†And I answerde, 'nay, sir, so have I blis, 505
†No more but that I see wel she is good.'
†'That is a trewe tale, by myn hood,'
†Quod Love, 'and that thou knowest wel, pardee,
†If hit be so that thou avyse thee.
†Hastow nat in a book, lyth in thy cheste, 510
†The grete goodnesse of the quene Alceste,
†That turned was into a dayesye:
†She that for hir husbonde chees to dye,
†And eek to goon to helle, rather than he,
†And Ercules rescowed hir, pardee, 515
†And broghte hir out of helle agayn to blis?'
†Thou shalt, whyl that thou livest, yeer by yere,
The moste party of thy tyme spende
†In making of a glorious Legende
†Of Gode Wommen, maidenes and wyves,
†That weren trewe in lovinge al hir lyves; 485
†And telle of false men that hem bitrayen,
†That al hir lyf ne doon nat but assayen
†How many wommen they may doon a shame;
For in your world that is now holde a game.
And thogh thee lyke nat a lover be, 490
†Spek wel of love; this penance yive I thee.
†And to the god of love I shal so preye,
†That he shal charge his servants, by any weye,
†To forthren thee, and wel thy labour quyte;
Go now thy wey, this penance is but lyte. 495
*And whan this book is maad, yive hit the quene
*On my behalfe, at Eltham, or at Shene.'
†The god of love gan smyle, and than he seyde,
†'Wostow,' quod he, 'wher this be wyf or mayde,
†Or quene, or countesse, or of what degree, 500
†That hath so litel penance yiven thee,
†That hast deserved sorer for to smerte?
†But pitee renneth sone in gentil herte;
†That maystow seen, she kytheth what she is.'
†And I answerde, 'nay, sir, so have I blis, 505
†No more but that I see wel she is good.'
†'That is a trewe tale, by myn hood,'
†Quod Love, 'and that thou knowest wel, pardee,
†If hit be so that thou avyse thee.
†Hastow nat in a book, lyth in thy cheste, 510
†The grete goodnesse of the quene Alceste,
†That turned was into a dayesye:
†She that for hir husbonde chees to dye,
†And eek to goon to helle, rather than he,
†And Ercules rescowed hir, pardee, 515
†And broghte hir out of helle agayn to blis?'
Page 203
†And I answerde ageyn, and seyde, 'yis,
†Now knowe I hir! And is this good Alceste,
†The dayesye, and myn owne hertes reste?
†Now fele I wel the goodnesse of this wyf, 520
†That bothe after hir deeth, and in hir lyf,
†Hir grete bountee doubleth hir renoun!
†Wel hath she quit me myn affeccioun
†That I have to hir flour, the dayesye!
†No wonder is thogh Iove hir stellifye, 525
†As telleth Agaton, for hir goodnesse!
†Hir whyte coroun berth of hit witnesse;
†For also many vertues hadde she,
†As smale floures in hir coroun be.
†In remembraunce of hir and in honour, 530
†Cibella made the dayesy and the flour
†Y-coroned al with whyt, as men may see;
†And Mars yaf to hir coroun reed, pardee,
†In stede of rubies, set among the whyte.'
†Therwith this quene wex reed for shame a lyte, 535
†Whan she was preysed so in hir presence.
†Than seyde Love, 'a ful gret negligence
Was hit to thee, that ilke tyme thou made
*"Hyd, Absolon, thy tresses," in balade,
*That thou forgete hir in thy song to sette, 540
*Sin that thou art so gretly in hir dette,
And wost so wel, that kalender is she
*To any woman that wol lover be.
For she taughte al the craft of fyn lovinge,
†And namely of wyfhood the livinge, 545
†And alle the boundes that she oghte kepe;
†Thy litel wit was thilke tyme a-slepe.
†But now I charge thee, upon thy lyf,
†That in thy Legend thou make of this wyf,
Whan thou hast other smale y-maad before; 550
†And fare now wel, I charge thee no more.
*'But er I go, thus muche I wol thee telle,
*Ne shal no trewe lover come in helle.
†Now knowe I hir! And is this good Alceste,
†The dayesye, and myn owne hertes reste?
†Now fele I wel the goodnesse of this wyf, 520
†That bothe after hir deeth, and in hir lyf,
†Hir grete bountee doubleth hir renoun!
†Wel hath she quit me myn affeccioun
†That I have to hir flour, the dayesye!
†No wonder is thogh Iove hir stellifye, 525
†As telleth Agaton, for hir goodnesse!
†Hir whyte coroun berth of hit witnesse;
†For also many vertues hadde she,
†As smale floures in hir coroun be.
†In remembraunce of hir and in honour, 530
†Cibella made the dayesy and the flour
†Y-coroned al with whyt, as men may see;
†And Mars yaf to hir coroun reed, pardee,
†In stede of rubies, set among the whyte.'
†Therwith this quene wex reed for shame a lyte, 535
†Whan she was preysed so in hir presence.
†Than seyde Love, 'a ful gret negligence
Was hit to thee, that ilke tyme thou made
*"Hyd, Absolon, thy tresses," in balade,
*That thou forgete hir in thy song to sette, 540
*Sin that thou art so gretly in hir dette,
And wost so wel, that kalender is she
*To any woman that wol lover be.
For she taughte al the craft of fyn lovinge,
†And namely of wyfhood the livinge, 545
†And alle the boundes that she oghte kepe;
†Thy litel wit was thilke tyme a-slepe.
†But now I charge thee, upon thy lyf,
†That in thy Legend thou make of this wyf,
Whan thou hast other smale y-maad before; 550
†And fare now wel, I charge thee no more.
*'But er I go, thus muche I wol thee telle,
*Ne shal no trewe lover come in helle.
Page 204
*Thise other ladies sittinge here arowe
*Ben in thy balade, if thou canst hem knowe, 555
*And in thy bokes alle thou shalt hem finde;
*Have hem now in thy Legend alle in minde,
*I mene of hem that been in thy knowinge.
*For heer ben twenty thousand mo sittinge
*Than thou knowest, that been good wommen alle 560
*And trewe of love, for aught that may befalle;
*Make the metres of hem as thee leste.
*I mot gon hoom, the sonne draweth weste,
*To Paradys, with al this companye;
*And serve alwey the fresshe dayesye. 565
†'At Cleopatre I wol that thou beginne;
†And so forth; and my love so shalt thou winne.
*For lat see now what man that lover be,
*Wol doon so strong a peyne for love as she.
*I wot wel that thou mayst nat al hit ryme, 570
*That swiche lovers diden in hir tyme;
*It were to long to reden and to here;
*Suffyceth me, thou make in this manere,
*That thou reherce of al hir lyf the grete,
*After thise olde auctours listen to trete. 575
*For who-so shal so many a storie telle,
*Sey shortly, or he shal to longe dwelle.'
And with that word my bokes gan I take,
†And right thus on my Legend gan I make.
1. T. C. A. have I herd; rest I have herd. F. B. P. om. men; the rest have it. 2.
F. B. (only) om. That. 5. F. T. is; rest nis. 6. F. Tn. Th. B. P. ins. 2nd in
before helle; T. A. om. 8. F. seyde. 13. F. -selfe; dooth. 14. F. sooth. 16. F.
monke; all. 18. F. ben. 20. C. Yeuyn (for Yeve). 23. F. sondry. 25. F. awey;
C. Tn. A. aweye. 26. F. Y-lorne; C. I-loryn; P. I-lore. F. key; C. Tn. A. keye.
27. F. ought; thanne. 28. F. there; noon. 29. F. though. A. Th. P. can; T. con;
F. Tn. konne. 31. F. yiue; rest yeue. 33. F. hertly; Tn. Th. B. hertely; T.
hertyly; A. hertfully. 36. Tn. A. Th. month; B. P. moneth; F. monethe. 39. C.
Th. Farwel; F. Faire wel. F. boke. 40. F. thanne. F. B. suche a; T. Th. eke
thys; A. lo this; Tn. ek; P. eke a. 41. F. al. 42. F. Thanne; thise. 43. C.
*Ben in thy balade, if thou canst hem knowe, 555
*And in thy bokes alle thou shalt hem finde;
*Have hem now in thy Legend alle in minde,
*I mene of hem that been in thy knowinge.
*For heer ben twenty thousand mo sittinge
*Than thou knowest, that been good wommen alle 560
*And trewe of love, for aught that may befalle;
*Make the metres of hem as thee leste.
*I mot gon hoom, the sonne draweth weste,
*To Paradys, with al this companye;
*And serve alwey the fresshe dayesye. 565
†'At Cleopatre I wol that thou beginne;
†And so forth; and my love so shalt thou winne.
*For lat see now what man that lover be,
*Wol doon so strong a peyne for love as she.
*I wot wel that thou mayst nat al hit ryme, 570
*That swiche lovers diden in hir tyme;
*It were to long to reden and to here;
*Suffyceth me, thou make in this manere,
*That thou reherce of al hir lyf the grete,
*After thise olde auctours listen to trete. 575
*For who-so shal so many a storie telle,
*Sey shortly, or he shal to longe dwelle.'
And with that word my bokes gan I take,
†And right thus on my Legend gan I make.
1. T. C. A. have I herd; rest I have herd. F. B. P. om. men; the rest have it. 2.
F. B. (only) om. That. 5. F. T. is; rest nis. 6. F. Tn. Th. B. P. ins. 2nd in
before helle; T. A. om. 8. F. seyde. 13. F. -selfe; dooth. 14. F. sooth. 16. F.
monke; all. 18. F. ben. 20. C. Yeuyn (for Yeve). 23. F. sondry. 25. F. awey;
C. Tn. A. aweye. 26. F. Y-lorne; C. I-loryn; P. I-lore. F. key; C. Tn. A. keye.
27. F. ought; thanne. 28. F. there; noon. 29. F. though. A. Th. P. can; T. con;
F. Tn. konne. 31. F. yiue; rest yeue. 33. F. hertly; Tn. Th. B. hertely; T.
hertyly; A. hertfully. 36. Tn. A. Th. month; B. P. moneth; F. monethe. 39. C.
Th. Farwel; F. Faire wel. F. boke. 40. F. thanne. F. B. suche a; T. Th. eke
thys; A. lo this; Tn. ek; P. eke a. 41. F. al. 42. F. Thanne; thise. 43. C.
Page 205
Swyche; F. Suche. F. her (for our); rest our. 44. F. grete. 45. C. whan; F.
whanne. 47. F. vppe. 48. F. floure ayein. 49. F. vprysith. 50. All sight: read
sighte. 52. A. all maner; Add. hit alle maner; Th. alle; F. Th. it al; Tn. B. it
alle; P. it alle. 53. Tn. T. alle; F. al (wrongly). 54. F. vertue. 55. F. faire;
fressh. 57. F. hert; Tn. herte. 61. F. evere. 64. F. Hire. 66. F. englyssh. 68. F.
konnyng. 69. F. sentment; rest sentement. 70. F. case. All oght, ought
(wrongly); read oghte. 72. F. Whethir; read Whe'r. 73. F. -biforne. 74. F.
makynge; corne. 79. F. fresshe; A. fresche; Th. fresshe. F. sayede; Tn. said.
80. F. euele apayede; Tn. euylle a-paid. 82. F. eke; Tn. ek. 83. F. witte; Tn.
wit. 84. F. clerenesse; Tn. clernesse. 85. F. ledyth. 86. All hert. F. sorwfull;
dredith. 88. F. witte; Tn. wyt. F. not thing (over erasure); rest nothyng. 89.
F. worde. F. werkes; Tn. werkes; T. werke; A. werk. F. youre. Tn. bonde; F.
bond. 90. Tn. honde; F. hond. 92. F. oute. Th. B. herte; rest hert. 93. F.
pleyn; Tn. pleyne. 94. F. souereyn; Tn. souereyne. 95. F. erthely; yowe. 96.
A. B. in my; rest omit 2nd in. 97. F. wherfore. A. spak; F. spake. 100. Tn.
Th. B. P. men; A. man; T. they; F. om. F. eighe. 101. Tn. whan; F. whanne.
102. F. (only) om. al. T. A. at ones; Tn. atones; F. attones. 103. F. trusteth
(!); A. B. thrustith; Tn. Th. P. thursteth. 104. F. fressh. 105. F. Tn. A. B. P.
gledy; T. glad; Th. gredy. 106. F. feele yet the fire. 108. F. om. this. 109. F.
hert. 111. F. om. that. 112. F. Agayne. F. rede; better reed, as in Th. 114. F.
doghtre. 115. F. dovne; knes anoon ryght. 116. F. koude. F. fresshe; A.
fresche. 118. Tn. T. smale; F. smal. 120. F. suetnesse. 124. A. eke rest omit.
F. beaute. F. (only) of (for alle). 125. F. estate; C. Tn. estat. 126. F. wynter.
F. B. hem; rest him. C. mat; Tn. maat; rest mate. 127. F. colde. 128. Th. the
atempre; Tn. A. B. the attempre; F. thatempre; P. the a-tempred. F. alle. 131.
C. T. A. from; rest of. F. nette; C. Tn. net. 132. Tn. T. A. fouler; F. foweler.
133. F. hadde; broode. 134. F. dispite; C. dispit. F. goode; C. good. 135. C.
song; F. songe. C. Tn. despise; F. dispise. 136. F. cherle. 138. F. hire. Tn. T.
A. fouler; C. foulere; F. foweler. 139. F. crafte; T. A. craft. 141. F. Tn. B. in
preysinge; rest om. in. 144. F. hire. 146. C. ches; T. chase; P. chose; F. chees
(rightly); rest chese. 147. C. herte; F. hert. 148. F. -alle hire. 150. F. hire
othere. 151. F. Tn. on to; T. A. Th. B. vnto. 153. F. thoo. Tn. vnkyndenesse;
F. vnkyndnesse. 154. F. dooth. 156. F. Tn. B. humblely (trisyllabic); T. Th.
humbly. A. P. songen; T. sangen; rest songe. 158. F. hire. 159. F. hire (and
elsewhere). 161. F. thurgh. 162. Tn. T. Th. B. P. made; F. mad. 163. F.
Thurgh. 164. F. Tn. Th. P. clepe it nat; but T. A. om. it. T. also om. nat; and
A. has that for nat. 165. F. vertue. 166. Tn. A. Etic; B. Etyk; F. etike; T.
whanne. 47. F. vppe. 48. F. floure ayein. 49. F. vprysith. 50. All sight: read
sighte. 52. A. all maner; Add. hit alle maner; Th. alle; F. Th. it al; Tn. B. it
alle; P. it alle. 53. Tn. T. alle; F. al (wrongly). 54. F. vertue. 55. F. faire;
fressh. 57. F. hert; Tn. herte. 61. F. evere. 64. F. Hire. 66. F. englyssh. 68. F.
konnyng. 69. F. sentment; rest sentement. 70. F. case. All oght, ought
(wrongly); read oghte. 72. F. Whethir; read Whe'r. 73. F. -biforne. 74. F.
makynge; corne. 79. F. fresshe; A. fresche; Th. fresshe. F. sayede; Tn. said.
80. F. euele apayede; Tn. euylle a-paid. 82. F. eke; Tn. ek. 83. F. witte; Tn.
wit. 84. F. clerenesse; Tn. clernesse. 85. F. ledyth. 86. All hert. F. sorwfull;
dredith. 88. F. witte; Tn. wyt. F. not thing (over erasure); rest nothyng. 89.
F. worde. F. werkes; Tn. werkes; T. werke; A. werk. F. youre. Tn. bonde; F.
bond. 90. Tn. honde; F. hond. 92. F. oute. Th. B. herte; rest hert. 93. F.
pleyn; Tn. pleyne. 94. F. souereyn; Tn. souereyne. 95. F. erthely; yowe. 96.
A. B. in my; rest omit 2nd in. 97. F. wherfore. A. spak; F. spake. 100. Tn.
Th. B. P. men; A. man; T. they; F. om. F. eighe. 101. Tn. whan; F. whanne.
102. F. (only) om. al. T. A. at ones; Tn. atones; F. attones. 103. F. trusteth
(!); A. B. thrustith; Tn. Th. P. thursteth. 104. F. fressh. 105. F. Tn. A. B. P.
gledy; T. glad; Th. gredy. 106. F. feele yet the fire. 108. F. om. this. 109. F.
hert. 111. F. om. that. 112. F. Agayne. F. rede; better reed, as in Th. 114. F.
doghtre. 115. F. dovne; knes anoon ryght. 116. F. koude. F. fresshe; A.
fresche. 118. Tn. T. smale; F. smal. 120. F. suetnesse. 124. A. eke rest omit.
F. beaute. F. (only) of (for alle). 125. F. estate; C. Tn. estat. 126. F. wynter.
F. B. hem; rest him. C. mat; Tn. maat; rest mate. 127. F. colde. 128. Th. the
atempre; Tn. A. B. the attempre; F. thatempre; P. the a-tempred. F. alle. 131.
C. T. A. from; rest of. F. nette; C. Tn. net. 132. Tn. T. A. fouler; F. foweler.
133. F. hadde; broode. 134. F. dispite; C. dispit. F. goode; C. good. 135. C.
song; F. songe. C. Tn. despise; F. dispise. 136. F. cherle. 138. F. hire. Tn. T.
A. fouler; C. foulere; F. foweler. 139. F. crafte; T. A. craft. 141. F. Tn. B. in
preysinge; rest om. in. 144. F. hire. 146. C. ches; T. chase; P. chose; F. chees
(rightly); rest chese. 147. C. herte; F. hert. 148. F. -alle hire. 150. F. hire
othere. 151. F. Tn. on to; T. A. Th. B. vnto. 153. F. thoo. Tn. vnkyndenesse;
F. vnkyndnesse. 154. F. dooth. 156. F. Tn. B. humblely (trisyllabic); T. Th.
humbly. A. P. songen; T. sangen; rest songe. 158. F. hire. 159. F. hire (and
elsewhere). 161. F. thurgh. 162. Tn. T. Th. B. P. made; F. mad. 163. F.
Thurgh. 164. F. Tn. Th. P. clepe it nat; but T. A. om. it. T. also om. nat; and
A. has that for nat. 165. F. vertue. 166. Tn. A. Etic; B. Etyk; F. etike; T.
Page 206
Ethik. 167. Tn. foules; F. foweles. 169. A. songen; T. songyn; F. Tn. B.
songe. F. Tn. acorde; T. acord; A. accord. 170. F. oure. F. Tn. lorde; T. A.
lord. 171. Tn. zephirus; F. Zepherus. 173. F. Hire swoote. 175. F. whiche;
thoght; myght. 176. F. Duellen. Tn. A. month; T. moneth; F. monyth. 177.
Tn. sleep; F. slepe. 178. F. A-dovne. 180. F. shoope. Tn. to a-bide; F. tabide.
181. F. ellis. 182. Tn. dayesye; F. daysie. 183. F. B. (only) transpose wel
and men. 184. Tn. dayesie; F. daisie. 185. F. floure; A. flour. 186. T. mot; P.
may; rest mote. 190. F. corne; Tn. corn. 192. F. mother (!); rest nother. 194.
F. browken; her. 196. T. story; F. storye; Tn. storie. F. swiche thinge. 197.
All west; read weste (as in MS. Add. 9832). 198. F. floure. All rest; read
reste (as in MS. Add. 9832 and in l. 201). 199. Th. dredde (rightly); rest
dred. 200. Tn. hom; F. Home. Th. spedde (rightly); rest sped. 202. F. B.
(only) omit to. 208. F. leyde; A. laid. 209. F. twoo. 210. Tn. medew; F.
medewe; T. A. medow. 211, 212. F. (only) transposes these lines. 211. T. A.
Add. so love; rest love so. 212. Tn. com; Th. cam; rest come. 214. Tn.
habit; F. habite. 215. C. hadde; rest had (badly). 216. C. whit; P. whyt; F.
Tn. B. white. T. coroun; C. corone; F. corwne; Tn. Th. crowne (but corowne
in ll. 220, 223). 217 (and 220). Th. florouns; Tn. floruns; F. flourouns; B.
flowrouns; rest floures. 218. C. world; F. worlde. Tn. dayesie; F. daysye.
220. P. corown; F. corovne; T. coroune; Tn. Th. B. corowne; A. croun. 222.
F. Hire. F. corovne; C. coroun (and in l. 223). 224. F. hire lyke. 225. F. eke;
golde. 229. F. worlde; Tn. world. 230. F. Tn. gilte; T. A. gilt. Tn. heer; F.
here; A. hair. 231. F. I stede; rest In stede. F. golde; Tn. gold. 232. F. thoght.
In 231, 232, most MSS. have wight, bright; but C. has bryhte, riming with
syhte. 233. F. myght. 234. F. thoght. 235. F. Twoo. 238. F. thoght; myght.
240. F. dooth; C. both (!). C. herte; F. hert. 241. F. helde; C. held. C. the (for
this). 242. F. Corowned. 244. F. om. wolde seke. 245. F. imperfect; has only
nat fynde. C. Half hire beute schulde men; A. (only) inserts of after Half.
[282. C. this; for the.] [286. C. om. had.] [287. C. thredde. C. Wemen ne; for
mankynd or.] 247. F. therfore. 248. F. songe. 249. F. Tn. omit. C. Hyd
absalon thynne gilte tressis clere. T. A. Th. absolon thy. 250. C. meknesse;
F. mekenesse. C. adoun; F. adowne. 252. C. T. P. Penolope. 253. C. Mak;
rest Make. F. youre; Tn. your. C. wyfhod; F. wifhode. 254. F. youre. 255. F.
comith (and in l. 262). 257. F. tovne; C. toun. 261. F. Tesbe; C. Tysbe; Tn.
A. Th. Tisbe; T. Tisbee. F. Tn. Th. B. P. of; C. T. A. for. C. swich; F. suche.
263. Th. Hero; MSS. Herro. C. Th. Laodomya; rest laudomia. 266. C. T. Th.
bytrayed. 267. C. soun; F. sovne. 271. F. seyde; Tn. seid. 272. Tn. mow; F.
songe. F. Tn. acorde; T. acord; A. accord. 170. F. oure. F. Tn. lorde; T. A.
lord. 171. Tn. zephirus; F. Zepherus. 173. F. Hire swoote. 175. F. whiche;
thoght; myght. 176. F. Duellen. Tn. A. month; T. moneth; F. monyth. 177.
Tn. sleep; F. slepe. 178. F. A-dovne. 180. F. shoope. Tn. to a-bide; F. tabide.
181. F. ellis. 182. Tn. dayesye; F. daysie. 183. F. B. (only) transpose wel
and men. 184. Tn. dayesie; F. daisie. 185. F. floure; A. flour. 186. T. mot; P.
may; rest mote. 190. F. corne; Tn. corn. 192. F. mother (!); rest nother. 194.
F. browken; her. 196. T. story; F. storye; Tn. storie. F. swiche thinge. 197.
All west; read weste (as in MS. Add. 9832). 198. F. floure. All rest; read
reste (as in MS. Add. 9832 and in l. 201). 199. Th. dredde (rightly); rest
dred. 200. Tn. hom; F. Home. Th. spedde (rightly); rest sped. 202. F. B.
(only) omit to. 208. F. leyde; A. laid. 209. F. twoo. 210. Tn. medew; F.
medewe; T. A. medow. 211, 212. F. (only) transposes these lines. 211. T. A.
Add. so love; rest love so. 212. Tn. com; Th. cam; rest come. 214. Tn.
habit; F. habite. 215. C. hadde; rest had (badly). 216. C. whit; P. whyt; F.
Tn. B. white. T. coroun; C. corone; F. corwne; Tn. Th. crowne (but corowne
in ll. 220, 223). 217 (and 220). Th. florouns; Tn. floruns; F. flourouns; B.
flowrouns; rest floures. 218. C. world; F. worlde. Tn. dayesie; F. daysye.
220. P. corown; F. corovne; T. coroune; Tn. Th. B. corowne; A. croun. 222.
F. Hire. F. corovne; C. coroun (and in l. 223). 224. F. hire lyke. 225. F. eke;
golde. 229. F. worlde; Tn. world. 230. F. Tn. gilte; T. A. gilt. Tn. heer; F.
here; A. hair. 231. F. I stede; rest In stede. F. golde; Tn. gold. 232. F. thoght.
In 231, 232, most MSS. have wight, bright; but C. has bryhte, riming with
syhte. 233. F. myght. 234. F. thoght. 235. F. Twoo. 238. F. thoght; myght.
240. F. dooth; C. both (!). C. herte; F. hert. 241. F. helde; C. held. C. the (for
this). 242. F. Corowned. 244. F. om. wolde seke. 245. F. imperfect; has only
nat fynde. C. Half hire beute schulde men; A. (only) inserts of after Half.
[282. C. this; for the.] [286. C. om. had.] [287. C. thredde. C. Wemen ne; for
mankynd or.] 247. F. therfore. 248. F. songe. 249. F. Tn. omit. C. Hyd
absalon thynne gilte tressis clere. T. A. Th. absolon thy. 250. C. meknesse;
F. mekenesse. C. adoun; F. adowne. 252. C. T. P. Penolope. 253. C. Mak;
rest Make. F. youre; Tn. your. C. wyfhod; F. wifhode. 254. F. youre. 255. F.
comith (and in l. 262). 257. F. tovne; C. toun. 261. F. Tesbe; C. Tysbe; Tn.
A. Th. Tisbe; T. Tisbee. F. Tn. Th. B. P. of; C. T. A. for. C. swich; F. suche.
263. Th. Hero; MSS. Herro. C. Th. Laodomya; rest laudomia. 266. C. T. Th.
bytrayed. 267. C. soun; F. sovne. 271. F. seyde; Tn. seid. 272. Tn. mow; F.
Page 207
Th. mowe; T. A. may. 274. F. wole; fire. 276. F. faire; Tn. fair. 279. F. Tn.
hadde; T. A. had. F. dede; Tn. deed. 282. F. Behynde; A. Behynd. 283. F.
comyng; Tn. comynge. F. Nientene; Tn. nyentene; T. A. nyntene. 284. F.
habite. 285. F. coome. F. wymen; T. wemen; Th. B. P. women; A. wommen.
286. F. hadde made. 290. F. echon. 291. F. wheither (pronounced whe'r). F.
non. 293. F. daysie; Tn. dayesie. 294. F. styten (miswritten for stynten). T. at
ones; F. attones. 295. F. knelede dovne. 296. T. A. hele; Tn. heele; F. heel.
297. F. The (for To); rest To. 298. F. bereth. 299. F. Hire; corowne. F.
beryth; Tn. berth. 301. F. softly; Tn. softely. 303. F. corowne; C. corone.
304. F. remenannt; C. remenant. 306. F. worde. 308. F. floure. 309. F.
Aboode; Tn. Abood. 310. F. ston. F. last; C. laste. 311. F. hyse eighen. 312.
F. there. 314. F. B. (only) om. sir. C. cam; F. come. C. ner; F. nere (see l.
318). 315. A. salued; F. salwed; C. salewede. C. her; F. here. 316. F. ovne
floure. 317. C. A. For; rest om. 318. F. worme; Tn. worm; C. werm. Tn.
neer; F. ner. 319. F. sire. 321. Tn. relik; F. relyke. 322. F. foo; folke. 323. F.
servauntes; Tn. seruauntz. 324. Tn. hindrest; F. hynderest. 325. F. folke.
326, 327. F. om. from me to serve. 328. F. pleyne. 329. F. Tn. B. om.
translated (!); perhaps read translat; but see l. 425. 330. F. ayeins. 331. F.
folke. 332. F. Creseyde; A. Criseide. F. seyde; the. 335. F. the. 336. T. A.
that; rest om. 340. Tn. wel; F. wele. 341. F. Thoo spake. 342. F. youre. 343.
A. herknen; C. herkenyn; rest herken. 348. F. alle. 349. F. Thanne myght;
shalle. 350. F. mane (!). 351. C. There; rest That. F. oughte ben. 352. F.
youre courte. 353. C. Tn. queynte; F. queynt. 354. F. youre; swon (!), for
sown. 356. F. youre. 357. F. Thise. 358. F. B. lauendere. 360. C. hous; F.
house. 362. F. eke parauntere. 363. F. myght. 364. F. B. (only) om. But. 367.
Tn. som; F. somme. 368. T. vttyrly; A. vtirly; F. Tn. outrely. 371. F. Tn. B. P.
And; rest As. 372. F. Despite. 373. F. shoolde. 374. F. lyke tirauntez. 376. F.
kynge. F. lord ys in; rest om. in. 377. F. oght; C. oughte. F. crewel; B. cruel.
378. F. harme. 379. F. leege; C. Tn. lige; Th. T. A. B. liege. 382. F. leeges;
Tn. liges; C. lygis. 384. F. hise. Th. P. in her; rest om. in. 387. F. -goddys.
388. F. mote; T. A. Add. om. bothe; poore. 389. F. hire estaat. 390. F. poore.
391. F. loo; kynde. T. A. leoun; F. lyoun. 392. F. offendith. 393. F. tayle. F.
fle; C. Tn. A. B. P. flye. 394. F. esely; A. esily. C. A. genterye; F. gentrye.
396. F. dooth; best. 397. C. oghte; F. ought. F. ben arest. 399. F. Tn. Th. B.
vnto; rest to. 401. C. P. or; rest of. 402. C. wol; T. ryght; rest ful. F. foule.
403. C. T. A. if; rest it. 404. C. om. But. 405. F. profereth; P. profreth. 406.
F. owen; C. Tn. owene; T. oune. 407. F. oght. 409. F. dethe lyeth; caas. 410.
hadde; T. A. had. F. dede; Tn. deed. 282. F. Behynde; A. Behynd. 283. F.
comyng; Tn. comynge. F. Nientene; Tn. nyentene; T. A. nyntene. 284. F.
habite. 285. F. coome. F. wymen; T. wemen; Th. B. P. women; A. wommen.
286. F. hadde made. 290. F. echon. 291. F. wheither (pronounced whe'r). F.
non. 293. F. daysie; Tn. dayesie. 294. F. styten (miswritten for stynten). T. at
ones; F. attones. 295. F. knelede dovne. 296. T. A. hele; Tn. heele; F. heel.
297. F. The (for To); rest To. 298. F. bereth. 299. F. Hire; corowne. F.
beryth; Tn. berth. 301. F. softly; Tn. softely. 303. F. corowne; C. corone.
304. F. remenannt; C. remenant. 306. F. worde. 308. F. floure. 309. F.
Aboode; Tn. Abood. 310. F. ston. F. last; C. laste. 311. F. hyse eighen. 312.
F. there. 314. F. B. (only) om. sir. C. cam; F. come. C. ner; F. nere (see l.
318). 315. A. salued; F. salwed; C. salewede. C. her; F. here. 316. F. ovne
floure. 317. C. A. For; rest om. 318. F. worme; Tn. worm; C. werm. Tn.
neer; F. ner. 319. F. sire. 321. Tn. relik; F. relyke. 322. F. foo; folke. 323. F.
servauntes; Tn. seruauntz. 324. Tn. hindrest; F. hynderest. 325. F. folke.
326, 327. F. om. from me to serve. 328. F. pleyne. 329. F. Tn. B. om.
translated (!); perhaps read translat; but see l. 425. 330. F. ayeins. 331. F.
folke. 332. F. Creseyde; A. Criseide. F. seyde; the. 335. F. the. 336. T. A.
that; rest om. 340. Tn. wel; F. wele. 341. F. Thoo spake. 342. F. youre. 343.
A. herknen; C. herkenyn; rest herken. 348. F. alle. 349. F. Thanne myght;
shalle. 350. F. mane (!). 351. C. There; rest That. F. oughte ben. 352. F.
youre courte. 353. C. Tn. queynte; F. queynt. 354. F. youre; swon (!), for
sown. 356. F. youre. 357. F. Thise. 358. F. B. lauendere. 360. C. hous; F.
house. 362. F. eke parauntere. 363. F. myght. 364. F. B. (only) om. But. 367.
Tn. som; F. somme. 368. T. vttyrly; A. vtirly; F. Tn. outrely. 371. F. Tn. B. P.
And; rest As. 372. F. Despite. 373. F. shoolde. 374. F. lyke tirauntez. 376. F.
kynge. F. lord ys in; rest om. in. 377. F. oght; C. oughte. F. crewel; B. cruel.
378. F. harme. 379. F. leege; C. Tn. lige; Th. T. A. B. liege. 382. F. leeges;
Tn. liges; C. lygis. 384. F. hise. Th. P. in her; rest om. in. 387. F. -goddys.
388. F. mote; T. A. Add. om. bothe; poore. 389. F. hire estaat. 390. F. poore.
391. F. loo; kynde. T. A. leoun; F. lyoun. 392. F. offendith. 393. F. tayle. F.
fle; C. Tn. A. B. P. flye. 394. F. esely; A. esily. C. A. genterye; F. gentrye.
396. F. dooth; best. 397. C. oghte; F. ought. F. ben arest. 399. F. Tn. Th. B.
vnto; rest to. 401. C. P. or; rest of. 402. C. wol; T. ryght; rest ful. F. foule.
403. C. T. A. if; rest it. 404. C. om. But. 405. F. profereth; P. profreth. 406.
F. owen; C. Tn. owene; T. oune. 407. F. oght. 409. F. dethe lyeth; caas. 410.
Page 208
All but T. wrongly insert to before been. 412. F. kunnyng. 413. F. furthred;
Tn. forthred. F. youre. 415. C. makid; rest made (line too short). 425. F.
proce; rest prose. 426. F. maade; lyfe. 427. A. sithen; rest is. F. grete. 429. F.
oughte. 430. F. maade; thinge. 431. F. be; C. A. ben. 435. A. sueren; rest
swere to (less happily). C. T. A. as; which the rest omit. 436. C. T. A. no;
rest neuer. 437. C. T. A. he; rest om. F. wol. 438. F. lyfe (but see l. 434).
439. F. wol; wyfe. 442. C. F. answerede; Th. answerde (better). F. (only)
om. thus. 444. C. knew; F. knewe. 445. C. sith; F. syn. F. worlde. 446. C. T.
A. fond; F. founde. 447. F. ye; rest I. F. wolde; P. Add. wolde; rest wol,
wole, wolle. 449. C. Th. lyth; Tn. lith; F. lyeth. F. liste. 451. F. yifte; dooth.
454. P. her; rest here. 455. F. dovne. 457. C. Tn. T. A. Add. ye; rest om. 459.
F. Tn. Th. B. P. all om. yeve me (wrongly); C. T. A. retain it. 461. C.
holpyn; Th. holpen; rest holpe. C. F. Tn. needlessly insert me after put. C.
swich (for this). 462. C. trewely; F. trewly. 466. F. oght. All wrongly omit
final e in oght; and all but C. wrongly insert to before blame. 467. F. spake;
Tn. spede; rest speke. 473. F. ben; C. be. 477. C. this at (for that of). 478. F.
holde; all the. 480. C. A. and; rest om. T. to put the out of were (for and—
here). 481. F. while; yere by yere. 482. F. most partye. C. lyf (for tyme).
484. C. goode; F. good. F. wymmen; Tn. A. wommen; C. T. wemen. 485. F.
trew. C. leuynge (error for lonynge). 486. C. false; F. fals. 487. From C.; F.
Tn. omit this line. 488. F. women; Tn. wommen. C. Tn. A. B. P. they; F.
that. 489. F. youre worlde. 490. F. the; lovere bee. 491. C. Spek; F. Speke.
493. F. servantez; Tn. seruauntz. 495. F. Goo. C. thyn (for this). 496. F.
maade. 497. F. Sheene; Tn. T. Th. Shene. 502, 503. F. omits from sorer to
renneth. C. sorere; T. A. sorer; rest sore. C. Tn. Th. smerte. C. pete rennyth;
Tn. A. pitee renneth. F. soone. 505. C. answerde; F. answered. C. sere; F.
sire; Tn. sir. 506. F. Tn. B. Na; rest No. F. moore. 508. C. T. A. that; rest om.
511. C. Tn. grete; F. gret. 512. C. Tn. dayesye; F. daysye. 514. F. eke. 516.
F. agayne. 518. F. hire. 519. C. dayes eye; F. daysie. F. owene. 520. F. weel.
521. C. bothe; F. both. F. aftir hir deth. C. ek (for in). 524. C. dayesye; F.
daysye. 526. F. hire goodenesse. 527, 529. C. coroun; F. corowne. 527. F.
berith. 528. C. hath (badly). 529. F. Th. florouns; rest floures. 530. F.
honoure. 531. In margin of F.—Cibella mater deorum. F. maade; daysye;
floure. 532. C. I-coroned; F. Y-crowned. F. white. 533. C. corone; F.
corowne. F. reede. 534. C. set; F. sette. 537. F. Thanne. C. gret; F. grete. F.
necligence. 538. F. ys (wrongly); rest hit, it. 540. Th. forgete; F. Tn. forgate;
T. A. forgat. F. songe. 542. T. A. Add. so; rest om. F. shee. 543. F. bee. 544.
Tn. forthred. F. youre. 415. C. makid; rest made (line too short). 425. F.
proce; rest prose. 426. F. maade; lyfe. 427. A. sithen; rest is. F. grete. 429. F.
oughte. 430. F. maade; thinge. 431. F. be; C. A. ben. 435. A. sueren; rest
swere to (less happily). C. T. A. as; which the rest omit. 436. C. T. A. no;
rest neuer. 437. C. T. A. he; rest om. F. wol. 438. F. lyfe (but see l. 434).
439. F. wol; wyfe. 442. C. F. answerede; Th. answerde (better). F. (only)
om. thus. 444. C. knew; F. knewe. 445. C. sith; F. syn. F. worlde. 446. C. T.
A. fond; F. founde. 447. F. ye; rest I. F. wolde; P. Add. wolde; rest wol,
wole, wolle. 449. C. Th. lyth; Tn. lith; F. lyeth. F. liste. 451. F. yifte; dooth.
454. P. her; rest here. 455. F. dovne. 457. C. Tn. T. A. Add. ye; rest om. 459.
F. Tn. Th. B. P. all om. yeve me (wrongly); C. T. A. retain it. 461. C.
holpyn; Th. holpen; rest holpe. C. F. Tn. needlessly insert me after put. C.
swich (for this). 462. C. trewely; F. trewly. 466. F. oght. All wrongly omit
final e in oght; and all but C. wrongly insert to before blame. 467. F. spake;
Tn. spede; rest speke. 473. F. ben; C. be. 477. C. this at (for that of). 478. F.
holde; all the. 480. C. A. and; rest om. T. to put the out of were (for and—
here). 481. F. while; yere by yere. 482. F. most partye. C. lyf (for tyme).
484. C. goode; F. good. F. wymmen; Tn. A. wommen; C. T. wemen. 485. F.
trew. C. leuynge (error for lonynge). 486. C. false; F. fals. 487. From C.; F.
Tn. omit this line. 488. F. women; Tn. wommen. C. Tn. A. B. P. they; F.
that. 489. F. youre worlde. 490. F. the; lovere bee. 491. C. Spek; F. Speke.
493. F. servantez; Tn. seruauntz. 495. F. Goo. C. thyn (for this). 496. F.
maade. 497. F. Sheene; Tn. T. Th. Shene. 502, 503. F. omits from sorer to
renneth. C. sorere; T. A. sorer; rest sore. C. Tn. Th. smerte. C. pete rennyth;
Tn. A. pitee renneth. F. soone. 505. C. answerde; F. answered. C. sere; F.
sire; Tn. sir. 506. F. Tn. B. Na; rest No. F. moore. 508. C. T. A. that; rest om.
511. C. Tn. grete; F. gret. 512. C. Tn. dayesye; F. daysye. 514. F. eke. 516.
F. agayne. 518. F. hire. 519. C. dayes eye; F. daysie. F. owene. 520. F. weel.
521. C. bothe; F. both. F. aftir hir deth. C. ek (for in). 524. C. dayesye; F.
daysye. 526. F. hire goodenesse. 527, 529. C. coroun; F. corowne. 527. F.
berith. 528. C. hath (badly). 529. F. Th. florouns; rest floures. 530. F.
honoure. 531. In margin of F.—Cibella mater deorum. F. maade; daysye;
floure. 532. C. I-coroned; F. Y-crowned. F. white. 533. C. corone; F.
corowne. F. reede. 534. C. set; F. sette. 537. F. Thanne. C. gret; F. grete. F.
necligence. 538. F. ys (wrongly); rest hit, it. 540. Th. forgete; F. Tn. forgate;
T. A. forgat. F. songe. 542. T. A. Add. so; rest om. F. shee. 543. F. bee. 544.
Page 209
C. taughte; F. taught. F. crafte; Tn. T. A. craft. 545. F. wyfhode; lyvyng. 546.
F. al; oght. 547. F. witte. 548. F. the. C. lyf; F. lyfe. 549. F. legende. C. wif;
F. wyfe. 550. F. y-maade. 551. C. no more; F. namore. 552. F. goo; the. 555.
F. Th. my; rest thy. 556. F. bookes. 557. F. misplaces now after legende; Tn.
Th. place now after hem. 558. F. ben; knowyng. 559. F. here; thousande
moo sittyng. 560. F. Thanne. A. that ben; T. Add. and; rest om. 561. Tn.
aught; F. oght. 562. F. lest; Tn. leste. 563. F. home. F. west; Tn. weste. 564.
F. thise; rest this. 565. F. fressh; Th. fresshe; A. fresche. 566. F. wole. 567.
F. forthe. C. Tn. shalt; F. shal. 569. F. stronge. 571. F. Tn. A. swich; T. Th. P.
suche. F. Tn. dide; T. dedyn; P. deden; Add. diden. 573. B. Suffyceth; F.
Suffich (!). 574. A. lyf; F. lyfe. 575. A. listen trete; Tn. the lasse to trete (!);
Add. the lesse to trete (!); rest listen for to trete (badly; omit for). 576. F.
storye. 578. A. word; F. worde. 579. F. legende.
F. al; oght. 547. F. witte. 548. F. the. C. lyf; F. lyfe. 549. F. legende. C. wif;
F. wyfe. 550. F. y-maade. 551. C. no more; F. namore. 552. F. goo; the. 555.
F. Th. my; rest thy. 556. F. bookes. 557. F. misplaces now after legende; Tn.
Th. place now after hem. 558. F. ben; knowyng. 559. F. here; thousande
moo sittyng. 560. F. Thanne. A. that ben; T. Add. and; rest om. 561. Tn.
aught; F. oght. 562. F. lest; Tn. leste. 563. F. home. F. west; Tn. weste. 564.
F. thise; rest this. 565. F. fressh; Th. fresshe; A. fresche. 566. F. wole. 567.
F. forthe. C. Tn. shalt; F. shal. 569. F. stronge. 571. F. Tn. A. swich; T. Th. P.
suche. F. Tn. dide; T. dedyn; P. deden; Add. diden. 573. B. Suffyceth; F.
Suffich (!). 574. A. lyf; F. lyfe. 575. A. listen trete; Tn. the lasse to trete (!);
Add. the lesse to trete (!); rest listen for to trete (badly; omit for). 576. F.
storye. 578. A. word; F. worde. 579. F. legende.
Page 210
I. THE LEGEND OF CLEOPATRA.
Incipit Legenda Cleopatrie, Martiris, Egipti regine.
After the deeth of Tholomee the king, 580
That al Egipte hadde in his governing,
Regned his quene Cleopataras;
Til on a tyme befel ther swiche a cas,
That out of Rome was sent a senatour,
For to conqueren regnes and honour 585
Unto the toun of Rome, as was usaunce,
To have the world unto her obeisaunce;
And, sooth to seye, Antonius was his name.
So fil hit, as Fortune him oghte a shame (10)
Whan he was fallen in prosperitee, 590
Rebel unto the toun of Rome is he.
And over al this, the suster of Cesar,
He lafte hir falsly, er that she was war,
And wolde algates han another wyf;
For whiche he took with Rome and Cesar stryf. 595
Natheles, for-sooth, this ilke senatour
Was a ful worthy gentil werreyour,
And of his deeth hit was ful greet damage.
But love had broght this man in swiche a rage, (20)
And him so narwe bounden in his las, 600
Al for the love of Cleopataras,
That al the world he sette at no value.
Him thoughte, nas to him no thing so due
As Cleopatras for to love and serve;
Him roghte nat in armes for to sterve 605
In the defence of hir, and of hir right.
This noble quene eek lovede so this knight,
Through his desert, and for his chivalrye;
As certeinly, but-if that bokes lye, (30)
He was, of persone and of gentilesse, 610
And of discrecioun and hardinesse,
Incipit Legenda Cleopatrie, Martiris, Egipti regine.
After the deeth of Tholomee the king, 580
That al Egipte hadde in his governing,
Regned his quene Cleopataras;
Til on a tyme befel ther swiche a cas,
That out of Rome was sent a senatour,
For to conqueren regnes and honour 585
Unto the toun of Rome, as was usaunce,
To have the world unto her obeisaunce;
And, sooth to seye, Antonius was his name.
So fil hit, as Fortune him oghte a shame (10)
Whan he was fallen in prosperitee, 590
Rebel unto the toun of Rome is he.
And over al this, the suster of Cesar,
He lafte hir falsly, er that she was war,
And wolde algates han another wyf;
For whiche he took with Rome and Cesar stryf. 595
Natheles, for-sooth, this ilke senatour
Was a ful worthy gentil werreyour,
And of his deeth hit was ful greet damage.
But love had broght this man in swiche a rage, (20)
And him so narwe bounden in his las, 600
Al for the love of Cleopataras,
That al the world he sette at no value.
Him thoughte, nas to him no thing so due
As Cleopatras for to love and serve;
Him roghte nat in armes for to sterve 605
In the defence of hir, and of hir right.
This noble quene eek lovede so this knight,
Through his desert, and for his chivalrye;
As certeinly, but-if that bokes lye, (30)
He was, of persone and of gentilesse, 610
And of discrecioun and hardinesse,
Page 211
Worthy to any wight that liven may.
And she was fair as is the rose in May.
And, for to maken shortly is the beste,
She wex his wyf, and hadde him as hir leste. 615
The wedding and the feste to devyse,
To me, that have y-take swiche empryse
Of so many a storie for to make,
Hit were to long, lest that I sholde slake (40)
Of thing that bereth more effect and charge; 620
For men may overlade a ship or barge;
And forthy to theffect than wol I skippe,
And al the remenant, I wol lete hit slippe.
Octovian, that wood was of this dede,
Shoop him an ost on Antony to lede 625
Al-outerly for his destruccioun,
With stoute Romains, cruel as leoun;
To ship they wente, and thus I let hem saile.
Antonius was war, and wol nat faile (50)
To meten with thise Romains, if he may; 630
Took eek his reed, and bothe, upon a day,
His wyf and he, and al his ost, forth wente
To shippe anoon, no lenger they ne stente;
And in the see hit happed hem to mete—
Up goth the trompe—and for to shoute and shete, 635
And peynen hem to sette on with the sonne.
With grisly soun out goth the grete gonne,
And heterly they hurtlen al at ones,
And fro the top doun cometh the grete stones. (60)
In goth the grapenel so ful of crokes 640
Among the ropes, and the shering-hokes.
In with the polax presseth he and he;
Behind the mast beginneth he to flee,
And out agayn, and dryveth him over-borde;
He stingeth him upon his speres orde; 645
He rent the sail with hokes lyke a sythe;
He bringeth the cuppe, and biddeth hem be blythe;
He poureth pesen upon the hacches slider;
And she was fair as is the rose in May.
And, for to maken shortly is the beste,
She wex his wyf, and hadde him as hir leste. 615
The wedding and the feste to devyse,
To me, that have y-take swiche empryse
Of so many a storie for to make,
Hit were to long, lest that I sholde slake (40)
Of thing that bereth more effect and charge; 620
For men may overlade a ship or barge;
And forthy to theffect than wol I skippe,
And al the remenant, I wol lete hit slippe.
Octovian, that wood was of this dede,
Shoop him an ost on Antony to lede 625
Al-outerly for his destruccioun,
With stoute Romains, cruel as leoun;
To ship they wente, and thus I let hem saile.
Antonius was war, and wol nat faile (50)
To meten with thise Romains, if he may; 630
Took eek his reed, and bothe, upon a day,
His wyf and he, and al his ost, forth wente
To shippe anoon, no lenger they ne stente;
And in the see hit happed hem to mete—
Up goth the trompe—and for to shoute and shete, 635
And peynen hem to sette on with the sonne.
With grisly soun out goth the grete gonne,
And heterly they hurtlen al at ones,
And fro the top doun cometh the grete stones. (60)
In goth the grapenel so ful of crokes 640
Among the ropes, and the shering-hokes.
In with the polax presseth he and he;
Behind the mast beginneth he to flee,
And out agayn, and dryveth him over-borde;
He stingeth him upon his speres orde; 645
He rent the sail with hokes lyke a sythe;
He bringeth the cuppe, and biddeth hem be blythe;
He poureth pesen upon the hacches slider;
Page 212
With pottes ful of lym they goon to-gider; (70)
And thus the longe day in fight they spende 650
Til, at the laste, as every thing hath ende,
Antony is shent, and put him to the flighte,
And al his folk to-go, that best go mighte.
Fleeth eek the queen, with al her purpre sail,
For strokes, which that wente as thikke as hail; 655
No wonder was, she mighte hit nat endure.
And whan that Antony saw that aventure,
'Allas!' quod he, 'the day that I was born!
My worshipe in this day thus have I lorn!' (80)
And for dispeyr out of his witte he sterte, 660
And roof him-self anoon through-out the herte
Er that he ferther wente out of the place.
His wyf, that coude of Cesar have no grace,
To Egipte is fled, for drede and for distresse;
But herkneth, ye that speke of kindenesse. 665
Ye men, that falsly sweren many an ooth
That ye wol dye, if that your love be wrooth,
Heer may ye seen of women whiche a trouthe!
This woful Cleopatre hath mad swich routhe (90)
That ther nis tonge noon that may hit telle. 670
But on the morwe she wol no lenger dwelle,
But made hir subtil werkmen make a shryne
Of alle the rubies and the stones fyne
In al Egipte that she coude espye;
And putte ful the shryne of spycerye, 675
And leet the cors embaume; and forth she fette
This dede cors, and in the shryne hit shette.
And next the shryne a pit than doth she grave;
And alle the serpents that she mighte have, (100)
She putte hem in that grave, and thus she seyde: 680
'Now love, to whom my sorweful herte obeyde
So ferforthly that, fro that blisful houre
That I yow swor to been al frely youre,
I mene yow, Antonius my knight!
That never waking, in the day or night, 685
And thus the longe day in fight they spende 650
Til, at the laste, as every thing hath ende,
Antony is shent, and put him to the flighte,
And al his folk to-go, that best go mighte.
Fleeth eek the queen, with al her purpre sail,
For strokes, which that wente as thikke as hail; 655
No wonder was, she mighte hit nat endure.
And whan that Antony saw that aventure,
'Allas!' quod he, 'the day that I was born!
My worshipe in this day thus have I lorn!' (80)
And for dispeyr out of his witte he sterte, 660
And roof him-self anoon through-out the herte
Er that he ferther wente out of the place.
His wyf, that coude of Cesar have no grace,
To Egipte is fled, for drede and for distresse;
But herkneth, ye that speke of kindenesse. 665
Ye men, that falsly sweren many an ooth
That ye wol dye, if that your love be wrooth,
Heer may ye seen of women whiche a trouthe!
This woful Cleopatre hath mad swich routhe (90)
That ther nis tonge noon that may hit telle. 670
But on the morwe she wol no lenger dwelle,
But made hir subtil werkmen make a shryne
Of alle the rubies and the stones fyne
In al Egipte that she coude espye;
And putte ful the shryne of spycerye, 675
And leet the cors embaume; and forth she fette
This dede cors, and in the shryne hit shette.
And next the shryne a pit than doth she grave;
And alle the serpents that she mighte have, (100)
She putte hem in that grave, and thus she seyde: 680
'Now love, to whom my sorweful herte obeyde
So ferforthly that, fro that blisful houre
That I yow swor to been al frely youre,
I mene yow, Antonius my knight!
That never waking, in the day or night, 685
Page 213
Ye nere out of myn hertes remembraunce
For wele or wo, for carole or for daunce;
And in my-self this covenant made I tho,
That, right swich as ye felten, wele or wo, (110)
As ferforth as hit in my power lay, 690
Unreprovable unto my wyfhood ay,
The same wolde I felen, lyf or deeth.
And thilke covenant, whyl me lasteth breeth,
I wol fulfille, and that shal wel be sene;
Was never unto hir love a trewer quene.' 695
And with that word, naked, with ful good herte,
Among the serpents in the pit she sterte,
And ther she chees to han hir buryinge.
Anoon the neddres gonne hir for to stinge, (120)
And she hir deeth receyveth, with good chere, 700
For love of Antony, that was hir so dere:—
And this is storial sooth, hit is no fable.
Now, er I finde a man thus trewe and stable,
And wol for love his deeth so freely take,
I pray god lat our hedes never ake! 705
Explicit Legenda Cleopatrie, martiris.
N.B.—Readings not marked with any letter are from F. (Fairfax MS.)
580. deth. 582. queene. 583. swich. 586. tovne. 587. worlde. C. vn-to; T.
vnder; rest at. 589. oght. 591. tovne. 594. wold. 595. which. 597. fulle. 598.
F. (only) this; rest his. gret. 599. swich. 600. laas. 601. F. Alle; C. Tn. Al.
602. worlde; noo. 603. C. there nas to hym no thyng so dewe; rest there was
no thing to him so due (all too long). 604. F. Tn. B. Cleopataras; rest
Cleopatras. 607. ek. C. lovede; F. loved. 608. Thurgh; decert. 609. bookes.
611. All but T. A. Add. insert of after and; I omit it. 612. C. lyuyn; F. leven.
613. faire. 614. F. (only) om. for. 615. MSS. wax, wox; read wex. 616. C.
Tn. feste; F. fest. 617. swich. 619. T. A. P. Add. long; rest longe. C. T. A.
lest; F. lyst. 621. shippe. 622. A. Add. theffect; C. thefeect (sic); F. effect.
623. remenaunt. 624. woode. 625. oost. 627. Romaynes crewel. T. leoun; F.
For wele or wo, for carole or for daunce;
And in my-self this covenant made I tho,
That, right swich as ye felten, wele or wo, (110)
As ferforth as hit in my power lay, 690
Unreprovable unto my wyfhood ay,
The same wolde I felen, lyf or deeth.
And thilke covenant, whyl me lasteth breeth,
I wol fulfille, and that shal wel be sene;
Was never unto hir love a trewer quene.' 695
And with that word, naked, with ful good herte,
Among the serpents in the pit she sterte,
And ther she chees to han hir buryinge.
Anoon the neddres gonne hir for to stinge, (120)
And she hir deeth receyveth, with good chere, 700
For love of Antony, that was hir so dere:—
And this is storial sooth, hit is no fable.
Now, er I finde a man thus trewe and stable,
And wol for love his deeth so freely take,
I pray god lat our hedes never ake! 705
Explicit Legenda Cleopatrie, martiris.
N.B.—Readings not marked with any letter are from F. (Fairfax MS.)
580. deth. 582. queene. 583. swich. 586. tovne. 587. worlde. C. vn-to; T.
vnder; rest at. 589. oght. 591. tovne. 594. wold. 595. which. 597. fulle. 598.
F. (only) this; rest his. gret. 599. swich. 600. laas. 601. F. Alle; C. Tn. Al.
602. worlde; noo. 603. C. there nas to hym no thyng so dewe; rest there was
no thing to him so due (all too long). 604. F. Tn. B. Cleopataras; rest
Cleopatras. 607. ek. C. lovede; F. loved. 608. Thurgh; decert. 609. bookes.
611. All but T. A. Add. insert of after and; I omit it. 612. C. lyuyn; F. leven.
613. faire. 614. F. (only) om. for. 615. MSS. wax, wox; read wex. 616. C.
Tn. feste; F. fest. 617. swich. 619. T. A. P. Add. long; rest longe. C. T. A.
lest; F. lyst. 621. shippe. 622. A. Add. theffect; C. thefeect (sic); F. effect.
623. remenaunt. 624. woode. 625. oost. 627. Romaynes crewel. T. leoun; F.
Page 214
lyoun. 628. shippe. 630. Romaynes. 631. eke; rede; booth. 632. oost forthe
went (C. wentyn). 633. stent; C. stente. 635. gooth. 637. sovne; gooth. 638.
C. Tn. heterly; A. hatirly; F. hertely. hurtelen; attones. 639. dovne. 640.
gooth. 641. C. Among; F. Amonge. 642. preseth. 643. By-hynde; maste
begyneth. 646. sayle. 647. F. A. Add. him; rest hem. 648. slidre. 649. to-
gedre. 651. C. Tn. laste; F. last. 652. flyght. 653. folke to-goo; goo myght.
654. ek; queene; sayle. 655. went; thik; hayle. 656. myght. 657. C. saw; F.
saugh. 658. borne. 659. worshippe; lorne. 660. dispeyre. 661. thurgh-. 662.
went. 665. herkeneth. T. speke; rest speken. 666. C. Tn. oth; F. oothe. 667.
C. Tn. wroth; F. wroothe. 668. which. 669. C. Tn. Cleopatre; F. Cleopatrie.
made. 671. C. morwe; F. morowe. 672. werknen (!). 673. Tn. rubies; F.
rubees. 675. C. Tn. putte; F. put. 676. Tn. leet; C. F. let. C. cors; F. corps
(and in l. 677). 678. C. pet; Tn. pyt; F. pitte. dooth. 679. C. alle; F. al. C.
myghte; F. myght. 680. C. Tn. putte; F. put. sayde. 682. ferforthely. 683.
ben. 687. woo. 688. couenaunt; thoo. 689. T. A. Th. wele; C. F. Tn. wel.
690. C. power; F. powere. 692. life; deethe. 693. couenaunt while. 694.
seene. 696. C. word; F. worde. 700. C. receyuyth; F. receveth. 704. F. (only)
wolde. 705. oure; neuere. F. take (!); rest ake.
went (C. wentyn). 633. stent; C. stente. 635. gooth. 637. sovne; gooth. 638.
C. Tn. heterly; A. hatirly; F. hertely. hurtelen; attones. 639. dovne. 640.
gooth. 641. C. Among; F. Amonge. 642. preseth. 643. By-hynde; maste
begyneth. 646. sayle. 647. F. A. Add. him; rest hem. 648. slidre. 649. to-
gedre. 651. C. Tn. laste; F. last. 652. flyght. 653. folke to-goo; goo myght.
654. ek; queene; sayle. 655. went; thik; hayle. 656. myght. 657. C. saw; F.
saugh. 658. borne. 659. worshippe; lorne. 660. dispeyre. 661. thurgh-. 662.
went. 665. herkeneth. T. speke; rest speken. 666. C. Tn. oth; F. oothe. 667.
C. Tn. wroth; F. wroothe. 668. which. 669. C. Tn. Cleopatre; F. Cleopatrie.
made. 671. C. morwe; F. morowe. 672. werknen (!). 673. Tn. rubies; F.
rubees. 675. C. Tn. putte; F. put. 676. Tn. leet; C. F. let. C. cors; F. corps
(and in l. 677). 678. C. pet; Tn. pyt; F. pitte. dooth. 679. C. alle; F. al. C.
myghte; F. myght. 680. C. Tn. putte; F. put. sayde. 682. ferforthely. 683.
ben. 687. woo. 688. couenaunt; thoo. 689. T. A. Th. wele; C. F. Tn. wel.
690. C. power; F. powere. 692. life; deethe. 693. couenaunt while. 694.
seene. 696. C. word; F. worde. 700. C. receyuyth; F. receveth. 704. F. (only)
wolde. 705. oure; neuere. F. take (!); rest ake.
Page 215
II. THE LEGEND OF THISBE OF BABYLON.
Incipit Legenda Tesbe Babilonie, Martiris.
At Babiloine whylom fil it thus,
The whiche toun the queen Semiramus
Leet dichen al about, and walles make
Ful hye, of harde tyles wel y-bake.
Ther weren dwellinge in this noble toun 710
Two lordes, which that were of greet renoun,
And woneden so nigh, upon a grene,
That ther nas but a stoon-wal hem bitwene,
As ofte in grete tounes is the wone.
And sooth to seyn, that o man hadde a sone, 715
Of al that londe oon of the lustieste. (11)
That other hadde a doghter, the faireste,
That estward in the world was tho dwellinge.
The name of everich gan to other springe
By wommen, that were neighebores aboute. 720
For in that contree yit, withouten doute,
Maidens been y-kept, for Ielosye,
Ful streite, lest they diden som folye.
This yonge man was cleped Piramus,
And Tisbe hight the maid, Naso seith thus; 725
And thus by report was hir name y-shove (21)
That, as they wexe in age, wex hir love;
And certein, as by reson of hir age,
Ther mighte have been bitwix hem mariage,
But that hir fadres nolde hit nat assente; 730
And bothe in love y-lyke sore they brente,
That noon of alle hir frendes mighte hit lette
But prively somtyme yit they mette
By sleighte, and speken som of hir desyr;
As, wry the gleed, and hotter is the fyr; 735
Forbede a love, and it is ten so wood. (31)
This wal, which that bitwix hem bothe stood,
Incipit Legenda Tesbe Babilonie, Martiris.
At Babiloine whylom fil it thus,
The whiche toun the queen Semiramus
Leet dichen al about, and walles make
Ful hye, of harde tyles wel y-bake.
Ther weren dwellinge in this noble toun 710
Two lordes, which that were of greet renoun,
And woneden so nigh, upon a grene,
That ther nas but a stoon-wal hem bitwene,
As ofte in grete tounes is the wone.
And sooth to seyn, that o man hadde a sone, 715
Of al that londe oon of the lustieste. (11)
That other hadde a doghter, the faireste,
That estward in the world was tho dwellinge.
The name of everich gan to other springe
By wommen, that were neighebores aboute. 720
For in that contree yit, withouten doute,
Maidens been y-kept, for Ielosye,
Ful streite, lest they diden som folye.
This yonge man was cleped Piramus,
And Tisbe hight the maid, Naso seith thus; 725
And thus by report was hir name y-shove (21)
That, as they wexe in age, wex hir love;
And certein, as by reson of hir age,
Ther mighte have been bitwix hem mariage,
But that hir fadres nolde hit nat assente; 730
And bothe in love y-lyke sore they brente,
That noon of alle hir frendes mighte hit lette
But prively somtyme yit they mette
By sleighte, and speken som of hir desyr;
As, wry the gleed, and hotter is the fyr; 735
Forbede a love, and it is ten so wood. (31)
This wal, which that bitwix hem bothe stood,
Page 216
Was cloven a-two, right fro the toppe adoun,
Of olde tyme of his fundacioun;
But yit this clifte was so narwe and lyte, 740
It as nat sene, dere y-nogh a myte.
But what is that, that love can nat espye?
Ye lovers two, if that I shal nat lye,
Ye founden first this litel narwe clifte;
And, with a soun as softe as any shrifte, 745
They lete hir wordes through the clifte pace, (41)
And tolden, whyl that they stode in the place,
Al hir compleynt of love, and al hir wo,
At every tyme whan they dorste so.
Upon that o syde of the wal stood he, 750
And on that other syde stood Tisbe,
The swote soun of other to receyve,
And thus hir wardeins wolde they deceyve.
And every day this wal they wolde threte,
And wisshe to god, that it were doun y-bete. 755
Thus wolde they seyn—'allas! thou wikked wal, (51)
Through thyn envye thou us lettest al!
Why nilt thou cleve, or fallen al a-two?
Or, at the leste, but thou woldest so,
Yit woldestow but ones lete us mete, 760
Or ones that we mighte kissen swete,
Than were we covered of our cares colde.
But natheles, yit be we to thee holde
In as muche as thou suffrest for to goon
Our wordes through thy lyme and eek thy stoon. 765
Yit oghte we with thee ben wel apayd.' (61)
And whan thise ydel wordes weren sayd,
The colde wal they wolden kisse of stoon,
And take hir leve, and forth they wolden goon.
And this was gladly in the even-tyde 770
Or wonder erly, lest men hit espyde;
And longe tyme they wroghte in this manere
Til on a day, whan Phebus gan to clere,
Aurora with the stremes of hir hete
Of olde tyme of his fundacioun;
But yit this clifte was so narwe and lyte, 740
It as nat sene, dere y-nogh a myte.
But what is that, that love can nat espye?
Ye lovers two, if that I shal nat lye,
Ye founden first this litel narwe clifte;
And, with a soun as softe as any shrifte, 745
They lete hir wordes through the clifte pace, (41)
And tolden, whyl that they stode in the place,
Al hir compleynt of love, and al hir wo,
At every tyme whan they dorste so.
Upon that o syde of the wal stood he, 750
And on that other syde stood Tisbe,
The swote soun of other to receyve,
And thus hir wardeins wolde they deceyve.
And every day this wal they wolde threte,
And wisshe to god, that it were doun y-bete. 755
Thus wolde they seyn—'allas! thou wikked wal, (51)
Through thyn envye thou us lettest al!
Why nilt thou cleve, or fallen al a-two?
Or, at the leste, but thou woldest so,
Yit woldestow but ones lete us mete, 760
Or ones that we mighte kissen swete,
Than were we covered of our cares colde.
But natheles, yit be we to thee holde
In as muche as thou suffrest for to goon
Our wordes through thy lyme and eek thy stoon. 765
Yit oghte we with thee ben wel apayd.' (61)
And whan thise ydel wordes weren sayd,
The colde wal they wolden kisse of stoon,
And take hir leve, and forth they wolden goon.
And this was gladly in the even-tyde 770
Or wonder erly, lest men hit espyde;
And longe tyme they wroghte in this manere
Til on a day, whan Phebus gan to clere,
Aurora with the stremes of hir hete
Page 217
Had dryed up the dew of herbes wete; 775
Unto this clifte, as it was wont to be, (71)
Com Pyramus, and after com Tisbe,
And plighten trouthe fully in hir fey
That ilke same night to stele awey,
And to begyle hir wardeins everichoon, 780
And forth out of the citee for to goon;
And, for the feldes been so brode and wyde,
For to mete in o place at o tyde,
They sette mark hir meting sholde be
Ther king Ninus was graven, under a tree; 785
For olde payens that ydoles heried (81)
Useden tho in feldes to ben beried
And faste by this grave was a welle.
And, shortly of this tale for to telle,
This covenant was affermed wonder faste; 790
And longe hem thoughte that the sonne laste,
That hit nere goon under the see adoun.
This Tisbe hath so greet affeccioun
And so greet lyking Piramus to see,
That, whan she seigh her tyme mighte be, 795
At night she stal awey ful prively (91)
With her face y-wimpled subtilly;
For alle her frendes—for to save her trouthe—
She hath for-sake; allas! and that is routhe
That ever woman wolde be so trewe 800
To trusten man, but she the bet him knewe!
And to the tree she goth a ful good pas,
For love made her so hardy in this cas;
And by the welle adoun she gan her dresse.
Allas! than comth a wilde leonesse 805
Out of the wode, withouten more areste, (101)
With blody mouthe, of strangling of a beste,
To drinken of the welle, ther as she sat;
And, whan that Tisbe had espyed that,
She rist her up, with a ful drery herte, 810
And in a cave with dredful foot she sterte,
Unto this clifte, as it was wont to be, (71)
Com Pyramus, and after com Tisbe,
And plighten trouthe fully in hir fey
That ilke same night to stele awey,
And to begyle hir wardeins everichoon, 780
And forth out of the citee for to goon;
And, for the feldes been so brode and wyde,
For to mete in o place at o tyde,
They sette mark hir meting sholde be
Ther king Ninus was graven, under a tree; 785
For olde payens that ydoles heried (81)
Useden tho in feldes to ben beried
And faste by this grave was a welle.
And, shortly of this tale for to telle,
This covenant was affermed wonder faste; 790
And longe hem thoughte that the sonne laste,
That hit nere goon under the see adoun.
This Tisbe hath so greet affeccioun
And so greet lyking Piramus to see,
That, whan she seigh her tyme mighte be, 795
At night she stal awey ful prively (91)
With her face y-wimpled subtilly;
For alle her frendes—for to save her trouthe—
She hath for-sake; allas! and that is routhe
That ever woman wolde be so trewe 800
To trusten man, but she the bet him knewe!
And to the tree she goth a ful good pas,
For love made her so hardy in this cas;
And by the welle adoun she gan her dresse.
Allas! than comth a wilde leonesse 805
Out of the wode, withouten more areste, (101)
With blody mouthe, of strangling of a beste,
To drinken of the welle, ther as she sat;
And, whan that Tisbe had espyed that,
She rist her up, with a ful drery herte, 810
And in a cave with dredful foot she sterte,
Page 218
For by the mone she seigh hit wel with-alle.
And, as she ran, her wimpel leet she falle,
And took noon heed, so sore she was a-whaped.
And eek so glad of that she was escaped; 815
And thus she sit, and darketh wonder stille. (111)
Whan that this leonesse hath dronke her fille,
Aboute the welle gan she for to winde,
And right anoon the wimpel gan she finde,
And with her blody mouth hit al to-rente. 820
Whan this was doon, no lenger she ne stente,
But to the wode her wey than hath she nome.
And, at the laste, this Piramus is come,
But al to longe, allas! at hoom was he.
The mone shoon, men mighte wel y-see, 825
And in his weye, as that he com ful faste, (121)
His eyen to the grounde adoun he caste,
And in the sonde, as he beheld adoun,
He seigh the steppes brode of a leoun,
And in his herte he sodeinly agroos, 830
And pale he wex, therwith his heer aroos,
And neer he com, and fond the wimpel torn.
'Allas!' quod he, 'the day that I was born!
This o night wol us lovers bothe slee!
How sholde I axen mercy of Tisbe 835
Whan I am he that have yow slain, allas! (131)
My bidding hath yow slain, as in this cas.
Allas! to bidde a woman goon by nighte
In place ther as peril fallen mighte,
And I so slow! allas, I ne hadde be 840
Here in this place a furlong-wey or ye!
Now what leoun that be in this foreste,
My body mote he renden, or what beste
That wilde is, gnawen mote he now myn herte!'
And with that worde he to the wimpel sterte, 845
And kiste hit ofte, and weep on hit ful sore, (141)
And seide, 'wimpel, allas! ther nis no more
But thou shalt fele as wel the blood of me
And, as she ran, her wimpel leet she falle,
And took noon heed, so sore she was a-whaped.
And eek so glad of that she was escaped; 815
And thus she sit, and darketh wonder stille. (111)
Whan that this leonesse hath dronke her fille,
Aboute the welle gan she for to winde,
And right anoon the wimpel gan she finde,
And with her blody mouth hit al to-rente. 820
Whan this was doon, no lenger she ne stente,
But to the wode her wey than hath she nome.
And, at the laste, this Piramus is come,
But al to longe, allas! at hoom was he.
The mone shoon, men mighte wel y-see, 825
And in his weye, as that he com ful faste, (121)
His eyen to the grounde adoun he caste,
And in the sonde, as he beheld adoun,
He seigh the steppes brode of a leoun,
And in his herte he sodeinly agroos, 830
And pale he wex, therwith his heer aroos,
And neer he com, and fond the wimpel torn.
'Allas!' quod he, 'the day that I was born!
This o night wol us lovers bothe slee!
How sholde I axen mercy of Tisbe 835
Whan I am he that have yow slain, allas! (131)
My bidding hath yow slain, as in this cas.
Allas! to bidde a woman goon by nighte
In place ther as peril fallen mighte,
And I so slow! allas, I ne hadde be 840
Here in this place a furlong-wey or ye!
Now what leoun that be in this foreste,
My body mote he renden, or what beste
That wilde is, gnawen mote he now myn herte!'
And with that worde he to the wimpel sterte, 845
And kiste hit ofte, and weep on hit ful sore, (141)
And seide, 'wimpel, allas! ther nis no more
But thou shalt fele as wel the blood of me
Page 219
As thou hast felt the bleding of Tisbe!'
And with that worde he smoot him to the herte. 850
The blood out of the wounde as brode sterte
As water, whan the conduit broken is.
Now Tisbe, which that wiste nat of this,
But sitting in her drede, she thoghte thus,
'If hit so falle that my Piramus 855
Be comen hider, and may me nat y-finde, (151)
He may me holden fals and eek unkinde.'
And out she comth, and after him gan espyen
Bothe with her herte and with her yën,
And thoghte, 'I wol him tellen of my drede 860
Bothe of the leonesse and al my dede.'
And at the laste her love than hath she founde
Beting with his heles on the grounde,
Al blody, and therwith-al a-bak she sterte,
And lyke the wawes quappe gan her herte, 865
And pale as box she wex, and in a throwe (161)
Avysed her, and gan him wel to knowe,
That hit was Piramus, her herte dere.
Who coude wryte whiche a deedly chere
Hath Tisbe now, and how her heer she rente, 870
And how she gan her-selve to turmente,
And how she lyth and swowneth on the grounde,
And how she weep of teres ful his wounde,
How medeleth she his blood with her compleynte,
And with his blood her-selven gan she peynte; 875
How clippeth she the dede cors, allas? (171)
How doth this woful Tisbe in this cas!
How kisseth she his frosty mouth so cold!
'Who hath doon this, and who hath been so bold
To sleen my leef? O spek, my Piramus! 880
I am thy Tisbe, that thee calleth thus!'
And therwith-al she lifteth up his heed.
This woful man, that was nat fully deed,
Whan that he herde the name of Tisbe cryen,
On her he caste his hevy deedly yën 885
And with that worde he smoot him to the herte. 850
The blood out of the wounde as brode sterte
As water, whan the conduit broken is.
Now Tisbe, which that wiste nat of this,
But sitting in her drede, she thoghte thus,
'If hit so falle that my Piramus 855
Be comen hider, and may me nat y-finde, (151)
He may me holden fals and eek unkinde.'
And out she comth, and after him gan espyen
Bothe with her herte and with her yën,
And thoghte, 'I wol him tellen of my drede 860
Bothe of the leonesse and al my dede.'
And at the laste her love than hath she founde
Beting with his heles on the grounde,
Al blody, and therwith-al a-bak she sterte,
And lyke the wawes quappe gan her herte, 865
And pale as box she wex, and in a throwe (161)
Avysed her, and gan him wel to knowe,
That hit was Piramus, her herte dere.
Who coude wryte whiche a deedly chere
Hath Tisbe now, and how her heer she rente, 870
And how she gan her-selve to turmente,
And how she lyth and swowneth on the grounde,
And how she weep of teres ful his wounde,
How medeleth she his blood with her compleynte,
And with his blood her-selven gan she peynte; 875
How clippeth she the dede cors, allas? (171)
How doth this woful Tisbe in this cas!
How kisseth she his frosty mouth so cold!
'Who hath doon this, and who hath been so bold
To sleen my leef? O spek, my Piramus! 880
I am thy Tisbe, that thee calleth thus!'
And therwith-al she lifteth up his heed.
This woful man, that was nat fully deed,
Whan that he herde the name of Tisbe cryen,
On her he caste his hevy deedly yën 885
Page 220
And doun again, and yeldeth up the gost. (181)
Tisbe rist up, withouten noise or bost,
And seigh her wimpel and his empty shethe,
And eek his swerd, that him hath doon to dethe;
Than spak she thus: 'My woful hand,' quod she, 890
'Is strong y-nogh in swiche a werk to me;
For love shal yive me strengthe and hardinesse
To make my wounde large y-nogh, I gesse.
I wol thee folwen deed, and I wol be
Felawe and cause eek of thy deeth,' quod she. 895
'And thogh that nothing save the deeth only (191)
Mighte thee fro me departe trewely,
Thou shalt no more departe now fro me
Than fro the deeth, for I wol go with thee!
'And now, ye wrecched Ielous fadres oure, 900
We, that weren whylom children youre,
We prayen yow, withouten more envye,
That in o grave y-fere we moten lye,
Sin love hath brought us to this pitous ende!
And rightwis god to every lover sende, 905
That loveth trewely, more prosperitee (201)
Than ever hadde Piramus and Tisbe!
And lat no gentil woman her assure
To putten her in swiche an aventure.
But god forbede but a woman can 910
Been as trewe and loving as a man!
And, for my part, I shal anoon it kythe!'
And, with that worde, his swerd she took as swythe,
That warm was of her loves blood and hoot,
And to the herte she her-selven smoot. 915
And thus ar Tisbe and Piramus ago. (211)
Of trewe men I finde but fewe mo
In alle my bokes, save this Piramus,
And therfor have I spoken of him thus.
For hit is deyntee to us men to finde 920
A man that can in love be trewe and kinde.
Heer may ye seen, what lover so he be,
Tisbe rist up, withouten noise or bost,
And seigh her wimpel and his empty shethe,
And eek his swerd, that him hath doon to dethe;
Than spak she thus: 'My woful hand,' quod she, 890
'Is strong y-nogh in swiche a werk to me;
For love shal yive me strengthe and hardinesse
To make my wounde large y-nogh, I gesse.
I wol thee folwen deed, and I wol be
Felawe and cause eek of thy deeth,' quod she. 895
'And thogh that nothing save the deeth only (191)
Mighte thee fro me departe trewely,
Thou shalt no more departe now fro me
Than fro the deeth, for I wol go with thee!
'And now, ye wrecched Ielous fadres oure, 900
We, that weren whylom children youre,
We prayen yow, withouten more envye,
That in o grave y-fere we moten lye,
Sin love hath brought us to this pitous ende!
And rightwis god to every lover sende, 905
That loveth trewely, more prosperitee (201)
Than ever hadde Piramus and Tisbe!
And lat no gentil woman her assure
To putten her in swiche an aventure.
But god forbede but a woman can 910
Been as trewe and loving as a man!
And, for my part, I shal anoon it kythe!'
And, with that worde, his swerd she took as swythe,
That warm was of her loves blood and hoot,
And to the herte she her-selven smoot. 915
And thus ar Tisbe and Piramus ago. (211)
Of trewe men I finde but fewe mo
In alle my bokes, save this Piramus,
And therfor have I spoken of him thus.
For hit is deyntee to us men to finde 920
A man that can in love be trewe and kinde.
Heer may ye seen, what lover so he be,
Page 221
A woman dar and can as wel as he.
Explicit legenda Tesbe.
707. tovne; queene. 710. tovne. 711. grete. 712. C. nygh; F. neigh. 714.
grette. 715. C. hadde; F. had (so in l. 717). 716. C. Tn. Th. of; rest om. 717.
Tn. doghter; F. doghtre. 718. esteward; worlde. 719. eueryche. 722. C. been;
F. ben. 723. Tn. som; C. sum; F. somme. 724. C. Tn. yonge; F. yong. 725.
All but C. om. And. Tn. A. Tisbe; C. Th. Tysbe; F. B. Tesbe; T. Thesbe.
maide. 726. C. report; F. reporte. 727. C. wex, wex; F. T. wex, wax; Tn.
wox, wax; B. wox, wox. 729. C. Tn. bitwixe; F. betwex. 730. nold. 731.
booth; soore. 733. Tn. priuely; F. preuely. 734. C. sleyghte; F. sleight. A.
speken; Tn. T. Th. spaken; F. C. spoken. Tn. som; F. somme. C. desyr; F.
desire. 735. C. wry; F. Tn. wre. glede. C. fyr; F. fire. 736. woode. 737.
bitwixe; stoode. 738. a-twoo; adovne. 740. C. clyfte; F. clyft. 741. C. A.
nas; rest was. C. sene; F. seene. deere. 743. twoo. 745. C. soun; F. sovne.
746. leete. 747. while. C. stode; F. stoden. 748. woo. 749. soo. 750. F. the;
rest that. wale. 751. Tesbe. 752. swoote sovne. 754. C. wal; F. walle.
threete. 755. dovne. C. Tn. I-bete; F. y-bette. 756. C. Tn. wal; F. walle. 757.
Thurgh. C. Tn. al; F. alle. 758. C. nylt thou; F. nyltow. 759. A. Th. B. leste;
C. laste; F. leest. 760. let; meete. 761. oones; myght; sweete. 762. oure. 763.
the. 765. Tn. Our; F. Or (!). thurgh; ek. 766. C. oughte; F. oght. the;
apayede. 767. sayde. 768. walle. C. kysse; F. kyssen. 769. foorth. 770. F.
Alle; rest And. T. A. euyn-tyde; Th. euentyde; C. F. Tn. B. euetyde. 771.
espyede. 772. C. wroughte; F. wroght. 775. dewe. 777. F. Come; Tn. Com
(twice). Tesbe. 778. C. fey; F. faye. 779. steele awaye (C. awey). 780.
euerychone. 781. gone. 782. feeldes; broode. 783. meete. 786. C. Idolys; F.
ydoyles. F. heriode (!). 787. thoo; feeldes; beriede. 788. C. Tn. faste; F. fast.
790. couenaunt. 792. F. (only) om. goon. 793. F. Tn. B. om. hath; greete.
794. F. Had (!); rest And. grete lykynge. 795. C. myghte; F. myght. 796.
stale. A. priuely; F. prevely. 802. gooth; goode paas. 803. caas. 804. a-
downe. 805. Tn. comth; F. comith. 806. woode. 807. strangelynge. 812.
moone; saugh. 813. ranne. 814. tooke; hede; soore. 815. eke. T. of; rest om.
816. C. sit; F. sytte 817. T. leones; F. lyonesse. 821. don. 822. woode. 824.
home. 825. moone shoone; well. 826. C. weye; F. wey. C. com; F. come.
827. Hise eighen; adovne. 828. behelde a-dovne. 829. broode. T. leoun; F.
lyoune. 832. Tn. neer; C. ner; F. nere. C. Tn. com; F. come. C. fond; F.
Explicit legenda Tesbe.
707. tovne; queene. 710. tovne. 711. grete. 712. C. nygh; F. neigh. 714.
grette. 715. C. hadde; F. had (so in l. 717). 716. C. Tn. Th. of; rest om. 717.
Tn. doghter; F. doghtre. 718. esteward; worlde. 719. eueryche. 722. C. been;
F. ben. 723. Tn. som; C. sum; F. somme. 724. C. Tn. yonge; F. yong. 725.
All but C. om. And. Tn. A. Tisbe; C. Th. Tysbe; F. B. Tesbe; T. Thesbe.
maide. 726. C. report; F. reporte. 727. C. wex, wex; F. T. wex, wax; Tn.
wox, wax; B. wox, wox. 729. C. Tn. bitwixe; F. betwex. 730. nold. 731.
booth; soore. 733. Tn. priuely; F. preuely. 734. C. sleyghte; F. sleight. A.
speken; Tn. T. Th. spaken; F. C. spoken. Tn. som; F. somme. C. desyr; F.
desire. 735. C. wry; F. Tn. wre. glede. C. fyr; F. fire. 736. woode. 737.
bitwixe; stoode. 738. a-twoo; adovne. 740. C. clyfte; F. clyft. 741. C. A.
nas; rest was. C. sene; F. seene. deere. 743. twoo. 745. C. soun; F. sovne.
746. leete. 747. while. C. stode; F. stoden. 748. woo. 749. soo. 750. F. the;
rest that. wale. 751. Tesbe. 752. swoote sovne. 754. C. wal; F. walle.
threete. 755. dovne. C. Tn. I-bete; F. y-bette. 756. C. Tn. wal; F. walle. 757.
Thurgh. C. Tn. al; F. alle. 758. C. nylt thou; F. nyltow. 759. A. Th. B. leste;
C. laste; F. leest. 760. let; meete. 761. oones; myght; sweete. 762. oure. 763.
the. 765. Tn. Our; F. Or (!). thurgh; ek. 766. C. oughte; F. oght. the;
apayede. 767. sayde. 768. walle. C. kysse; F. kyssen. 769. foorth. 770. F.
Alle; rest And. T. A. euyn-tyde; Th. euentyde; C. F. Tn. B. euetyde. 771.
espyede. 772. C. wroughte; F. wroght. 775. dewe. 777. F. Come; Tn. Com
(twice). Tesbe. 778. C. fey; F. faye. 779. steele awaye (C. awey). 780.
euerychone. 781. gone. 782. feeldes; broode. 783. meete. 786. C. Idolys; F.
ydoyles. F. heriode (!). 787. thoo; feeldes; beriede. 788. C. Tn. faste; F. fast.
790. couenaunt. 792. F. (only) om. goon. 793. F. Tn. B. om. hath; greete.
794. F. Had (!); rest And. grete lykynge. 795. C. myghte; F. myght. 796.
stale. A. priuely; F. prevely. 802. gooth; goode paas. 803. caas. 804. a-
downe. 805. Tn. comth; F. comith. 806. woode. 807. strangelynge. 812.
moone; saugh. 813. ranne. 814. tooke; hede; soore. 815. eke. T. of; rest om.
816. C. sit; F. sytte 817. T. leones; F. lyonesse. 821. don. 822. woode. 824.
home. 825. moone shoone; well. 826. C. weye; F. wey. C. com; F. come.
827. Hise eighen; adovne. 828. behelde a-dovne. 829. broode. T. leoun; F.
lyoune. 832. Tn. neer; C. ner; F. nere. C. Tn. com; F. come. C. fond; F.
Page 222
founde. C. torn; F. torne. 833. C. born; F. borne. 834. oo; wole; boothe. 836.
slayne. 837. C. as; rest om. 839. F. a; rest as. 840. slowe. 841. yee. 843. F. T.
B. om. he. All renten (rente, rent) wrongly; read renden. 846. From C.
(which has wep for weep); F. om. this line. 848. feele; blode. 849. bledynge;
Tesbe. 852. Tn. Th. conduyt; F. conduyte; C. A. condit. 853. C. wiste nat of
this; F. wyst nat this. 854. C. thoughte; F. thought. 855. F. B. om. hit. 856.
C. I-fynde; F. fynde. 857. ek. 858. comith. 859. hert; eighen. 861. Booth.
Tn. leonesse; F. lyonesse. 863. Tn. Betyng; F. Betynge. helis. 866. F. Th.
boxe; rest box. T. wexed (for wex); A. wox; Th. B. woxe; C. F. Tn. P. was
(error for wax). F. B. om. and. 868. C. herte; F. hert. 869. dedely. 870.
Tesbe; heere. 873. Tn. weep; C. wep; F. wepe. 876. C. Tn. cors; F. corps.
877. dooth; Tesbe. 878. mouthe; colde. 879. ben; bolde. 880. leefe. C. Tn.
spek; rest speke (wrongly). F. Tn. Th. B. om. my. 881. Tesbe. 884. C. Th.
herde; rest herd. Tesbe. 885. dedely. Tn. B. P. yen; F. eyn; rest eyen. 886.
dovne; gooste. 887. vpp; booste. 888. saugh. 889. eke; swerde. 890. C.
spak; F. spake. C. myn (for my); rest thy (!). hande. 891. werke. 892. F.
(only) puts me before give. 894. wole; folowen deede. 895. eke. 897. the;
trewly. 898. F. shal; C. schat (!); rest shalt. C. A. Th. departe now; Tn.
departe trewlie; F. T. B. now departe. 899. deth; goo. 900. F. Ielouse; C.
gelos. 901. whilome. 903. oo. T. I-fere; which the rest omit (!). 904. C. T. A.
brought vs to; F. vs broght (!). pitouse. 906. moore. 907. C. euere ȝit hade;
T. euer had yet; rest omit ȝit (yet). 908. noo gentile. 909. puten. 911. Ben.
912. parte. 913. swerde. 914. warme; hoote. 915. smoote (!). 916. Tn. T. ar;
F. are; C. A. is. C. I-go; rest a-goo (a go). 917. moo. 918. bookes. 919.
therfore.
slayne. 837. C. as; rest om. 839. F. a; rest as. 840. slowe. 841. yee. 843. F. T.
B. om. he. All renten (rente, rent) wrongly; read renden. 846. From C.
(which has wep for weep); F. om. this line. 848. feele; blode. 849. bledynge;
Tesbe. 852. Tn. Th. conduyt; F. conduyte; C. A. condit. 853. C. wiste nat of
this; F. wyst nat this. 854. C. thoughte; F. thought. 855. F. B. om. hit. 856.
C. I-fynde; F. fynde. 857. ek. 858. comith. 859. hert; eighen. 861. Booth.
Tn. leonesse; F. lyonesse. 863. Tn. Betyng; F. Betynge. helis. 866. F. Th.
boxe; rest box. T. wexed (for wex); A. wox; Th. B. woxe; C. F. Tn. P. was
(error for wax). F. B. om. and. 868. C. herte; F. hert. 869. dedely. 870.
Tesbe; heere. 873. Tn. weep; C. wep; F. wepe. 876. C. Tn. cors; F. corps.
877. dooth; Tesbe. 878. mouthe; colde. 879. ben; bolde. 880. leefe. C. Tn.
spek; rest speke (wrongly). F. Tn. Th. B. om. my. 881. Tesbe. 884. C. Th.
herde; rest herd. Tesbe. 885. dedely. Tn. B. P. yen; F. eyn; rest eyen. 886.
dovne; gooste. 887. vpp; booste. 888. saugh. 889. eke; swerde. 890. C.
spak; F. spake. C. myn (for my); rest thy (!). hande. 891. werke. 892. F.
(only) puts me before give. 894. wole; folowen deede. 895. eke. 897. the;
trewly. 898. F. shal; C. schat (!); rest shalt. C. A. Th. departe now; Tn.
departe trewlie; F. T. B. now departe. 899. deth; goo. 900. F. Ielouse; C.
gelos. 901. whilome. 903. oo. T. I-fere; which the rest omit (!). 904. C. T. A.
brought vs to; F. vs broght (!). pitouse. 906. moore. 907. C. euere ȝit hade;
T. euer had yet; rest omit ȝit (yet). 908. noo gentile. 909. puten. 911. Ben.
912. parte. 913. swerde. 914. warme; hoote. 915. smoote (!). 916. Tn. T. ar;
F. are; C. A. is. C. I-go; rest a-goo (a go). 917. moo. 918. bookes. 919.
therfore.
Page 223
III. THE LEGEND OF DIDO, QUEEN OF CARTHAGE.
Incipit Legenda Didonis martiris, Cartaginis regine.
Glory and honour, Virgil Mantuan,
Be to thy name! and I shal, as I can, 925
Folow thy lantern, as thou gost biforn,
How Eneas to Dido was forsworn.
In thyn Eneïd and Naso wol I take
The tenour, and the grete effectes make.
Whan Troye broght was to destruccioun 930
By Grekes sleighte, and namely by Sinoun,
Feyning the hors y-offred to Minerve,
Through which that many a Troyan moste sterve; (10)
And Ector had, after his deeth, appered,
And fyr so wood, it mighte nat be stered, 935
In al the noble tour of Ilioun,
That of the citee was the cheef dungeoun;
And al the contree was so lowe y-broght,
And Priamus the king fordoon and noght;
And Eneas was charged by Venus 940
To fleen awey, he took Ascanius,
That was his sone, in his right hand, and fledde;
And on his bakke he bar and with him ledde (20)
His olde fader, cleped Anchises,
And by the weye his wyf Creusa he lees. 945
And mochel sorwe hadde he in his minde
Er that he coude his felawshippe finde.
But, at the laste, whan he had hem founde,
He made him redy in a certein stounde,
And to the see ful faste he gan him hye, 950
And saileth forth with al his companye
Toward Itaile, as wolde destinee.
But of his aventures in the see (30)
Nis nat to purpos for to speke of here,
For hit acordeth nat to my matere. 955
Incipit Legenda Didonis martiris, Cartaginis regine.
Glory and honour, Virgil Mantuan,
Be to thy name! and I shal, as I can, 925
Folow thy lantern, as thou gost biforn,
How Eneas to Dido was forsworn.
In thyn Eneïd and Naso wol I take
The tenour, and the grete effectes make.
Whan Troye broght was to destruccioun 930
By Grekes sleighte, and namely by Sinoun,
Feyning the hors y-offred to Minerve,
Through which that many a Troyan moste sterve; (10)
And Ector had, after his deeth, appered,
And fyr so wood, it mighte nat be stered, 935
In al the noble tour of Ilioun,
That of the citee was the cheef dungeoun;
And al the contree was so lowe y-broght,
And Priamus the king fordoon and noght;
And Eneas was charged by Venus 940
To fleen awey, he took Ascanius,
That was his sone, in his right hand, and fledde;
And on his bakke he bar and with him ledde (20)
His olde fader, cleped Anchises,
And by the weye his wyf Creusa he lees. 945
And mochel sorwe hadde he in his minde
Er that he coude his felawshippe finde.
But, at the laste, whan he had hem founde,
He made him redy in a certein stounde,
And to the see ful faste he gan him hye, 950
And saileth forth with al his companye
Toward Itaile, as wolde destinee.
But of his aventures in the see (30)
Nis nat to purpos for to speke of here,
For hit acordeth nat to my matere. 955
Page 224
But, as I seide, of him and of Dido
Shal be my tale, til that I have do.
So longe he sailed in the salte see
Til in Libye unnethe aryved he,
With shippes seven and with no more navye; 960
And glad was he to londe for to hye,
So was he with the tempest al to-shake.
And whan that he the haven had y-take, (40)
He had a knight, was called Achates;
And him of al his felawshippe he chees 965
To goon with him, the contre for tespye;
He took with him no more companye.
But forth they goon, and lafte his shippes ryde,
His fere and he, with-outen any gyde.
So longe he walketh in this wildernesse 970
Til, at the laste, he mette an hunteresse.
A bowe in honde and arwes hadde she,
Her clothes cutted were unto the knee; (50)
But she was yit the fairest creature
That ever was y-formed by nature; 975
And Eneas and Achates she grette,
And thus she to hem spak, whan she hem mette.
'Sawe ye,' quod she, 'as ye han walked wyde,
Any of my sustren walke yow besyde,
With any wilde boor or other beste 980
That they han hunted to, in this foreste,
Y-tukked up, with arwes in her cas?'
'Nay, soothly, lady,' quod this Eneas; (60)
'But, by thy beaute, as hit thinketh me,
Thou mightest never erthely womman be, 985
But Phebus suster artow, as I gesse.
And, if so be that thou be a goddesse,
Have mercy on our labour and our wo.'
'I nam no goddes, soothly,' quod she tho;
'For maidens walken in this contree here, 990
With arwes and with bowe, in this manere.
This is the regne of Libie, ther ye been,
Shal be my tale, til that I have do.
So longe he sailed in the salte see
Til in Libye unnethe aryved he,
With shippes seven and with no more navye; 960
And glad was he to londe for to hye,
So was he with the tempest al to-shake.
And whan that he the haven had y-take, (40)
He had a knight, was called Achates;
And him of al his felawshippe he chees 965
To goon with him, the contre for tespye;
He took with him no more companye.
But forth they goon, and lafte his shippes ryde,
His fere and he, with-outen any gyde.
So longe he walketh in this wildernesse 970
Til, at the laste, he mette an hunteresse.
A bowe in honde and arwes hadde she,
Her clothes cutted were unto the knee; (50)
But she was yit the fairest creature
That ever was y-formed by nature; 975
And Eneas and Achates she grette,
And thus she to hem spak, whan she hem mette.
'Sawe ye,' quod she, 'as ye han walked wyde,
Any of my sustren walke yow besyde,
With any wilde boor or other beste 980
That they han hunted to, in this foreste,
Y-tukked up, with arwes in her cas?'
'Nay, soothly, lady,' quod this Eneas; (60)
'But, by thy beaute, as hit thinketh me,
Thou mightest never erthely womman be, 985
But Phebus suster artow, as I gesse.
And, if so be that thou be a goddesse,
Have mercy on our labour and our wo.'
'I nam no goddes, soothly,' quod she tho;
'For maidens walken in this contree here, 990
With arwes and with bowe, in this manere.
This is the regne of Libie, ther ye been,
Page 225
Of which that Dido lady is and queen'— (70)
And shortly tolde him al the occasioun
Why Dido com into that regioun, 995
Of which as now me lusteth nat to ryme;
Hit nedeth nat; hit nere but los of tyme.
For this is al and som, it was Venus,
His owne moder, that spak with him thus;
And to Cartage she bad he sholde him dighte, 1000
And vanished anoon out of his sighte.
I coude folwe, word for word, Virgyle,
But it wolde lasten al to longe a whyle. (80)
This noble queen, that cleped was Dido,
That whylom was the wyf of Sitheo, 1005
That fairer was then is the brighte sonne,
This noble toun of Cartage hath begonne;
In which she regneth in so greet honour,
That she was holde of alle quenes flour,
Of gentilesse, of freedom, of beautee; 1010
That wel was him that mighte her ones see;
Of kinges and of lordes so desyred,
That al the world her beaute hadde y-fyred; (90)
She stood so wel in every wightes grace.
Whan Eneas was come un-to that place, 1015
Unto the maister-temple of al the toun
Ther Dido was in her devocioun,
Ful prively his wey than hath he nome.
Whan he was in the large temple come,
I can nat seyn if that hit be possible, 1020
But Venus hadde him maked invisible—
Thus seith the book, with-outen any lees.
And whan this Eneas and Achates (100)
Hadden in this temple been over-al,
Than founde they, depeynted on a wal, 1025
How Troye and al the lond destroyed was.
'Allas! that I was born,' quod Eneas,
'Through-out the world our shame is kid so wyde,
Now it is peynted upon every syde!
And shortly tolde him al the occasioun
Why Dido com into that regioun, 995
Of which as now me lusteth nat to ryme;
Hit nedeth nat; hit nere but los of tyme.
For this is al and som, it was Venus,
His owne moder, that spak with him thus;
And to Cartage she bad he sholde him dighte, 1000
And vanished anoon out of his sighte.
I coude folwe, word for word, Virgyle,
But it wolde lasten al to longe a whyle. (80)
This noble queen, that cleped was Dido,
That whylom was the wyf of Sitheo, 1005
That fairer was then is the brighte sonne,
This noble toun of Cartage hath begonne;
In which she regneth in so greet honour,
That she was holde of alle quenes flour,
Of gentilesse, of freedom, of beautee; 1010
That wel was him that mighte her ones see;
Of kinges and of lordes so desyred,
That al the world her beaute hadde y-fyred; (90)
She stood so wel in every wightes grace.
Whan Eneas was come un-to that place, 1015
Unto the maister-temple of al the toun
Ther Dido was in her devocioun,
Ful prively his wey than hath he nome.
Whan he was in the large temple come,
I can nat seyn if that hit be possible, 1020
But Venus hadde him maked invisible—
Thus seith the book, with-outen any lees.
And whan this Eneas and Achates (100)
Hadden in this temple been over-al,
Than founde they, depeynted on a wal, 1025
How Troye and al the lond destroyed was.
'Allas! that I was born,' quod Eneas,
'Through-out the world our shame is kid so wyde,
Now it is peynted upon every syde!
Page 226
We, that weren in prosperitee, 1030
Be now disslaundred, and in swich degre,
No lenger for to liven I ne kepe!'
And, with that worde, he brast out for to wepe (110)
So tendrely, that routhe hit was to sene.
This fresshe lady, of the citee quene, 1035
Stood in the temple, in her estat royal,
So richely, and eek so fair with-al,
So yong, so lusty, with her eyen glade,
That, if that god, that heven and erthe made,
Wolde han a love, for beaute and goodnesse, 1040
And womanhod, and trouthe, and seemlinesse,
Whom sholde he loven but this lady swete?
There nis no womman to him half so mete. (120)
Fortune, that hath the world in governaunce,
Hath sodeinly broght in so newe a chaunce, 1045
That never was ther yit so fremd a cas.
For al the companye of Eneas,
Which that he wende han loren in the see,
Aryved is, nat fer fro that citee;
For which, the grettest of his lordes some 1050
By aventure ben to the citee come,
Unto that same temple, for to seke
The quene, and of her socour her beseke; (130)
Swich renoun was ther spronge of her goodnesse.
And, whan they hadden told al hir distresse, 1055
And al hir tempest and hir harde cas,
Unto the quene appered Eneas,
And openly beknew that hit was he.
Who hadde Ioye than but his meynee,
That hadden founde hir lord, hir governour? 1060
The quene saw they dide him swich honour,
And had herd ofte of Eneas, er tho,
And in her herte she hadde routhe and wo (140)
That ever swich a noble man as he
Shal been disherited in swich degree; 1065
And saw the man, that he was lyk a knight,
Be now disslaundred, and in swich degre,
No lenger for to liven I ne kepe!'
And, with that worde, he brast out for to wepe (110)
So tendrely, that routhe hit was to sene.
This fresshe lady, of the citee quene, 1035
Stood in the temple, in her estat royal,
So richely, and eek so fair with-al,
So yong, so lusty, with her eyen glade,
That, if that god, that heven and erthe made,
Wolde han a love, for beaute and goodnesse, 1040
And womanhod, and trouthe, and seemlinesse,
Whom sholde he loven but this lady swete?
There nis no womman to him half so mete. (120)
Fortune, that hath the world in governaunce,
Hath sodeinly broght in so newe a chaunce, 1045
That never was ther yit so fremd a cas.
For al the companye of Eneas,
Which that he wende han loren in the see,
Aryved is, nat fer fro that citee;
For which, the grettest of his lordes some 1050
By aventure ben to the citee come,
Unto that same temple, for to seke
The quene, and of her socour her beseke; (130)
Swich renoun was ther spronge of her goodnesse.
And, whan they hadden told al hir distresse, 1055
And al hir tempest and hir harde cas,
Unto the quene appered Eneas,
And openly beknew that hit was he.
Who hadde Ioye than but his meynee,
That hadden founde hir lord, hir governour? 1060
The quene saw they dide him swich honour,
And had herd ofte of Eneas, er tho,
And in her herte she hadde routhe and wo (140)
That ever swich a noble man as he
Shal been disherited in swich degree; 1065
And saw the man, that he was lyk a knight,
Page 227
And suffisaunt of persone and of might,
And lyk to been a veray gentil man;
And wel his wordes he besette can,
And had a noble visage for the nones, 1070
And formed wel of braunes and of bones.
For, after Venus, hadde he swich fairnesse,
That no man might be half so fair, I gesse. (150)
And wel a lord he semed for to be.
And, for he was a straunger, somwhat she 1075
Lyked him the bet, as, god do bote,
To som folk ofte newe thing is swote.
Anoon her herte hath pitee of his wo,
And, with that pitee, love com in also;
And thus, for pitee and for gentilesse, 1080
Refresshed moste he been of his distresse.
She seide, certes, that she sory was
That he hath had swich peril and swich cas; (160)
And, in her frendly speche, in this manere
She to him spak, and seide as ye may here. 1085
'Be ye nat Venus sone and Anchises?
In good feith, al the worship and encrees
That I may goodly doon yow, ye shul have.
Your shippes and your meynee shal I save;'
And many a gentil word she spak him to; 1090
And comaunded her messageres go
The same day, with-outen any faile,
His shippes for to seke, and hem vitaile. (170)
She many a beste to the shippes sente,
And with the wyn she gan hem to presente; 1095
And to her royal paleys she her spedde,
And Eneas alwey with her she ledde.
What nedeth yow the feste to descryve?
He never beter at ese was his lyve.
Ful was the feste of deyntees and richesse, 1100
Of instruments, of song, and of gladnesse,
And many an amorous loking and devys.
This Eneas is come to Paradys (180)
And lyk to been a veray gentil man;
And wel his wordes he besette can,
And had a noble visage for the nones, 1070
And formed wel of braunes and of bones.
For, after Venus, hadde he swich fairnesse,
That no man might be half so fair, I gesse. (150)
And wel a lord he semed for to be.
And, for he was a straunger, somwhat she 1075
Lyked him the bet, as, god do bote,
To som folk ofte newe thing is swote.
Anoon her herte hath pitee of his wo,
And, with that pitee, love com in also;
And thus, for pitee and for gentilesse, 1080
Refresshed moste he been of his distresse.
She seide, certes, that she sory was
That he hath had swich peril and swich cas; (160)
And, in her frendly speche, in this manere
She to him spak, and seide as ye may here. 1085
'Be ye nat Venus sone and Anchises?
In good feith, al the worship and encrees
That I may goodly doon yow, ye shul have.
Your shippes and your meynee shal I save;'
And many a gentil word she spak him to; 1090
And comaunded her messageres go
The same day, with-outen any faile,
His shippes for to seke, and hem vitaile. (170)
She many a beste to the shippes sente,
And with the wyn she gan hem to presente; 1095
And to her royal paleys she her spedde,
And Eneas alwey with her she ledde.
What nedeth yow the feste to descryve?
He never beter at ese was his lyve.
Ful was the feste of deyntees and richesse, 1100
Of instruments, of song, and of gladnesse,
And many an amorous loking and devys.
This Eneas is come to Paradys (180)
Page 228
Out of the swolow of helle, and thus in Ioye
Remembreth him of his estat in Troye. 1105
To dauncing-chambres ful of parements,
Of riche beddes, and of ornaments,
This Eneas is lad, after the mete.
And with the quene whan that he had sete,
And spyces parted, and the wyn agoon, 1110
Unto his chambres was he lad anoon
To take his ese and for to have his reste,
With al his folk, to doon what so hem leste. (190)
Ther nas coursere wel y-brydled noon,
Ne stede, for the Iusting wel to goon, 1115
Ne large palfrey, esy for the nones,
Ne Iuwel, fretted ful of riche stones,
Ne sakkes ful of gold, of large wighte,
Ne ruby noon, that shynede by nighte,
Ne gentil hautein faucon heronere, 1120
Ne hound, for hert or wilde boor or dere,
Ne coupe of gold, with florins newe y-bete,
That in the lond of Libie may be gete, (200)
That Dido ne hath hit Eneas y-sent;
And al is payed, what that he hath spent. 1125
Thus can this [noble] quene her gestes calle,
As she that can in freedom passen alle.
Eneas sothly eek, with-outen lees,
Hath sent un-to his shippe, by Achates,
After his sone, and after riche thinges, 1130
Both ceptre, clothes, broches, and eek ringes,
Som for to were, and som for to presente
To her, that all thise noble thinges him sente; (210)
And bad his sone, how that he sholde make
The presenting, and to the quene hit take. 1135
Repaired is this Achates again,
And Eneas ful blisful is and fain
To seen his yonge sone Ascanius.
But natheles, our autour telleth us,
That Cupido, that is the god of love, 1140
Remembreth him of his estat in Troye. 1105
To dauncing-chambres ful of parements,
Of riche beddes, and of ornaments,
This Eneas is lad, after the mete.
And with the quene whan that he had sete,
And spyces parted, and the wyn agoon, 1110
Unto his chambres was he lad anoon
To take his ese and for to have his reste,
With al his folk, to doon what so hem leste. (190)
Ther nas coursere wel y-brydled noon,
Ne stede, for the Iusting wel to goon, 1115
Ne large palfrey, esy for the nones,
Ne Iuwel, fretted ful of riche stones,
Ne sakkes ful of gold, of large wighte,
Ne ruby noon, that shynede by nighte,
Ne gentil hautein faucon heronere, 1120
Ne hound, for hert or wilde boor or dere,
Ne coupe of gold, with florins newe y-bete,
That in the lond of Libie may be gete, (200)
That Dido ne hath hit Eneas y-sent;
And al is payed, what that he hath spent. 1125
Thus can this [noble] quene her gestes calle,
As she that can in freedom passen alle.
Eneas sothly eek, with-outen lees,
Hath sent un-to his shippe, by Achates,
After his sone, and after riche thinges, 1130
Both ceptre, clothes, broches, and eek ringes,
Som for to were, and som for to presente
To her, that all thise noble thinges him sente; (210)
And bad his sone, how that he sholde make
The presenting, and to the quene hit take. 1135
Repaired is this Achates again,
And Eneas ful blisful is and fain
To seen his yonge sone Ascanius.
But natheles, our autour telleth us,
That Cupido, that is the god of love, 1140
Page 229
At preyere of his moder, hye above,
Hadde the lyknes of the child y-take,
This noble quene enamoured to make (220)
On Eneas; but, as of that scripture,
Be as be may, I make of hit no cure. 1145
But sooth is this, the quene hath mad swich chere
Un-to this child, that wonder is to here;
And of the present that his fader sente
She thanked him ful ofte, in good entente.
Thus is this quene in plesaunce and in Ioye, 1150
With al this newe lusty folk of Troye.
And of the dedes hath she more enquered
Of Eneas, and al the story lered (230)
Of Troye; and al the longe day they tweye
Entendeden to speken and to pleye; 1155
Of which ther gan to breden swich a fyr,
That sely Dido hath now swich desyr
With Eneas, her newe gest, to dele,
That she hath lost her hewe, and eek her hele.
Now to theffect, now to the fruit of al, 1160
Why I have told this story, and tellen shal.
Thus I beginne; hit fil, upon a night,
When that the mone up-reysed had her light, (240)
This noble quene un-to her reste wente;
She syketh sore, and gan her-self turmente. 1165
She waketh, walweth, maketh many a brayd,
As doon thise loveres, as I have herd sayd.
And at the laste, unto her suster Anne
She made her moon, and right thus spak she thanne.
'Now, dere suster myn, what may hit be 1170
That me agasteth in my dreme?' quod she.
'This ilke Troyan is so in my thoght,
For that me thinketh he is so wel y-wroght, (250)
And eek so lykly for to be a man,
And therwithal so mikel good he can, 1175
That al my love and lyf lyth in his cure.
Have ye not herd him telle his aventure?
Hadde the lyknes of the child y-take,
This noble quene enamoured to make (220)
On Eneas; but, as of that scripture,
Be as be may, I make of hit no cure. 1145
But sooth is this, the quene hath mad swich chere
Un-to this child, that wonder is to here;
And of the present that his fader sente
She thanked him ful ofte, in good entente.
Thus is this quene in plesaunce and in Ioye, 1150
With al this newe lusty folk of Troye.
And of the dedes hath she more enquered
Of Eneas, and al the story lered (230)
Of Troye; and al the longe day they tweye
Entendeden to speken and to pleye; 1155
Of which ther gan to breden swich a fyr,
That sely Dido hath now swich desyr
With Eneas, her newe gest, to dele,
That she hath lost her hewe, and eek her hele.
Now to theffect, now to the fruit of al, 1160
Why I have told this story, and tellen shal.
Thus I beginne; hit fil, upon a night,
When that the mone up-reysed had her light, (240)
This noble quene un-to her reste wente;
She syketh sore, and gan her-self turmente. 1165
She waketh, walweth, maketh many a brayd,
As doon thise loveres, as I have herd sayd.
And at the laste, unto her suster Anne
She made her moon, and right thus spak she thanne.
'Now, dere suster myn, what may hit be 1170
That me agasteth in my dreme?' quod she.
'This ilke Troyan is so in my thoght,
For that me thinketh he is so wel y-wroght, (250)
And eek so lykly for to be a man,
And therwithal so mikel good he can, 1175
That al my love and lyf lyth in his cure.
Have ye not herd him telle his aventure?
Page 230
Now certes, Anne, if that ye rede hit me,
I wolde fain to him y-wedded be;
This is theffect; what sholde I more seye? 1180
In him lyth al, to do me live or deye.'
Her suster Anne, as she that coude her good,
Seide as her thoughte, and somdel hit with-stood. (260)
But her-of was so long a sermoning,
Hit were to long to make rehersing; 1185
But fynally, hit may not been with-stonde;
Love wol love—for no wight wol hit wonde.
The dawening up-rist out of the see;
This amorous quene chargeth her meynee
The nettes dresse, and speres brode and kene; 1190
An hunting wol this lusty fresshe quene;
So priketh her this newe Ioly wo.
To hors is al her lusty folk y-go; (270)
Un-to the court the houndes been y-broght,
And up-on coursers, swift as any thoght, 1195
Her yonge knightes hoven al aboute,
And of her wommen eek an huge route.
Up-on a thikke palfrey, paper-whyt,
With sadel rede, enbrouded with delyt,
Of gold the barres up-enbossed hye, 1200
Sit Dido, al in gold and perre wrye;
And she is fair, as is the brighte morwe,
That heleth seke folk of nightes sorwe. (280)
Up-on a courser, startling as the fyr,
Men mighte turne him with a litel wyr, 1205
Sit Eneas, lyk Phebus to devyse;
So was he fresshe arayed in his wyse.
The fomy brydel with the bit of gold
Governeth he, right as him-self hath wold.
And forth this noble quene thus lat I ryde 1210
An hunting, with this Troyan by her syde.
The herd of hertes founden is anoon,
With 'hey! go bet! prik thou! lat goon, lat goon! (290)
Why nil the leoun comen or the bere,
I wolde fain to him y-wedded be;
This is theffect; what sholde I more seye? 1180
In him lyth al, to do me live or deye.'
Her suster Anne, as she that coude her good,
Seide as her thoughte, and somdel hit with-stood. (260)
But her-of was so long a sermoning,
Hit were to long to make rehersing; 1185
But fynally, hit may not been with-stonde;
Love wol love—for no wight wol hit wonde.
The dawening up-rist out of the see;
This amorous quene chargeth her meynee
The nettes dresse, and speres brode and kene; 1190
An hunting wol this lusty fresshe quene;
So priketh her this newe Ioly wo.
To hors is al her lusty folk y-go; (270)
Un-to the court the houndes been y-broght,
And up-on coursers, swift as any thoght, 1195
Her yonge knightes hoven al aboute,
And of her wommen eek an huge route.
Up-on a thikke palfrey, paper-whyt,
With sadel rede, enbrouded with delyt,
Of gold the barres up-enbossed hye, 1200
Sit Dido, al in gold and perre wrye;
And she is fair, as is the brighte morwe,
That heleth seke folk of nightes sorwe. (280)
Up-on a courser, startling as the fyr,
Men mighte turne him with a litel wyr, 1205
Sit Eneas, lyk Phebus to devyse;
So was he fresshe arayed in his wyse.
The fomy brydel with the bit of gold
Governeth he, right as him-self hath wold.
And forth this noble quene thus lat I ryde 1210
An hunting, with this Troyan by her syde.
The herd of hertes founden is anoon,
With 'hey! go bet! prik thou! lat goon, lat goon! (290)
Why nil the leoun comen or the bere,
Page 231
That I mighte ones mete him with this spere?' 1215
Thus seyn thise yonge folk, and up they kille
These hertes wilde, and han hem at hir wille.
Among al this to-romblen gan the heven,
The thunder rored with a grisly steven;
Doun com the rain, with hail and sleet so faste, 1220
With hevenes fyr, that hit so sore agaste
This noble quene, and also her meynee,
That ech of hem was glad a-wey to flee. (300)
And shortly, fro the tempest her to save,
She fledde her-self into a litel cave, 1225
And with her wente this Eneas al-so;
I noot, with hem if ther wente any mo;
The autour maketh of hit no mencioun.
And heer began the depe affeccioun
Betwix hem two; this was the firste morwe 1230
Of her gladnesse, and ginning of her sorwe.
For ther hath Eneas y-kneled so,
And told her al his herte, and al his wo, (310)
And sworn so depe, to her to be trewe,
For wele or wo, and chaunge for no newe, 1235
And as a fals lover so wel can pleyne,
That sely Dido rewed on his peyne,
And took him for husband, [to been] his wyf
For ever-mo, whyl that hem laste lyf.
And after this, whan that the tempest stente, 1240
With mirth out as they comen, hoom they wente.
The wikked fame up roos, and that anon,
How Eneas hath with the quene y-gon (320)
In-to the cave; and demed as hem liste;
And whan the king, that Yarbas hight, hit wiste, 1245
As he that had her loved ever his lyf,
And wowed her, to have her to his wyf,
Swich sorwe as he hath maked, and swich chere,
Hit is a routhe and pitee for to here.
But, as in love, al-day hit happeth so, 1250
That oon shal laughen at anothers wo;
Thus seyn thise yonge folk, and up they kille
These hertes wilde, and han hem at hir wille.
Among al this to-romblen gan the heven,
The thunder rored with a grisly steven;
Doun com the rain, with hail and sleet so faste, 1220
With hevenes fyr, that hit so sore agaste
This noble quene, and also her meynee,
That ech of hem was glad a-wey to flee. (300)
And shortly, fro the tempest her to save,
She fledde her-self into a litel cave, 1225
And with her wente this Eneas al-so;
I noot, with hem if ther wente any mo;
The autour maketh of hit no mencioun.
And heer began the depe affeccioun
Betwix hem two; this was the firste morwe 1230
Of her gladnesse, and ginning of her sorwe.
For ther hath Eneas y-kneled so,
And told her al his herte, and al his wo, (310)
And sworn so depe, to her to be trewe,
For wele or wo, and chaunge for no newe, 1235
And as a fals lover so wel can pleyne,
That sely Dido rewed on his peyne,
And took him for husband, [to been] his wyf
For ever-mo, whyl that hem laste lyf.
And after this, whan that the tempest stente, 1240
With mirth out as they comen, hoom they wente.
The wikked fame up roos, and that anon,
How Eneas hath with the quene y-gon (320)
In-to the cave; and demed as hem liste;
And whan the king, that Yarbas hight, hit wiste, 1245
As he that had her loved ever his lyf,
And wowed her, to have her to his wyf,
Swich sorwe as he hath maked, and swich chere,
Hit is a routhe and pitee for to here.
But, as in love, al-day hit happeth so, 1250
That oon shal laughen at anothers wo;
Page 232
Now laugheth Eneas, and is in Ioye
And more richesse than ever he was in Troye. (330)
O sely womman, ful of innocence,
Ful of pitee, of trouthe, and conscience, 1255
What maked yow to men to trusten so?
Have ye swich routhe upon hir feined wo,
And han swich olde ensamples yow beforn?
See ye nat alle, how they been for-sworn?
Wher see ye oon, that he ne hath laft his leef, 1260
Or been unkinde, or doon her som mischeef,
Or pilled her, or bosted of his dede?
Ye may as wel hit seen, as ye may rede; (340)
Tak heed now of this grete gentil-man,
This Troyan, that so wel her plesen can, 1265
That feineth him so trewe and obeising,
So gentil and so privy of his doing,
And can so wel doon alle his obeisaunces,
And waiten her at festes and at daunces,
And when she goth to temple and hoom ageyn, 1270
And fasten til he hath his lady seyn,
And bere in his devyses, for her sake,
Noot I nat what; and songes wolde he make, (350)
Iusten, and doon of armes many thinges,
Sende her lettres, tokens, broches, ringes— 1275
Now herkneth, how he shal his lady serve!
Ther-as he was in peril for to sterve
For hunger, and for mischeef in the see,
And desolat, and fled from his contree,
And al his folk with tempest al to-driven, 1280
She hath her body and eek her reame yiven
In-to his hond, ther-as she mighte have been
Of other lond than of Cartage a queen, (360)
And lived in Ioye y-nogh; what wolde ye more?
This Eneas, that hath so depe y-swore, 1285
Is wery of his craft with-in a throwe;
The hote ernest is al over-blowe.
And prively he doth his shippes dighte,
And more richesse than ever he was in Troye. (330)
O sely womman, ful of innocence,
Ful of pitee, of trouthe, and conscience, 1255
What maked yow to men to trusten so?
Have ye swich routhe upon hir feined wo,
And han swich olde ensamples yow beforn?
See ye nat alle, how they been for-sworn?
Wher see ye oon, that he ne hath laft his leef, 1260
Or been unkinde, or doon her som mischeef,
Or pilled her, or bosted of his dede?
Ye may as wel hit seen, as ye may rede; (340)
Tak heed now of this grete gentil-man,
This Troyan, that so wel her plesen can, 1265
That feineth him so trewe and obeising,
So gentil and so privy of his doing,
And can so wel doon alle his obeisaunces,
And waiten her at festes and at daunces,
And when she goth to temple and hoom ageyn, 1270
And fasten til he hath his lady seyn,
And bere in his devyses, for her sake,
Noot I nat what; and songes wolde he make, (350)
Iusten, and doon of armes many thinges,
Sende her lettres, tokens, broches, ringes— 1275
Now herkneth, how he shal his lady serve!
Ther-as he was in peril for to sterve
For hunger, and for mischeef in the see,
And desolat, and fled from his contree,
And al his folk with tempest al to-driven, 1280
She hath her body and eek her reame yiven
In-to his hond, ther-as she mighte have been
Of other lond than of Cartage a queen, (360)
And lived in Ioye y-nogh; what wolde ye more?
This Eneas, that hath so depe y-swore, 1285
Is wery of his craft with-in a throwe;
The hote ernest is al over-blowe.
And prively he doth his shippes dighte,
Page 233
And shapeth him to stele a-wey by nighte.
This Dido hath suspecioun of this, 1290
And thoughte wel, that hit was al a-mis;
For in his bedde he lyth a-night and syketh;
She asketh him anoon, what him mislyketh— (370)
'My dere herte, which that I love most?'
'Certes,' quod he, 'this night my fadres gost 1295
Hath in my sleep so sore me tormented,
And eek Mercurie his message hath presented,
That nedes to the conquest of Itaile
My destinee is sone for to saile;
For which, me thinketh, brosten is myn herte!' 1300
Ther-with his false teres out they sterte;
And taketh her with-in his armes two.
'Is that in ernest,' quod she; 'wil ye so? (380)
Have ye nat sworn to wyve me to take,
Alas! what womman wil ye of me make? 1305
I am a gentil-woman and a queen,
Ye wil nat fro your wyf thus foule fleen?
That I was born! allas! what shal I do?'
To telle in short, this noble queen Dido,
She seketh halwes, and doth sacrifyse; 1310
She kneleth, cryeth, that routhe is to devyse;
Coniureth him, and profreth him to be
His thral, his servant in the leste gree; (390)
She falleth him to fote, and swowneth there
Dischevele, with her brighte gilte here, 1315
And seith, 'have mercy! let me with yow ryde!
Thise lordes, which that wonen me besyde
Wil me destroyen only for your sake.
And, so ye wil me now to wyve take,
As ye han sworn, than wol I yive yow leve 1320
To sleen me with your swerd now sone at eve!
For than yit shal I dyen as your wyf.
I am with childe, and yive my child his lyf. (400)
Mercy, lord! have pite in your thoght!'
But al this thing availeth her right noght; 1325
This Dido hath suspecioun of this, 1290
And thoughte wel, that hit was al a-mis;
For in his bedde he lyth a-night and syketh;
She asketh him anoon, what him mislyketh— (370)
'My dere herte, which that I love most?'
'Certes,' quod he, 'this night my fadres gost 1295
Hath in my sleep so sore me tormented,
And eek Mercurie his message hath presented,
That nedes to the conquest of Itaile
My destinee is sone for to saile;
For which, me thinketh, brosten is myn herte!' 1300
Ther-with his false teres out they sterte;
And taketh her with-in his armes two.
'Is that in ernest,' quod she; 'wil ye so? (380)
Have ye nat sworn to wyve me to take,
Alas! what womman wil ye of me make? 1305
I am a gentil-woman and a queen,
Ye wil nat fro your wyf thus foule fleen?
That I was born! allas! what shal I do?'
To telle in short, this noble queen Dido,
She seketh halwes, and doth sacrifyse; 1310
She kneleth, cryeth, that routhe is to devyse;
Coniureth him, and profreth him to be
His thral, his servant in the leste gree; (390)
She falleth him to fote, and swowneth there
Dischevele, with her brighte gilte here, 1315
And seith, 'have mercy! let me with yow ryde!
Thise lordes, which that wonen me besyde
Wil me destroyen only for your sake.
And, so ye wil me now to wyve take,
As ye han sworn, than wol I yive yow leve 1320
To sleen me with your swerd now sone at eve!
For than yit shal I dyen as your wyf.
I am with childe, and yive my child his lyf. (400)
Mercy, lord! have pite in your thoght!'
But al this thing availeth her right noght; 1325
Page 234
For on a night, slepinge, he let her lye,
And stal a-wey un-to his companye,
And, as a traitour, forth he gan to saile
Toward the large contree of Itaile.
Thus hath he laft Dido in wo and pyne; 1330
And wedded ther a lady hight Lavyne.
A cloth he lafte, and eek his swerd stonding,
Whan he fro Dido stal in her sleping, (410)
Right at her beddes heed, so gan he hye
Whan that he stal a-wey to his navye; 1335
Which cloth, whan sely Dido gan awake,
She hath hit kist ful ofte for his sake;
And seide, 'O cloth, whyl Iupiter hit leste,
Tak now my soule, unbind me of this unreste!
I have fulfild of fortune al the cours.' 1340
And thus, allas! with-outen his socours,
Twenty tyme y-swowned hath she thanne.
And, whan that she un-to her suster Anne (420)
Compleyned had, of which I may nat wryte—
So greet a routhe I have hit for tendyte— 1345
And bad her norice and her suster goon
To fecchen fyr and other thing anoon,
And seide, that she wolde sacrifye.
And, whan she mighte her tyme wel espye,
Up-on the fyr of sacrifys she sterte, 1350
And with his swerd she roof her to the herte.
But, as myn autour seith, right thus she seyde;
Or she was hurt, before that she deyde, (430)
She wroot a lettre anoon, that thus began:—
'Right so,' quod she, 'as that the whyte swan 1355
Ayeins his deeth beginneth for to singe,
Right so to yow make I my compleyninge.
Nat that I trowe to geten yow again,
For wel I woot that it is al in vain,
Sin that the goddes been contraire to me. 1360
But sin my name is lost through yow,' quod she,
'I may wel lese a word on yow, or letter,
And stal a-wey un-to his companye,
And, as a traitour, forth he gan to saile
Toward the large contree of Itaile.
Thus hath he laft Dido in wo and pyne; 1330
And wedded ther a lady hight Lavyne.
A cloth he lafte, and eek his swerd stonding,
Whan he fro Dido stal in her sleping, (410)
Right at her beddes heed, so gan he hye
Whan that he stal a-wey to his navye; 1335
Which cloth, whan sely Dido gan awake,
She hath hit kist ful ofte for his sake;
And seide, 'O cloth, whyl Iupiter hit leste,
Tak now my soule, unbind me of this unreste!
I have fulfild of fortune al the cours.' 1340
And thus, allas! with-outen his socours,
Twenty tyme y-swowned hath she thanne.
And, whan that she un-to her suster Anne (420)
Compleyned had, of which I may nat wryte—
So greet a routhe I have hit for tendyte— 1345
And bad her norice and her suster goon
To fecchen fyr and other thing anoon,
And seide, that she wolde sacrifye.
And, whan she mighte her tyme wel espye,
Up-on the fyr of sacrifys she sterte, 1350
And with his swerd she roof her to the herte.
But, as myn autour seith, right thus she seyde;
Or she was hurt, before that she deyde, (430)
She wroot a lettre anoon, that thus began:—
'Right so,' quod she, 'as that the whyte swan 1355
Ayeins his deeth beginneth for to singe,
Right so to yow make I my compleyninge.
Nat that I trowe to geten yow again,
For wel I woot that it is al in vain,
Sin that the goddes been contraire to me. 1360
But sin my name is lost through yow,' quod she,
'I may wel lese a word on yow, or letter,
Page 235
Al-be-it that I shal be never the better; (440)
For thilke wind that blew your ship a-wey,
The same wind hath blowe a-wey your fey.'— 1365
But who wol al this letter have in minde,
Rede Ovide, and in him he shal hit finde.
Explicit Legenda Didonis martiris, Cartaginis regine.
N.B. From this point onward obvious corrections in the spelling of MS. F.
are unnoticed. 928. C. has—In Naso and Eneydos wele [for wol] I take.
932. C. I offerede to; rest offred unto. 950. C. wol (= wel); for ful. 960, 961.
These two lines are in C. and P. only; all former editions omit them. 964. C.
clepid; rest called. 966. Tn. Th. B. tespye; C. tespie; F. to spye; T. to spy; A.
to aspye. 973. C. P. cutte; F. B. knytte; rest cutted (cuttyd, cuttit). 979. So
all; Oon (for Any) would read better. 994. F. Tn. Th. B. om. him. 997. Tn.
ner; F. Th. B. nere; rest were (wer). 1002. F. by; rest for. 1003. T. P. Addit.
a; rest om. 1006. C. Addit. is; rest om. 1018. C. thus (for than). 1019. F.
(only) om. large. 1024. P. F. the; rest this. 1028. F. Tn. A. B. om. so. 1046. T.
Th. was ther yet; P. more was ther; Add. was their; A. ȝit was sene; rest was
yit (or yit was). F. in (for a). 1048. C. A. P. he; rest we (!). 1063. C. she
hadde; A. sche had eke; P. she hedd þo; T. Add. had she; B. had; F. and (!).
1066. F. (only) om. that he. 1072. F. Tn. Th. om. he. 1074. C. P. Add. he;
rest him. 1079. F. Tn. Th. B. om. that and in. 1081. F. B. mote; P. wold; rest
muste (must, moost, most); read moste. 1085. F. Tn. om. and. F. Tn. B.
repeat in this manere; rest as ye may here. 1091. C. massangerys; B.
messagerys; A. messingeris; F. Tn. messagers; after which all but F. and B.
needlessly insert to, or for to. 1094. C. Sche; rest Ful (because they put
beest, she for beste, as in C). 1107. C. T. Add. ornamentis; rest pavements
(error for parements, caught from l. 1106). 1112. C. For his ese and for to
take. 1115. C. to iuste (for the Iusting). 1117. C. T. Add. frettid; A. P. fretted;
F. B. frette; Tn. Th. fret. 1119. F. B. rubee; rest ruby. C. shynede; Tn. P.
shyned; F. T. A. Th. B. shyneth. 1126. For noble all have honourable, giving
two syllables too many; see ll. 1143, 1210, 1222. 1129. A. vnto; C. on to;
rest to. 1139. So C. P.; F. Tn. Th. B. For to him yt was reported thus (badly).
1143. C. holy; rest noble 1144. F. T. Th. B. om. as. 1149. F. Tn. Th. B. om.
ful. 1155. All but C. P. needlessly put for to (for to) twice. 1159. C. T. A. P.
Add. hath; rest om. 1160. C. now comyth the freut. 1163. F. Tn. vp-reyseth
For thilke wind that blew your ship a-wey,
The same wind hath blowe a-wey your fey.'— 1365
But who wol al this letter have in minde,
Rede Ovide, and in him he shal hit finde.
Explicit Legenda Didonis martiris, Cartaginis regine.
N.B. From this point onward obvious corrections in the spelling of MS. F.
are unnoticed. 928. C. has—In Naso and Eneydos wele [for wol] I take.
932. C. I offerede to; rest offred unto. 950. C. wol (= wel); for ful. 960, 961.
These two lines are in C. and P. only; all former editions omit them. 964. C.
clepid; rest called. 966. Tn. Th. B. tespye; C. tespie; F. to spye; T. to spy; A.
to aspye. 973. C. P. cutte; F. B. knytte; rest cutted (cuttyd, cuttit). 979. So
all; Oon (for Any) would read better. 994. F. Tn. Th. B. om. him. 997. Tn.
ner; F. Th. B. nere; rest were (wer). 1002. F. by; rest for. 1003. T. P. Addit.
a; rest om. 1006. C. Addit. is; rest om. 1018. C. thus (for than). 1019. F.
(only) om. large. 1024. P. F. the; rest this. 1028. F. Tn. A. B. om. so. 1046. T.
Th. was ther yet; P. more was ther; Add. was their; A. ȝit was sene; rest was
yit (or yit was). F. in (for a). 1048. C. A. P. he; rest we (!). 1063. C. she
hadde; A. sche had eke; P. she hedd þo; T. Add. had she; B. had; F. and (!).
1066. F. (only) om. that he. 1072. F. Tn. Th. om. he. 1074. C. P. Add. he;
rest him. 1079. F. Tn. Th. B. om. that and in. 1081. F. B. mote; P. wold; rest
muste (must, moost, most); read moste. 1085. F. Tn. om. and. F. Tn. B.
repeat in this manere; rest as ye may here. 1091. C. massangerys; B.
messagerys; A. messingeris; F. Tn. messagers; after which all but F. and B.
needlessly insert to, or for to. 1094. C. Sche; rest Ful (because they put
beest, she for beste, as in C). 1107. C. T. Add. ornamentis; rest pavements
(error for parements, caught from l. 1106). 1112. C. For his ese and for to
take. 1115. C. to iuste (for the Iusting). 1117. C. T. Add. frettid; A. P. fretted;
F. B. frette; Tn. Th. fret. 1119. F. B. rubee; rest ruby. C. shynede; Tn. P.
shyned; F. T. A. Th. B. shyneth. 1126. For noble all have honourable, giving
two syllables too many; see ll. 1143, 1210, 1222. 1129. A. vnto; C. on to;
rest to. 1139. So C. P.; F. Tn. Th. B. For to him yt was reported thus (badly).
1143. C. holy; rest noble 1144. F. T. Th. B. om. as. 1149. F. Tn. Th. B. om.
ful. 1155. All but C. P. needlessly put for to (for to) twice. 1159. C. T. A. P.
Add. hath; rest om. 1160. C. now comyth the freut. 1163. F. Tn. vp-reyseth
Page 236
(error for vp-reysed). C. A. Th. P. hadde (had); F. Tn. B. hath. C. his; rest
hire (hir, her); see note. 1169. P. mon (= A.S. mán); rest mone; read moon.
1171. C. slep; rest dreme. 1173. C. Me thynkith that he. 1174. C. T. P. Add.
for; rest om. 1175. T. A. P. therwith al; Th. therwith; C. ek thereto; F. Tn.
om. ther. 1178. C. rede it me; rest om. it. 1179. C. T. A. P. Add. wolde; F.
Tn. wil; Th. wol. 1195. Add. coursers; C. B. courseris; F. Tn. Th. coursere.
1196. F. Tn. Th. heuen (!); rest houen (houyn). 1200, 1201. C. hye, wrye; F.
heighe, wreighe. 1202. C. bright (for fair). 1203. A. B. P. folk; F. Tn. T. Th.
folkes; C. men. 1210. F. om. noble. T. thus lat; Addit. thus late; rest this lady
(!!). 1211. T. Add. An; A. In; rest On; see l. 1191. 1215. T. A. P. ones mete
him; rest him ones mete. 1217. C. T. A. Add. These; rest The. C. bestys
wilde; T. A. P. wild bestys; rest wilde hertes; but read hertes wilde. 1221. C.
A. it; F. Tn. B. P. is (!). 1238. I propose to read to been; all have and becom
(became), which cannot possibly be scanned. 1239. C. Tn. -mo; F. -mor.
1242. C. wikke fame a-ros. 1247. F. Tn. Th. B. om. 2nd her. 1251. C. of;
rest at. 1253. T. A. Add. he; rest om. 1255. F. and (for 2nd of). 1258. C. T.
A. Th. olde ensamples; F. ensamples olde. 1259. C. A. how that; rest how.
1267. C. trewe; A. besy; rest privy. 1268, 1269. F. Tn. Th. B. -aunce; C. T.
A. P. -aunces. 1269. C. And waytyn hire; T. Add. And plesyn hyr; Tn. A.
And hir (!); F. Th. To hir (!). 1273. C. Tn. A. Th. Not; F. B. Wot. 1275. All
but C. ins. and before ringes. 1281. C. F. T. B. reame; Tn. P. ream; Th.
realme; A. regne. 1285. C. A. P. so; rest thus. 1296. C. A. so sore me; Add.
sore me; rest me so sore. 1298. F. Tn. B. om. to. 1313. C. gre; rest degree
(degre). 1314. C. to-fore (for to fote). 1319. C. T. A. Add. so; rest om. F.
now me; rest me now. 1322. F. shal I yet; Tn. C. T. A. Th. yit shall I. 1323.
C. T. yeue; F. yive; Tn. yif. 1324. C. hauyth; rest haue. 1326, 1327. The old
printed editions omit these two lines. 1327. C. on to; T. A. Add. vnto; F. Tn.
B. vpon. 1330. C. Thus; rest And thus. C. Tn. laft; F. lefte. 1332. C. lafte; F.
lefte. 1333. F. (only) om. her. 1337. F. Tn. B. om. hit. 1338. All but T. A.
Add. insert swete after O. 1339. F. Tn. Th. B. P. om. now. C. and brynge it
of this onreste; Tn. T. Th. P. Add. vnbynde me of this vnreste; F. B. vnbynde
me of this reste (!); A. me bynd of myn vnrest; I follow Tn. T. Th. P. Add.
1345. F. Tn. Th. P. om. a. C. tendite; rest to endite (endyte). 1346. A. P. Add.
suster; C. T. A. sistir; rest sustren (!). 1347. C. T. A. P. Add. thing; rest
thinges. 1351. C. Tn. rof. 1352. C. A. right; P. om.; rest yet (yit). 1353. A.
Add. before that; C. F. T. Th. B. byforn or (byforne er); P. and befor or.
1355. C. A. that; T. Add. doth; rest om. 1356. C. Aȝens; A. Aȝeynes; Tn.
hire (hir, her); see note. 1169. P. mon (= A.S. mán); rest mone; read moon.
1171. C. slep; rest dreme. 1173. C. Me thynkith that he. 1174. C. T. P. Add.
for; rest om. 1175. T. A. P. therwith al; Th. therwith; C. ek thereto; F. Tn.
om. ther. 1178. C. rede it me; rest om. it. 1179. C. T. A. P. Add. wolde; F.
Tn. wil; Th. wol. 1195. Add. coursers; C. B. courseris; F. Tn. Th. coursere.
1196. F. Tn. Th. heuen (!); rest houen (houyn). 1200, 1201. C. hye, wrye; F.
heighe, wreighe. 1202. C. bright (for fair). 1203. A. B. P. folk; F. Tn. T. Th.
folkes; C. men. 1210. F. om. noble. T. thus lat; Addit. thus late; rest this lady
(!!). 1211. T. Add. An; A. In; rest On; see l. 1191. 1215. T. A. P. ones mete
him; rest him ones mete. 1217. C. T. A. Add. These; rest The. C. bestys
wilde; T. A. P. wild bestys; rest wilde hertes; but read hertes wilde. 1221. C.
A. it; F. Tn. B. P. is (!). 1238. I propose to read to been; all have and becom
(became), which cannot possibly be scanned. 1239. C. Tn. -mo; F. -mor.
1242. C. wikke fame a-ros. 1247. F. Tn. Th. B. om. 2nd her. 1251. C. of;
rest at. 1253. T. A. Add. he; rest om. 1255. F. and (for 2nd of). 1258. C. T.
A. Th. olde ensamples; F. ensamples olde. 1259. C. A. how that; rest how.
1267. C. trewe; A. besy; rest privy. 1268, 1269. F. Tn. Th. B. -aunce; C. T.
A. P. -aunces. 1269. C. And waytyn hire; T. Add. And plesyn hyr; Tn. A.
And hir (!); F. Th. To hir (!). 1273. C. Tn. A. Th. Not; F. B. Wot. 1275. All
but C. ins. and before ringes. 1281. C. F. T. B. reame; Tn. P. ream; Th.
realme; A. regne. 1285. C. A. P. so; rest thus. 1296. C. A. so sore me; Add.
sore me; rest me so sore. 1298. F. Tn. B. om. to. 1313. C. gre; rest degree
(degre). 1314. C. to-fore (for to fote). 1319. C. T. A. Add. so; rest om. F.
now me; rest me now. 1322. F. shal I yet; Tn. C. T. A. Th. yit shall I. 1323.
C. T. yeue; F. yive; Tn. yif. 1324. C. hauyth; rest haue. 1326, 1327. The old
printed editions omit these two lines. 1327. C. on to; T. A. Add. vnto; F. Tn.
B. vpon. 1330. C. Thus; rest And thus. C. Tn. laft; F. lefte. 1332. C. lafte; F.
lefte. 1333. F. (only) om. her. 1337. F. Tn. B. om. hit. 1338. All but T. A.
Add. insert swete after O. 1339. F. Tn. Th. B. P. om. now. C. and brynge it
of this onreste; Tn. T. Th. P. Add. vnbynde me of this vnreste; F. B. vnbynde
me of this reste (!); A. me bynd of myn vnrest; I follow Tn. T. Th. P. Add.
1345. F. Tn. Th. P. om. a. C. tendite; rest to endite (endyte). 1346. A. P. Add.
suster; C. T. A. sistir; rest sustren (!). 1347. C. T. A. P. Add. thing; rest
thinges. 1351. C. Tn. rof. 1352. C. A. right; P. om.; rest yet (yit). 1353. A.
Add. before that; C. F. T. Th. B. byforn or (byforne er); P. and befor or.
1355. C. A. that; T. Add. doth; rest om. 1356. C. Aȝens; A. Aȝeynes; Tn.
Page 237
Ayeinste; rest Ayenst. 1357. C. T. A. Add. make I; rest I make. 1359. C. T.
A. P. that; rest om. 1360. A. contrair; P. contrarie; C. T. contrary; rest
contrarious. 1363. C. T. A. P. Add. that; rest om. 1366. Tn. P. who; rest who
so, or who that.
A. P. that; rest om. 1360. A. contrair; P. contrarie; C. T. contrary; rest
contrarious. 1363. C. T. A. P. Add. that; rest om. 1366. Tn. P. who; rest who
so, or who that.
Page 238
IV. THE LEGEND OF HYPSIPYLE AND MEDEA.
Incipit Legenda Ysiphile et Medee, Martirum.
Incipit Legenda Ysiphile et Medee, Martirum.
Page 239
Part I. The Legend of Hypsipyle.
Thou rote of false lovers, duk Iasoun!
Thou sly devourer and confusioun
Of gentil-wommen, tender creatures, 1370
Thou madest thy reclaiming and thy lures
To ladies of thy statly apparaunce,
And of thy wordes, farced with plesaunce,
And of thy feyned trouthe and thy manere,
With thyn obeisaunce and thy humble chere, 1375
And with thy counterfeted peyne and wo.
Ther other falsen oon, thou falsest two! (10)
O! ofte swore thou that thou woldest dye
For love, whan thou ne feltest maladye
Save foul delyt, which that thou callest love! 1380
If that I live, thy name shal be shove
In English, that thy sleighte shal be knowe!
Have at thee, Iasoun! now thyn horn is blowe!
But certes, hit is bothe routhe and wo
That love with false loveres werketh so; 1385
For they shul have wel better love and chere
Than he that hath aboght his love ful dere, (20)
Or had in armes many a blody box.
For ever as tendre a capoun et the fox,
Thogh he be fals and hath the foul betrayed, 1390
As shal the good-man that ther-for hath payed.
Al have he to the capoun skille and right,
The false fox wol have his part at night.
On Iasoun this ensample is wel y-sene
By Isiphile and Medea the quene. 1395
In Tessalye, as Guido telleth us,
Ther was a king that highte Pelleus, (30)
That had a brother, which that highte Eson;
And, whan for age he mighte unnethes gon,
He yaf to Pelleus the governing 1400
Of al his regne, and made him lord and king.
Of which Eson this Iasoun geten was,
Thou rote of false lovers, duk Iasoun!
Thou sly devourer and confusioun
Of gentil-wommen, tender creatures, 1370
Thou madest thy reclaiming and thy lures
To ladies of thy statly apparaunce,
And of thy wordes, farced with plesaunce,
And of thy feyned trouthe and thy manere,
With thyn obeisaunce and thy humble chere, 1375
And with thy counterfeted peyne and wo.
Ther other falsen oon, thou falsest two! (10)
O! ofte swore thou that thou woldest dye
For love, whan thou ne feltest maladye
Save foul delyt, which that thou callest love! 1380
If that I live, thy name shal be shove
In English, that thy sleighte shal be knowe!
Have at thee, Iasoun! now thyn horn is blowe!
But certes, hit is bothe routhe and wo
That love with false loveres werketh so; 1385
For they shul have wel better love and chere
Than he that hath aboght his love ful dere, (20)
Or had in armes many a blody box.
For ever as tendre a capoun et the fox,
Thogh he be fals and hath the foul betrayed, 1390
As shal the good-man that ther-for hath payed.
Al have he to the capoun skille and right,
The false fox wol have his part at night.
On Iasoun this ensample is wel y-sene
By Isiphile and Medea the quene. 1395
In Tessalye, as Guido telleth us,
Ther was a king that highte Pelleus, (30)
That had a brother, which that highte Eson;
And, whan for age he mighte unnethes gon,
He yaf to Pelleus the governing 1400
Of al his regne, and made him lord and king.
Of which Eson this Iasoun geten was,
Page 240
That, in his tyme, in al that lond, ther nas
Nat swich a famous knight of gentilesse,
Of freedom, and of strengthe and lustinesse. 1405
After his fader deeth, he bar him so
That ther nas noon that liste been his fo, (40)
But dide him al honour and companye;
Of which this Pelleus hath greet envye,
Imagining that Iasoun mighte be 1410
Enhaunsed so, and put in swich degree
With love of lordes of his regioun,
That from his regne he may be put adoun.
And in his wit, a-night, compassed he
How Iasoun mighte best destroyed be 1415
Withoute slaunder of his compasment.
And at the laste he took avisement (50)
To senden him in-to som fer contree
Ther as this Iasoun may destroyed be.
This was his wit; al made he to Iasoun 1420
Gret chere of love and of affeccioun,
For drede lest his lordes hit espyde.
So fil hit so, as fame renneth wyde,
Ther was swich tyding over-al and swich los,
That in an yle that called was Colcos, 1425
Beyonde Troye, estward in the see,
That ther-in was a ram, that men mighte see, (60)
That had a flees of gold, that shoon so brighte,
That no-wher was ther swich an-other sighte;
But hit was kept alway with a dragoun, 1430
And many othere merveils, up and doun,
And with two boles, maked al of bras,
That spitten fyr, and moche thing ther was.
But this was eek the tale, nathelees,
That who-so wolde winne thilke flees, 1435
He moste bothe, or he hit winne mighte,
With the boles and the dragoun fighte; (70)
And king Oëtes lord was of that yle.
This Pelleus bethoghte upon this wyle;
Nat swich a famous knight of gentilesse,
Of freedom, and of strengthe and lustinesse. 1405
After his fader deeth, he bar him so
That ther nas noon that liste been his fo, (40)
But dide him al honour and companye;
Of which this Pelleus hath greet envye,
Imagining that Iasoun mighte be 1410
Enhaunsed so, and put in swich degree
With love of lordes of his regioun,
That from his regne he may be put adoun.
And in his wit, a-night, compassed he
How Iasoun mighte best destroyed be 1415
Withoute slaunder of his compasment.
And at the laste he took avisement (50)
To senden him in-to som fer contree
Ther as this Iasoun may destroyed be.
This was his wit; al made he to Iasoun 1420
Gret chere of love and of affeccioun,
For drede lest his lordes hit espyde.
So fil hit so, as fame renneth wyde,
Ther was swich tyding over-al and swich los,
That in an yle that called was Colcos, 1425
Beyonde Troye, estward in the see,
That ther-in was a ram, that men mighte see, (60)
That had a flees of gold, that shoon so brighte,
That no-wher was ther swich an-other sighte;
But hit was kept alway with a dragoun, 1430
And many othere merveils, up and doun,
And with two boles, maked al of bras,
That spitten fyr, and moche thing ther was.
But this was eek the tale, nathelees,
That who-so wolde winne thilke flees, 1435
He moste bothe, or he hit winne mighte,
With the boles and the dragoun fighte; (70)
And king Oëtes lord was of that yle.
This Pelleus bethoghte upon this wyle;
Page 241
That he his nevew Iasoun wolde enhorte 1440
To sailen to that lond, him to disporte,
And seide, 'Nevew, if hit mighte be
That swich a worship mighte fallen thee,
That thou this famous tresor mightest winne,
And bringen hit my regioun with-inne, 1445
Hit were to me gret plesaunce and honour;
Than were I holde to quyte thy labour. (80)
And al the cost I wol my-selven make;
And chees what folk that thou wilt with thee take;
Lat see now, darstow taken this viage?' 1450
Iasoun was yong, and lusty of corage,
And under-took to doon this ilke empryse.
Anoon Argus his shippes gan devyse;
With Iasoun wente the stronge Ercules,
And many an-other that he with him chees. 1455
But who-so axeth who is with him gon,
Lat him go reden Argonauticon, (90)
For he wol telle a tale long y-now.
Philotetes anoon the sail up-drow,
Whan that the wind was good, and gan him hye 1460
Out of his contree called Tessalye.
So long he sailed in the salte see
Til in the yle Lemnoun aryved he—
Al be this nat rehersed of Guido,
Yet seith Ovyde in his Epistles so— 1465
And of this yle lady was and quene
The faire yonge Isiphilee, the shene, (100)
That whylom Thoas doghter was, the king.
Isiphilee was goon in her playing;
And, roming on the clyves by the see, 1470
Under a banke anoon espyed she
Wher that the ship of Iasoun gan aryve.
Of her goodnesse adoun she sendeth blyve
To witen yif that any straunge wight
With tempest thider were y-blowe a-night, 1475
To doon him socour; as was her usaunce
To sailen to that lond, him to disporte,
And seide, 'Nevew, if hit mighte be
That swich a worship mighte fallen thee,
That thou this famous tresor mightest winne,
And bringen hit my regioun with-inne, 1445
Hit were to me gret plesaunce and honour;
Than were I holde to quyte thy labour. (80)
And al the cost I wol my-selven make;
And chees what folk that thou wilt with thee take;
Lat see now, darstow taken this viage?' 1450
Iasoun was yong, and lusty of corage,
And under-took to doon this ilke empryse.
Anoon Argus his shippes gan devyse;
With Iasoun wente the stronge Ercules,
And many an-other that he with him chees. 1455
But who-so axeth who is with him gon,
Lat him go reden Argonauticon, (90)
For he wol telle a tale long y-now.
Philotetes anoon the sail up-drow,
Whan that the wind was good, and gan him hye 1460
Out of his contree called Tessalye.
So long he sailed in the salte see
Til in the yle Lemnoun aryved he—
Al be this nat rehersed of Guido,
Yet seith Ovyde in his Epistles so— 1465
And of this yle lady was and quene
The faire yonge Isiphilee, the shene, (100)
That whylom Thoas doghter was, the king.
Isiphilee was goon in her playing;
And, roming on the clyves by the see, 1470
Under a banke anoon espyed she
Wher that the ship of Iasoun gan aryve.
Of her goodnesse adoun she sendeth blyve
To witen yif that any straunge wight
With tempest thider were y-blowe a-night, 1475
To doon him socour; as was her usaunce
Page 242
To forthren every wight, and doon plesaunce (110)
Of veray bountee and of curtesye.
This messagere adoun him gan to hye,
And fond Iasoun, and Ercules also, 1480
That in a cogge to londe were y-go
Hem to refresshen and to take the eyr.
The morwening atempre was and fair;
And in his wey the messagere hem mette.
Ful cunningly thise lordes two he grette, 1485
And dide his message, axing hem anoon
Yif they were broken, or oght wo begoon, (120)
Or hadde nede of lodesmen or vitaile;
For of socour they shulde no-thing faile,
For hit was utterly the quenes wille. 1490
Iasoun answerde, mekely and stille,
'My lady,' quod he, 'thanke I hertely
Of hir goodnesse; us nedeth, trewely,
No-thing as now, but that we wery be,
And come for to pleye, out of the see, 1495
Til that the wind be better in our weye.'
This lady rometh by the clif to pleye, (130)
With her meynee, endelong the stronde,
And fynt this Iasoun and this other stonde,
In spekinge of this thing, as I yow tolde. 1500
This Ercules and Iasoun gan beholde
How that the quene hit was, and faire her grette
Anon-right as they with this lady mette;
And she took heed, and knew, by hir manere,
By hir aray, by wordes and by chere, 1505
That hit were gentil-men, of greet degree.
And to the castel with her ledeth she (140)
Thise straunge folk, and doth hem greet honour,
And axeth hem of travail and labour
That they han suffred in the salte see; 1510
So that, within a day, or two, or three,
She knew, by folk that in his shippes be,
That hit was Iasoun, ful of renomee,
Of veray bountee and of curtesye.
This messagere adoun him gan to hye,
And fond Iasoun, and Ercules also, 1480
That in a cogge to londe were y-go
Hem to refresshen and to take the eyr.
The morwening atempre was and fair;
And in his wey the messagere hem mette.
Ful cunningly thise lordes two he grette, 1485
And dide his message, axing hem anoon
Yif they were broken, or oght wo begoon, (120)
Or hadde nede of lodesmen or vitaile;
For of socour they shulde no-thing faile,
For hit was utterly the quenes wille. 1490
Iasoun answerde, mekely and stille,
'My lady,' quod he, 'thanke I hertely
Of hir goodnesse; us nedeth, trewely,
No-thing as now, but that we wery be,
And come for to pleye, out of the see, 1495
Til that the wind be better in our weye.'
This lady rometh by the clif to pleye, (130)
With her meynee, endelong the stronde,
And fynt this Iasoun and this other stonde,
In spekinge of this thing, as I yow tolde. 1500
This Ercules and Iasoun gan beholde
How that the quene hit was, and faire her grette
Anon-right as they with this lady mette;
And she took heed, and knew, by hir manere,
By hir aray, by wordes and by chere, 1505
That hit were gentil-men, of greet degree.
And to the castel with her ledeth she (140)
Thise straunge folk, and doth hem greet honour,
And axeth hem of travail and labour
That they han suffred in the salte see; 1510
So that, within a day, or two, or three,
She knew, by folk that in his shippes be,
That hit was Iasoun, ful of renomee,
Page 243
And Ercules, that had the grete los,
That soghten the aventures of Colcos; 1515
And dide hem honour more then before,
And with hem deled ever lenger the more, (150)
For they ben worthy folk, with-outen lees.
And namely, most she spak with Ercules;
To him her herte bar, he sholde be 1520
Sad, wys, and trewe, of wordes avisee,
With-outen any other affeccioun
Of love, or evil imaginacioun.
This Ercules hath so this Iasoun preysed,
That to the sonne he hath him up areysed, 1525
That half so trewe a man ther nas of love
Under the cope of heven that is above; (160)
And he was wys, hardy, secree, and riche.—
Of thise three pointes ther nas noon him liche;
Of freedom passed he, and lustihede, 1530
Alle tho that liven or ben dede;
Ther-to so greet a gentil-man was he,
And of Tessalie lykly king to be.
Ther nas no lak, but that he was agast
To love, and for to speke shamefast. 1535
He hadde lever him-self to mordre, and dye
Than that men shulde a lover him espye:— (170)
'As wolde almighty god that I had yive
My blood and flesh, so that I mighte live,
With the nones that he hadde o-wher a wyf 1540
For his estat; for swich a lusty lyf
She sholde lede with this lusty knight!'
And al this was compassed on the night
Betwixe him Iasoun and this Ercules.
Of thise two heer was mad a shrewed lees 1545
To come to hous upon an innocent;
For to be-dote this queen was hir assent. (180)
And Iasoun is as coy as is a maide,
He loketh pitously, but noght he saide,
But frely yaf he to her conseileres 1550
That soghten the aventures of Colcos; 1515
And dide hem honour more then before,
And with hem deled ever lenger the more, (150)
For they ben worthy folk, with-outen lees.
And namely, most she spak with Ercules;
To him her herte bar, he sholde be 1520
Sad, wys, and trewe, of wordes avisee,
With-outen any other affeccioun
Of love, or evil imaginacioun.
This Ercules hath so this Iasoun preysed,
That to the sonne he hath him up areysed, 1525
That half so trewe a man ther nas of love
Under the cope of heven that is above; (160)
And he was wys, hardy, secree, and riche.—
Of thise three pointes ther nas noon him liche;
Of freedom passed he, and lustihede, 1530
Alle tho that liven or ben dede;
Ther-to so greet a gentil-man was he,
And of Tessalie lykly king to be.
Ther nas no lak, but that he was agast
To love, and for to speke shamefast. 1535
He hadde lever him-self to mordre, and dye
Than that men shulde a lover him espye:— (170)
'As wolde almighty god that I had yive
My blood and flesh, so that I mighte live,
With the nones that he hadde o-wher a wyf 1540
For his estat; for swich a lusty lyf
She sholde lede with this lusty knight!'
And al this was compassed on the night
Betwixe him Iasoun and this Ercules.
Of thise two heer was mad a shrewed lees 1545
To come to hous upon an innocent;
For to be-dote this queen was hir assent. (180)
And Iasoun is as coy as is a maide,
He loketh pitously, but noght he saide,
But frely yaf he to her conseileres 1550
Page 244
Yiftes grete, and to her officeres.
As wolde god I leiser hadde, and tyme,
By proces al his wowing for to ryme.
But in this hous if any fals lover be,
Right as him-self now doth, right so dide he, 1555
With feyning and with every sotil dede.
Ye gete no more of me, but ye wil rede (190)
Thoriginal, that telleth al the cas.
The somme is this, that Iasoun wedded was
Unto this quene, and took of her substaunce 1560
What-so him liste, unto his purveyaunce;
And upon her begat he children two,
And drow his sail, and saw her never-mo.
A lettre sente she to him certein,
Which were to long to wryten and to sein, 1565
And him repreveth of his grete untrouthe,
And preyeth him on her to have som routhe. (200)
And of his children two, she seide him this,
That they be lyke, of alle thing, y-wis,
To Iasoun, save they coude nat begyle; 1570
And preyed god, or hit were longe whyle,
That she, that had his herte y-raft her fro,
Moste finden him to her untrewe al-so,
And that she moste bothe her children spille,
And alle tho that suffreth him his wille. 1575
And trew to Iasoun was she al her lyf,
And ever kepte her chast, as for his wyf; (210)
Ne never had she Ioye at her herte,
But dyed, for his love, of sorwes smerte.
Part II. The Legend of Medea.
To Colcos comen is this duk Iasoun, 1580
That is of love devourer and dragoun.
As matere appetyteth forme al-wey,
And from forme in-to forme hit passen may,
Or as a welle that were botomlees,
As wolde god I leiser hadde, and tyme,
By proces al his wowing for to ryme.
But in this hous if any fals lover be,
Right as him-self now doth, right so dide he, 1555
With feyning and with every sotil dede.
Ye gete no more of me, but ye wil rede (190)
Thoriginal, that telleth al the cas.
The somme is this, that Iasoun wedded was
Unto this quene, and took of her substaunce 1560
What-so him liste, unto his purveyaunce;
And upon her begat he children two,
And drow his sail, and saw her never-mo.
A lettre sente she to him certein,
Which were to long to wryten and to sein, 1565
And him repreveth of his grete untrouthe,
And preyeth him on her to have som routhe. (200)
And of his children two, she seide him this,
That they be lyke, of alle thing, y-wis,
To Iasoun, save they coude nat begyle; 1570
And preyed god, or hit were longe whyle,
That she, that had his herte y-raft her fro,
Moste finden him to her untrewe al-so,
And that she moste bothe her children spille,
And alle tho that suffreth him his wille. 1575
And trew to Iasoun was she al her lyf,
And ever kepte her chast, as for his wyf; (210)
Ne never had she Ioye at her herte,
But dyed, for his love, of sorwes smerte.
Part II. The Legend of Medea.
To Colcos comen is this duk Iasoun, 1580
That is of love devourer and dragoun.
As matere appetyteth forme al-wey,
And from forme in-to forme hit passen may,
Or as a welle that were botomlees,
Page 245
Right so can fals Iasoun have no pees. 1585
For, to desyren, through his appetyt,
To doon with gentil wommen his delyt, (220)
This is his lust and his felicitee.
Iasoun is romed forth to the citee,
That whylom cleped was Iaconitos, 1590
That was the maister-toun of al Colcos,
And hath y-told the cause of his coming
Un-to Oëtes, of that contre king,
Preying him that he moste doon his assay
To gete the flees of gold, if that he may; 1595
Of which the king assenteth to his bone,
And doth him honour, as hit is to done, (230)
So ferforth, that his doghter and his eyr,
Medea, which that was so wys and fair
That fairer saw ther never man with yë, 1600
He made her doon to Iasoun companye
At mete, and sitte by him in the halle.
Now was Iasoun a semely man with-alle,
And lyk a lord, and had a greet renoun,
And of his loke as real as leoun, 1605
And goodly of his speche, and famulere,
And coude of love al craft and art plenere (240)
With-oute boke, with everich observaunce.
And, as fortune her oghte a foul meschaunce,
She wex enamoured upon this man. 1610
'Iasoun,' quod she, 'for ought I see or can,
As of this thing the which ye been aboute,
Ye han your-self y-put in moche doute.
For, who-so wol this aventure acheve,
He may nat wel asterten, as I leve, 1615
With-outen deeth, but I his helpe be.
But natheles, hit is my wille,' quod she, (250)
'To forthren yow, so that ye shal nat dye,
But turnen, sound, hoom to your Tessalye.'
'My righte lady,' quod this Iasoun tho, 1620
'That ye han of my dethe or of my wo
For, to desyren, through his appetyt,
To doon with gentil wommen his delyt, (220)
This is his lust and his felicitee.
Iasoun is romed forth to the citee,
That whylom cleped was Iaconitos, 1590
That was the maister-toun of al Colcos,
And hath y-told the cause of his coming
Un-to Oëtes, of that contre king,
Preying him that he moste doon his assay
To gete the flees of gold, if that he may; 1595
Of which the king assenteth to his bone,
And doth him honour, as hit is to done, (230)
So ferforth, that his doghter and his eyr,
Medea, which that was so wys and fair
That fairer saw ther never man with yë, 1600
He made her doon to Iasoun companye
At mete, and sitte by him in the halle.
Now was Iasoun a semely man with-alle,
And lyk a lord, and had a greet renoun,
And of his loke as real as leoun, 1605
And goodly of his speche, and famulere,
And coude of love al craft and art plenere (240)
With-oute boke, with everich observaunce.
And, as fortune her oghte a foul meschaunce,
She wex enamoured upon this man. 1610
'Iasoun,' quod she, 'for ought I see or can,
As of this thing the which ye been aboute,
Ye han your-self y-put in moche doute.
For, who-so wol this aventure acheve,
He may nat wel asterten, as I leve, 1615
With-outen deeth, but I his helpe be.
But natheles, hit is my wille,' quod she, (250)
'To forthren yow, so that ye shal nat dye,
But turnen, sound, hoom to your Tessalye.'
'My righte lady,' quod this Iasoun tho, 1620
'That ye han of my dethe or of my wo
Page 246
Any reward, and doon me this honour,
I wot wel that my might ne my labour
May nat deserve hit in my lyves day;
God thanke yow, ther I ne can ne may. 1625
Your man am I, and lowly you beseche,
To been my help, with-oute more speche; (260)
But certes, for my deeth shal I nat spare.'
Tho gan this Medea to him declare
The peril of this cas, fro point to point, 1630
And of his batail, and in what disioint
He mote stande, of which no creature,
Save only she, ne mighte his lyf assure.
And shortly, to the point right for to go,
They been accorded ful, betwix hem two, 1635
That Iasoun shal her wedde, as trewe knight;
And term y-set, to come sone at night (270)
Unto her chambre, and make ther his ooth,
Upon the goddes, that he, for leef ne looth,
Ne sholde her never falsen, night ne day, 1640
To been her husbond, whyl he liven may,
As she that from his deeth him saved here.
And her-upon, at night they mette y-fere,
And doth his ooth, and goth with her to bedde.
And on the morwe, upward he him spedde; 1645
For she hath taught him how he shal nat faile
The flees to winne, and stinten his bataile; (280)
And saved him his lyf and his honour;
And gat him greet name as a conquerour
Right through the sleight of her enchantement. 1650
Now hath Iasoun the flees, and hoom is went
With Medea, and tresor ful gret woon.
But unwist of her fader is she goon
To Tessaly, with duk Iasoun her leef,
That afterward hath broght her to mescheef. 1655
For as a traitour he is from her go,
And with her lafte his yonge children two, (290)
And falsly hath betrayed her, allas!
I wot wel that my might ne my labour
May nat deserve hit in my lyves day;
God thanke yow, ther I ne can ne may. 1625
Your man am I, and lowly you beseche,
To been my help, with-oute more speche; (260)
But certes, for my deeth shal I nat spare.'
Tho gan this Medea to him declare
The peril of this cas, fro point to point, 1630
And of his batail, and in what disioint
He mote stande, of which no creature,
Save only she, ne mighte his lyf assure.
And shortly, to the point right for to go,
They been accorded ful, betwix hem two, 1635
That Iasoun shal her wedde, as trewe knight;
And term y-set, to come sone at night (270)
Unto her chambre, and make ther his ooth,
Upon the goddes, that he, for leef ne looth,
Ne sholde her never falsen, night ne day, 1640
To been her husbond, whyl he liven may,
As she that from his deeth him saved here.
And her-upon, at night they mette y-fere,
And doth his ooth, and goth with her to bedde.
And on the morwe, upward he him spedde; 1645
For she hath taught him how he shal nat faile
The flees to winne, and stinten his bataile; (280)
And saved him his lyf and his honour;
And gat him greet name as a conquerour
Right through the sleight of her enchantement. 1650
Now hath Iasoun the flees, and hoom is went
With Medea, and tresor ful gret woon.
But unwist of her fader is she goon
To Tessaly, with duk Iasoun her leef,
That afterward hath broght her to mescheef. 1655
For as a traitour he is from her go,
And with her lafte his yonge children two, (290)
And falsly hath betrayed her, allas!
Page 247
And ever in love a cheef traitour he was;
And wedded yit the thridde wyf anon, 1660
That was the doghter of the king Creon.
This is the meed of loving and guerdon
That Medea received of Iasoun
Right for her trouthe and for her kindenesse,
That loved him better than her-self, I gesse, 1665
And lafte her fader and her heritage.
And of Iasoun this is the vassalage, (300)
That, in his dayes, nas ther noon y-founde
So fals a lover going on the grounde.
And therfor in her lettre thus she seyde 1670
First, whan she of his falsnesse him umbreyde,
'Why lyked me thy yelow heer to see
More then the boundes of myn honestee,
Why lyked me thy youthe and thy fairnesse,
And of thy tonge the infinit graciousnesse? 1675
O, haddest thou in thy conquest deed y-be,
Ful mikel untrouthe had ther dyed with thee!' (310)
Wel can Ovyde her lettre in vers endyte,
Which were as now to long for me to wryte.
Explicit Legenda Ysiphile et Medee, Martirum.
1370. A. T. Add. tender; rest repeat gentil. C. has tendere wemen gentil.
1373. A. C. farced; F. Tn. Th. farsed; B. forsed; P. filled; T. versyd. 1375. P.
A. thy; rest om. 1377. Here MS. P. ends. 1386. C. T. A. Th. Add. love and;
F. Tn. B. and gretter. 1387. C. A. abought; rest bought. C. T. A. Add. his;
rest om. 1389. C. et (= eteth); rest eteth (etith). 1391. C. hath; rest om.
(badly). 1392. C. T. Add. Al haue he; F. Alle thof he haue. 1396. F. Tn. B.
and; rest as. C. Guido; T. A. Guydo; Add. Gwydo; F. Tn. Th. B. Ouyde.
1397. F. Tn. B. knyght; rest kyng (see l. 1401); see note. 1405. So C.; rest
Of fredom, of strength, and of lustynesse. 1409. C. T. Add. hadde. 1418. C.
To syndyn; T. Add. To send; Tn. Th. B. That to senden; F. That to selden (!).
1427. F. Tn. Th. B. ther; rest therin. C. may se. 1433. T. Th. moche; F.
muche; C. meche othir. 1438. C. Oetes; rest Otes (Otys). 1443. C. T. A.
Add. a; rest om. 1444. T. A. C. mightest; rest myghte. 1445. C. T. bryngyn;
And wedded yit the thridde wyf anon, 1660
That was the doghter of the king Creon.
This is the meed of loving and guerdon
That Medea received of Iasoun
Right for her trouthe and for her kindenesse,
That loved him better than her-self, I gesse, 1665
And lafte her fader and her heritage.
And of Iasoun this is the vassalage, (300)
That, in his dayes, nas ther noon y-founde
So fals a lover going on the grounde.
And therfor in her lettre thus she seyde 1670
First, whan she of his falsnesse him umbreyde,
'Why lyked me thy yelow heer to see
More then the boundes of myn honestee,
Why lyked me thy youthe and thy fairnesse,
And of thy tonge the infinit graciousnesse? 1675
O, haddest thou in thy conquest deed y-be,
Ful mikel untrouthe had ther dyed with thee!' (310)
Wel can Ovyde her lettre in vers endyte,
Which were as now to long for me to wryte.
Explicit Legenda Ysiphile et Medee, Martirum.
1370. A. T. Add. tender; rest repeat gentil. C. has tendere wemen gentil.
1373. A. C. farced; F. Tn. Th. farsed; B. forsed; P. filled; T. versyd. 1375. P.
A. thy; rest om. 1377. Here MS. P. ends. 1386. C. T. A. Th. Add. love and;
F. Tn. B. and gretter. 1387. C. A. abought; rest bought. C. T. A. Add. his;
rest om. 1389. C. et (= eteth); rest eteth (etith). 1391. C. hath; rest om.
(badly). 1392. C. T. Add. Al haue he; F. Alle thof he haue. 1396. F. Tn. B.
and; rest as. C. Guido; T. A. Guydo; Add. Gwydo; F. Tn. Th. B. Ouyde.
1397. F. Tn. B. knyght; rest kyng (see l. 1401); see note. 1405. So C.; rest
Of fredom, of strength, and of lustynesse. 1409. C. T. Add. hadde. 1418. C.
To syndyn; T. Add. To send; Tn. Th. B. That to senden; F. That to selden (!).
1427. F. Tn. Th. B. ther; rest therin. C. may se. 1433. T. Th. moche; F.
muche; C. meche othir. 1438. C. Oetes; rest Otes (Otys). 1443. C. T. A.
Add. a; rest om. 1444. T. A. C. mightest; rest myghte. 1445. C. T. bryngyn;
Page 248
rest brynge (bring). 1448. C. T. A. Add. cost; rest costes. 1449. C. om. And.
A. ches; F. Tn. T. B. chese; Th. chose; C. Schis (!). C. A. that; rest om.
1452. C. T. Add. om. ilke. 1457. T. A. Add. go; rest om. C. ryde; rest rede;
better reden. 1460. C. T. Add. that; rest om. 1463. All insert of after yle
(needlessly). Th. Lemnon; A. Lennoun; C. lenoun (for lēnoun = lemnoun);
F. Tn. B. leonoun; T. Add. lenon (= lemnon). 1471. F. brake (!); A. bonk;
rest banke. 1472. So C. T. A. Add.; F. Tn. Th. B. Wher lay the shippe, that
Iasoun (no sense). 1476. C. F. B. hem; rest him. 1481. C. A. cog; T. Add.
boote; rest cogge. 1483. F. atempree. 1486. C. T. A. Add. axinge; rest
askynge. 1487. F. B. om. oght. 1489. C. T. A. Add, of; rest om. 1490. F. Tn.
B. omit this line. 1498. C. endelong (as in Kn. Tale); F. endlonge. 1499. C.
F. Add. these other; rest this other. 1506. F. hit; C. Tn. Th. B. it; T. A. Add.
they. 1512. F. Tn. Th. B. by the (for by). 1519. F. (only) she spake moste;
Add. om. most. 1523. C. euyl; A. euill; rest any othir (caught from l. 1522).
1524. C. T. A. Add. so; rest om. 1525. C. T. A. Add. him; rest hyt (it). C.
areysid; rest reysed. 1526. C. om. half. 1527. C. cape; rest cope. 1536. F. A.
B. Add. He; rest Him (badly). 1538. A. almychti; rest om. 1540. C. With
nonys; read With th' nones. 1545. T. made; rest omit; but sense and metre
require it. 1547. C. T. Add. assent; B. intente (which will not rime); rest
entent (but Chaucer uses entente). 1548. F. Thise; B. As; rest And. 1550. F.
B. om. he. 1552. F. B. god wolde; rest wolde god. C. T. Add. I; rest that I.
1559. C. T. somme; A. text; rest sothe (soth). 1564. F. Tn. Th. B. om. to.
1569. F. B. (only) om. they. 1573. C. Th. Muste; F. Tn. B. Most; T. A.
Myght. 1578. F. And; rest Ne. 1582. F. nature; C. matier; Tn. Th. B. matire;
T. A. matyr. C. apetitith; T. Add. appetyteth; rest appeteth (!). 1583. F. Tn.
Th. B. to (for in-to). 1585. A. (only) this false; rest om. this. F. Th. B. om.
fals. (Accent Right.) 1590. C. T. Iaconitos; A. Iacomitos; F. Tn. Th. B.
Iasonicos; (Latin Iaconites). 1593. F. Vnto tho (!). C. Oetes; Add. Cetes; T
Cytees (!); rest Otes. 1599. F. Tn. B. Add. and so feyre. 1605. C. T. Th. B.
Add. as a leoun (lyoun). 1613. C. han; T. A. Add. haue; rest and (!). 1626. T.
A. Th. lowly; F. louly; B. loulye; C. louely; Tn. lowe. 1631. C. T. A. Add.
And; rest om. F. Tn. om. in. 1634. C. T. A. Add. to the point right; rest ryght
to the poynt. 1642. C. T. sauyth; rest saued. F. B. there; rest here. 1643. F.
Tn. B. omit; C. has And here vp a nyght, &c. 1649. C. T. gat; A. gatt; Add.
Th. gate; rest gete. F. B. (only) om. him. T. gret; Add. grete; A. om.; rest a.
C. ryth as; T. A. ryght as; Add. lyke as; rest as. 1652. F. Tn. Th. B.
tresoures; C. tresor; T. A. Add. tresour. 1657. T. A. his; C. hire; rest om.
A. ches; F. Tn. T. B. chese; Th. chose; C. Schis (!). C. A. that; rest om.
1452. C. T. Add. om. ilke. 1457. T. A. Add. go; rest om. C. ryde; rest rede;
better reden. 1460. C. T. Add. that; rest om. 1463. All insert of after yle
(needlessly). Th. Lemnon; A. Lennoun; C. lenoun (for lēnoun = lemnoun);
F. Tn. B. leonoun; T. Add. lenon (= lemnon). 1471. F. brake (!); A. bonk;
rest banke. 1472. So C. T. A. Add.; F. Tn. Th. B. Wher lay the shippe, that
Iasoun (no sense). 1476. C. F. B. hem; rest him. 1481. C. A. cog; T. Add.
boote; rest cogge. 1483. F. atempree. 1486. C. T. A. Add. axinge; rest
askynge. 1487. F. B. om. oght. 1489. C. T. A. Add, of; rest om. 1490. F. Tn.
B. omit this line. 1498. C. endelong (as in Kn. Tale); F. endlonge. 1499. C.
F. Add. these other; rest this other. 1506. F. hit; C. Tn. Th. B. it; T. A. Add.
they. 1512. F. Tn. Th. B. by the (for by). 1519. F. (only) she spake moste;
Add. om. most. 1523. C. euyl; A. euill; rest any othir (caught from l. 1522).
1524. C. T. A. Add. so; rest om. 1525. C. T. A. Add. him; rest hyt (it). C.
areysid; rest reysed. 1526. C. om. half. 1527. C. cape; rest cope. 1536. F. A.
B. Add. He; rest Him (badly). 1538. A. almychti; rest om. 1540. C. With
nonys; read With th' nones. 1545. T. made; rest omit; but sense and metre
require it. 1547. C. T. Add. assent; B. intente (which will not rime); rest
entent (but Chaucer uses entente). 1548. F. Thise; B. As; rest And. 1550. F.
B. om. he. 1552. F. B. god wolde; rest wolde god. C. T. Add. I; rest that I.
1559. C. T. somme; A. text; rest sothe (soth). 1564. F. Tn. Th. B. om. to.
1569. F. B. (only) om. they. 1573. C. Th. Muste; F. Tn. B. Most; T. A.
Myght. 1578. F. And; rest Ne. 1582. F. nature; C. matier; Tn. Th. B. matire;
T. A. matyr. C. apetitith; T. Add. appetyteth; rest appeteth (!). 1583. F. Tn.
Th. B. to (for in-to). 1585. A. (only) this false; rest om. this. F. Th. B. om.
fals. (Accent Right.) 1590. C. T. Iaconitos; A. Iacomitos; F. Tn. Th. B.
Iasonicos; (Latin Iaconites). 1593. F. Vnto tho (!). C. Oetes; Add. Cetes; T
Cytees (!); rest Otes. 1599. F. Tn. B. Add. and so feyre. 1605. C. T. Th. B.
Add. as a leoun (lyoun). 1613. C. han; T. A. Add. haue; rest and (!). 1626. T.
A. Th. lowly; F. louly; B. loulye; C. louely; Tn. lowe. 1631. C. T. A. Add.
And; rest om. F. Tn. om. in. 1634. C. T. A. Add. to the point right; rest ryght
to the poynt. 1642. C. T. sauyth; rest saued. F. B. there; rest here. 1643. F.
Tn. B. omit; C. has And here vp a nyght, &c. 1649. C. T. gat; A. gatt; Add.
Th. gate; rest gete. F. B. (only) om. him. T. gret; Add. grete; A. om.; rest a.
C. ryth as; T. A. ryght as; Add. lyke as; rest as. 1652. F. Tn. Th. B.
tresoures; C. tresor; T. A. Add. tresour. 1657. T. A. his; C. hire; rest om.
Page 249
1659. C. thef and (for cheef). 1661. C. A. the; rest om. 1667. F. (only) om.
the. 1668. C. T. A. Add. ther; rest neuer. 1671. C. Fyrst of his falsenesse
whan she hym vpbreyde.
the. 1668. C. T. A. Add. ther; rest neuer. 1671. C. Fyrst of his falsenesse
whan she hym vpbreyde.
Page 250
V. THE LEGEND OF LUCRETIA.
Incipit Legenda Lucrecie Rome, martiris.
Now moot I seyn the exiling of kinges 1680
Of Rome, for hir horrible doinges,
And of the laste king Tarquinius,
As saith Ovyde and Titus Livius.
But for that cause telle I nat this storie,
But for to preise and drawen to memorie 1685
The verray wyf, the verray trewe Lucresse,
That, for her wyfhood and her stedfastnesse,
Nat only that thise payens her comende,
But he, that cleped is in our legende (10)
The grete Austin, hath greet compassioun 1690
Of this Lucresse, that starf at Rome toun;
And in what wyse, I wol but shortly trete,
And of this thing I touche but the grete.
Whan Ardea beseged was aboute
With Romains, that ful sterne were and stoute, 1695
Ful longe lay the sege, and litel wroghte,
So that they were half ydel, as hem thoghte;
And in his pley Tarquinius the yonge
Gan for to iape, for he was light of tonge, (20)
And seyde, that 'it was an ydel lyf; 1700
No man did ther no more than his wyf;
And lat us speke of wyves, that is best;
Praise every man his owne, as him lest,
And with our speche lat us ese our herte.'
A knight, that highte Colatyne, up sterte, 1705
And seyde thus, 'nay, for hit is no nede
To trowen on the word, but on the dede.
I have a wyf,' quod he, 'that, as I trowe,
Is holden good of alle that ever her knowe; (30)
Go we to-night to Rome, and we shul see.' 1710
Tarquinius answerde, 'that lyketh me.'
Incipit Legenda Lucrecie Rome, martiris.
Now moot I seyn the exiling of kinges 1680
Of Rome, for hir horrible doinges,
And of the laste king Tarquinius,
As saith Ovyde and Titus Livius.
But for that cause telle I nat this storie,
But for to preise and drawen to memorie 1685
The verray wyf, the verray trewe Lucresse,
That, for her wyfhood and her stedfastnesse,
Nat only that thise payens her comende,
But he, that cleped is in our legende (10)
The grete Austin, hath greet compassioun 1690
Of this Lucresse, that starf at Rome toun;
And in what wyse, I wol but shortly trete,
And of this thing I touche but the grete.
Whan Ardea beseged was aboute
With Romains, that ful sterne were and stoute, 1695
Ful longe lay the sege, and litel wroghte,
So that they were half ydel, as hem thoghte;
And in his pley Tarquinius the yonge
Gan for to iape, for he was light of tonge, (20)
And seyde, that 'it was an ydel lyf; 1700
No man did ther no more than his wyf;
And lat us speke of wyves, that is best;
Praise every man his owne, as him lest,
And with our speche lat us ese our herte.'
A knight, that highte Colatyne, up sterte, 1705
And seyde thus, 'nay, for hit is no nede
To trowen on the word, but on the dede.
I have a wyf,' quod he, 'that, as I trowe,
Is holden good of alle that ever her knowe; (30)
Go we to-night to Rome, and we shul see.' 1710
Tarquinius answerde, 'that lyketh me.'
Page 251
To Rome be they come, and faste hem dighte
To Colatynes hous, and doun they lighte,
Tarquinius, and eek this Colatyne.
The husbond knew the estres wel and fyne, 1715
And prively into the hous they goon;
Nor at the gate porter was ther noon;
And at the chambre-dore they abyde.
This noble wyf sat by her beddes syde (40)
Dischevele, for no malice she ne thoghte; 1720
And softe wolle our book seith that she wroghte
To kepen her fro slouthe and ydelnesse;
And bad her servants doon hir businesse,
And axeth hem, 'what tydings heren ye?
How seith men of the sege, how shal hit be? 1725
God wolde the walles weren falle adoun;
Myn husbond is so longe out of this toun,
For which the dreed doth me so sore smerte,
Right as a swerd hit stingeth to myn herte (50)
Whan I think on the sege or of that place; 1730
God save my lord, I preye him for his grace:'—
And ther-with-al ful tenderly she weep,
And of her werk she took no more keep,
But mekely she leet her eyen falle;
And thilke semblant sat her wel with-alle. 1735
And eek her teres, ful of honestee,
Embelisshed her wyfly chastitee;
Her countenaunce is to her herte digne,
For they acordeden in dede and signe. (60)
And with that word her husbond Colatyn, 1740
Or she of him was war, com sterting in,
And seide, 'dreed thee noght, for I am here!'
And she anoon up roos, with blisful chere,
And kiste him, as of wyves is the wone.
Tarquinius, this proude kinges sone, 1745
Conceived hath her beautee and her chere,
Her yelow heer, her shap, and her manere,
Her hew, her wordes that she hath compleyned,
To Colatynes hous, and doun they lighte,
Tarquinius, and eek this Colatyne.
The husbond knew the estres wel and fyne, 1715
And prively into the hous they goon;
Nor at the gate porter was ther noon;
And at the chambre-dore they abyde.
This noble wyf sat by her beddes syde (40)
Dischevele, for no malice she ne thoghte; 1720
And softe wolle our book seith that she wroghte
To kepen her fro slouthe and ydelnesse;
And bad her servants doon hir businesse,
And axeth hem, 'what tydings heren ye?
How seith men of the sege, how shal hit be? 1725
God wolde the walles weren falle adoun;
Myn husbond is so longe out of this toun,
For which the dreed doth me so sore smerte,
Right as a swerd hit stingeth to myn herte (50)
Whan I think on the sege or of that place; 1730
God save my lord, I preye him for his grace:'—
And ther-with-al ful tenderly she weep,
And of her werk she took no more keep,
But mekely she leet her eyen falle;
And thilke semblant sat her wel with-alle. 1735
And eek her teres, ful of honestee,
Embelisshed her wyfly chastitee;
Her countenaunce is to her herte digne,
For they acordeden in dede and signe. (60)
And with that word her husbond Colatyn, 1740
Or she of him was war, com sterting in,
And seide, 'dreed thee noght, for I am here!'
And she anoon up roos, with blisful chere,
And kiste him, as of wyves is the wone.
Tarquinius, this proude kinges sone, 1745
Conceived hath her beautee and her chere,
Her yelow heer, her shap, and her manere,
Her hew, her wordes that she hath compleyned,
Page 252
And by no crafte her beautee nas nat feyned; (70)
And caughte to this lady swich desyr, 1750
That in his herte brende as any fyr
So woodly, that his wit was al forgeten.
For wel, thoghte he, she sholde nat be geten
And ay the more that he was in dispair,
The more he coveteth and thoghte her fair. 1755
His blinde lust was al his covetinge.
A-morwe, whan the brid began to singe,
Unto the sege he comth ful privily,
And by himself he walketh sobrely, (80)
Thimage of her recording alwey newe; 1760
'Thus lay her heer, and thus fresh was her hewe;
Thus sat, thus spak, thus span; this was her chere,
Thus fair she was, and this was her manere.'
Al this conceit his herte hath now y-take.
And, as the see, with tempest al to-shake, 1765
That, after whan the storm is al ago,
Yet wol the water quappe a day or two,
Right so, thogh that her forme wer absent,
The plesaunce of her forme was present; (90)
But natheles, nat plesaunce, but delyt, 1770
Or an unrightful talent with despyt;
'For, maugre her, she shal my lemman be;
Hap helpeth hardy man alday,' quod he;
'What ende that I make, hit shal be so;'
And girt him with his swerde, and gan to go; 1775
And forth he rit til he to Rome is come,
And al aloon his wey than hath he nome
Unto the house of Colatyn ful right.
Doun was the sonne, and day hath lost his light; (100)
And in he com un-to a privy halke, 1780
And in the night ful theefly gan he stalke,
Whan every night was to his reste broght,
Ne no wight had of tresoun swich a thoght.
Were hit by window or by other gin,
With swerde y-drawe, shortly he comth in 1785
And caughte to this lady swich desyr, 1750
That in his herte brende as any fyr
So woodly, that his wit was al forgeten.
For wel, thoghte he, she sholde nat be geten
And ay the more that he was in dispair,
The more he coveteth and thoghte her fair. 1755
His blinde lust was al his covetinge.
A-morwe, whan the brid began to singe,
Unto the sege he comth ful privily,
And by himself he walketh sobrely, (80)
Thimage of her recording alwey newe; 1760
'Thus lay her heer, and thus fresh was her hewe;
Thus sat, thus spak, thus span; this was her chere,
Thus fair she was, and this was her manere.'
Al this conceit his herte hath now y-take.
And, as the see, with tempest al to-shake, 1765
That, after whan the storm is al ago,
Yet wol the water quappe a day or two,
Right so, thogh that her forme wer absent,
The plesaunce of her forme was present; (90)
But natheles, nat plesaunce, but delyt, 1770
Or an unrightful talent with despyt;
'For, maugre her, she shal my lemman be;
Hap helpeth hardy man alday,' quod he;
'What ende that I make, hit shal be so;'
And girt him with his swerde, and gan to go; 1775
And forth he rit til he to Rome is come,
And al aloon his wey than hath he nome
Unto the house of Colatyn ful right.
Doun was the sonne, and day hath lost his light; (100)
And in he com un-to a privy halke, 1780
And in the night ful theefly gan he stalke,
Whan every night was to his reste broght,
Ne no wight had of tresoun swich a thoght.
Were hit by window or by other gin,
With swerde y-drawe, shortly he comth in 1785
Page 253
Ther as she lay, this noble wyf Lucresse.
And, as she wook, her bed she felte presse.
'What beste is that,' quod she, 'that weyeth thus?'
'I am the kinges sone, Tarquinius,' (110)
Quod he, 'but and thou crye, or noise make, 1790
Or if thou any creature awake,
By thilke god that formed man on lyve,
This swerd through-out thyn herte shal I ryve.'
And ther-withal unto her throte he sterte,
And sette the point al sharp upon her herte. 1795
No word she spak, she hath no might therto.
What shal she sayn? her wit is al ago.
Right as a wolf that fynt a lomb aloon,
To whom shal she compleyne, or make moon? (120)
What! shal she fighte with an hardy knight? 1800
Wel wot men that a woman hath no might.
What! shal she crye, or how shal she asterte
That hath her by the throte, with swerde at herte?
She axeth grace, and seith al that she can.
'Ne wolt thou nat,' quod he, this cruel man, 1805
'As wisly Iupiter my soule save,
As I shal in the stable slee thy knave,
And leye him in thy bed, and loude crye,
That I thee finde in suche avouterye; (130)
And thus thou shalt be deed, and also lese 1810
Thy name, for thou shalt non other chese.'
Thise Romain wyves loveden so hir name
At thilke tyme, and dredden so the shame,
That, what for fere of slaundre and drede of deeth,
She loste bothe at-ones wit and breeth, 1815
And in a swough she lay and wex so deed,
Men mighte smyten of her arm or heed;
She feleth no-thing, neither foul ne fair.
Tarquinius, that art a kinges eyr, (140)
And sholdest, as by linage and by right, 1820
Doon as a lord and as a verray knight,
Why hastow doon dispyt to chivalrye?
And, as she wook, her bed she felte presse.
'What beste is that,' quod she, 'that weyeth thus?'
'I am the kinges sone, Tarquinius,' (110)
Quod he, 'but and thou crye, or noise make, 1790
Or if thou any creature awake,
By thilke god that formed man on lyve,
This swerd through-out thyn herte shal I ryve.'
And ther-withal unto her throte he sterte,
And sette the point al sharp upon her herte. 1795
No word she spak, she hath no might therto.
What shal she sayn? her wit is al ago.
Right as a wolf that fynt a lomb aloon,
To whom shal she compleyne, or make moon? (120)
What! shal she fighte with an hardy knight? 1800
Wel wot men that a woman hath no might.
What! shal she crye, or how shal she asterte
That hath her by the throte, with swerde at herte?
She axeth grace, and seith al that she can.
'Ne wolt thou nat,' quod he, this cruel man, 1805
'As wisly Iupiter my soule save,
As I shal in the stable slee thy knave,
And leye him in thy bed, and loude crye,
That I thee finde in suche avouterye; (130)
And thus thou shalt be deed, and also lese 1810
Thy name, for thou shalt non other chese.'
Thise Romain wyves loveden so hir name
At thilke tyme, and dredden so the shame,
That, what for fere of slaundre and drede of deeth,
She loste bothe at-ones wit and breeth, 1815
And in a swough she lay and wex so deed,
Men mighte smyten of her arm or heed;
She feleth no-thing, neither foul ne fair.
Tarquinius, that art a kinges eyr, (140)
And sholdest, as by linage and by right, 1820
Doon as a lord and as a verray knight,
Why hastow doon dispyt to chivalrye?
Page 254
Why hastow doon this lady vilanye?
Allas! of thee this was a vileins dede!
But now to purpos; in the story I rede, 1825
Whan he was goon, al this mischaunce is falle.
This lady sente after her frendes alle,
Fader, moder, husbond, al y-fere;
And al dischevele, with her heres clere, (150)
In habit swich as women used tho 1830
Unto the burying of her frendes go,
She sit in halle with a sorweful sighte.
Her frendes axen what her aylen mighte,
And who was deed? And she sit ay wepinge,
A word for shame ne may she forth out-bringe, 1835
Ne upon hem she dorste nat beholde.
But atte laste of Tarquiny she hem tolde,
This rewful cas, and al this thing horrible.
The wo to tellen hit were impossible, (160)
That she and alle her frendes made atones. 1840
Al hadde folkes hertes been of stones,
Hit mighte have maked hem upon her rewe,
Her herte was so wyfly and so trewe.
She seide, that, for her gilt ne for her blame,
Her husbond sholde nat have the foule name, 1845
That wolde she nat suffre, by no wey.
And they answerden alle, upon hir fey,
That they foryeve hit her, for hit was right;
Hit was no gilt, hit lay nat in her might; (170)
And seiden her ensamples many oon. 1850
But al for noght; for thus she seide anoon,
'Be as be may,' quod she, 'of forgiving,
I wol nat have no forgift for no-thing.'
But prively she caughte forth a knyf,
And therwith-al she rafte her-self her lyf; 1855
And as she fel adoun, she caste her look,
And of her clothes yit she hede took;
For in her falling yit she hadde care
Lest that her feet or swiche thing lay bare; (180)
Allas! of thee this was a vileins dede!
But now to purpos; in the story I rede, 1825
Whan he was goon, al this mischaunce is falle.
This lady sente after her frendes alle,
Fader, moder, husbond, al y-fere;
And al dischevele, with her heres clere, (150)
In habit swich as women used tho 1830
Unto the burying of her frendes go,
She sit in halle with a sorweful sighte.
Her frendes axen what her aylen mighte,
And who was deed? And she sit ay wepinge,
A word for shame ne may she forth out-bringe, 1835
Ne upon hem she dorste nat beholde.
But atte laste of Tarquiny she hem tolde,
This rewful cas, and al this thing horrible.
The wo to tellen hit were impossible, (160)
That she and alle her frendes made atones. 1840
Al hadde folkes hertes been of stones,
Hit mighte have maked hem upon her rewe,
Her herte was so wyfly and so trewe.
She seide, that, for her gilt ne for her blame,
Her husbond sholde nat have the foule name, 1845
That wolde she nat suffre, by no wey.
And they answerden alle, upon hir fey,
That they foryeve hit her, for hit was right;
Hit was no gilt, hit lay nat in her might; (170)
And seiden her ensamples many oon. 1850
But al for noght; for thus she seide anoon,
'Be as be may,' quod she, 'of forgiving,
I wol nat have no forgift for no-thing.'
But prively she caughte forth a knyf,
And therwith-al she rafte her-self her lyf; 1855
And as she fel adoun, she caste her look,
And of her clothes yit she hede took;
For in her falling yit she hadde care
Lest that her feet or swiche thing lay bare; (180)
Page 255
So wel she loved clennesse and eek trouthe. 1860
Of her had al the toun of Rome routhe,
And Brutus by her chaste blode hath swore
That Tarquin sholde y-banisht be ther-fore,
And al his kin; and let the peple calle,
And openly the tale he tolde hem alle, 1865
And openly let carie her on a bere
Through al the toun, that men may see and here
The horrible deed of her oppressioun.
Ne never was ther king in Rome toun (190)
Sin thilke day; and she was holden there 1870
A seint, and ever her day y-halwed dere
As in hir lawe: and thus endeth Lucresse,
The noble wyf, as Titus bereth witnesse.
I tell hit, for she was of love so trewe,
Ne in her wille she chaunged for no newe. 1875
And for the stable herte, sad and kinde,
That in these women men may alday finde;
Ther as they caste hir herte, ther hit dwelleth.
For wel I wot, that Crist him-selve telleth, (200)
That in Israel, as wyd as is the lond, 1880
That so gret feith in al the lond he ne fond
As in a woman; and this is no lye.
And as of men, loketh which tirannye
They doon alday; assay hem who so liste,
The trewest is ful brotel for to triste. 1885
Explicit Legenda Lucrecie Rome, Martiris.
1681. F. B. dedes; rest doinges. 1682. Addit. (12524) And; rest om. 1685. F.
B. to (for and); rest and. 1686. C. trewe; rest om. 1689. F. Tn. Th. B. om. he.
1693. F. omits this line; I give the spelling as in MS. T., changing thyng into
thing. 1696, 1697. C. F. Tn. Th. B. wroughten, thoughten; but thoughten is
bad grammar; T. A. Add. wrought, thought. 1701. C. no; rest om. 1705. C.
highte; Tn. hat; rest hyght (perhaps read hatte). 1710. So C. T. Add.; rest to
Rome to nyght. 1715. B. estres; C. A. estris; F. Tn. esters; T. estes (!); Th.
efters (!!). 1716. All but T. Add. needlessly insert ful after And. 1718. C.
Of her had al the toun of Rome routhe,
And Brutus by her chaste blode hath swore
That Tarquin sholde y-banisht be ther-fore,
And al his kin; and let the peple calle,
And openly the tale he tolde hem alle, 1865
And openly let carie her on a bere
Through al the toun, that men may see and here
The horrible deed of her oppressioun.
Ne never was ther king in Rome toun (190)
Sin thilke day; and she was holden there 1870
A seint, and ever her day y-halwed dere
As in hir lawe: and thus endeth Lucresse,
The noble wyf, as Titus bereth witnesse.
I tell hit, for she was of love so trewe,
Ne in her wille she chaunged for no newe. 1875
And for the stable herte, sad and kinde,
That in these women men may alday finde;
Ther as they caste hir herte, ther hit dwelleth.
For wel I wot, that Crist him-selve telleth, (200)
That in Israel, as wyd as is the lond, 1880
That so gret feith in al the lond he ne fond
As in a woman; and this is no lye.
And as of men, loketh which tirannye
They doon alday; assay hem who so liste,
The trewest is ful brotel for to triste. 1885
Explicit Legenda Lucrecie Rome, Martiris.
1681. F. B. dedes; rest doinges. 1682. Addit. (12524) And; rest om. 1685. F.
B. to (for and); rest and. 1686. C. trewe; rest om. 1689. F. Tn. Th. B. om. he.
1693. F. omits this line; I give the spelling as in MS. T., changing thyng into
thing. 1696, 1697. C. F. Tn. Th. B. wroughten, thoughten; but thoughten is
bad grammar; T. A. Add. wrought, thought. 1701. C. no; rest om. 1705. C.
highte; Tn. hat; rest hyght (perhaps read hatte). 1710. So C. T. Add.; rest to
Rome to nyght. 1715. B. estres; C. A. estris; F. Tn. esters; T. estes (!); Th.
efters (!!). 1716. All but T. Add. needlessly insert ful after And. 1718. C.
Page 256
they gan abyde. 1720. C. Discheuele; F. Disshevely. 1721. T. Add. oure
boke seyth; C. seyth (om. our book); Th. saith Liui; rest seyth our boke.
1725. C seith; F. sayne. 1727. C. Th. so; rest to. 1728. C. sore; rest to
(badly). 1729, 1730. C. has—That with a swerd me thynkyth that to myn
herte It styngith me whan I thynke on that place. 1730. T. A. Add. the sege;
F. Tn. B. these (for the sege); Th. this. 1731. F. my; rest his (before grace).
1736. F. the (for her). A. T. honestee; C. oneste; B. heuyte (!); F. hevytee (!);
Tn. Th. heuynesse. 1737. C. Emblemyschid (!). Th. chastnesse. C. puts ll.
1738-9 after l. 1743. 1744. C. kiste; rest kissed. 1747. C. T. A. Add. shap;
rest bounte. 1749. C. nas; rest was. 1751. C. brende; B. brente; F. Tn. brent.
1752. C. is al; Th. A. was al; rest was. 1754. C. T. A. Add. that; rest om.
1757. F. Tn. Th. B. On; rest A. 1760. C. Thymage; rest The ymage. 1763. F.
T. This; rest Thus. 1764. C. A. now; rest newe (new). 1766. C. Yit (for
That). 1770. C. om. But. 1773. C. T. A. alday; rest alway. 1776. C. forth he
rit; A. Addit. (12524) forth he ride; F. Tn. Th. he forth right (!). 1784. C. T.
A. Add. Were hit; rest Whether. 1787. F. felt; C. felte. 1793. C. thour-out; T.
thorout; A. throughout; rest om. out. 1795. C. T. A. Add. point; rest swerd.
C. vp-on; T. opon; Tn. Th. on; rest unto. 1798. C. T. A. fynt; Add. fyndyth;
rest fayneth or feyneth (!). C. lomb; Add. lombe; T. A. Th. lambe; rest loue
(!). 1801. C. T. A. Add. that; rest om. 1802. F. Add. sterte; rest asterte
(astert). 1804. C. T. A. Add. seyth; rest seyde. 1805. C. A. Add. he; T. tho;
rest om. 1807. F. Tn. Th. B. om. As. 1809. C. auouterye; F. avowtrye. 1811.
C. T. A. Add. non other; rest not. 1815. C. at onys bothe; rest bothe atones.
1816. C. wex; B. wexe; Tn. wax; T. wexed; A. wox; F. Th. woxe. 1821. F.
Tn. Th. B. om. 2nd as. C. worthi (for verray). 1823. C. T. A. Add. this; rest
thy. 1824. C. vileyn; A. T. vileyns; Add. vilons; F. B. Tn. vilenouse; Th.
villaynous. 1825. F. Tn. Th. B. insert the after to. 1829. F. Tn. Th. B. om. al.
C. herys; A. heeres; F. heer; Tn. T. Th. B. here (heare, heere). C. has lost ll.
1836-1907. 1840. Add. made; T. maden; A. maid; rest make. 1846. So all
but F. Tn. B.; F. B. That nolde she suffre; Tn. That wolde she suffren nat.
1847. T. opon; A. vpon; rest vnto (badly). 1857. T. A. Add. she hede; rest
hede she. 1862. So T. A. Add.; rest hath by hir chaste blood. 1873. T. A.
Add. as; rest om. 1876. T. A. Add. for the; rest in her. 1879. All him-self or
him-selfe. 1882. F. Add. om. and. 1883. F. women; rest men. C. has lost ll.
1836-1907.
boke seyth; C. seyth (om. our book); Th. saith Liui; rest seyth our boke.
1725. C seith; F. sayne. 1727. C. Th. so; rest to. 1728. C. sore; rest to
(badly). 1729, 1730. C. has—That with a swerd me thynkyth that to myn
herte It styngith me whan I thynke on that place. 1730. T. A. Add. the sege;
F. Tn. B. these (for the sege); Th. this. 1731. F. my; rest his (before grace).
1736. F. the (for her). A. T. honestee; C. oneste; B. heuyte (!); F. hevytee (!);
Tn. Th. heuynesse. 1737. C. Emblemyschid (!). Th. chastnesse. C. puts ll.
1738-9 after l. 1743. 1744. C. kiste; rest kissed. 1747. C. T. A. Add. shap;
rest bounte. 1749. C. nas; rest was. 1751. C. brende; B. brente; F. Tn. brent.
1752. C. is al; Th. A. was al; rest was. 1754. C. T. A. Add. that; rest om.
1757. F. Tn. Th. B. On; rest A. 1760. C. Thymage; rest The ymage. 1763. F.
T. This; rest Thus. 1764. C. A. now; rest newe (new). 1766. C. Yit (for
That). 1770. C. om. But. 1773. C. T. A. alday; rest alway. 1776. C. forth he
rit; A. Addit. (12524) forth he ride; F. Tn. Th. he forth right (!). 1784. C. T.
A. Add. Were hit; rest Whether. 1787. F. felt; C. felte. 1793. C. thour-out; T.
thorout; A. throughout; rest om. out. 1795. C. T. A. Add. point; rest swerd.
C. vp-on; T. opon; Tn. Th. on; rest unto. 1798. C. T. A. fynt; Add. fyndyth;
rest fayneth or feyneth (!). C. lomb; Add. lombe; T. A. Th. lambe; rest loue
(!). 1801. C. T. A. Add. that; rest om. 1802. F. Add. sterte; rest asterte
(astert). 1804. C. T. A. Add. seyth; rest seyde. 1805. C. A. Add. he; T. tho;
rest om. 1807. F. Tn. Th. B. om. As. 1809. C. auouterye; F. avowtrye. 1811.
C. T. A. Add. non other; rest not. 1815. C. at onys bothe; rest bothe atones.
1816. C. wex; B. wexe; Tn. wax; T. wexed; A. wox; F. Th. woxe. 1821. F.
Tn. Th. B. om. 2nd as. C. worthi (for verray). 1823. C. T. A. Add. this; rest
thy. 1824. C. vileyn; A. T. vileyns; Add. vilons; F. B. Tn. vilenouse; Th.
villaynous. 1825. F. Tn. Th. B. insert the after to. 1829. F. Tn. Th. B. om. al.
C. herys; A. heeres; F. heer; Tn. T. Th. B. here (heare, heere). C. has lost ll.
1836-1907. 1840. Add. made; T. maden; A. maid; rest make. 1846. So all
but F. Tn. B.; F. B. That nolde she suffre; Tn. That wolde she suffren nat.
1847. T. opon; A. vpon; rest vnto (badly). 1857. T. A. Add. she hede; rest
hede she. 1862. So T. A. Add.; rest hath by hir chaste blood. 1873. T. A.
Add. as; rest om. 1876. T. A. Add. for the; rest in her. 1879. All him-self or
him-selfe. 1882. F. Add. om. and. 1883. F. women; rest men. C. has lost ll.
1836-1907.
Page 257
VI. THE LEGEND OF ARIADNE.
Incipit Legenda Adriane de Athenes.
Iuge infernal, Minos, of Crete king,
Now cometh thy lot, now comestow on the ring;
Nat for thy sake only wryte I this storie,
But for to clepe agein unto memorie
Of Theseus the grete untrouthe of love; 1890
For which the goddes of the heven above
Ben wrothe, and wreche han take for thy sinne.
Be reed for shame! now I thy lyf beginne.
Minos, that was the mighty king of Crete,
That hadde an hundred citees stronge and grete, 1895
To scole hath sent his sone Androgeus, (11)
To Athenes; of the whiche hit happed thus,
That he was slayn, lerning philosophye,
Right in that citee, nat but for envye.
The grete Minos, of the whiche I speke, 1900
His sones deeth is comen for to wreke;
Alcathoe he bisegeth harde and longe.
But natheles the walles be so stronge,
And Nisus, that was king of that citee,
So chivalrous, that litel dredeth he; 1905
Of Minos or his ost took he no cure, (21)
Til on a day befel an aventure,
That Nisus doghter stood upon the wal,
And of the sege saw the maner al.
So happed hit, that, at a scarmishing, 1910
She caste her herte upon Minos the king,
For his beautee and for his chivalrye,
So sore, that she wende for to dye.
And, shortly of this proces for to pace,
She made Minos winnen thilke place, 1915
So that the citee was al at his wille, (31)
To saven whom him list, or elles spille;
Incipit Legenda Adriane de Athenes.
Iuge infernal, Minos, of Crete king,
Now cometh thy lot, now comestow on the ring;
Nat for thy sake only wryte I this storie,
But for to clepe agein unto memorie
Of Theseus the grete untrouthe of love; 1890
For which the goddes of the heven above
Ben wrothe, and wreche han take for thy sinne.
Be reed for shame! now I thy lyf beginne.
Minos, that was the mighty king of Crete,
That hadde an hundred citees stronge and grete, 1895
To scole hath sent his sone Androgeus, (11)
To Athenes; of the whiche hit happed thus,
That he was slayn, lerning philosophye,
Right in that citee, nat but for envye.
The grete Minos, of the whiche I speke, 1900
His sones deeth is comen for to wreke;
Alcathoe he bisegeth harde and longe.
But natheles the walles be so stronge,
And Nisus, that was king of that citee,
So chivalrous, that litel dredeth he; 1905
Of Minos or his ost took he no cure, (21)
Til on a day befel an aventure,
That Nisus doghter stood upon the wal,
And of the sege saw the maner al.
So happed hit, that, at a scarmishing, 1910
She caste her herte upon Minos the king,
For his beautee and for his chivalrye,
So sore, that she wende for to dye.
And, shortly of this proces for to pace,
She made Minos winnen thilke place, 1915
So that the citee was al at his wille, (31)
To saven whom him list, or elles spille;
Page 258
But wikkedly he quitte her kindenesse,
And let her drenche in sorowe and distresse,
Nere that the goddes hadde of her pite; 1920
But that tale were to long as now for me.
Athenes wan this king Minos also,
And Alcathoe and other tounes mo;
And this theffect, that Minos hath so driven
Hem of Athenes, that they mote him yiven 1925
Fro yere to yere her owne children dere (41)
For to be slayn, as ye shul after here.
This Minos hath a monstre, a wikked beste,
That was so cruel that, without areste,
Whan that a man was broght in his presence, 1930
He wolde him ete, ther helpeth no defence.
And every thridde yeer, with-outen doute,
They casten lot, and, as hit com aboute
On riche, on pore, he moste his sone take,
And of his child he moste present make 1935
Unto Minos, to save him or to spille, (51)
Or lete his beste devoure him at his wille.
And this hath Minos don, right in despyt;
To wreke his sone was set al his delyt,
And maken hem of Athenes his thral 1940
Fro yere to yere, whyl that he liven shal;
And hoom he saileth whan this toun is wonne.
This wikked custom is so longe y-ronne
Til that of Athenes king Egeus
Mot sende his owne sone, Theseus, 1945
Sith that the lot is fallen him upon, (61)
To be devoured, for grace is ther non.
And forth is lad this woful yonge knight
Unto the court of king Minos ful right,
And in a prison, fetered, cast is he 1950
Til thilke tyme he sholde y-freten be.
Wel maystow wepe, O woful Theseus,
That art a kinges sone, and dampned thus.
Me thinketh this, that thou were depe y-holde
And let her drenche in sorowe and distresse,
Nere that the goddes hadde of her pite; 1920
But that tale were to long as now for me.
Athenes wan this king Minos also,
And Alcathoe and other tounes mo;
And this theffect, that Minos hath so driven
Hem of Athenes, that they mote him yiven 1925
Fro yere to yere her owne children dere (41)
For to be slayn, as ye shul after here.
This Minos hath a monstre, a wikked beste,
That was so cruel that, without areste,
Whan that a man was broght in his presence, 1930
He wolde him ete, ther helpeth no defence.
And every thridde yeer, with-outen doute,
They casten lot, and, as hit com aboute
On riche, on pore, he moste his sone take,
And of his child he moste present make 1935
Unto Minos, to save him or to spille, (51)
Or lete his beste devoure him at his wille.
And this hath Minos don, right in despyt;
To wreke his sone was set al his delyt,
And maken hem of Athenes his thral 1940
Fro yere to yere, whyl that he liven shal;
And hoom he saileth whan this toun is wonne.
This wikked custom is so longe y-ronne
Til that of Athenes king Egeus
Mot sende his owne sone, Theseus, 1945
Sith that the lot is fallen him upon, (61)
To be devoured, for grace is ther non.
And forth is lad this woful yonge knight
Unto the court of king Minos ful right,
And in a prison, fetered, cast is he 1950
Til thilke tyme he sholde y-freten be.
Wel maystow wepe, O woful Theseus,
That art a kinges sone, and dampned thus.
Me thinketh this, that thou were depe y-holde
Page 259
To whom that saved thee fro cares colde! 1955
And now, if any woman helpe thee, (71)
Wel oughtestow her servant for to be,
And been her trewe lover yeer by yere!
But now to come ageyn to my matere.
The tour, ther as this Theseus is throwe 1960
Doun in the botom derke and wonder lowe,
Was ioyning in the walle to a foreyne;
And hit was longing to the doghtren tweyne
Of king Minos, that in hir chambres grete
Dwelten above, toward the maister-strete, 1965
In mochel mirthe, in Ioye and in solas. (81)
Not I nat how, hit happed ther, per cas,
As Theseus compleyned him by nighte,
The kinges doghter, Adrian that highte,
And eek her suster Phedra, herden al 1970
His compleyning, as they stode on the wal
And lokeden upon the brighte mone;
Hem leste nat to go to bedde sone.
And of his wo they had compassioun;
A kinges sone to ben in swich prisoun 1975
And be devoured, thoughte hem gret pitee. (91)
Than Adrian spak to her suster free,
And seyde, 'Phedra, leve suster dere,
This woful lordes sone may ye nat here,
How pitously compleyneth he his kin, 1980
And eek his pore estat that he is in,
And gilteless? now certes, hit is routhe!
And if ye wol assenten, by my trouthe,
He shal be holpen, how so that we do!'
Phedra answerde, 'y-wis, me is as wo 1985
For him as ever I was for any man; (101)
And, to his help, the beste reed I can
Is that we doon the gayler prively
To come, and speke with us hastily,
And doon this woful man with him to come. 1990
For if he may this monstre overcome,
And now, if any woman helpe thee, (71)
Wel oughtestow her servant for to be,
And been her trewe lover yeer by yere!
But now to come ageyn to my matere.
The tour, ther as this Theseus is throwe 1960
Doun in the botom derke and wonder lowe,
Was ioyning in the walle to a foreyne;
And hit was longing to the doghtren tweyne
Of king Minos, that in hir chambres grete
Dwelten above, toward the maister-strete, 1965
In mochel mirthe, in Ioye and in solas. (81)
Not I nat how, hit happed ther, per cas,
As Theseus compleyned him by nighte,
The kinges doghter, Adrian that highte,
And eek her suster Phedra, herden al 1970
His compleyning, as they stode on the wal
And lokeden upon the brighte mone;
Hem leste nat to go to bedde sone.
And of his wo they had compassioun;
A kinges sone to ben in swich prisoun 1975
And be devoured, thoughte hem gret pitee. (91)
Than Adrian spak to her suster free,
And seyde, 'Phedra, leve suster dere,
This woful lordes sone may ye nat here,
How pitously compleyneth he his kin, 1980
And eek his pore estat that he is in,
And gilteless? now certes, hit is routhe!
And if ye wol assenten, by my trouthe,
He shal be holpen, how so that we do!'
Phedra answerde, 'y-wis, me is as wo 1985
For him as ever I was for any man; (101)
And, to his help, the beste reed I can
Is that we doon the gayler prively
To come, and speke with us hastily,
And doon this woful man with him to come. 1990
For if he may this monstre overcome,
Page 260
Than were he quit; ther is noon other bote.
Lat us wel taste him at his herte-rote,
That, if so be that he a wepen have,
Wher that he dar, his lyf to kepe and save, 1995
Fighten with this fend, and him defende. (111)
For, in the prison, ther he shal descende,
Ye wite wel, that the beste is in a place
That nis nat derk, and hath roum eek and space
To welde an ax or swerd or staf or knyf, 2000
So that, me thinketh, he sholde save his lyf;
If that he be a man, he shal do so.
And we shul make him balles eek also
Of wexe and towe, that, whan he gapeth faste,
Into the bestes throte he shal hem caste 2005
To slake his hunger and encombre his teeth; (121)
And right anon, whan that Theseus seeth
The beste achoked, he shal on him lepe
To sleen him, or they comen more to-hepe.
This wepen shal the gayler, or that tyde, 2010
Ful privily within the prison hyde;
And, for the hous is crinkled to and fro,
And hath so queinte weyes for to go—
For hit is shapen as the mase is wroght—
Therto have I a remedie in my thoght, 2015
That, by a clewe of twyne, as he hath goon, (131)
The same wey he may returne anoon,
Folwing alwey the threed, as he hath come.
And, whan that he this beste hath overcome,
Then may he fleen awey out of this drede, 2020
And eek the gayler may he with him lede,
And him avaunce at hoom in his contree,
Sin that so greet a lordes sone is he.
This is my reed, if that he dar hit take.'
What sholde I lenger sermoun of hit make? 2025
The gayler cometh, and with him Theseus. (141)
And whan thise thinges been acorded thus,
Adoun sit Theseus upon his knee:—
Lat us wel taste him at his herte-rote,
That, if so be that he a wepen have,
Wher that he dar, his lyf to kepe and save, 1995
Fighten with this fend, and him defende. (111)
For, in the prison, ther he shal descende,
Ye wite wel, that the beste is in a place
That nis nat derk, and hath roum eek and space
To welde an ax or swerd or staf or knyf, 2000
So that, me thinketh, he sholde save his lyf;
If that he be a man, he shal do so.
And we shul make him balles eek also
Of wexe and towe, that, whan he gapeth faste,
Into the bestes throte he shal hem caste 2005
To slake his hunger and encombre his teeth; (121)
And right anon, whan that Theseus seeth
The beste achoked, he shal on him lepe
To sleen him, or they comen more to-hepe.
This wepen shal the gayler, or that tyde, 2010
Ful privily within the prison hyde;
And, for the hous is crinkled to and fro,
And hath so queinte weyes for to go—
For hit is shapen as the mase is wroght—
Therto have I a remedie in my thoght, 2015
That, by a clewe of twyne, as he hath goon, (131)
The same wey he may returne anoon,
Folwing alwey the threed, as he hath come.
And, whan that he this beste hath overcome,
Then may he fleen awey out of this drede, 2020
And eek the gayler may he with him lede,
And him avaunce at hoom in his contree,
Sin that so greet a lordes sone is he.
This is my reed, if that he dar hit take.'
What sholde I lenger sermoun of hit make? 2025
The gayler cometh, and with him Theseus. (141)
And whan thise thinges been acorded thus,
Adoun sit Theseus upon his knee:—
Page 261
'The righte lady of my lyf,' quod he,
'I, sorweful man, y-dampned to the deeth, 2030
Fro yow, whyl that me lasteth lyf or breeth,
I wol nat twinne, after this aventure,
But in your servise thus I wol endure,
That, as a wrecche unknowe, I wol yow serve
For ever-mo, til that myn herte sterve. 2035
Forsake I wol at hoom myn heritage, (151)
And, as I seide, ben of your court a page,
If that ye vouche-sauf that, in this place,
Ye graunte me to han so gret a grace
That I may han nat but my mete and drinke; 2040
And for my sustenance yit wol I swinke,
Right as yow list, that Minos ne no wight—
Sin that he saw me never with eyen sight—
Ne no man elles, shal me conne espye;
So slyly and so wel I shal me gye, 2045
And me so wel disfigure and so lowe, (161)
That in this world ther shal no man me knowe,
To han my lyf, and for to han presence
Of yow, that doon to me this excellence.
And to my fader shal I senden here 2050
This worthy man, that is now your gaylere,
And, him to guerdon, that he shal wel be
Oon of the grettest men of my contree.
And yif I dorste seyn, my lady bright,
I am a kinges sone, and eek a knight; 2055
As wolde god, yif that hit mighte be (171)
Ye weren in my contree, alle three,
And I with yow, to bere yow companye,
Than shulde ye seen yif that I ther-of lye!
And, if I profre yow in low manere 2060
To ben your page and serven yow right here,
But I yow serve as lowly in that place,
I prey to Mars to yive me swiche a grace
That shames deeth on me ther mote falle,
And deeth and povert to my frendes alle; 2065
'I, sorweful man, y-dampned to the deeth, 2030
Fro yow, whyl that me lasteth lyf or breeth,
I wol nat twinne, after this aventure,
But in your servise thus I wol endure,
That, as a wrecche unknowe, I wol yow serve
For ever-mo, til that myn herte sterve. 2035
Forsake I wol at hoom myn heritage, (151)
And, as I seide, ben of your court a page,
If that ye vouche-sauf that, in this place,
Ye graunte me to han so gret a grace
That I may han nat but my mete and drinke; 2040
And for my sustenance yit wol I swinke,
Right as yow list, that Minos ne no wight—
Sin that he saw me never with eyen sight—
Ne no man elles, shal me conne espye;
So slyly and so wel I shal me gye, 2045
And me so wel disfigure and so lowe, (161)
That in this world ther shal no man me knowe,
To han my lyf, and for to han presence
Of yow, that doon to me this excellence.
And to my fader shal I senden here 2050
This worthy man, that is now your gaylere,
And, him to guerdon, that he shal wel be
Oon of the grettest men of my contree.
And yif I dorste seyn, my lady bright,
I am a kinges sone, and eek a knight; 2055
As wolde god, yif that hit mighte be (171)
Ye weren in my contree, alle three,
And I with yow, to bere yow companye,
Than shulde ye seen yif that I ther-of lye!
And, if I profre yow in low manere 2060
To ben your page and serven yow right here,
But I yow serve as lowly in that place,
I prey to Mars to yive me swiche a grace
That shames deeth on me ther mote falle,
And deeth and povert to my frendes alle; 2065
Page 262
And that my spirit by nighte mote go (181)
After my deeth, and walke to and fro;
That I mote of a traitour have a name,
For which my spirit go, to do me shame!
And yif I ever claime other degree, 2070
But-if ye vouche-sauf to yive hit me,
As I have seid, of shames deeth I deye!
And mercy, lady! I can nat elles seye!'
A seemly knight was Theseus to see,
And yong, but of a twenty yeer and three; 2075
But who-so hadde y-seyn his countenaunce, (191)
He wolde have wept, for routhe of his penaunce;
For which this Adriane in this manere
Answerde to his profre and to his chere.
'A kinges sone, and eek a knight,' quod she, 2080
'To been my servant in so low degree,
God shilde hit, for the shame of women alle!
And leve me never swich a cas befalle!
But sende yow grace and sleighte of herte also,
Yow to defende and knightly sleen your fo, 2085
And leve herafter that I may yow finde (201)
To me and to my suster here so kinde,
That I repente nat to give yow lyf!
Yit were hit better that I were your wyf,
Sin that ye been as gentil born as I, 2090
And have a rëaume, nat but faste by,
Then that I suffred giltles yow to sterve,
Or that I let yow as a page serve;
Hit is not profit, as unto your kinrede;
But what is that that man nil do for drede? 2095
And to my suster, sin that hit is so (211)
That she mot goon with me, if that I go,
Or elles suffre deeth as wel as I,
That ye unto your sone as trewely
Doon her be wedded at your hoom-coming. 2100
This is the fynal ende of al this thing;
Ye swere hit heer, on al that may be sworn.'
After my deeth, and walke to and fro;
That I mote of a traitour have a name,
For which my spirit go, to do me shame!
And yif I ever claime other degree, 2070
But-if ye vouche-sauf to yive hit me,
As I have seid, of shames deeth I deye!
And mercy, lady! I can nat elles seye!'
A seemly knight was Theseus to see,
And yong, but of a twenty yeer and three; 2075
But who-so hadde y-seyn his countenaunce, (191)
He wolde have wept, for routhe of his penaunce;
For which this Adriane in this manere
Answerde to his profre and to his chere.
'A kinges sone, and eek a knight,' quod she, 2080
'To been my servant in so low degree,
God shilde hit, for the shame of women alle!
And leve me never swich a cas befalle!
But sende yow grace and sleighte of herte also,
Yow to defende and knightly sleen your fo, 2085
And leve herafter that I may yow finde (201)
To me and to my suster here so kinde,
That I repente nat to give yow lyf!
Yit were hit better that I were your wyf,
Sin that ye been as gentil born as I, 2090
And have a rëaume, nat but faste by,
Then that I suffred giltles yow to sterve,
Or that I let yow as a page serve;
Hit is not profit, as unto your kinrede;
But what is that that man nil do for drede? 2095
And to my suster, sin that hit is so (211)
That she mot goon with me, if that I go,
Or elles suffre deeth as wel as I,
That ye unto your sone as trewely
Doon her be wedded at your hoom-coming. 2100
This is the fynal ende of al this thing;
Ye swere hit heer, on al that may be sworn.'
Page 263
'Ye, lady myn,' quod he, 'or elles torn
Mote I be with the Minotaur to-morwe!
And haveth her-of my herte-blood to borwe, 2105
Yif that ye wile; if I had knyf or spere, (221)
I wolde hit leten out, and ther-on swere,
For than at erst I wot ye wil me leve.
By Mars, that is the cheef of my bileve,
So that I mighte liven and nat faile 2110
To-morwe for tacheve my bataile,
I nolde never fro this place flee,
Til that ye shuld the verray preve see.
For now, if that the sooth I shal yow say,
I have y-loved yow ful many a day, 2115
Thogh ye ne wiste hit nat, in my contree. (231)
And aldermost desyred yow to see
Of any erthly living creature;
Upon my trouthe I swere, and yow assure,
Thise seven yeer I have your servant be; 2120
Now have I yow, and also have ye me,
My dere herte, of Athenes duchesse!'
This lady smyleth at his stedfastnesse,
And at his hertly wordes, and his chere,
And to her suster seide in this manere, 2125
Al softely, 'now, suster myn,' quod she, (241)
'Now be we duchesses, bothe I and ye,
And sikered to the regals of Athenes,
And bothe her-after lykly to be quenes,
And saved fro his deeth a kinges sone, 2130
As ever of gentil women is the wone
To save a gentil man, emforth hir might,
In honest cause, and namely in his right.
Me thinketh no wight oghte her-of us blame,
Ne beren us ther-for an evel name.' 2135
And shortly of this matere for to make, (251)
This Theseus of her hath leve y-take,
And every point performed was in dede
As ye have in this covenant herd me rede.
Mote I be with the Minotaur to-morwe!
And haveth her-of my herte-blood to borwe, 2105
Yif that ye wile; if I had knyf or spere, (221)
I wolde hit leten out, and ther-on swere,
For than at erst I wot ye wil me leve.
By Mars, that is the cheef of my bileve,
So that I mighte liven and nat faile 2110
To-morwe for tacheve my bataile,
I nolde never fro this place flee,
Til that ye shuld the verray preve see.
For now, if that the sooth I shal yow say,
I have y-loved yow ful many a day, 2115
Thogh ye ne wiste hit nat, in my contree. (231)
And aldermost desyred yow to see
Of any erthly living creature;
Upon my trouthe I swere, and yow assure,
Thise seven yeer I have your servant be; 2120
Now have I yow, and also have ye me,
My dere herte, of Athenes duchesse!'
This lady smyleth at his stedfastnesse,
And at his hertly wordes, and his chere,
And to her suster seide in this manere, 2125
Al softely, 'now, suster myn,' quod she, (241)
'Now be we duchesses, bothe I and ye,
And sikered to the regals of Athenes,
And bothe her-after lykly to be quenes,
And saved fro his deeth a kinges sone, 2130
As ever of gentil women is the wone
To save a gentil man, emforth hir might,
In honest cause, and namely in his right.
Me thinketh no wight oghte her-of us blame,
Ne beren us ther-for an evel name.' 2135
And shortly of this matere for to make, (251)
This Theseus of her hath leve y-take,
And every point performed was in dede
As ye have in this covenant herd me rede.
Page 264
His wepen, his clew, his thing that I have said, 2140
Was by the gayler in the hous y-laid
Ther as this Minotaur hath his dwelling,
Right faste by the dore, at his entring.
And Theseus is lad unto his deeth,
And forth un-to this Minotaur he geeth, 2145
And by the teching of this Adriane (261)
He overcom this beste, and was his bane;
And out he cometh by the clewe again
Ful prevely, whan he this beste hath slain;
And by the gayler geten hath a barge, 2150
And of his wyves tresor gan hit charge,
And took his wyf, and eek her suster free,
And eek the gayler, and with hem alle three
Is stole awey out of the lond by nighte,
And to the contre of Ennopye him dighte 2155
Ther as he had a frend of his knowinge. (271)
Ther festen they, ther dauncen they and singe;
And in his armes hath this Adriane,
That of the beste hath kept him from his bane;
And gat him ther a newe barge anoon, 2160
And of his contree-folk a ful gret woon,
And taketh his leve, and hoomward saileth he.
And in an yle, amid the wilde see,
Ther as ther dwelte creature noon
Save wilde bestes, and that ful many oon, 2165
He made his ship a-londe for to sette; (281)
And in that yle half a day he lette,
And seide, that on the lond he moste him reste.
His mariners han doon right as him leste;
And, for to tellen shortly in this cas, 2170
Whan Adriane his wyf a-slepe was,
For that her suster fairer was than she,
He taketh her in his hond, and forth goth he
To shippe, and as a traitour stal his way
Whyl that this Adriane a-slepe lay, 2175
And to his contree-ward he saileth blyve— (291)
Was by the gayler in the hous y-laid
Ther as this Minotaur hath his dwelling,
Right faste by the dore, at his entring.
And Theseus is lad unto his deeth,
And forth un-to this Minotaur he geeth, 2145
And by the teching of this Adriane (261)
He overcom this beste, and was his bane;
And out he cometh by the clewe again
Ful prevely, whan he this beste hath slain;
And by the gayler geten hath a barge, 2150
And of his wyves tresor gan hit charge,
And took his wyf, and eek her suster free,
And eek the gayler, and with hem alle three
Is stole awey out of the lond by nighte,
And to the contre of Ennopye him dighte 2155
Ther as he had a frend of his knowinge. (271)
Ther festen they, ther dauncen they and singe;
And in his armes hath this Adriane,
That of the beste hath kept him from his bane;
And gat him ther a newe barge anoon, 2160
And of his contree-folk a ful gret woon,
And taketh his leve, and hoomward saileth he.
And in an yle, amid the wilde see,
Ther as ther dwelte creature noon
Save wilde bestes, and that ful many oon, 2165
He made his ship a-londe for to sette; (281)
And in that yle half a day he lette,
And seide, that on the lond he moste him reste.
His mariners han doon right as him leste;
And, for to tellen shortly in this cas, 2170
Whan Adriane his wyf a-slepe was,
For that her suster fairer was than she,
He taketh her in his hond, and forth goth he
To shippe, and as a traitour stal his way
Whyl that this Adriane a-slepe lay, 2175
And to his contree-ward he saileth blyve— (291)
Page 265
A twenty devil way the wind him dryve!—
And fond his fader drenched in the see.
Me list no more to speke of him, parde;
Thise false lovers, poison be hir bane! 2180
But I wol turne again to Adriane
That is with slepe for werinesse atake.
Ful sorwefully her herte may awake.
Allas! for thee my herte hath now pite!
Right in the dawening awaketh she, 2185
And gropeth in the bedde, and fond right noght. (307)
'Allas!' quod she, 'that ever I was wroght!
I am betrayed!' and her heer to-rente,
And to the stronde bar-fot faste she wente,
And cryed, 'Theseus! myn herte swete! 2190
Wher be ye, that I may nat with yow mete,
And mighte thus with bestes been y-slain?'
The holwe rokkes answerde her again;
No man she saw, and yit shyned the mone,
And hye upon a rokke she wente sone, 2195
And saw his barge sailing in the see. (311)
Cold wex her herte, and right thus seide she.
'Meker than ye finde I the bestes wilde!'
Hadde he nat sinne, that her thus begylde?
She cryed, 'O turne again, for routhe and sinne! 2200
Thy barge hath nat al his meiny inne!'
Her kerchef on a pole up stikked she,
Ascaunce that he sholde hit wel y-see,
And him remembre that she was behinde,
And turne again, and on the stronde her finde; 2205
But al for noght; his wey he is y-goon. (321)
And doun she fil a-swown upon a stoon;
And up she rist, and kiste, in al her care,
The steppes of his feet, ther he hath fare,
And to her bedde right thus she speketh tho:— 2210
'Thou bed,' quod she, 'that hast receyved two,
Thou shalt answere of two, and nat of oon!
Wher is thy gretter part away y-goon?
And fond his fader drenched in the see.
Me list no more to speke of him, parde;
Thise false lovers, poison be hir bane! 2180
But I wol turne again to Adriane
That is with slepe for werinesse atake.
Ful sorwefully her herte may awake.
Allas! for thee my herte hath now pite!
Right in the dawening awaketh she, 2185
And gropeth in the bedde, and fond right noght. (307)
'Allas!' quod she, 'that ever I was wroght!
I am betrayed!' and her heer to-rente,
And to the stronde bar-fot faste she wente,
And cryed, 'Theseus! myn herte swete! 2190
Wher be ye, that I may nat with yow mete,
And mighte thus with bestes been y-slain?'
The holwe rokkes answerde her again;
No man she saw, and yit shyned the mone,
And hye upon a rokke she wente sone, 2195
And saw his barge sailing in the see. (311)
Cold wex her herte, and right thus seide she.
'Meker than ye finde I the bestes wilde!'
Hadde he nat sinne, that her thus begylde?
She cryed, 'O turne again, for routhe and sinne! 2200
Thy barge hath nat al his meiny inne!'
Her kerchef on a pole up stikked she,
Ascaunce that he sholde hit wel y-see,
And him remembre that she was behinde,
And turne again, and on the stronde her finde; 2205
But al for noght; his wey he is y-goon. (321)
And doun she fil a-swown upon a stoon;
And up she rist, and kiste, in al her care,
The steppes of his feet, ther he hath fare,
And to her bedde right thus she speketh tho:— 2210
'Thou bed,' quod she, 'that hast receyved two,
Thou shalt answere of two, and nat of oon!
Wher is thy gretter part away y-goon?
Page 266
Allas! wher shal I, wrecched wight, become!
For, thogh so be that ship or boot heer come, 2215
Hoom to my contree dar I nat for drede; (331)
I can my-selven in this cas nat rede!'
What shal I telle more her compleining?
Hit is so long, hit were an hevy thing.
In her epistle Naso telleth al; 2220
But shortly to the ende I telle shal.
The goddes have her holpen, for pitee;
And, in the signe of Taurus, men may see
The stones of her coroun shyne clere.—
I wol no more speke of this matere; 2225
But thus this false lover can begyle (341)
His trewe love. The devil quyte him his whyle!
Explicit Legenda Adriane de Athenes.
1886. F. B. Tn. Grece; rest Crete; see l. 1894. 1888. F. B. oonly for thy sake;
rest for thy sake only. F. Tn. Th. B. writen is; T. A. Add. wryte I. 1890. F.
vntrewe; rest vntrouthe (vntrouth). 1891. T. A. Add. the; rest om. (after of).
1895. T. A. Th. had; B. wanne; F. whan (!); Tn. om. 1897. F. happeth; A.
hapned; Add. appynyd; rest happed. 1902. Th. Alcathoe (rightly); A.
Alcitoe; Tn. Alcie; T. All the cyte; F. B. And the citee. 1910. F. B. hyt
happed; rest happed hit. 1911. C. caughte. 1912. C. T. A. Add. for; rest om.
C. om. 1922, 1923. 1923. Th. As Alcathoe; A. As Alcitoe; F. B. And Alcites;
T. With all the cyte; see l. 1902. 1924. C. But (for And). 1925. F. B. Tn. B.
om. that. 1927. C. T. righ[t] as ye shal here; A. rycht thus as ye schall here.
1930. C. T. A. Add. in; rest in-to. 1932. C. om. yeer. 1933. C. T. A. Add.
and; rest om. C. fil (for com). 1934. C. or; Th. Add. and; rest on. 1936. T.
Add. Vn-to; rest To. C. Theseus (for Minos). 1938. C. T. A. Th. Add. right;
rest om. 1940. F. B. To; rest And. 1941. C. T. A. that; rest om. 1944. C. T.
Add. that; rest om. 1945. Tn. Mot; C. T. Th. Mote; rest Moste (Must). 1948.
C. gon (for lad). 1949. C. T. A. Add. court; rest contree. C. T. A. Add. right;
rest of might. 1951. A. thilke; C. the ilke; rest the. 1954. C. T. A. Add. were
depe; F. B. depe were; Tn. depe; Th. arte depe. 1955. C. hym; T. theym; rest
whom. 1960. C. A. as; T. Add. that; rest om. 1962. C. T. A. Add. in; rest to.
C. Tn. T. A. Add to; F. B. Th. of. 1964. A. king; rest om. C. Of Thesius that,
For, thogh so be that ship or boot heer come, 2215
Hoom to my contree dar I nat for drede; (331)
I can my-selven in this cas nat rede!'
What shal I telle more her compleining?
Hit is so long, hit were an hevy thing.
In her epistle Naso telleth al; 2220
But shortly to the ende I telle shal.
The goddes have her holpen, for pitee;
And, in the signe of Taurus, men may see
The stones of her coroun shyne clere.—
I wol no more speke of this matere; 2225
But thus this false lover can begyle (341)
His trewe love. The devil quyte him his whyle!
Explicit Legenda Adriane de Athenes.
1886. F. B. Tn. Grece; rest Crete; see l. 1894. 1888. F. B. oonly for thy sake;
rest for thy sake only. F. Tn. Th. B. writen is; T. A. Add. wryte I. 1890. F.
vntrewe; rest vntrouthe (vntrouth). 1891. T. A. Add. the; rest om. (after of).
1895. T. A. Th. had; B. wanne; F. whan (!); Tn. om. 1897. F. happeth; A.
hapned; Add. appynyd; rest happed. 1902. Th. Alcathoe (rightly); A.
Alcitoe; Tn. Alcie; T. All the cyte; F. B. And the citee. 1910. F. B. hyt
happed; rest happed hit. 1911. C. caughte. 1912. C. T. A. Add. for; rest om.
C. om. 1922, 1923. 1923. Th. As Alcathoe; A. As Alcitoe; F. B. And Alcites;
T. With all the cyte; see l. 1902. 1924. C. But (for And). 1925. F. B. Tn. B.
om. that. 1927. C. T. righ[t] as ye shal here; A. rycht thus as ye schall here.
1930. C. T. A. Add. in; rest in-to. 1932. C. om. yeer. 1933. C. T. A. Add.
and; rest om. C. fil (for com). 1934. C. or; Th. Add. and; rest on. 1936. T.
Add. Vn-to; rest To. C. Theseus (for Minos). 1938. C. T. A. Th. Add. right;
rest om. 1940. F. B. To; rest And. 1941. C. T. A. that; rest om. 1944. C. T.
Add. that; rest om. 1945. Tn. Mot; C. T. Th. Mote; rest Moste (Must). 1948.
C. gon (for lad). 1949. C. T. A. Add. court; rest contree. C. T. A. Add. right;
rest of might. 1951. A. thilke; C. the ilke; rest the. 1954. C. T. A. Add. were
depe; F. B. depe were; Tn. depe; Th. arte depe. 1955. C. hym; T. theym; rest
whom. 1960. C. A. as; T. Add. that; rest om. 1962. C. T. A. Add. in; rest to.
C. Tn. T. A. Add to; F. B. Th. of. 1964. A. king; rest om. C. Of Thesius that,
Page 267
&c. 1965. C. T. A. Add. toward; rest om. 1966. T. In mochell myrthe; Add.
In moche myrth; Th. Of the towne; rest Of Athenes(!); see note. 1967. C.
Tn. Th. Not; F. A. B. Wot. T. But I not how. A. happinit; rest happed. Add.
ther; T. there; rest om. 1969. F. Tn. B. Add. that Adriane (badly); Th. that
Ariadne. 1971. C. T. A. Add. compleynyge; rest compleynt. 1972. C. T.
lokedyn; rest loked. 1973. F. B. (only) om. 1st to. C. A. sone; rest so sone.
1980. F. Tn. B. om. he. 1982. C. now certeyn; T. A. now certes; rest certes
now. 1987. F. A. B. insert that before I. 1991. F. B. the; rest this. 1995. So
C.; F. B. that hys lyf he dar kepe or; Tn. Th. that he his lif dar kepe or; T.
that he dar his lyfe kepe and. 1997. F. Tn. B. Th. ther as; C. T. A. om. as.
1998. F. Tn. B. omit this line. So C. Th. A. Wel wote ȝe, &c. T. The best, ye
wot well that he ys, &c. 1999. Addit. (12524) rome eke and space; C. bothe
roum and space; rest roume (roum) and eke space. 2003. F. Tn. B. om. him.
2007. C. what (error for whan) that; Th. T. whan that; F. Tn. A. B. whan.
2008. T. A. C. achoked; Th. acheked (!); F. Tn. asleked; B. aslakyd. 2009. F.
(only) the (for they). F. to helpe (!); rest to hepe. 2012. Tn. crenkled; Th.
crencled; B. cruklyd. 2015. T. (only) om. a. 2016. F. B. clywe. 2019. So C.
A.; so Addit. (12625) with monstre for beste; F. Tn. Th. B. And whan this
best ys ouercome (!); T. And when that he thus hath ouercome (!). 2020. C.
T. A. drede; rest stede; (drede gives the better rime). 2025. T. A. Th.
sermoun; C. sarmoun; rest om. 2027. C. And; rest om. 2028. C. T. A.
Adoun; rest Doun. 2031. C. T. A. whil; rest whiles. F. Tn. Th. B. om. lyf or.
2032. F. Tn. B. wolde; rest wil (wol). 2035. C. A. -mo; rest -more. 2039. C.
A. so gret a; T. so gret; rest suche a. 2046. F. B. so me; T. so; rest me so.
2048. C. A. for; rest om. 2051. C. now; rest om. 2052. C. F. to; Tn. T. Th. B.
so; A. om. 2060. F. Tn. Th. B. insert that after if. 2063. C. A. so (for 2nd to).
C. A. a; rest om. 2064. C. T. A. Th. deth; F. B. dede; Tn. deed; see l. 2072.
2065. T. pouert; rest pouerte; cf. Cant. Ta. C 441. 2068. A. a traytour; rest
om. a. 2069. A. go; C. T. goth; Th. mote go; F. Tn. B. mot go (for mot-e go);
see l 2066. [Go = may go.] 2070. F. B. ever y; T. C. A., I ever. 2071. C. T.
A. if; rest om. 2073. F. B. no more; Tn. nat; rest nat elles. 2074. F. Tn. Th.
B. this Theseus; C. T. A. om. this. 2075. C. a; rest om. 2080. F. Tn. B. badly
have And a. 2083. A. leue; Th. lene; C. F. B. leue or lene; Tn. leen; (leve is
right); see l. 2086. 2084. C. T. A. But; rest And. 2085. So C. A. B.; F. Tn. T.
Th. to sleen (badly). 2086. F. leve (sic); A. lyve; C. B. leue (or lene); Th.
lene; Tn. leen; T. graunt. C. T. A. that; rest om. 2088. C. T. A., I; rest I ne.
2089. C. T. A. that; rest om. 2090. C. T. A. that; rest om. 2091. T. reaume;
In moche myrth; Th. Of the towne; rest Of Athenes(!); see note. 1967. C.
Tn. Th. Not; F. A. B. Wot. T. But I not how. A. happinit; rest happed. Add.
ther; T. there; rest om. 1969. F. Tn. B. Add. that Adriane (badly); Th. that
Ariadne. 1971. C. T. A. Add. compleynyge; rest compleynt. 1972. C. T.
lokedyn; rest loked. 1973. F. B. (only) om. 1st to. C. A. sone; rest so sone.
1980. F. Tn. B. om. he. 1982. C. now certeyn; T. A. now certes; rest certes
now. 1987. F. A. B. insert that before I. 1991. F. B. the; rest this. 1995. So
C.; F. B. that hys lyf he dar kepe or; Tn. Th. that he his lif dar kepe or; T.
that he dar his lyfe kepe and. 1997. F. Tn. B. Th. ther as; C. T. A. om. as.
1998. F. Tn. B. omit this line. So C. Th. A. Wel wote ȝe, &c. T. The best, ye
wot well that he ys, &c. 1999. Addit. (12524) rome eke and space; C. bothe
roum and space; rest roume (roum) and eke space. 2003. F. Tn. B. om. him.
2007. C. what (error for whan) that; Th. T. whan that; F. Tn. A. B. whan.
2008. T. A. C. achoked; Th. acheked (!); F. Tn. asleked; B. aslakyd. 2009. F.
(only) the (for they). F. to helpe (!); rest to hepe. 2012. Tn. crenkled; Th.
crencled; B. cruklyd. 2015. T. (only) om. a. 2016. F. B. clywe. 2019. So C.
A.; so Addit. (12625) with monstre for beste; F. Tn. Th. B. And whan this
best ys ouercome (!); T. And when that he thus hath ouercome (!). 2020. C.
T. A. drede; rest stede; (drede gives the better rime). 2025. T. A. Th.
sermoun; C. sarmoun; rest om. 2027. C. And; rest om. 2028. C. T. A.
Adoun; rest Doun. 2031. C. T. A. whil; rest whiles. F. Tn. Th. B. om. lyf or.
2032. F. Tn. B. wolde; rest wil (wol). 2035. C. A. -mo; rest -more. 2039. C.
A. so gret a; T. so gret; rest suche a. 2046. F. B. so me; T. so; rest me so.
2048. C. A. for; rest om. 2051. C. now; rest om. 2052. C. F. to; Tn. T. Th. B.
so; A. om. 2060. F. Tn. Th. B. insert that after if. 2063. C. A. so (for 2nd to).
C. A. a; rest om. 2064. C. T. A. Th. deth; F. B. dede; Tn. deed; see l. 2072.
2065. T. pouert; rest pouerte; cf. Cant. Ta. C 441. 2068. A. a traytour; rest
om. a. 2069. A. go; C. T. goth; Th. mote go; F. Tn. B. mot go (for mot-e go);
see l 2066. [Go = may go.] 2070. F. B. ever y; T. C. A., I ever. 2071. C. T.
A. if; rest om. 2073. F. B. no more; Tn. nat; rest nat elles. 2074. F. Tn. Th.
B. this Theseus; C. T. A. om. this. 2075. C. a; rest om. 2080. F. Tn. B. badly
have And a. 2083. A. leue; Th. lene; C. F. B. leue or lene; Tn. leen; (leve is
right); see l. 2086. 2084. C. T. A. But; rest And. 2085. So C. A. B.; F. Tn. T.
Th. to sleen (badly). 2086. F. leve (sic); A. lyve; C. B. leue (or lene); Th.
lene; Tn. leen; T. graunt. C. T. A. that; rest om. 2088. C. T. A., I; rest I ne.
2089. C. T. A. that; rest om. 2090. C. T. A. that; rest om. 2091. T. reaume;
Page 268
Tn. reame; C. reume; rest realme. 2092. C. T. giltles ȝow; A. ȝow giltles; F.
Tn. Th. B. your gentilesse (!). 2095. C. that; rest that that. C. men; T. a man;
rest man. C. nyl don; A. nyl do; T. wyll do (!); F. Tn. Th. B. wol not do.
2100. F. B. to be; rest om. to. 2102. A. on; rest vpon. 2107. B. lete; F. C. Tn.
T. laten; A. latten; Th. letten. 2109. C. T. A. the; rest om. 2111. C. tacheue;
T. A. to acheue; F. Tn. Th. B. to taken (!). C. myn; A. T. Th. my; F. Tn. B.
by (!). 2113. C. prene (rightly); F. T. prefe; Tn. A. prof; Th. profe; B. trouth.
2115. C. I-louyd; A. yloued; rest loved. 2116. F. Tn. Th. B. om. hit. 2119. C.
ensure. 2124. C. Th. hertely; B. hertilye; rest hertly (hertely is more
correct). F. Tn. Th. B. and at his chere. 2126. C. T. A. Al; rest And. 2134. C.
her-of us; rest us her-of. 2138. All was performed; the improvement is
obvious. 2139. F. B. the; rest this. 2149. F. hath thys beste; rest this beste
hath. 2150-2153. F. Tn. B. omit from geten to gayler (owing to repetition of
gayler). 2150. So C.; T. has getyn he hath; A. Th. gotten hath. 2151. So C. T.
Th.; A. has he for hit. 2152. So C. T. A. Th. 2155. C. Ennepye; F. Tn. B.
Eunopye or Ennopye; T. Ennopy; A. Ennopie; Th. Enupye. 2160. C. T. A.
newe; rest noble. 2161. F. Tn. B. om. ful. 2164. C. dwellede; B. Th. dwelte;
Tn. A. dwelt; F. T. dwelleth. 2168. F. Tn. B. om. that. 2182. C. atake; rest y-
take. 2184. C. now; T. A. gret; rest om. 2186. C. T. graspeth; A. grapid; rest
gropeth. 2188. C. & al hire her. 2193. F. B. omit this line. 2194. C. shynede;
T. shynyd; A. schyneth; F. Tn. Th. B. shone. 2199. C. Hadde; T. A. Had; rest
Hath. F. Tn. Th. needlessly insert he after that. 2201. F. thy (for his). 2202,
2203. T. omits these lines. 2203. C. Tn. Th. B. Ascaunce; A. Ascances; F.
Aschaunce. C. A. that; rest om. 2206. C. I-gon; A. ygone; T. agone; rest
goon (gone). 2207. C. T. A. upon; rest on. 2208. C. kyssith; rest kyssed (but
read kiste). 2210. C. om. she. 2213. C. thyn; T. A. thy; rest the. C. I-gon; A.
y-gone; rest goon (gone). 2214. C. wreche. 2215. So T.; A. that any bote her
come; C. that boot here ne come (wrongly); Tn. F. B. that bote none here
come (wrongly); see note. 2217. C. myn selue; F. my selfe (read my
selven); rest my self. 2221. C. T. A. I telle; rest telle I. 2226, 2227. A. omits
these lines. 2226. C. T. Th. this false louer; F. Tn. B. these false lovers.
2227. C. Tn. T. Th. His; F. Hyr; B. Her; but all have him. Perhaps him
quyte would give a smoother line.
Tn. Th. B. your gentilesse (!). 2095. C. that; rest that that. C. men; T. a man;
rest man. C. nyl don; A. nyl do; T. wyll do (!); F. Tn. Th. B. wol not do.
2100. F. B. to be; rest om. to. 2102. A. on; rest vpon. 2107. B. lete; F. C. Tn.
T. laten; A. latten; Th. letten. 2109. C. T. A. the; rest om. 2111. C. tacheue;
T. A. to acheue; F. Tn. Th. B. to taken (!). C. myn; A. T. Th. my; F. Tn. B.
by (!). 2113. C. prene (rightly); F. T. prefe; Tn. A. prof; Th. profe; B. trouth.
2115. C. I-louyd; A. yloued; rest loved. 2116. F. Tn. Th. B. om. hit. 2119. C.
ensure. 2124. C. Th. hertely; B. hertilye; rest hertly (hertely is more
correct). F. Tn. Th. B. and at his chere. 2126. C. T. A. Al; rest And. 2134. C.
her-of us; rest us her-of. 2138. All was performed; the improvement is
obvious. 2139. F. B. the; rest this. 2149. F. hath thys beste; rest this beste
hath. 2150-2153. F. Tn. B. omit from geten to gayler (owing to repetition of
gayler). 2150. So C.; T. has getyn he hath; A. Th. gotten hath. 2151. So C. T.
Th.; A. has he for hit. 2152. So C. T. A. Th. 2155. C. Ennepye; F. Tn. B.
Eunopye or Ennopye; T. Ennopy; A. Ennopie; Th. Enupye. 2160. C. T. A.
newe; rest noble. 2161. F. Tn. B. om. ful. 2164. C. dwellede; B. Th. dwelte;
Tn. A. dwelt; F. T. dwelleth. 2168. F. Tn. B. om. that. 2182. C. atake; rest y-
take. 2184. C. now; T. A. gret; rest om. 2186. C. T. graspeth; A. grapid; rest
gropeth. 2188. C. & al hire her. 2193. F. B. omit this line. 2194. C. shynede;
T. shynyd; A. schyneth; F. Tn. Th. B. shone. 2199. C. Hadde; T. A. Had; rest
Hath. F. Tn. Th. needlessly insert he after that. 2201. F. thy (for his). 2202,
2203. T. omits these lines. 2203. C. Tn. Th. B. Ascaunce; A. Ascances; F.
Aschaunce. C. A. that; rest om. 2206. C. I-gon; A. ygone; T. agone; rest
goon (gone). 2207. C. T. A. upon; rest on. 2208. C. kyssith; rest kyssed (but
read kiste). 2210. C. om. she. 2213. C. thyn; T. A. thy; rest the. C. I-gon; A.
y-gone; rest goon (gone). 2214. C. wreche. 2215. So T.; A. that any bote her
come; C. that boot here ne come (wrongly); Tn. F. B. that bote none here
come (wrongly); see note. 2217. C. myn selue; F. my selfe (read my
selven); rest my self. 2221. C. T. A. I telle; rest telle I. 2226, 2227. A. omits
these lines. 2226. C. T. Th. this false louer; F. Tn. B. these false lovers.
2227. C. Tn. T. Th. His; F. Hyr; B. Her; but all have him. Perhaps him
quyte would give a smoother line.
Page 269
VII. THE LEGEND OF PHILOMELA.
Incipit Legenda Philomene.
Deus dator formarum.
Thou yiver of the formes, that hast wroght
The faire world, and bare hit in thy thoght
Eternally, or thou thy werk began, 2230
Why madest thou, unto the slaundre of man,
Or—al be that hit was not thy doing,
As for that fyn to make swiche a thing—
Why suffrest thou that Tereus was bore,
That is in love so fals and so forswore, 2235
That, fro this world up to the firste hevene,
Corrumpeth, whan that folk his name nevene? (10)
And, as to me, so grisly was his dede,
That, whan that I his foule story rede,
Myn eyen wexen foule and sore also; 2240
Yit last the venim of so longe ago,
That hit enfecteth him that wol beholde
The story of Tereus, of which I tolde.
Of Trace was he lord, and kin to Marte,
The cruel god that stant with blody darte; 2245
And wedded had he, with a blisful chere,
King Pandiones faire doghter dere, (20)
That highte Progne, flour of her contree,
Thogh Iuno list nat at the feste be,
Ne Ymeneus, that god of wedding is; 2250
But at the feste redy been, y-wis,
The furies three, with alle hir mortel brond.
The owle al night aboute the balkes wond,
That prophet is of wo and of mischaunce.
This revel, ful of songe and ful of daunce, 2255
Lasteth a fourtenight, or litel lasse.
But, shortly of this story for to passe, (30)
Incipit Legenda Philomene.
Deus dator formarum.
Thou yiver of the formes, that hast wroght
The faire world, and bare hit in thy thoght
Eternally, or thou thy werk began, 2230
Why madest thou, unto the slaundre of man,
Or—al be that hit was not thy doing,
As for that fyn to make swiche a thing—
Why suffrest thou that Tereus was bore,
That is in love so fals and so forswore, 2235
That, fro this world up to the firste hevene,
Corrumpeth, whan that folk his name nevene? (10)
And, as to me, so grisly was his dede,
That, whan that I his foule story rede,
Myn eyen wexen foule and sore also; 2240
Yit last the venim of so longe ago,
That hit enfecteth him that wol beholde
The story of Tereus, of which I tolde.
Of Trace was he lord, and kin to Marte,
The cruel god that stant with blody darte; 2245
And wedded had he, with a blisful chere,
King Pandiones faire doghter dere, (20)
That highte Progne, flour of her contree,
Thogh Iuno list nat at the feste be,
Ne Ymeneus, that god of wedding is; 2250
But at the feste redy been, y-wis,
The furies three, with alle hir mortel brond.
The owle al night aboute the balkes wond,
That prophet is of wo and of mischaunce.
This revel, ful of songe and ful of daunce, 2255
Lasteth a fourtenight, or litel lasse.
But, shortly of this story for to passe, (30)
Page 270
For I am wery of him for to telle,
Five yeer his wyf and he togeder dwelle,
Til on a day she gan so sore longe 2260
To seen her suster, that she saw nat longe,
That for desyr she niste what to seye.
But to her husband gan she for to preye,
For goddes love, that she moste ones goon
Her suster for to seen, and come anoon, 2265
Or elles, but she moste to her wende,
She preyde him, that he wolde after her sende; (40)
And this was, day by day, al her prayere
With al humblesse of wyfhood, word, and chere.
This Tereus let make his shippes yare, 2270
And into Grece him-self is forth y-fare
Unto his fader in lawe, and gan him preye
To vouche-sauf that, for a month or tweye,
That Philomene, his wyves suster, mighte
On Progne his wyf but ones have a sighte— 2275
'And she shal come to yow again anoon.
Myself with her wol bothe come and goon, (50)
And as myn hertes lyf I wol her kepe.'
This olde Pandion, this king, gan wepe
For tendernesse of herte, for to leve 2280
His doghter goon, and for to yive her leve;
Of al this world he lovede no-thing so;
But at the laste leve hath she to go.
For Philomene, with salte teres eke,
Gan of her fader grace to beseke 2285
To seen her suster, that her longeth so;
And him embraceth with her armes two. (60)
And therwith-al so yong and fair was she
That, whan that Terëus saw her beautee,
And of array that ther was noon her liche, 2290
And yit of bountee was she two so riche,
He caste his fyry herte upon her so
That he wol have her, how so that hit go,
And with his wyles kneled and so preyde,
Five yeer his wyf and he togeder dwelle,
Til on a day she gan so sore longe 2260
To seen her suster, that she saw nat longe,
That for desyr she niste what to seye.
But to her husband gan she for to preye,
For goddes love, that she moste ones goon
Her suster for to seen, and come anoon, 2265
Or elles, but she moste to her wende,
She preyde him, that he wolde after her sende; (40)
And this was, day by day, al her prayere
With al humblesse of wyfhood, word, and chere.
This Tereus let make his shippes yare, 2270
And into Grece him-self is forth y-fare
Unto his fader in lawe, and gan him preye
To vouche-sauf that, for a month or tweye,
That Philomene, his wyves suster, mighte
On Progne his wyf but ones have a sighte— 2275
'And she shal come to yow again anoon.
Myself with her wol bothe come and goon, (50)
And as myn hertes lyf I wol her kepe.'
This olde Pandion, this king, gan wepe
For tendernesse of herte, for to leve 2280
His doghter goon, and for to yive her leve;
Of al this world he lovede no-thing so;
But at the laste leve hath she to go.
For Philomene, with salte teres eke,
Gan of her fader grace to beseke 2285
To seen her suster, that her longeth so;
And him embraceth with her armes two. (60)
And therwith-al so yong and fair was she
That, whan that Terëus saw her beautee,
And of array that ther was noon her liche, 2290
And yit of bountee was she two so riche,
He caste his fyry herte upon her so
That he wol have her, how so that hit go,
And with his wyles kneled and so preyde,
Page 271
Til at the laste Pandion thus seyde:— 2295
'Now, sone,' quod he, 'that art to me so dere,
I thee betake my yonge doghter here, (70)
That bereth the key of al my hertes lyf.
And grete wel my doghter and thy wyf,
And yive her leve somtyme for to pleye, 2300
That she may seen me ones er I deye.'
And soothly, he hath mad him riche feste,
And to his folk, the moste and eek the leste,
That with him com; and yaf him yiftes grete,
And him conveyeth through the maister-strete 2305
Of Athenes, and to the see him broghte,
And turneth hoom; no malice he ne thoghte. (80)
The ores pulleth forth the vessel faste,
And into Trace arriveth at the laste,
And up into a forest he her ledde, 2310
And to a cave privily him spedde;
And, in this derke cave, yif her leste,
Or leste noght, he bad her for to reste;
Of whiche her herte agroos, and seyde thus,
'Wher is my suster, brother Tereus?' 2315
And therwith-al she wepte tenderly,
And quook for fere, pale and pitously, (90)
Right as the lamb that of the wolf is biten;
Or as the colver, that of the egle is smiten,
And is out of his clawes forth escaped, 2320
Yet hit is afered and awhaped
Lest hit be hent eft-sones, so sat she.
But utterly hit may non other be.
By force hath he, this traitour, doon that dede,
That he hath reft her of her maydenhede, 2325
Maugree her heed, by strengthe and by his might.
Lo! here a dede of men, and that a right! (100)
She cryeth 'suster!' with ful loude stevene,
And 'fader dere!' and 'help me, god in hevene!'
Al helpeth nat; and yet this false theef 2330
Hath doon this lady yet a more mischeef,
'Now, sone,' quod he, 'that art to me so dere,
I thee betake my yonge doghter here, (70)
That bereth the key of al my hertes lyf.
And grete wel my doghter and thy wyf,
And yive her leve somtyme for to pleye, 2300
That she may seen me ones er I deye.'
And soothly, he hath mad him riche feste,
And to his folk, the moste and eek the leste,
That with him com; and yaf him yiftes grete,
And him conveyeth through the maister-strete 2305
Of Athenes, and to the see him broghte,
And turneth hoom; no malice he ne thoghte. (80)
The ores pulleth forth the vessel faste,
And into Trace arriveth at the laste,
And up into a forest he her ledde, 2310
And to a cave privily him spedde;
And, in this derke cave, yif her leste,
Or leste noght, he bad her for to reste;
Of whiche her herte agroos, and seyde thus,
'Wher is my suster, brother Tereus?' 2315
And therwith-al she wepte tenderly,
And quook for fere, pale and pitously, (90)
Right as the lamb that of the wolf is biten;
Or as the colver, that of the egle is smiten,
And is out of his clawes forth escaped, 2320
Yet hit is afered and awhaped
Lest hit be hent eft-sones, so sat she.
But utterly hit may non other be.
By force hath he, this traitour, doon that dede,
That he hath reft her of her maydenhede, 2325
Maugree her heed, by strengthe and by his might.
Lo! here a dede of men, and that a right! (100)
She cryeth 'suster!' with ful loude stevene,
And 'fader dere!' and 'help me, god in hevene!'
Al helpeth nat; and yet this false theef 2330
Hath doon this lady yet a more mischeef,
Page 272
For fere lest she sholde his shame crye,
And doon him openly a vilanye,
And with his swerd her tong of kerveth he,
And in a castel made her for to be 2335
Ful privily in prison evermore,
And kepte her to his usage and his store, (110)
So that she mighte him nevermore asterte.
O sely Philomene! wo is thyn herte;
God wreke thee, and sende thee thy bone! 2340
Now is hit tyme I make an ende sone.
This Tereus is to his wyf y-come,
And in his armes hath his wyf y-nome,
And pitously he weep, and shook his heed,
And swor her that he fond her suster deed; 2345
For which this sely Progne hath swich wo,
That ny her sorweful herte brak a-two; (120)
And thus in teres lete I Progne dwelle,
And of her suster forth I wol yow telle.
This woful lady lerned had in youthe 2350
So that she werken and enbrouden couthe,
And weven in her stole the radevore
As hit of women hath be woned yore.
And, shortly for to seyn, she hath her fille
Of mete and drink, and clothing at her wille, 2355
And coude eek rede, and wel y-nogh endyte,
But with a penne coude she nat wryte; (130)
But lettres can she weven to and fro,
So that, by that the yeer was al a-go,
She had y-woven in a stamin large 2360
How she was broght from Athenes in a barge,
And in cave how that she was broght;
And al the thing that Tereus hath wroght,
She waf hit wel, and wroot the story above,
How she was served for her suster love; 2365
And to a knave a ring she yaf anoon,
And prayed him, by signes, for to goon (140)
Unto the quene, and beren her that clooth,
And doon him openly a vilanye,
And with his swerd her tong of kerveth he,
And in a castel made her for to be 2335
Ful privily in prison evermore,
And kepte her to his usage and his store, (110)
So that she mighte him nevermore asterte.
O sely Philomene! wo is thyn herte;
God wreke thee, and sende thee thy bone! 2340
Now is hit tyme I make an ende sone.
This Tereus is to his wyf y-come,
And in his armes hath his wyf y-nome,
And pitously he weep, and shook his heed,
And swor her that he fond her suster deed; 2345
For which this sely Progne hath swich wo,
That ny her sorweful herte brak a-two; (120)
And thus in teres lete I Progne dwelle,
And of her suster forth I wol yow telle.
This woful lady lerned had in youthe 2350
So that she werken and enbrouden couthe,
And weven in her stole the radevore
As hit of women hath be woned yore.
And, shortly for to seyn, she hath her fille
Of mete and drink, and clothing at her wille, 2355
And coude eek rede, and wel y-nogh endyte,
But with a penne coude she nat wryte; (130)
But lettres can she weven to and fro,
So that, by that the yeer was al a-go,
She had y-woven in a stamin large 2360
How she was broght from Athenes in a barge,
And in cave how that she was broght;
And al the thing that Tereus hath wroght,
She waf hit wel, and wroot the story above,
How she was served for her suster love; 2365
And to a knave a ring she yaf anoon,
And prayed him, by signes, for to goon (140)
Unto the quene, and beren her that clooth,
Page 273
And by signes swor him many an ooth,
She sholde him yeve what she geten mighte. 2370
This knave anoon unto the quene him dighte,
And took hit her, and al the maner tolde.
And, whan that Progne hath this thing beholde,
No word she spak, for sorwe and eek for rage;
But feyned her to goon on pilgrimage 2375
To Bachus temple; and, in a litel stounde,
Her dombe suster sitting hath she founde, (150)
Weping in the castel her aloon.
Allas! the wo, the compleint, and the moon
That Progne upon her dombe suster maketh! 2380
In armes everich of hem other taketh,
And thus I lete hem in hir sorwe dwelle.
The remenant is no charge for to telle,
For this is al and som, thus was she served,
That never harm a-gilte ne deserved 2385
Unto this cruel man, that she of wiste.
Ye may be war of men, yif that yow liste. (160)
For, al be that he wol nat, for his shame,
Doon so as Tereus, to lese his name,
Ne serve yow as a mordrour or a knave, 2390
Ful litel whyle shul ye trewe him have,
That wol I seyn, al were he now my brother,
But hit so be that he may have non other. (166)
Explicit Legenda Philomene.
Title. From F. After which, F. has Deus dator formatorum; B. has Deus
dator formarum. 2233. C. T. A. fyn; rest fende. 2239. C. A. his; F. Tn. B.
this. T. that sorrowfull story. 2241. F. B. laste (error for last); Tn. A. laft (!);
C. lestyth; T. Th. lasteth. 2242. C. T. A. it; rest om. C. wele; T. wyll; Add.
(12524) woll; rest wolde. 2243. B. Th. Tereus; A. Tireus; C. Therius; T.
Thereus; F. Teseus; Tn. Theseus (!). [Of which I tolde = whom I mentioned
(l. 2234).] See next line. 2246. C. T. A. a; rest om. 2249. C. T. A. lyst; Th.
lyste; F. Tn. B. baste (!). 2252, 2253. C. Tn. A. brond, wond; rest bronde,
wonde. 2256. A. Lestith; rest Laste (Last). 2277. All but C. T. badly insert I
She sholde him yeve what she geten mighte. 2370
This knave anoon unto the quene him dighte,
And took hit her, and al the maner tolde.
And, whan that Progne hath this thing beholde,
No word she spak, for sorwe and eek for rage;
But feyned her to goon on pilgrimage 2375
To Bachus temple; and, in a litel stounde,
Her dombe suster sitting hath she founde, (150)
Weping in the castel her aloon.
Allas! the wo, the compleint, and the moon
That Progne upon her dombe suster maketh! 2380
In armes everich of hem other taketh,
And thus I lete hem in hir sorwe dwelle.
The remenant is no charge for to telle,
For this is al and som, thus was she served,
That never harm a-gilte ne deserved 2385
Unto this cruel man, that she of wiste.
Ye may be war of men, yif that yow liste. (160)
For, al be that he wol nat, for his shame,
Doon so as Tereus, to lese his name,
Ne serve yow as a mordrour or a knave, 2390
Ful litel whyle shul ye trewe him have,
That wol I seyn, al were he now my brother,
But hit so be that he may have non other. (166)
Explicit Legenda Philomene.
Title. From F. After which, F. has Deus dator formatorum; B. has Deus
dator formarum. 2233. C. T. A. fyn; rest fende. 2239. C. A. his; F. Tn. B.
this. T. that sorrowfull story. 2241. F. B. laste (error for last); Tn. A. laft (!);
C. lestyth; T. Th. lasteth. 2242. C. T. A. it; rest om. C. wele; T. wyll; Add.
(12524) woll; rest wolde. 2243. B. Th. Tereus; A. Tireus; C. Therius; T.
Thereus; F. Teseus; Tn. Theseus (!). [Of which I tolde = whom I mentioned
(l. 2234).] See next line. 2246. C. T. A. a; rest om. 2249. C. T. A. lyst; Th.
lyste; F. Tn. B. baste (!). 2252, 2253. C. Tn. A. brond, wond; rest bronde,
wonde. 2256. A. Lestith; rest Laste (Last). 2277. All but C. T. badly insert I
Page 274
after her. 2282. T. C. loueth. 2285. F. B. Tn. for; rest of. 2286. So F. Tn. Th.
B.; C. T. she loueth so; A. sche loued so. 2287-92. T. omits. 2291. B.
bounte; F. bounde (error for bounte); rest beaute (but see l. 2289). A. twys;
Th. to; rest two (twoo); see 736. 2294. C. wilis he so fayre hire preyede.
2297. C. T. A. here; rest repeat dere. 2301. C. Tn. T. er; rest or. 2311. F. T.
in-to; rest to. 2314. Tn. a-groos; A. agros; Th. agrose; F. agrosse; T.
agrysyd; C. aros (!). 2316. C. Tn. Th. B. wepte; F. wepe; T. wepyd. 2319. F.
Tn. Or of; B. Or; rest Or as. 2320. F. Tn. B. om. his. 2324. C. he; rest om.
2325. F. Tn. B. om. of her. 2328. F. B. longe; rest loude. 2329. C. A. and;
rest om. 2332. F. B. Tn. ferde; A. fered; rest fere. 2334. A. C. kerveth; T.
kutteth; rest kerf (kerfe). 2338. So C. T. A.; Th. she ne might (om. him). F.
Tn. B. omit this line and have a spurious line after 2339. 2339. C. T. A. is;
F. Tn. Th. B. is in. 2345. C. say (for fond). 2346. F. B. the (for this). 2350.
C. T. A. lerned; rest y-lerned. 2352. F. Tn. Th. B. om. her. F. Tn. T. Th. B.
radeuore (or radenore); C. radyuore (or radynore); A. raduor. 2353. F. wore
(error for yore); rest yore. 2355. C. T. A. and; rest of. 2356. C. A. coude;
rest kouthe (couthe, couth). P. Tn. Th. B. put and after y-nogh. 2357. C. A.
coude she: T. couthe she; rest she kouthe (couth, coulde). 2359. All but T. A.
om. 2nd that. F. (only) om. al. 2360. A. C. ywouen; rest wouen (woued). C.
T. A. stamyn; rest stames. 2364. C. waf; Tn. B. wafe; rest waue (wave).
2369. F. Tn. Th. B. signe; rest signes. C. swor hym; T. sware she; A. suore;
Th. swore; F. B. sworne (!); Tn. sworen (!). 2375. C. Th. on; T. A. in; F. Tn.
B. a. 2378. Tn. her; C. here (for her); A. all hir; F. T. Th. B. hir self. 2379.
So A.; so T. (omitting 3rd the); C. Allas the compleynt the wo & the mone;
F. Th. Allas the wo constreynt (!) and the mone. 2380. So all. 2388. C. his;
rest om. 2389. C. so; rest om. 2390. B. mordrer; F. morderere; Th.
murtherer; C. T. A. morderour; Tn. mordroure. 2393. C. T. A. non othir; rest
a-nother (!).
B.; C. T. she loueth so; A. sche loued so. 2287-92. T. omits. 2291. B.
bounte; F. bounde (error for bounte); rest beaute (but see l. 2289). A. twys;
Th. to; rest two (twoo); see 736. 2294. C. wilis he so fayre hire preyede.
2297. C. T. A. here; rest repeat dere. 2301. C. Tn. T. er; rest or. 2311. F. T.
in-to; rest to. 2314. Tn. a-groos; A. agros; Th. agrose; F. agrosse; T.
agrysyd; C. aros (!). 2316. C. Tn. Th. B. wepte; F. wepe; T. wepyd. 2319. F.
Tn. Or of; B. Or; rest Or as. 2320. F. Tn. B. om. his. 2324. C. he; rest om.
2325. F. Tn. B. om. of her. 2328. F. B. longe; rest loude. 2329. C. A. and;
rest om. 2332. F. B. Tn. ferde; A. fered; rest fere. 2334. A. C. kerveth; T.
kutteth; rest kerf (kerfe). 2338. So C. T. A.; Th. she ne might (om. him). F.
Tn. B. omit this line and have a spurious line after 2339. 2339. C. T. A. is;
F. Tn. Th. B. is in. 2345. C. say (for fond). 2346. F. B. the (for this). 2350.
C. T. A. lerned; rest y-lerned. 2352. F. Tn. Th. B. om. her. F. Tn. T. Th. B.
radeuore (or radenore); C. radyuore (or radynore); A. raduor. 2353. F. wore
(error for yore); rest yore. 2355. C. T. A. and; rest of. 2356. C. A. coude;
rest kouthe (couthe, couth). P. Tn. Th. B. put and after y-nogh. 2357. C. A.
coude she: T. couthe she; rest she kouthe (couth, coulde). 2359. All but T. A.
om. 2nd that. F. (only) om. al. 2360. A. C. ywouen; rest wouen (woued). C.
T. A. stamyn; rest stames. 2364. C. waf; Tn. B. wafe; rest waue (wave).
2369. F. Tn. Th. B. signe; rest signes. C. swor hym; T. sware she; A. suore;
Th. swore; F. B. sworne (!); Tn. sworen (!). 2375. C. Th. on; T. A. in; F. Tn.
B. a. 2378. Tn. her; C. here (for her); A. all hir; F. T. Th. B. hir self. 2379.
So A.; so T. (omitting 3rd the); C. Allas the compleynt the wo & the mone;
F. Th. Allas the wo constreynt (!) and the mone. 2380. So all. 2388. C. his;
rest om. 2389. C. so; rest om. 2390. B. mordrer; F. morderere; Th.
murtherer; C. T. A. morderour; Tn. mordroure. 2393. C. T. A. non othir; rest
a-nother (!).
Page 275
VIII. THE LEGEND OF PHYLLIS.
Incipit Legenda Phillis.
By preve as wel as by auctoritee,
That wikked fruit cometh of a wikked tree, 2395
That may ye finde, if that it lyketh yow.
But for this ende I speke this as now,
To telle you of false Demophon.
In love a falser herde I never non,
But-if hit were his fader Theseus. 2400
'God, for his grace, fro swich oon kepe us!'
Thus may thise women prayen that hit here.
Now to theffect turne I of my matere. (10)
Destroyed is of Troye the citee;
This Demophon com sailing in the see 2405
Toward Athenes, to his paleys large;
With him com many a ship and many a barge
Ful of his folk, of which ful many oon
Is wounded sore, and seek, and wo begoon.
And they han at the sege longe y-lain. 2410
Behinde him com a wind and eek a rain
That shoof so sore, his sail ne mighte stonde,
Him were lever than al the world a-londe, (20)
So hunteth him the tempest to and fro.
So derk hit was, he coude nowher go; 2415
And with a wawe brosten was his stere.
His ship was rent so lowe, in swich manere,
That carpenter ne coude hit nat amende.
The see, by nighte, as any torche brende
For wood, and posseth him now up now doun, 2420
Til Neptune hath of him compassioun,
And Thetis, Chorus, Triton, and they alle,
And maden him upon a lond to falle, (30)
Wher-of that Phillis lady was and quene,
Ligurgus doghter, fairer on to sene 2425
Incipit Legenda Phillis.
By preve as wel as by auctoritee,
That wikked fruit cometh of a wikked tree, 2395
That may ye finde, if that it lyketh yow.
But for this ende I speke this as now,
To telle you of false Demophon.
In love a falser herde I never non,
But-if hit were his fader Theseus. 2400
'God, for his grace, fro swich oon kepe us!'
Thus may thise women prayen that hit here.
Now to theffect turne I of my matere. (10)
Destroyed is of Troye the citee;
This Demophon com sailing in the see 2405
Toward Athenes, to his paleys large;
With him com many a ship and many a barge
Ful of his folk, of which ful many oon
Is wounded sore, and seek, and wo begoon.
And they han at the sege longe y-lain. 2410
Behinde him com a wind and eek a rain
That shoof so sore, his sail ne mighte stonde,
Him were lever than al the world a-londe, (20)
So hunteth him the tempest to and fro.
So derk hit was, he coude nowher go; 2415
And with a wawe brosten was his stere.
His ship was rent so lowe, in swich manere,
That carpenter ne coude hit nat amende.
The see, by nighte, as any torche brende
For wood, and posseth him now up now doun, 2420
Til Neptune hath of him compassioun,
And Thetis, Chorus, Triton, and they alle,
And maden him upon a lond to falle, (30)
Wher-of that Phillis lady was and quene,
Ligurgus doghter, fairer on to sene 2425
Page 276
Than is the flour again the brighte sonne.
Unnethe is Demophon to londe y-wonne,
Wayk and eek wery, and his folk for-pyned
Of werinesse, and also enfamyned;
And to the deeth he almost was y-driven. 2430
His wyse folk to conseil han him yiven
To seken help and socour of the queen,
And loken what his grace mighte been, (40)
And maken in that lond som chevisaunce,
To kepen him fro wo and fro mischaunce. 2435
For seek was he, and almost at the deeth;
Unnethe mighte he speke or drawe his breeth,
And lyth in Rodopeya him for to reste.
Whan he may walke, him thoughte hit was the beste
Unto the court to seken for socour. 2440
Men knewe him wel, and diden him honour;
For at Athenes duk and lord was he,
As Theseus his fader hadde y-be, (50)
That in his tyme was of greet renoun,
No man so greet in al his regioun; 2445
And lyk his fader of face and of stature,
And fals of love; hit com him of nature;
As doth the fox Renard, the foxes sone,
Of kinde he coude his olde faders wone
Withoute lore, as can a drake swimme, 2450
Whan hit is caught and caried to the brimme.
This honourable Phillis doth him chere,
Her lyketh wel his port and his manere. (60)
But for I am agroted heer-biforn
To wryte of hem that been in love forsworn, 2455
And eek to haste me in my legende,
Which to performe god me grace sende,
Therfor I passe shortly in this wyse;
Ye han wel herd of Theseus devyse
In the betraising of fair Adriane, 2460
That of her pite kepte him from his bane.
At shorte wordes, right so Demophon
Unnethe is Demophon to londe y-wonne,
Wayk and eek wery, and his folk for-pyned
Of werinesse, and also enfamyned;
And to the deeth he almost was y-driven. 2430
His wyse folk to conseil han him yiven
To seken help and socour of the queen,
And loken what his grace mighte been, (40)
And maken in that lond som chevisaunce,
To kepen him fro wo and fro mischaunce. 2435
For seek was he, and almost at the deeth;
Unnethe mighte he speke or drawe his breeth,
And lyth in Rodopeya him for to reste.
Whan he may walke, him thoughte hit was the beste
Unto the court to seken for socour. 2440
Men knewe him wel, and diden him honour;
For at Athenes duk and lord was he,
As Theseus his fader hadde y-be, (50)
That in his tyme was of greet renoun,
No man so greet in al his regioun; 2445
And lyk his fader of face and of stature,
And fals of love; hit com him of nature;
As doth the fox Renard, the foxes sone,
Of kinde he coude his olde faders wone
Withoute lore, as can a drake swimme, 2450
Whan hit is caught and caried to the brimme.
This honourable Phillis doth him chere,
Her lyketh wel his port and his manere. (60)
But for I am agroted heer-biforn
To wryte of hem that been in love forsworn, 2455
And eek to haste me in my legende,
Which to performe god me grace sende,
Therfor I passe shortly in this wyse;
Ye han wel herd of Theseus devyse
In the betraising of fair Adriane, 2460
That of her pite kepte him from his bane.
At shorte wordes, right so Demophon
Page 277
The same wey, the same path hath gon (70)
That dide his false fader Theseus.
For unto Phillis hath he sworen thus, 2465
To wedden her, and her his trouthe plighte,
And piked of her al the good he mighte,
Whan he was hool and sound and hadde his reste;
And doth with Phillis what so that him leste.
And wel coude I, yif that me leste so, 2470
Tellen al his doing to and fro.
He seide, unto his contree moste he saile,
For ther he wolde her wedding apparaile (80)
As fil to her honour and his also.
And openly he took his leve tho, 2475
And hath her sworn, he wolde nat soiorne,
But in a month he wolde again retorne.
And in that lond let make his ordinaunce
As verray lord, and took the obeisaunce
Wel and hoomly, and let his shippes dighte, 2480
And hoom he goth the nexte wey he mighte;
For unto Phillis yit ne com he noght.
And that hath she so harde and sore aboght, (90)
Allas! that, as the stories us recorde,
She was her owne deeth right with a corde, 2485
Whan that she saw that Demophon her trayed.
But to him first she wroot and faste him prayed
He wolde come, and her deliver of peyne,
As I reherse shal a word or tweyne.
Me list nat vouche-sauf on him to swinke, 2490
Ne spende on him a penne ful of inke,
For fals in love was he, right as his syre;
The devil sette hir soules bothe a-fyre! (100)
But of the lettre of Phillis wol I wryte
A word or tweyne, al-thogh hit be but lyte. 2495
'Thyn hostesse,' quod she, 'O Demophon,
Thy Phillis, which that is so wo begon,
Of Rodopeye, upon yow moot compleyne,
Over the terme set betwix us tweyne,
That dide his false fader Theseus.
For unto Phillis hath he sworen thus, 2465
To wedden her, and her his trouthe plighte,
And piked of her al the good he mighte,
Whan he was hool and sound and hadde his reste;
And doth with Phillis what so that him leste.
And wel coude I, yif that me leste so, 2470
Tellen al his doing to and fro.
He seide, unto his contree moste he saile,
For ther he wolde her wedding apparaile (80)
As fil to her honour and his also.
And openly he took his leve tho, 2475
And hath her sworn, he wolde nat soiorne,
But in a month he wolde again retorne.
And in that lond let make his ordinaunce
As verray lord, and took the obeisaunce
Wel and hoomly, and let his shippes dighte, 2480
And hoom he goth the nexte wey he mighte;
For unto Phillis yit ne com he noght.
And that hath she so harde and sore aboght, (90)
Allas! that, as the stories us recorde,
She was her owne deeth right with a corde, 2485
Whan that she saw that Demophon her trayed.
But to him first she wroot and faste him prayed
He wolde come, and her deliver of peyne,
As I reherse shal a word or tweyne.
Me list nat vouche-sauf on him to swinke, 2490
Ne spende on him a penne ful of inke,
For fals in love was he, right as his syre;
The devil sette hir soules bothe a-fyre! (100)
But of the lettre of Phillis wol I wryte
A word or tweyne, al-thogh hit be but lyte. 2495
'Thyn hostesse,' quod she, 'O Demophon,
Thy Phillis, which that is so wo begon,
Of Rodopeye, upon yow moot compleyne,
Over the terme set betwix us tweyne,
Page 278
That ye ne holden forward, as ye seyde; 2500
Your anker, which ye in our haven leyde,
Highte us, that ye wolde comen, out of doute,
Or that the mone ones wente aboute. (110)
But tymes foure the mone hath hid her face
Sin thilke day ye wente fro this place, 2505
And foure tymes light the world again.
But for al that, yif I shal soothly sain,
Yit hath the streem of Sitho nat y-broght
From Athenes the ship; yit comth hit noght.
And, yif that ye the terme rekne wolde, 2510
As I or other trewe lovers sholde,
I pleyne not, god wot, beforn my day.'—
But al her lettre wryten I ne may (120)
By ordre, for hit were to me a charge;
Her lettre was right long and ther-to large; 2515
But here and there in ryme I have hit laid,
Ther as me thoughte that she wel hath said.—
She seide, 'thy sailes comen nat again,
Ne to thy word ther nis no fey certein;
But I wot why ye come nat,' quod she; 2520
'For I was of my love to you so free.
And of the goddes that ye han forswore,
Yif that hir vengeance falle on yow therfore, (130)
Ye be nat suffisaunt to bere the peyne.
To moche trusted I, wel may I pleyne, 2525
Upon your linage and your faire tonge,
And on your teres falsly out y-wronge.
How coude ye wepe so by craft?' quod she;
'May ther swiche teres feyned be?
Now certes, yif ye wolde have in memorie, 2530
Hit oghte be to yow but litel glorie
To have a sely mayde thus betrayed!
To god,' quod she, 'preye I, and ofte have prayed, (140)
That hit be now the grettest prys of alle,
And moste honour that ever yow shal befalle! 2535
And whan thyn olde auncestres peynted be,
Your anker, which ye in our haven leyde,
Highte us, that ye wolde comen, out of doute,
Or that the mone ones wente aboute. (110)
But tymes foure the mone hath hid her face
Sin thilke day ye wente fro this place, 2505
And foure tymes light the world again.
But for al that, yif I shal soothly sain,
Yit hath the streem of Sitho nat y-broght
From Athenes the ship; yit comth hit noght.
And, yif that ye the terme rekne wolde, 2510
As I or other trewe lovers sholde,
I pleyne not, god wot, beforn my day.'—
But al her lettre wryten I ne may (120)
By ordre, for hit were to me a charge;
Her lettre was right long and ther-to large; 2515
But here and there in ryme I have hit laid,
Ther as me thoughte that she wel hath said.—
She seide, 'thy sailes comen nat again,
Ne to thy word ther nis no fey certein;
But I wot why ye come nat,' quod she; 2520
'For I was of my love to you so free.
And of the goddes that ye han forswore,
Yif that hir vengeance falle on yow therfore, (130)
Ye be nat suffisaunt to bere the peyne.
To moche trusted I, wel may I pleyne, 2525
Upon your linage and your faire tonge,
And on your teres falsly out y-wronge.
How coude ye wepe so by craft?' quod she;
'May ther swiche teres feyned be?
Now certes, yif ye wolde have in memorie, 2530
Hit oghte be to yow but litel glorie
To have a sely mayde thus betrayed!
To god,' quod she, 'preye I, and ofte have prayed, (140)
That hit be now the grettest prys of alle,
And moste honour that ever yow shal befalle! 2535
And whan thyn olde auncestres peynted be,
Page 279
In which men may hir worthinesse see,
Than, preye I god, thou peynted be also,
That folk may reden, for-by as they go,
"Lo! this is he, that with his flaterye 2540
Betrayed hath and doon her vilanye
That was his trewe love in thoghte and dede!"
But sothly, of oo point yit may they rede, (150)
That ye ben lyk your fader as in this;
For he begyled Adriane, y-wis, 2545
With swiche an art and swiche sotelte
As thou thy-selven hast begyled me.
As in that point, al-thogh hit be nat fayr,
Thou folwest him, certein, and art his eyr.
But sin thus sinfully ye me begyle, 2550
My body mote ye seen, within a whyle,
Right in the haven of Athenes fletinge,
With-outen sepulture and buryinge; (160)
Thogh ye ben harder then is any stoon.'
And, whan this lettre was forth sent anoon, 2555
And knew how brotel and how fals he was,
She for dispeyr for-dide herself, allas!
Swich sorwe hath she, for she besette her so.
Be war, ye women, of your sotil fo,
Sin yit this day men may ensample see; 2560
And trusteth, as in love, no man but me. (168)
Explicit Legenda Phillis.
2400. F. Tn. Th. B. om. if. 2402. F. Tn. Th. B. om. may. 2408. C. his; rest
om. 2409. C. sek (read seek); rest seke. 2410. A. Th. the sege; F. Tn. B. a
sege; T. sege; C. thasege (good). 2412. C. T. A. ne myghte; rest myght not.
2418. C. A. ne; T. noon; rest om. 2420. A. So wood. C. A. now vp now
doun; T. now vp and doun; rest vp and doun. 2422. Th. Chorus; T. Thora;
rest Thorus (see note). F. Tn. B. om. Triton. 2423. F. Th. B. vp; rest vp-on.
2425. A. B. Ligurgus; C. Tn. T. Ligurges; Th. Lycurgus; F. Bygurgus (error
for Lygurgus). 2430. C. That (for And). C. almost was (better than was
almost in the rest). 2435. C. T. A. To; rest And. 2437. C. T. A. his; rest om.
Than, preye I god, thou peynted be also,
That folk may reden, for-by as they go,
"Lo! this is he, that with his flaterye 2540
Betrayed hath and doon her vilanye
That was his trewe love in thoghte and dede!"
But sothly, of oo point yit may they rede, (150)
That ye ben lyk your fader as in this;
For he begyled Adriane, y-wis, 2545
With swiche an art and swiche sotelte
As thou thy-selven hast begyled me.
As in that point, al-thogh hit be nat fayr,
Thou folwest him, certein, and art his eyr.
But sin thus sinfully ye me begyle, 2550
My body mote ye seen, within a whyle,
Right in the haven of Athenes fletinge,
With-outen sepulture and buryinge; (160)
Thogh ye ben harder then is any stoon.'
And, whan this lettre was forth sent anoon, 2555
And knew how brotel and how fals he was,
She for dispeyr for-dide herself, allas!
Swich sorwe hath she, for she besette her so.
Be war, ye women, of your sotil fo,
Sin yit this day men may ensample see; 2560
And trusteth, as in love, no man but me. (168)
Explicit Legenda Phillis.
2400. F. Tn. Th. B. om. if. 2402. F. Tn. Th. B. om. may. 2408. C. his; rest
om. 2409. C. sek (read seek); rest seke. 2410. A. Th. the sege; F. Tn. B. a
sege; T. sege; C. thasege (good). 2412. C. T. A. ne myghte; rest myght not.
2418. C. A. ne; T. noon; rest om. 2420. A. So wood. C. A. now vp now
doun; T. now vp and doun; rest vp and doun. 2422. Th. Chorus; T. Thora;
rest Thorus (see note). F. Tn. B. om. Triton. 2423. F. Th. B. vp; rest vp-on.
2425. A. B. Ligurgus; C. Tn. T. Ligurges; Th. Lycurgus; F. Bygurgus (error
for Lygurgus). 2430. C. That (for And). C. almost was (better than was
almost in the rest). 2435. C. T. A. To; rest And. 2437. C. T. A. his; rest om.
Page 280
2438. A. om. for. 2440. C. T. A. court; rest contree. 2443. F. Tn. Th. B. hath.
2444. C. T. A. of gret; rest grete of. 2445. C. of (for in). C. the; T. A. that;
rest his. 2449. C. owene (for olde). 2452. A. phillis; C. Philes; Th. T. quene
Phillis; rest quene. 2453. F. B. And; rest Her (Hire, Hir). 2454. A. Th.
agroted; B. agrotyd; C. agrotyed; F. Tn. agroteyd; T. agroteyed. 2455. C. T.
ben in love; A. ar of loue; rest in loue ben. 2459. C. T. A. deuyse; F. Tn. B.
the nyse (sic); Th. the gyse. 2470, 1. T. I couthe ryght well, yef that hyt
lykyd me Tell all hys doyng; but hyt ys vanyte. 2472. C. T. vnto; A. into;
rest to. F. Th. B. him; rest he. 2475. F. B. omit. 2476. C. hath hire sworn; A.
hath to hir suorn; Tn. to her sworne; F. T. Th. B. to hir swore. 2477. So C.
A.; F. Tn. Th. B. ageyn he wolde. 2480. C. homly; F. T. B. homely; A.
huimly; Tn. humble; Th. hombly. C. let; rest om. 2482. C. ne; rest om. 2483.
A. C. Th. abought; F. Tn. B. yboght. 2484. F. Tn. B. om. as. A. T. stories;
rest story (but this would require recordeth; indeed, C. has recordith!).
2485. C. T. A. ryght; rest om. 2487. F. Tn. Th. B. But firste wrote she to
hym. 2488. C. T. A. hire delyuere; rest delyuer hir. F. pyne (error for
peyne). 2489. F. B. oo; Tn. one; rest a; see l. 2495. 2491. C. T. A. Ne
spende; rest Dispenden. 2493. C. a fere; T. afyre; A. in fyre; F. Tn. Th. B. on
a fire (badly). 2496. C. Ostesse thyn. T. A. o thow Demophon. 2498. F. Tn.
B. om. moot. 2504. F. Tn. B. om. hid. 2505. Th. thylke; C. F. Tn. B. that
thilke (!); A. that ilke; T. that. 2506, 7. C. omits. 2506. A. hath lycht this.
2507. T. yef; A. if; F. B. Th. yet (error for yef); Tn. yit (error for yif). 2508.
C. storm (error for streem); rest streme. Th. Scython; C. B. Sytoye; A.
Cytoye; T. Sitoy; F. Tn. Sitoio (Ovid has Sithonis unda). T. y-brought; rest
broght (brought). 2509. C. comyth it; T. A. cometh; F. Tn. B. come hit; Th.
came it. 2517. C. A. wel hath; rest hath wel. 2518. C. T. A. thyne (thy); rest
the. C. come; T. comen; F. Tn. Th. B. cometh. 2519. C. T. A. thyn (thy); rest
the. 2523. C. T. A. Yif (only); F. Tn. Th. B. That (only); but read Yif that.
2525. C. T. A. pleyne; rest seyne (!). 2527. C. I-wronge; A. yronne (error
for ywronge); F. Tn. Th. B. wronge. 2529. A. Quhethir ther may (but this is
Scottish). 2532. All mayde. 2539. C. T. A. for by; rest forth by. 2546. A. C.
T. subtilitee. 2549. C. T. A. him; rest om. A. has lost ll. 2551-2616. 2555. F.
Tn. B. om. sent. 2561. So C. T.; so Tn. Th. (with now for as); F. B. And as in
love truste no man but me.
2444. C. T. A. of gret; rest grete of. 2445. C. of (for in). C. the; T. A. that;
rest his. 2449. C. owene (for olde). 2452. A. phillis; C. Philes; Th. T. quene
Phillis; rest quene. 2453. F. B. And; rest Her (Hire, Hir). 2454. A. Th.
agroted; B. agrotyd; C. agrotyed; F. Tn. agroteyd; T. agroteyed. 2455. C. T.
ben in love; A. ar of loue; rest in loue ben. 2459. C. T. A. deuyse; F. Tn. B.
the nyse (sic); Th. the gyse. 2470, 1. T. I couthe ryght well, yef that hyt
lykyd me Tell all hys doyng; but hyt ys vanyte. 2472. C. T. vnto; A. into;
rest to. F. Th. B. him; rest he. 2475. F. B. omit. 2476. C. hath hire sworn; A.
hath to hir suorn; Tn. to her sworne; F. T. Th. B. to hir swore. 2477. So C.
A.; F. Tn. Th. B. ageyn he wolde. 2480. C. homly; F. T. B. homely; A.
huimly; Tn. humble; Th. hombly. C. let; rest om. 2482. C. ne; rest om. 2483.
A. C. Th. abought; F. Tn. B. yboght. 2484. F. Tn. B. om. as. A. T. stories;
rest story (but this would require recordeth; indeed, C. has recordith!).
2485. C. T. A. ryght; rest om. 2487. F. Tn. Th. B. But firste wrote she to
hym. 2488. C. T. A. hire delyuere; rest delyuer hir. F. pyne (error for
peyne). 2489. F. B. oo; Tn. one; rest a; see l. 2495. 2491. C. T. A. Ne
spende; rest Dispenden. 2493. C. a fere; T. afyre; A. in fyre; F. Tn. Th. B. on
a fire (badly). 2496. C. Ostesse thyn. T. A. o thow Demophon. 2498. F. Tn.
B. om. moot. 2504. F. Tn. B. om. hid. 2505. Th. thylke; C. F. Tn. B. that
thilke (!); A. that ilke; T. that. 2506, 7. C. omits. 2506. A. hath lycht this.
2507. T. yef; A. if; F. B. Th. yet (error for yef); Tn. yit (error for yif). 2508.
C. storm (error for streem); rest streme. Th. Scython; C. B. Sytoye; A.
Cytoye; T. Sitoy; F. Tn. Sitoio (Ovid has Sithonis unda). T. y-brought; rest
broght (brought). 2509. C. comyth it; T. A. cometh; F. Tn. B. come hit; Th.
came it. 2517. C. A. wel hath; rest hath wel. 2518. C. T. A. thyne (thy); rest
the. C. come; T. comen; F. Tn. Th. B. cometh. 2519. C. T. A. thyn (thy); rest
the. 2523. C. T. A. Yif (only); F. Tn. Th. B. That (only); but read Yif that.
2525. C. T. A. pleyne; rest seyne (!). 2527. C. I-wronge; A. yronne (error
for ywronge); F. Tn. Th. B. wronge. 2529. A. Quhethir ther may (but this is
Scottish). 2532. All mayde. 2539. C. T. A. for by; rest forth by. 2546. A. C.
T. subtilitee. 2549. C. T. A. him; rest om. A. has lost ll. 2551-2616. 2555. F.
Tn. B. om. sent. 2561. So C. T.; so Tn. Th. (with now for as); F. B. And as in
love truste no man but me.
Page 281
IX. THE LEGEND OF HYPERMNESTRA.
Incipit Legenda Ypermistre.
In Grece whylom weren brethren two,
Of whiche that oon was called Danao,
That many a sone hath of his body wonne,
As swiche false lovers ofte conne. 2565
Among his sones alle ther was oon
That aldermost he lovede of everichoon.
And whan this child was born, this Danao
Shoop him a name, and called him Lino.
That other brother called was Egiste, 2570
That was of love as fals as ever him liste, (10)
And many a doghter gat he in his lyve;
Of which he gat upon his righte wyve
A doghter dere, and dide her for to calle
Ypermistra, yongest of hem alle; 2575
The whiche child, of her nativitee,
To alle gode thewes born was she,
As lyked to the goddes, or she was born,
That of the shefe she sholde be the corn;
The Wirdes, that we clepen Destinee, 2580
Hath shapen her that she mot nedes be (20)
Pitouse, sadde, wyse, and trewe as steel;
And to this woman hit accordeth weel.
For, though that Venus yaf her greet beautee,
With Iupiter compouned so was she 2585
That conscience, trouthe, and dreed of shame,
And of her wyfhood for to kepe her name,
This, thoughte her, was felicitee as here.
And rede Mars was, that tyme of the yere,
So feble, that his malice is him raft, 2590
Repressed hath Venus his cruel craft; (30)
What with Venus and other oppressioun
Of houses, Mars his venim is adoun,
Incipit Legenda Ypermistre.
In Grece whylom weren brethren two,
Of whiche that oon was called Danao,
That many a sone hath of his body wonne,
As swiche false lovers ofte conne. 2565
Among his sones alle ther was oon
That aldermost he lovede of everichoon.
And whan this child was born, this Danao
Shoop him a name, and called him Lino.
That other brother called was Egiste, 2570
That was of love as fals as ever him liste, (10)
And many a doghter gat he in his lyve;
Of which he gat upon his righte wyve
A doghter dere, and dide her for to calle
Ypermistra, yongest of hem alle; 2575
The whiche child, of her nativitee,
To alle gode thewes born was she,
As lyked to the goddes, or she was born,
That of the shefe she sholde be the corn;
The Wirdes, that we clepen Destinee, 2580
Hath shapen her that she mot nedes be (20)
Pitouse, sadde, wyse, and trewe as steel;
And to this woman hit accordeth weel.
For, though that Venus yaf her greet beautee,
With Iupiter compouned so was she 2585
That conscience, trouthe, and dreed of shame,
And of her wyfhood for to kepe her name,
This, thoughte her, was felicitee as here.
And rede Mars was, that tyme of the yere,
So feble, that his malice is him raft, 2590
Repressed hath Venus his cruel craft; (30)
What with Venus and other oppressioun
Of houses, Mars his venim is adoun,
Page 282
That Ypermistra dar nat handle a knyf
In malice, thogh she sholde lese her lyf. 2595
But natheles, as heven gan tho turne,
To badde aspectes hath she of Saturne,
That made her for to deyen in prisoun,
As I shal after make mencioun.
To Danao and Egistes also— 2600
Al-thogh so be that they were brethren two, (40)
For thilke tyme nas spared no linage—
Hit lyked hem to maken mariage
Betwix Ypermistra and him Lino,
And casten swiche a day hit shal be so; 2605
And ful acorded was hit witterly;
The array is wroght, the tyme is faste by.
And thus Lino hath of his fadres brother
The doghter wedded, and eche of hem hath other.
The torches brennen and the lampes brighte, 2610
The sacrifices been ful redy dighte; (50)
Thencens out of the fyre reketh sote,
The flour, the leef is rent up by the rote
To maken garlands and corounes hye;
Ful is the place of soun of minstralcye, 2615
Of songes amorous of mariage,
As thilke tyme was the pleyn usage.
And this was in the paleys of Egiste,
That in his hous was lord, right as him liste;
And thus the day they dryven to an ende; 2620
The frendes taken leve, and hoom they wende. (60)
The night is come, the bryd shal go to bedde;
Egiste to his chambre faste him spedde,
And privily he let his doghter calle.
Whan that the hous was voided of hem alle, 2625
He loked on his doghter with glad chere,
And to her spak, as ye shul after here.
'My righte doghter, tresor of myn herte!
Sin first that day that shapen was my sherte,
Or by the fatal sustren had my dom, 2630
In malice, thogh she sholde lese her lyf. 2595
But natheles, as heven gan tho turne,
To badde aspectes hath she of Saturne,
That made her for to deyen in prisoun,
As I shal after make mencioun.
To Danao and Egistes also— 2600
Al-thogh so be that they were brethren two, (40)
For thilke tyme nas spared no linage—
Hit lyked hem to maken mariage
Betwix Ypermistra and him Lino,
And casten swiche a day hit shal be so; 2605
And ful acorded was hit witterly;
The array is wroght, the tyme is faste by.
And thus Lino hath of his fadres brother
The doghter wedded, and eche of hem hath other.
The torches brennen and the lampes brighte, 2610
The sacrifices been ful redy dighte; (50)
Thencens out of the fyre reketh sote,
The flour, the leef is rent up by the rote
To maken garlands and corounes hye;
Ful is the place of soun of minstralcye, 2615
Of songes amorous of mariage,
As thilke tyme was the pleyn usage.
And this was in the paleys of Egiste,
That in his hous was lord, right as him liste;
And thus the day they dryven to an ende; 2620
The frendes taken leve, and hoom they wende. (60)
The night is come, the bryd shal go to bedde;
Egiste to his chambre faste him spedde,
And privily he let his doghter calle.
Whan that the hous was voided of hem alle, 2625
He loked on his doghter with glad chere,
And to her spak, as ye shul after here.
'My righte doghter, tresor of myn herte!
Sin first that day that shapen was my sherte,
Or by the fatal sustren had my dom, 2630
Page 283
So ny myn herte never thing me com (70)
As thou, myn Ypermistra, doghter dere!
Tak heed what I thy fader sey thee here,
And werk after thy wyser ever-mo.
For alderfirste, doghter, I love thee so 2635
That al the world to me nis half so leef;
Ne I nolde rede thee to thy mischeef
For al the gode under the colde mone;
And what I mene, hit shal be seid right sone,
With protestacioun, as in this wyse, 2640
That, but thou do as I shal thee devyse, (80)
Thou shalt be deed, by him that al hath wroght!
At shorte wordes, thou nescapest noght
Out of my paleys, or that thou be deed,
But thou consente and werke after my reed; 2645
Tak this to thee for ful conclusioun.'
This Ypermistra caste her eyen doun,
And quook as dooth the leef of aspe grene;
Deed wex her hewe, and lyk as ash to sene,
And seyde, 'lord and fader, al your wille, 2650
After my might, god wot, I shal fulfille, (90)
So hit to me be no confusioun.'
'I nil,' quod he, 'have noon excepcioun;'
And out he caughte a knyf, as rasour kene;
'Hyd this,' quod he, 'that hit be nat y-sene; 2655
And, whan thyn husbond is to bedde y-go,
Whyl that he slepeth, cut his throte a-two.
For in my dremes hit is warned me
How that my nevew shal my bane be,
But whiche I noot, wherfor I wol be siker. 2660
Yif thou sey nay, we two shul have a biker (100)
As I have seyd, by him that I have sworn.'
This Ypermistra hath ny her wit forlon;
And, for to passen harmles of that place,
She graunted him; ther was non other grace. 2665
And therwith-al a costrel taketh he,
And seyde, 'herof a draught, or two or three,
As thou, myn Ypermistra, doghter dere!
Tak heed what I thy fader sey thee here,
And werk after thy wyser ever-mo.
For alderfirste, doghter, I love thee so 2635
That al the world to me nis half so leef;
Ne I nolde rede thee to thy mischeef
For al the gode under the colde mone;
And what I mene, hit shal be seid right sone,
With protestacioun, as in this wyse, 2640
That, but thou do as I shal thee devyse, (80)
Thou shalt be deed, by him that al hath wroght!
At shorte wordes, thou nescapest noght
Out of my paleys, or that thou be deed,
But thou consente and werke after my reed; 2645
Tak this to thee for ful conclusioun.'
This Ypermistra caste her eyen doun,
And quook as dooth the leef of aspe grene;
Deed wex her hewe, and lyk as ash to sene,
And seyde, 'lord and fader, al your wille, 2650
After my might, god wot, I shal fulfille, (90)
So hit to me be no confusioun.'
'I nil,' quod he, 'have noon excepcioun;'
And out he caughte a knyf, as rasour kene;
'Hyd this,' quod he, 'that hit be nat y-sene; 2655
And, whan thyn husbond is to bedde y-go,
Whyl that he slepeth, cut his throte a-two.
For in my dremes hit is warned me
How that my nevew shal my bane be,
But whiche I noot, wherfor I wol be siker. 2660
Yif thou sey nay, we two shul have a biker (100)
As I have seyd, by him that I have sworn.'
This Ypermistra hath ny her wit forlon;
And, for to passen harmles of that place,
She graunted him; ther was non other grace. 2665
And therwith-al a costrel taketh he,
And seyde, 'herof a draught, or two or three,
Page 284
Yif him to drinke, whan he goth to reste,
And he shal slepe as longe as ever thee leste,
The narcotiks and opies been so stronge: 2670
And go thy wey, lest that him thinke longe.' (110)
Out comth the bryd, and with ful sober chere,
As is of maidens ofte the manere,
To chambre is broght with revel and with songe,
And shortly, lest this tale be to longe, 2675
This Lino and she ben sone broght to bedde;
And every wight out at the dore him spedde.
The night is wasted, and he fel a-slepe;
Ful tenderly beginneth she to wepe.
She rist her up, and dredfully she quaketh, 2680
As doth the braunche that Zephirus shaketh, (120)
And husht were alle in Argon that citee.
As cold as any frost now wexeth she;
For pite by the herte her streyneth so,
And dreed of death doth her so moche wo, 2685
That thryes doun she fil in swiche a were.
She rist her up, and stakereth heer and there,
And on her handes faste loketh she.
'Allas! and shul my handes blody be?
I am a maid, and, as by my nature, 2690
And by my semblant and by my vesture, (130)
Myn handes been nat shapen for a knyf,
As for to reve no man fro his lyf.
What devil have I with the knyf to do?
And shal I have my throte corve a-two? 2695
Than shal I blede, allas! and me beshende;
And nedes cost this thing mot have an ende;
Or he or I mot nedes lese our lyf.
Now certes,' quod she, 'sin I am his wyf,
And hath my feith, yit is it bet for me 2700
For to be deed in wyfly honestee (140)
Than be a traitour living in my shame.
Be as be may, for ernest or for game,
He shal awake, and ryse and go his way
And he shal slepe as longe as ever thee leste,
The narcotiks and opies been so stronge: 2670
And go thy wey, lest that him thinke longe.' (110)
Out comth the bryd, and with ful sober chere,
As is of maidens ofte the manere,
To chambre is broght with revel and with songe,
And shortly, lest this tale be to longe, 2675
This Lino and she ben sone broght to bedde;
And every wight out at the dore him spedde.
The night is wasted, and he fel a-slepe;
Ful tenderly beginneth she to wepe.
She rist her up, and dredfully she quaketh, 2680
As doth the braunche that Zephirus shaketh, (120)
And husht were alle in Argon that citee.
As cold as any frost now wexeth she;
For pite by the herte her streyneth so,
And dreed of death doth her so moche wo, 2685
That thryes doun she fil in swiche a were.
She rist her up, and stakereth heer and there,
And on her handes faste loketh she.
'Allas! and shul my handes blody be?
I am a maid, and, as by my nature, 2690
And by my semblant and by my vesture, (130)
Myn handes been nat shapen for a knyf,
As for to reve no man fro his lyf.
What devil have I with the knyf to do?
And shal I have my throte corve a-two? 2695
Than shal I blede, allas! and me beshende;
And nedes cost this thing mot have an ende;
Or he or I mot nedes lese our lyf.
Now certes,' quod she, 'sin I am his wyf,
And hath my feith, yit is it bet for me 2700
For to be deed in wyfly honestee (140)
Than be a traitour living in my shame.
Be as be may, for ernest or for game,
He shal awake, and ryse and go his way
Page 285
Out at this goter, or that hit be day!'— 2705
And weep ful tenderly upon his face,
And in her armes gan him to embrace,
And him she roggeth and awaketh softe;
And at the window leep he fro the lofte
Whan she hath warned him, and doon him bote. 2710
This Lino swifte was, and light of fote, (150)
And from his wyf he ran a ful good pas.
This sely woman is so wayk, allas!
And helples so, that, or that she fer wente,
Her cruel fader dide her for to hente. 2715
Allas! Lino! why art thou so unkinde?
Why ne haddest thou remembred in thy minde
To taken her, and lad her forth with thee?
For, whan she saw that goon awey was he,
And that she mighte nat so faste go, 2720
Ne folwen him, she sette her doun right tho, (160)
Til she was caught and fetered in prisoun.
This tale is seid for this conclusioun....
[Unfinished.]
2563. C. clepid; rest called. 2571. F. B. in; rest of. 2574. F. B. hyt (for her).
2577. C. T. thewis goode I-born. 2578. Tn. B. goddesse (!); F. goddesses (!).
2581. C. mot; rest moste (muste, most). 2582. F. B. Pitouse (fem.); C.
Pyetous; Tn. T. Piteous. Th. sadde (fem.?); rest sad. C. T. and; rest om.
2590. C. beraft. 2592. Th. And what; C. T. That what; F. Tn. B. And; I
propose What. 2597. C. F. Tn. B. To; T. Ryght; Th. Two. 2598. C. for; rest
om. 2599. C. T. As; rest And. 2600. Th. Of (for To); without authority.
2601. C. Al thow; rest And thogh (less clearly). 2603. T. C. Th. lyked; rest
lyketh. 2606. F. Tn. B. witterly; rest vttyrly. 2615. F. Tn. B. om. of soun.
2619. F. Tn. B. om. right. 2620. F. Tn. Th. B. that (for the). 2624. F. Tn. Th.
B. om. he. 2625. F. Tn. Th. B. voided was. F. B. om. hem. 2627. F. om. after.
2629. F. om. 1st that. 2632. C. myn; T. A. ins. my before doghter; rest om.
2633. F. Tn. Th. B. om. I. T. say; A. seye; rest seyth. 2637. C. A., I; rest om.
2640. C. A. as in this; T. now on thys; F. Tn. Th. B. as seyn these. 2643. C.
And weep ful tenderly upon his face,
And in her armes gan him to embrace,
And him she roggeth and awaketh softe;
And at the window leep he fro the lofte
Whan she hath warned him, and doon him bote. 2710
This Lino swifte was, and light of fote, (150)
And from his wyf he ran a ful good pas.
This sely woman is so wayk, allas!
And helples so, that, or that she fer wente,
Her cruel fader dide her for to hente. 2715
Allas! Lino! why art thou so unkinde?
Why ne haddest thou remembred in thy minde
To taken her, and lad her forth with thee?
For, whan she saw that goon awey was he,
And that she mighte nat so faste go, 2720
Ne folwen him, she sette her doun right tho, (160)
Til she was caught and fetered in prisoun.
This tale is seid for this conclusioun....
[Unfinished.]
2563. C. clepid; rest called. 2571. F. B. in; rest of. 2574. F. B. hyt (for her).
2577. C. T. thewis goode I-born. 2578. Tn. B. goddesse (!); F. goddesses (!).
2581. C. mot; rest moste (muste, most). 2582. F. B. Pitouse (fem.); C.
Pyetous; Tn. T. Piteous. Th. sadde (fem.?); rest sad. C. T. and; rest om.
2590. C. beraft. 2592. Th. And what; C. T. That what; F. Tn. B. And; I
propose What. 2597. C. F. Tn. B. To; T. Ryght; Th. Two. 2598. C. for; rest
om. 2599. C. T. As; rest And. 2600. Th. Of (for To); without authority.
2601. C. Al thow; rest And thogh (less clearly). 2603. T. C. Th. lyked; rest
lyketh. 2606. F. Tn. B. witterly; rest vttyrly. 2615. F. Tn. B. om. of soun.
2619. F. Tn. B. om. right. 2620. F. Tn. Th. B. that (for the). 2624. F. Tn. Th.
B. om. he. 2625. F. Tn. Th. B. voided was. F. B. om. hem. 2627. F. om. after.
2629. F. om. 1st that. 2632. C. myn; T. A. ins. my before doghter; rest om.
2633. F. Tn. Th. B. om. I. T. say; A. seye; rest seyth. 2637. C. A., I; rest om.
2640. C. A. as in this; T. now on thys; F. Tn. Th. B. as seyn these. 2643. C.
Page 286
nescapist; Tn. Th. B. ne scapest; F. ne schapest (!). 2652. F. Tn. Th. B. be to
me. 2655. Tn. Th. y-sene; rest sene. 2656. Tn. y-goo; A. ygo; rest goo (go).
2661. F. make; rest haue. 2666. So C. T. A. (but with costret for costrel); rest
And with-al a costrel taketh he tho (badly). 2667. F. Tn. Th. B. om. or three
(leaving the line too short). 2668. A. to; rest om. 2670. F. B. Martotikes (for
narcotikes). T. A. opies; C. opijs; Th. apies; F. Tn. B. Epies (for opies).
2671. F. Tn. Th. B. ins. to before longe. 2674. F. Tn. Th. B. om. is. 2676. F.
B. beth. T. sone byn; rest om. sone. C. a (for to). 2682. F. hushst (for husht);
Th. hushte; C. A. hust; Tn. houste. 2684. F. Tn. B. streyneth hir; Th.
strayned her; C. T. hire streynyth; A. hir stryngith. 2686. F. Th. B. swich
(suche) a were; Tn. suche awere; C. this awer; A. this awere; T. that were.
2689. F. Tn. Th. B. om. and. 2696. F. Tn. Th. B. om. me. 2697. F. B. (only)
Or for And. 2709. C. T. A. at a (for at the). 2712. So T. A.; C. from his wif
ran; rest from her ran. 2714. C. A. or that; rest om. that. C. forth (for fer).
2717. C. T. haddist; rest hast. 2718. C. T. To; rest And. 2721. Addit (12524),
sette hyr; C. set hire; T. A. sat hyr; rest sate (om. her). 2722. F. Tn. Th. And
til (for Til); B. And then.
me. 2655. Tn. Th. y-sene; rest sene. 2656. Tn. y-goo; A. ygo; rest goo (go).
2661. F. make; rest haue. 2666. So C. T. A. (but with costret for costrel); rest
And with-al a costrel taketh he tho (badly). 2667. F. Tn. Th. B. om. or three
(leaving the line too short). 2668. A. to; rest om. 2670. F. B. Martotikes (for
narcotikes). T. A. opies; C. opijs; Th. apies; F. Tn. B. Epies (for opies).
2671. F. Tn. Th. B. ins. to before longe. 2674. F. Tn. Th. B. om. is. 2676. F.
B. beth. T. sone byn; rest om. sone. C. a (for to). 2682. F. hushst (for husht);
Th. hushte; C. A. hust; Tn. houste. 2684. F. Tn. B. streyneth hir; Th.
strayned her; C. T. hire streynyth; A. hir stryngith. 2686. F. Th. B. swich
(suche) a were; Tn. suche awere; C. this awer; A. this awere; T. that were.
2689. F. Tn. Th. B. om. and. 2696. F. Tn. Th. B. om. me. 2697. F. B. (only)
Or for And. 2709. C. T. A. at a (for at the). 2712. So T. A.; C. from his wif
ran; rest from her ran. 2714. C. A. or that; rest om. that. C. forth (for fer).
2717. C. T. haddist; rest hast. 2718. C. T. To; rest And. 2721. Addit (12524),
sette hyr; C. set hire; T. A. sat hyr; rest sate (om. her). 2722. F. Tn. Th. And
til (for Til); B. And then.
Page 287
A TREATISE ON THE ASTROLABE.
Page 288
PROLOGUE.
Litell Lowis my sone, I have perceived wel by certeyne
evidences thyn abilite to lerne sciencez touchinge noumbres
and proporciouns; and as wel considere I thy bisy preyere in
special to lerne the Tretis of the Astrolabie. Than, for as mechel
as a philosofre seith, 'he wrappeth him in his frend, that condescendeth 5
to the rightful preyers of his frend,' ther-for have I
geven thee a suffisaunt Astrolabie as for oure orizonte, compowned
after the latitude of Oxenford; up-on which, by mediacion of this
litel tretis, I purpose to teche thee a certein nombre of conclusions
apertening to the same instrument. I seye a certein of conclusiouns, 10
for three causes. The furste cause is this: truste wel that alle the
conclusiouns that han ben founde, or elles possibly mighten be
founde in so noble an instrument as an Astrolabie, ben un-knowe
perfitly to any mortal man in this regioun, as I suppose. A-nother
cause is this; that sothly, in any tretis of the Astrolabie that I have 15
seyn, there ben some conclusions that wole nat in alle thinges
performen hir bihestes; and some of hem ben to harde to thy
tendre age of ten yeer to conseyve. This tretis, divided in fyve
parties, wole I shewe thee under ful lighte rewles and naked
wordes in English; for Latin ne canstow yit but smal, my lyte 20
sone. But natheles, suffyse to thee thise trewe conclusiouns in
English, as wel as suffyseth to thise noble clerkes Grekes thise same
conclusiouns in Greek, and to Arabiens in Arabik, and to Iewes in
Ebrew, and to the Latin folk in Latin; whiche Latin folk han hem
furst out of othre diverse langages, and writen in hir owne tonge, 25
that is to sein, in Latin. And god wot, that in alle thise langages,
and in many mo, han thise conclusiouns ben suffisantly lerned and
taught, and yit by diverse rewles, right as diverse pathes leden
diverse folk the righte wey to Rome. Now wol I prey meekly
every discret persone that redeth or hereth this litel tretis, to have 30
my rewde endyting for excused, and my superfluite of wordes, for
two causes. The firste cause is, for that curious endyting and hard
sentence is ful hevy atones for swich a child to lerne. And the
seconde cause is this, that sothly me semeth betre to wryten un-to
a child twyes a good sentence, than he for-gete it ones. And 35
Lowis, yif so be that I shewe thee in my lighte English as trewe
conclusiouns touching this matere, and naught only as trewe but
as many and as subtil conclusiouns as ben shewed in Latin in any
commune tretis of the Astrolabie, con me the more thank; and
Litell Lowis my sone, I have perceived wel by certeyne
evidences thyn abilite to lerne sciencez touchinge noumbres
and proporciouns; and as wel considere I thy bisy preyere in
special to lerne the Tretis of the Astrolabie. Than, for as mechel
as a philosofre seith, 'he wrappeth him in his frend, that condescendeth 5
to the rightful preyers of his frend,' ther-for have I
geven thee a suffisaunt Astrolabie as for oure orizonte, compowned
after the latitude of Oxenford; up-on which, by mediacion of this
litel tretis, I purpose to teche thee a certein nombre of conclusions
apertening to the same instrument. I seye a certein of conclusiouns, 10
for three causes. The furste cause is this: truste wel that alle the
conclusiouns that han ben founde, or elles possibly mighten be
founde in so noble an instrument as an Astrolabie, ben un-knowe
perfitly to any mortal man in this regioun, as I suppose. A-nother
cause is this; that sothly, in any tretis of the Astrolabie that I have 15
seyn, there ben some conclusions that wole nat in alle thinges
performen hir bihestes; and some of hem ben to harde to thy
tendre age of ten yeer to conseyve. This tretis, divided in fyve
parties, wole I shewe thee under ful lighte rewles and naked
wordes in English; for Latin ne canstow yit but smal, my lyte 20
sone. But natheles, suffyse to thee thise trewe conclusiouns in
English, as wel as suffyseth to thise noble clerkes Grekes thise same
conclusiouns in Greek, and to Arabiens in Arabik, and to Iewes in
Ebrew, and to the Latin folk in Latin; whiche Latin folk han hem
furst out of othre diverse langages, and writen in hir owne tonge, 25
that is to sein, in Latin. And god wot, that in alle thise langages,
and in many mo, han thise conclusiouns ben suffisantly lerned and
taught, and yit by diverse rewles, right as diverse pathes leden
diverse folk the righte wey to Rome. Now wol I prey meekly
every discret persone that redeth or hereth this litel tretis, to have 30
my rewde endyting for excused, and my superfluite of wordes, for
two causes. The firste cause is, for that curious endyting and hard
sentence is ful hevy atones for swich a child to lerne. And the
seconde cause is this, that sothly me semeth betre to wryten un-to
a child twyes a good sentence, than he for-gete it ones. And 35
Lowis, yif so be that I shewe thee in my lighte English as trewe
conclusiouns touching this matere, and naught only as trewe but
as many and as subtil conclusiouns as ben shewed in Latin in any
commune tretis of the Astrolabie, con me the more thank; and
Page 289
preye god save the king, that is lord of this langage, and alle that 40
him feyth bereth and obeyeth, everech in his degree, the more and
the lasse. But considere wel, that I ne usurpe nat to have founde
this werk of my labour or of myn engin. I nam but a lewd compilatour
of the labour of olde Astrologiens, and have hit translated
in myn English only for thy doctrine; and with this swerd shal I 45
sleen envye.
I. The firste partie of this tretis shal reherse the figures and the
membres of thyn Astrolabie, bi-cause that thou shalt han the
grettre knowing of thyn owne instrument.
II. The second partie shal teche thee werken the verrey 50
practik of the forseide conclusiouns, as ferforth and as narwe
as may be shewed in so smal an instrument portatif aboute.
For wel wot every astrologien that smalest fraccions ne wol
nat ben shewed in so smal an instrument, as in subtil tables
calculed for a cause. 55
III. The thridde partie shal contienen diverse tables of
longitudes and latitudes of sterres fixe for the Astrolabie, and
tables of declinacions of the sonne, and tables of longitudes
of citeez and of townes; and as wel for the governance of a
clokke as for to finde the altitude meridian; and many another 60
notable conclusioun, after the kalendres of the reverent clerkes,
frere I. Somer and frere N. Lenne.
IV. The ferthe partie shal ben a theorik to declare the
moevinge of the celestial bodies with the causes. The whiche
ferthe partie in special shal shewen a table of the verray 65
moeving of the mone from houre to houre, every day and in
every signe, after thyn almenak; upon which table ther folwith
a canon, suffisant to teche as wel the maner of the wyrking of
that same conclusioun, as to knowe in oure orizonte with which
degree of the zodiac that the mone ariseth in any latitude; 70
and the arising of any planete after his latitude fro the ecliptik
lyne.
V. The fifte partie shal ben an introductorie after the statutz
of oure doctours, in which thou maist lerne a gret part of the
general rewles of theorik in astrologie. In which fifte partie 75
shaltow finde tables of equacions of houses aftur the latitude of
Oxenford; and tables of dignetes of planetes, and other noteful
him feyth bereth and obeyeth, everech in his degree, the more and
the lasse. But considere wel, that I ne usurpe nat to have founde
this werk of my labour or of myn engin. I nam but a lewd compilatour
of the labour of olde Astrologiens, and have hit translated
in myn English only for thy doctrine; and with this swerd shal I 45
sleen envye.
I. The firste partie of this tretis shal reherse the figures and the
membres of thyn Astrolabie, bi-cause that thou shalt han the
grettre knowing of thyn owne instrument.
II. The second partie shal teche thee werken the verrey 50
practik of the forseide conclusiouns, as ferforth and as narwe
as may be shewed in so smal an instrument portatif aboute.
For wel wot every astrologien that smalest fraccions ne wol
nat ben shewed in so smal an instrument, as in subtil tables
calculed for a cause. 55
III. The thridde partie shal contienen diverse tables of
longitudes and latitudes of sterres fixe for the Astrolabie, and
tables of declinacions of the sonne, and tables of longitudes
of citeez and of townes; and as wel for the governance of a
clokke as for to finde the altitude meridian; and many another 60
notable conclusioun, after the kalendres of the reverent clerkes,
frere I. Somer and frere N. Lenne.
IV. The ferthe partie shal ben a theorik to declare the
moevinge of the celestial bodies with the causes. The whiche
ferthe partie in special shal shewen a table of the verray 65
moeving of the mone from houre to houre, every day and in
every signe, after thyn almenak; upon which table ther folwith
a canon, suffisant to teche as wel the maner of the wyrking of
that same conclusioun, as to knowe in oure orizonte with which
degree of the zodiac that the mone ariseth in any latitude; 70
and the arising of any planete after his latitude fro the ecliptik
lyne.
V. The fifte partie shal ben an introductorie after the statutz
of oure doctours, in which thou maist lerne a gret part of the
general rewles of theorik in astrologie. In which fifte partie 75
shaltow finde tables of equacions of houses aftur the latitude of
Oxenford; and tables of dignetes of planetes, and other noteful
Page 290
thinges, yif god wol vouche-sauf and his modur the mayde, mo
than I be-hete, &c.
than I be-hete, &c.
Page 291
PART I.
Here biginneth the descripcion of the Astrolabie.
1. Thyn Astrolabie hath a ring to putten on the thoumbe of
thy right hand in taking the heighte of thinges. And tak keep, for
from hennes-forthward, I wol clepe the heighte of any thing that
is taken by thy rewle, the altitude, with-oute mo wordes.
2. This ring renneth in a maner turet, fast to the moder of
thyn Astrolabie, in so rowm a space that hit desturbeth nat the
instrument to hangen after his righte centre.
3. The Moder of thyn Astrolabie is the thikkeste plate, perced
with a large hole, that resseyveth in hir wombe the thinne plates
compowned for diverse clymatz, and thy riet shapen in manere
of a net or of a webbe of a loppe; and for the more declaracioun,
lo here the figure. 5
4. This moder is devyded on the bak-half with a lyne, that
cometh dessendinge fro the ring down to the nethereste bordure.
The whiche lyne, fro the for-seide ring un-to the centre of the
large hole amidde, is cleped the south lyne, or elles the lyne
meridional. And the remenant of this lyne downe to the bordure 5
is cleped the north lyne, or elles the lyne of midnight. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
5. Over-thwart this for-seide longe lyne, ther crosseth him
another lyne of the same lengthe from est to west. Of the
whiche lyne, from a litel croys + in the bordure un-to the centre
of the large hole, is cleped the Est lyne, or elles the lyne Orientale;
and the remenant of this lyne fro the forseide + un-to the bordure, 5
is cleped the West lyne, or the lyne Occidentale. Now hastow
here the foure quarters of thin Astrolabie, devyded after the foure
principals plages or quarters of the firmament. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
6. The est side of thyn Astrolabie is cleped the right side, and
the west side is cleped the left side. Forget nat this, litel Lowis.
Put the ring of thyn Astrolabie upon the thoumbe of thy right
hand, and thanne wole his right syde be toward thy left syde, and
his left syde wol be toward thy right syde; tak this rewle general, 5
Here biginneth the descripcion of the Astrolabie.
1. Thyn Astrolabie hath a ring to putten on the thoumbe of
thy right hand in taking the heighte of thinges. And tak keep, for
from hennes-forthward, I wol clepe the heighte of any thing that
is taken by thy rewle, the altitude, with-oute mo wordes.
2. This ring renneth in a maner turet, fast to the moder of
thyn Astrolabie, in so rowm a space that hit desturbeth nat the
instrument to hangen after his righte centre.
3. The Moder of thyn Astrolabie is the thikkeste plate, perced
with a large hole, that resseyveth in hir wombe the thinne plates
compowned for diverse clymatz, and thy riet shapen in manere
of a net or of a webbe of a loppe; and for the more declaracioun,
lo here the figure. 5
4. This moder is devyded on the bak-half with a lyne, that
cometh dessendinge fro the ring down to the nethereste bordure.
The whiche lyne, fro the for-seide ring un-to the centre of the
large hole amidde, is cleped the south lyne, or elles the lyne
meridional. And the remenant of this lyne downe to the bordure 5
is cleped the north lyne, or elles the lyne of midnight. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
5. Over-thwart this for-seide longe lyne, ther crosseth him
another lyne of the same lengthe from est to west. Of the
whiche lyne, from a litel croys + in the bordure un-to the centre
of the large hole, is cleped the Est lyne, or elles the lyne Orientale;
and the remenant of this lyne fro the forseide + un-to the bordure, 5
is cleped the West lyne, or the lyne Occidentale. Now hastow
here the foure quarters of thin Astrolabie, devyded after the foure
principals plages or quarters of the firmament. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
6. The est side of thyn Astrolabie is cleped the right side, and
the west side is cleped the left side. Forget nat this, litel Lowis.
Put the ring of thyn Astrolabie upon the thoumbe of thy right
hand, and thanne wole his right syde be toward thy left syde, and
his left syde wol be toward thy right syde; tak this rewle general, 5
Page 292
as wel on the bak as on the wombe-side. Upon the ende of this
est lyne, as I first seide, is marked a litel +, wher-as evere-mo
generaly is considered the entring of the first degree in which the
sonne aryseth. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the
figure. 10
7. Fro this litel + up to the ende of the lyne meridional, under
the ring, shaltow finden the bordure devyded with 90 degrees;
and by that same proporcioun is every quarter of thin Astrolabie
devyded. Over the whiche degrees ther ben noumbres of augrim,
that devyden thilke same degrees fro fyve to fyve, as sheweth by 5
longe strykes by-twene. Of whiche longe strykes the space by-twene
contienith a mile-wey. And every degree of the bordure
contieneth foure minutes, that is to seyn, minutes of an houre.
And for more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
8. Under the compas of thilke degrees ben writen the names of
the Twelve Signes, as Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo, Virgo,
Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius, Capricornus, Aquarius, Pisces; and
the nombres of the degrees of tho signes ben writen in augrim
above, and with longe devisiouns, fro fyve to fyve; devyded fro 5
tyme that the signe entreth un-to the laste ende. But understond
wel, that thise degrees of signes ben everich of hem considered
of 60 minutes, and every minute of 60 secondes, and so
forth in-to smale fraccions infinit, as seith Alkabucius. And
ther-for, know wel, that a degree of the bordure contieneth foure 10
minutes, and a degree of a signe contieneth 60 minutes, and
have this in minde. And for the more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure.
9. Next this folweth the Cercle of the Dayes, that ben figured
in maner of degrees, that contienen in noumbre 365; divyded
also with longe strykes fro fyve to fyve, and the nombres in
augrim writen under that cercle. And for more declaracioun, lo
here thy figure.
10. Next the Cercle of the Dayes, folweth the Cercle of the
names of the Monthes; that is to seyen, Ianuare, Februare,
Marcius, Aprile, Mayus, Iuin, Iulius, Augustus, Septembre,
October, Novembre, Decembre. The names of thise monthes
were cleped in Arabiens, somme for hir propretees, and some by 5
statutz of lordes, some by other lordes of Rome. Eek of thise
monthes, as lyked to Iulius Cesar and to Cesar Augustus, some
est lyne, as I first seide, is marked a litel +, wher-as evere-mo
generaly is considered the entring of the first degree in which the
sonne aryseth. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the
figure. 10
7. Fro this litel + up to the ende of the lyne meridional, under
the ring, shaltow finden the bordure devyded with 90 degrees;
and by that same proporcioun is every quarter of thin Astrolabie
devyded. Over the whiche degrees ther ben noumbres of augrim,
that devyden thilke same degrees fro fyve to fyve, as sheweth by 5
longe strykes by-twene. Of whiche longe strykes the space by-twene
contienith a mile-wey. And every degree of the bordure
contieneth foure minutes, that is to seyn, minutes of an houre.
And for more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
8. Under the compas of thilke degrees ben writen the names of
the Twelve Signes, as Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo, Virgo,
Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius, Capricornus, Aquarius, Pisces; and
the nombres of the degrees of tho signes ben writen in augrim
above, and with longe devisiouns, fro fyve to fyve; devyded fro 5
tyme that the signe entreth un-to the laste ende. But understond
wel, that thise degrees of signes ben everich of hem considered
of 60 minutes, and every minute of 60 secondes, and so
forth in-to smale fraccions infinit, as seith Alkabucius. And
ther-for, know wel, that a degree of the bordure contieneth foure 10
minutes, and a degree of a signe contieneth 60 minutes, and
have this in minde. And for the more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure.
9. Next this folweth the Cercle of the Dayes, that ben figured
in maner of degrees, that contienen in noumbre 365; divyded
also with longe strykes fro fyve to fyve, and the nombres in
augrim writen under that cercle. And for more declaracioun, lo
here thy figure.
10. Next the Cercle of the Dayes, folweth the Cercle of the
names of the Monthes; that is to seyen, Ianuare, Februare,
Marcius, Aprile, Mayus, Iuin, Iulius, Augustus, Septembre,
October, Novembre, Decembre. The names of thise monthes
were cleped in Arabiens, somme for hir propretees, and some by 5
statutz of lordes, some by other lordes of Rome. Eek of thise
monthes, as lyked to Iulius Cesar and to Cesar Augustus, some
Page 293
were compowned of diverse nombres of dayes, as Iuil and
August. Thanne hath Ianuare 31 dayes, Februare 28, March
31, Aprille 30, May 31, Iunius 30, Iulius 31, Augustus 31, 10
September 30, Octobre 31, Novembre 30, December 31.
Natheles, al-though that Iulius Cesar took 2 dayes out of Feverer
and put hem in his moneth of Iuille, and Augustus Cesar cleped
the moneth of August after his name, and ordeyned it of 31 dayes,
yit truste wel, that the sonne dwelleth ther-for nevere the more ne 15
lesse in oon signe than in another.
11. Than folwen the names of the Halidayes in the Kalender,
and next hem the lettres of the Abc. on which they fallen. And
for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
12. Next the forseide Cercle of the Abc., under the cros-lyne,
is marked the scale, in maner of two squyres, or elles in manere
of laddres, that serveth by hise 12 poyntes and his devisiouns of
ful many a subtil conclusioun. Of this forseide scale, fro the
croos-lyne un-to the verre angle, is cleped umbra versa, and the 5
nether partie is cleped the umbra recta, or elles umbra extensa.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
13. Thanne hastow a brood Rewle, that hath on either ende a
square plate perced with a certein holes, some more and some
lesse, to resseyven the stremes of the sonne by day, and eek
by mediacioun of thyn eye, to knowe the altitude of sterres by
nighte. And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 5
14. Thanne is ther a large Pyn, in maner of an extree, that
goth thorow the hole that halt the tables of the clymates and the
riet in the wombe of the Moder, thorw which Pyn ther goth a
litel wegge which that is cleped 'the hors,' that streyneth alle
thise parties to-hepe; this forseide grete Pyn, in maner of an 5
extree, is imagined to be the Pol Artik in thyn Astrolabie.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
15. The wombe-side of thyn Astrolabie is also devyded with a
longe croys in foure quarters from est to west, fro south to north,
fro right syde to left syde, as is the bak-syde. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
16. The bordure of which wombe-side is devyded fro the poynt
of the est lyne un-to the poynt of the south lyne under the ring,
August. Thanne hath Ianuare 31 dayes, Februare 28, March
31, Aprille 30, May 31, Iunius 30, Iulius 31, Augustus 31, 10
September 30, Octobre 31, Novembre 30, December 31.
Natheles, al-though that Iulius Cesar took 2 dayes out of Feverer
and put hem in his moneth of Iuille, and Augustus Cesar cleped
the moneth of August after his name, and ordeyned it of 31 dayes,
yit truste wel, that the sonne dwelleth ther-for nevere the more ne 15
lesse in oon signe than in another.
11. Than folwen the names of the Halidayes in the Kalender,
and next hem the lettres of the Abc. on which they fallen. And
for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
12. Next the forseide Cercle of the Abc., under the cros-lyne,
is marked the scale, in maner of two squyres, or elles in manere
of laddres, that serveth by hise 12 poyntes and his devisiouns of
ful many a subtil conclusioun. Of this forseide scale, fro the
croos-lyne un-to the verre angle, is cleped umbra versa, and the 5
nether partie is cleped the umbra recta, or elles umbra extensa.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
13. Thanne hastow a brood Rewle, that hath on either ende a
square plate perced with a certein holes, some more and some
lesse, to resseyven the stremes of the sonne by day, and eek
by mediacioun of thyn eye, to knowe the altitude of sterres by
nighte. And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 5
14. Thanne is ther a large Pyn, in maner of an extree, that
goth thorow the hole that halt the tables of the clymates and the
riet in the wombe of the Moder, thorw which Pyn ther goth a
litel wegge which that is cleped 'the hors,' that streyneth alle
thise parties to-hepe; this forseide grete Pyn, in maner of an 5
extree, is imagined to be the Pol Artik in thyn Astrolabie.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
15. The wombe-side of thyn Astrolabie is also devyded with a
longe croys in foure quarters from est to west, fro south to north,
fro right syde to left syde, as is the bak-syde. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
16. The bordure of which wombe-side is devyded fro the poynt
of the est lyne un-to the poynt of the south lyne under the ring,
Page 294
in 90 degres; and by that same proporcioun is every quarter
devyded as is the bak-syde, that amonteth 360 degrees. And
understond wel, that degrees of this bordure ben answering and 5
consentrik to the degrees of the Equinoxial, that is devyded in
the same nombre as every othere cercle is in the heye hevene.
This same bordure is devyded also with 23 lettres capitals and a
smal croys + above the south lyne, that sheweth the 24 houres
equals of the clokke; and, as I have said, 5 of thise degrees 10
maken a mile-wey, and 3 mile-wey maken an houre. And every
degree of this bordure conteneth 4 minutes, and every minut 60
secoundes; now have I told thee twye. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here the figure.
17. The plate under thy riet is descryved with 3 principal
cercles; of which the leste is cleped the cercle of Cancer, by-cause
that the heved of Cancer turneth evermor consentrik up-on
the same cercle. In this heved of Cancer is the grettest declinacioun
northward of the sonne. And ther-for is he cleped the 5
Solsticioun of Somer; whiche declinacioun, aftur Ptholome, is 23
degrees and 50 minutes, as wel in Cancer as in Capricorne. This
signe of Cancre is cleped the Tropik of Somer, of tropos, that is
to seyn 'agaynward'; for thanne by-ginneth the sonne to passe
fro us-ward. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure. 10
The middel cercle in wydnesse, of thise 3, is cleped the Cercle
Equinoxial; up-on whiche turneth evermo the hedes of Aries and
Libra. And understond wel, that evermo this Cercle Equinoxial
turneth iustly fro verrey est to verrey west; as I have shewed thee
in the spere solide. This same cercle is cleped also the Weyere, 15
equator, of the day; for whan the sonne is in the hevedes of
Aries and Libra, than ben the dayes and the nightes ilyke of
lengthe in al the world. And ther-fore ben thise two signes
called the Equinoxies. And alle that moeveth with-in the
hevedes of thise Aries and Libra, his moeving is cleped northward;
and alle that moeveth with-oute thise hevedes, his moeving
is cleped south-ward as fro the equinoxial. Tak keep of thise
latitudes north and sowth, and forget it nat. By this Cercle
Equinoxial ben considered the 24 houres of the clokke; for
everemo the arysing of 15 degrees of the equinoxial maketh an 25
houre equal of the clokke. This equinoxial is cleped the girdel
of the firste moeving, or elles of the angulus primi motus vel
primi mobilis. And nota, that firste moeving is cleped 'moeving'
of the firste moevable of the 8 spere, whiche moeving is fro est to
devyded as is the bak-syde, that amonteth 360 degrees. And
understond wel, that degrees of this bordure ben answering and 5
consentrik to the degrees of the Equinoxial, that is devyded in
the same nombre as every othere cercle is in the heye hevene.
This same bordure is devyded also with 23 lettres capitals and a
smal croys + above the south lyne, that sheweth the 24 houres
equals of the clokke; and, as I have said, 5 of thise degrees 10
maken a mile-wey, and 3 mile-wey maken an houre. And every
degree of this bordure conteneth 4 minutes, and every minut 60
secoundes; now have I told thee twye. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here the figure.
17. The plate under thy riet is descryved with 3 principal
cercles; of which the leste is cleped the cercle of Cancer, by-cause
that the heved of Cancer turneth evermor consentrik up-on
the same cercle. In this heved of Cancer is the grettest declinacioun
northward of the sonne. And ther-for is he cleped the 5
Solsticioun of Somer; whiche declinacioun, aftur Ptholome, is 23
degrees and 50 minutes, as wel in Cancer as in Capricorne. This
signe of Cancre is cleped the Tropik of Somer, of tropos, that is
to seyn 'agaynward'; for thanne by-ginneth the sonne to passe
fro us-ward. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure. 10
The middel cercle in wydnesse, of thise 3, is cleped the Cercle
Equinoxial; up-on whiche turneth evermo the hedes of Aries and
Libra. And understond wel, that evermo this Cercle Equinoxial
turneth iustly fro verrey est to verrey west; as I have shewed thee
in the spere solide. This same cercle is cleped also the Weyere, 15
equator, of the day; for whan the sonne is in the hevedes of
Aries and Libra, than ben the dayes and the nightes ilyke of
lengthe in al the world. And ther-fore ben thise two signes
called the Equinoxies. And alle that moeveth with-in the
hevedes of thise Aries and Libra, his moeving is cleped northward;
and alle that moeveth with-oute thise hevedes, his moeving
is cleped south-ward as fro the equinoxial. Tak keep of thise
latitudes north and sowth, and forget it nat. By this Cercle
Equinoxial ben considered the 24 houres of the clokke; for
everemo the arysing of 15 degrees of the equinoxial maketh an 25
houre equal of the clokke. This equinoxial is cleped the girdel
of the firste moeving, or elles of the angulus primi motus vel
primi mobilis. And nota, that firste moeving is cleped 'moeving'
of the firste moevable of the 8 spere, whiche moeving is fro est to
Page 295
west, and eft agayn in-to est; also it is clepid 'girdel' of the first 30
moeving, for it departeth the firste moevable, that is to seyn, the
spere, in two ilyke parties, evene-distantz fro the poles of this
world.
The wydeste of thise three principal cercles is cleped the
Cercle of Capricorne, by-cause that the heved of Capricorne 35
turneth evermo consentrik up-on the same cercle. In the heved
of this for-seide Capricorne is the grettest declinacioun southward
of the sonne, and ther-for is it cleped the Solsticioun of Winter.
This signe of Capricorne is also cleped the Tropik of Winter, for
thanne byginneth the sonne to come agayn to us-ward. And for 40
the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
18. Upon this forseide plate ben compassed certein cercles
that highten Almicanteras, of which som of hem semen perfit
cercles, and somme semen inperfit. The centre that standith
a-middes the narwest cercle is cleped the Senith; and the
netherest cercle, or the firste cercle, is clepid the Orisonte, that 5
is to seyn, the cercle that devydeth the two emisperies, that is,
the partie of the hevene a-bove the erthe and the partie be-nethe.
Thise Almicanteras ben compowned by two and two, al-be-it so
that on divers Astrolabies some Almicanteras ben devyded by oon,
and some by two, and somme by three, after the quantite of the 10
Astrolabie. This forseide senith is imagened to ben the verrey
point over the crowne of thyn heved; and also this senith is the
verrey pool of the orisonte in every regioun. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
19. From this senith, as it semeth, ther come a maner crokede
strykes lyke to the clawes of a loppe, or elles like to the werk of a
womanes calle, in kerving overthwart the Almikanteras. And
thise same strykes or divisiouns ben cleped Azimuthz. And they
devyden the orisonte of thyn Astrolabie in four and twenty 5
devisiouns. And thise Azimutz serven to knowe the costes of the
firmament, and to othre conclusiouns, as for to knowe the cenith
of the sonne and of every sterre. And for more declaracioun, lo
here thy figure.
20. Next thise azimutz, under the Cercle of Cancer, ben ther
twelve devisiouns embelif, moche like to the shap of the azimutes,
that shewen the spaces of the houres of planetes; and for more
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
moeving, for it departeth the firste moevable, that is to seyn, the
spere, in two ilyke parties, evene-distantz fro the poles of this
world.
The wydeste of thise three principal cercles is cleped the
Cercle of Capricorne, by-cause that the heved of Capricorne 35
turneth evermo consentrik up-on the same cercle. In the heved
of this for-seide Capricorne is the grettest declinacioun southward
of the sonne, and ther-for is it cleped the Solsticioun of Winter.
This signe of Capricorne is also cleped the Tropik of Winter, for
thanne byginneth the sonne to come agayn to us-ward. And for 40
the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
18. Upon this forseide plate ben compassed certein cercles
that highten Almicanteras, of which som of hem semen perfit
cercles, and somme semen inperfit. The centre that standith
a-middes the narwest cercle is cleped the Senith; and the
netherest cercle, or the firste cercle, is clepid the Orisonte, that 5
is to seyn, the cercle that devydeth the two emisperies, that is,
the partie of the hevene a-bove the erthe and the partie be-nethe.
Thise Almicanteras ben compowned by two and two, al-be-it so
that on divers Astrolabies some Almicanteras ben devyded by oon,
and some by two, and somme by three, after the quantite of the 10
Astrolabie. This forseide senith is imagened to ben the verrey
point over the crowne of thyn heved; and also this senith is the
verrey pool of the orisonte in every regioun. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
19. From this senith, as it semeth, ther come a maner crokede
strykes lyke to the clawes of a loppe, or elles like to the werk of a
womanes calle, in kerving overthwart the Almikanteras. And
thise same strykes or divisiouns ben cleped Azimuthz. And they
devyden the orisonte of thyn Astrolabie in four and twenty 5
devisiouns. And thise Azimutz serven to knowe the costes of the
firmament, and to othre conclusiouns, as for to knowe the cenith
of the sonne and of every sterre. And for more declaracioun, lo
here thy figure.
20. Next thise azimutz, under the Cercle of Cancer, ben ther
twelve devisiouns embelif, moche like to the shap of the azimutes,
that shewen the spaces of the houres of planetes; and for more
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
Page 296
21. The Riet of thyn Astrolabie with thy zodiak, shapen in
maner of a net or of a loppe-webbe after the olde descripcioun,
which thow mayst tornen up and doun as thy-self lyketh, conteneth
certein nombre of sterres fixes, with hir longitudes and latitudes
determinat; yif so be that the makere have nat erred. The names 5
of the sterres ben writen in the margin of the riet ther as they sitte;
of whiche sterres the smale poynt is cleped the Centre. And
understond also that alle sterres sittinge with-in the zodiak of thyn
Astrolabie ben cleped 'sterres of the north,' for they arysen by
northe the est lyne. And alle the remenant fixed, out of the 10
zodiak, ben cleped 'sterres of the south;' but I sey nat that they
arysen alle by southe the est lyne; witnesse on Aldeberan and
Algomeysa. Generally understond this rewle, that thilke sterres
that ben cleped sterres of the north arysen rather than the degree
of hir longitude, and alle the sterres of the south arysen after the 15
degree of hir longitude; this is to seyn, sterres fixed in thyn
Astrolabie. The mesure of this longitude of sterres is taken in the
lyne ecliptik of hevene, under which lyne, whan that the sonne
and the mone ben lyne-right or elles in the superfice of this lyne,
than is the eclips of the sonne or of the mone; as I shal declare, 20
and eek the cause why. But sothly the Ecliptik Lyne of thy
zodiak is the outtereste bordure of thy zodiak, ther the degrees ben
marked.
Thy Zodiak of thyn Astrolabie is shapen as a compas which that
conteneth a large brede, as after the quantite of thyn Astrolabie; 25
in ensample that the zodiak in hevene is imagened to ben a superfice
contening a latitude of twelve degrees, wheras al the remenant
of cercles in the hevene ben imagined verrey lynes with-oute eny
latitude. Amiddes this celestial zodiak ys imagined a lyne, which
that is cleped the Ecliptik Lyne, under which lyne is evermo the 30
wey of the sonne. Thus ben ther six degrees of the zodiak on
that on side of the lyne, and six degrees on that other. This
zodiak is devided in twelve principal devisiouns, that departen the
twelve signes. And, for the streitnes of thin Astrolabie, than is
every smal devisioun in a signe departid by two degrees and two; 35
I mene degrees contening sixty minutes. And this forseide
hevenissh zodiak is cleped the Cercle of the Signes, or the Cercle
of the Bestes; for zodia in langage of Greek sowneth 'bestes' in
Latin tonge; and in the zodiak ben the twelve signes that ban
names of bestes; or elles, for whan the sonne entreth in any of the 40
signes, he taketh the propretee of swich bestes; or elles, for that
maner of a net or of a loppe-webbe after the olde descripcioun,
which thow mayst tornen up and doun as thy-self lyketh, conteneth
certein nombre of sterres fixes, with hir longitudes and latitudes
determinat; yif so be that the makere have nat erred. The names 5
of the sterres ben writen in the margin of the riet ther as they sitte;
of whiche sterres the smale poynt is cleped the Centre. And
understond also that alle sterres sittinge with-in the zodiak of thyn
Astrolabie ben cleped 'sterres of the north,' for they arysen by
northe the est lyne. And alle the remenant fixed, out of the 10
zodiak, ben cleped 'sterres of the south;' but I sey nat that they
arysen alle by southe the est lyne; witnesse on Aldeberan and
Algomeysa. Generally understond this rewle, that thilke sterres
that ben cleped sterres of the north arysen rather than the degree
of hir longitude, and alle the sterres of the south arysen after the 15
degree of hir longitude; this is to seyn, sterres fixed in thyn
Astrolabie. The mesure of this longitude of sterres is taken in the
lyne ecliptik of hevene, under which lyne, whan that the sonne
and the mone ben lyne-right or elles in the superfice of this lyne,
than is the eclips of the sonne or of the mone; as I shal declare, 20
and eek the cause why. But sothly the Ecliptik Lyne of thy
zodiak is the outtereste bordure of thy zodiak, ther the degrees ben
marked.
Thy Zodiak of thyn Astrolabie is shapen as a compas which that
conteneth a large brede, as after the quantite of thyn Astrolabie; 25
in ensample that the zodiak in hevene is imagened to ben a superfice
contening a latitude of twelve degrees, wheras al the remenant
of cercles in the hevene ben imagined verrey lynes with-oute eny
latitude. Amiddes this celestial zodiak ys imagined a lyne, which
that is cleped the Ecliptik Lyne, under which lyne is evermo the 30
wey of the sonne. Thus ben ther six degrees of the zodiak on
that on side of the lyne, and six degrees on that other. This
zodiak is devided in twelve principal devisiouns, that departen the
twelve signes. And, for the streitnes of thin Astrolabie, than is
every smal devisioun in a signe departid by two degrees and two; 35
I mene degrees contening sixty minutes. And this forseide
hevenissh zodiak is cleped the Cercle of the Signes, or the Cercle
of the Bestes; for zodia in langage of Greek sowneth 'bestes' in
Latin tonge; and in the zodiak ben the twelve signes that ban
names of bestes; or elles, for whan the sonne entreth in any of the 40
signes, he taketh the propretee of swich bestes; or elles, for that
Page 297
the sterres that ben there fixed ben disposed in signes of bestes,
or shape like bestes; or elles, whan the planetes ben under thilke
signes, they causen us by hir influence operaciouns and effectes
lyk to the operaciouns of bestes. And understonde also, that whan 45
an hot planete cometh in-to an hot signe, than encresseth his hete;
and yif a planete be cold, thanne amenuseth his coldnesse, by-cause
of the hote signe. And by this conclusioun maystow take ensample
in alle the signes, be they moist or drye, or moeble or fix; rekening
the qualitee of the planete as I first seide. And everich of 50
thise twelve signes hath respecte to a certein parcelle of the body
of a man and hath it in governance; as Aries hath thyn heved, and
Taurus thy nekke and thy throte, Gemini thyn armholes and thyn
armes, and so forth; as shal be shewed more pleyn in the fifte
partie of this tretis. This zodiak, which that is part of the eighte 55
spere, over-kerveth the equinoxial; and he over-kerveth him again
in evene parties; and that on half declineth southward, and that
other northward, as pleynly declareth the tretis of the spere. And
for more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
22. Thanne hastow a label, that is schapen lyk a rewle, save that
it is streit and hath no plates on either ende with holes; but, with
the smale point of the forseide label, shallow calcule thyne
equaciouns in the bordure of thin Astrolabie, as by thyn almury.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 5
23. Thyn Almury is cleped the Denticle of Capricorne, or elles
the Calculer. This same Almury sit fix in the bed of Capricorne,
and it serveth of many a necessarie conclusioun in equaciouns of
thinges, as shal be shewed; and for the more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure. 5
Here endeth the descripcion of the Astrolabie.
or shape like bestes; or elles, whan the planetes ben under thilke
signes, they causen us by hir influence operaciouns and effectes
lyk to the operaciouns of bestes. And understonde also, that whan 45
an hot planete cometh in-to an hot signe, than encresseth his hete;
and yif a planete be cold, thanne amenuseth his coldnesse, by-cause
of the hote signe. And by this conclusioun maystow take ensample
in alle the signes, be they moist or drye, or moeble or fix; rekening
the qualitee of the planete as I first seide. And everich of 50
thise twelve signes hath respecte to a certein parcelle of the body
of a man and hath it in governance; as Aries hath thyn heved, and
Taurus thy nekke and thy throte, Gemini thyn armholes and thyn
armes, and so forth; as shal be shewed more pleyn in the fifte
partie of this tretis. This zodiak, which that is part of the eighte 55
spere, over-kerveth the equinoxial; and he over-kerveth him again
in evene parties; and that on half declineth southward, and that
other northward, as pleynly declareth the tretis of the spere. And
for more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
22. Thanne hastow a label, that is schapen lyk a rewle, save that
it is streit and hath no plates on either ende with holes; but, with
the smale point of the forseide label, shallow calcule thyne
equaciouns in the bordure of thin Astrolabie, as by thyn almury.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 5
23. Thyn Almury is cleped the Denticle of Capricorne, or elles
the Calculer. This same Almury sit fix in the bed of Capricorne,
and it serveth of many a necessarie conclusioun in equaciouns of
thinges, as shal be shewed; and for the more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure. 5
Here endeth the descripcion of the Astrolabie.
Page 298
PART II.
Here biginnen the Conclusions of the Astrolabie.
1. To fynde the degree in which the sonne is day by day, after hir cours a-boute.
[Hic incipiunt Conclusiones Astrolabii; et prima est ad inveniendum gradus solis
in quibus singulis diebus secundum cursum sol est existens.]
Rekene and knowe which is the day of thy monthe; and ley
thy rewle up that same day; and thanne wol the verray point of
thy rewle sitten in the bordure, up-on the degree of thy sonne.
Ensample as thus; the yeer of oure lord 1391, the 12 day of
March at midday, I wolde knowe the degree of the sonne. I 5
soughte in the bak-half of myn Astrolabie, and fond the cercle of
the dayes, the which I knowe by the names of the monthes writen
under the same cercle. Tho leide I my rewle over this forseide
day, and fond the point of my rewle in the bordure up-on the
firste degree of Aries, a litel with-in the degree; and thus knowe 10
I this conclusioun. Another day, I wolde knowe the degree of
my sonne, and this was at midday in the 13 day of Decembre; I
fond the day of the monthe in maner as I seide; tho leide I my
rewle up-on this forseide 13 day, and fond the point of my rewle
in the bordure up-on the first degree of Capricorne, a lite with-in 15
the degree; and than hadde I of this conclusioun the ful
experience. And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
2. To knowe the altitude of the sonne, or of othre celestial bodies.
[De altitudine solis et aliorum corporum supra celestium.]
Put the ring of thyn Astrolabie up-on thy right thoumbe, and
turne thy lift syde agayn the light of the sonne. And remeve
thy rewle up and doun, til that the stremes of the sonne shyne
thorgh bothe holes of thy rewle. Loke thanne how many degrees
thy rewle is areised fro the litel crois up-on thyn est line, and tak 5
ther the altitude of thy sonne. And in this same wyse maistow
knowe by nighte the altitude of the mone, or of brighte sterres.
This chapitre is so general ever in oon, that ther nedith no more
declaracion; but forget it nat. And for the more declaracioun,
lo here the figure. 10
Here biginnen the Conclusions of the Astrolabie.
1. To fynde the degree in which the sonne is day by day, after hir cours a-boute.
[Hic incipiunt Conclusiones Astrolabii; et prima est ad inveniendum gradus solis
in quibus singulis diebus secundum cursum sol est existens.]
Rekene and knowe which is the day of thy monthe; and ley
thy rewle up that same day; and thanne wol the verray point of
thy rewle sitten in the bordure, up-on the degree of thy sonne.
Ensample as thus; the yeer of oure lord 1391, the 12 day of
March at midday, I wolde knowe the degree of the sonne. I 5
soughte in the bak-half of myn Astrolabie, and fond the cercle of
the dayes, the which I knowe by the names of the monthes writen
under the same cercle. Tho leide I my rewle over this forseide
day, and fond the point of my rewle in the bordure up-on the
firste degree of Aries, a litel with-in the degree; and thus knowe 10
I this conclusioun. Another day, I wolde knowe the degree of
my sonne, and this was at midday in the 13 day of Decembre; I
fond the day of the monthe in maner as I seide; tho leide I my
rewle up-on this forseide 13 day, and fond the point of my rewle
in the bordure up-on the first degree of Capricorne, a lite with-in 15
the degree; and than hadde I of this conclusioun the ful
experience. And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
2. To knowe the altitude of the sonne, or of othre celestial bodies.
[De altitudine solis et aliorum corporum supra celestium.]
Put the ring of thyn Astrolabie up-on thy right thoumbe, and
turne thy lift syde agayn the light of the sonne. And remeve
thy rewle up and doun, til that the stremes of the sonne shyne
thorgh bothe holes of thy rewle. Loke thanne how many degrees
thy rewle is areised fro the litel crois up-on thyn est line, and tak 5
ther the altitude of thy sonne. And in this same wyse maistow
knowe by nighte the altitude of the mone, or of brighte sterres.
This chapitre is so general ever in oon, that ther nedith no more
declaracion; but forget it nat. And for the more declaracioun,
lo here the figure. 10
Page 299
3. To knowe every tyme of the day by light of the sonne, and every tyme of the
night by the sterres fixe, and eke to knowe by night or by day the degree of
any signe that assendeth on the Est Orisonte, which that is cleped
communly the Assendent, or elles Oruscupum.
[Ad cognoscendum quodlibet tempus diei per solis indicacionem, et quodlibet
tempus noctis per quasdam stellas in celo fixas; ac eciam ad inveniendum
et cognoscendum signum super orizontem qui communiter vocatur
ascendens.]
Tak the altitude of the sonne whan thee list, as I have said; and
set the degree of the sonne, in cas that it be by-forn the middel of
the day, among thyn almikanteras on the est side of thyn
Astrolabie; and yif it be after the middel of the day, set the degree
of thy sonne up-on the west side; tak this manere of setting for a 5
general rewle, ones for evere. And whan thou hast set the degree
of thy sonne up as many almikanteras of heyghte as was the
altitude of the sonne taken by thy rewle, ley over thy label, up-on
the degree of the sonne; and thanne wol the point of thy label
sitten in the bordure, up-on the verrey tyd of the day. Ensample 10
as thus: the yeer of oure lord 1391, the 12 day of March, I wold
knowe the tyd of the day. I took the altitude of my sonne, and
fond that it was 25 degrees and 30 of minutes of heyghte in the
bordure on the bak-syde. Tho turnede I myn Astrolabie, and by-cause
that it was by-forn midday, I turnede my riet, and sette the 15
degree of the sonne, that is to seyn, the 1 degree of Aries, on the
right syde of myn Astrolabie, up-on that 25 degrees and 30 of
minutes of heyghte among myn almikanteras; tho leide I my label
up-on the degree of my sonne, and fond the poynte of my label in
the bordure, up-on a capital lettre that is cleped an X; tho rekened 20
I alle the capitalles lettres fro the lyne of midnight un-to this forseide
lettre X, and fond that it was 9 of the clokke of the day.
Tho loked I down up-on the est orisonte, and fond there the 20
degree of Geminis assending; which that I tok for myn assendent.
And in this wyse hadde I the experience for ever-mo in which 25
maner I sholde knowe the tyd of the day, and eek myn assendent.
Tho wolde I wite the same night folwing the hour of the
night, and wroughte in this wyse. Among an heep of sterris fixe,
it lyked me for to take the altitude of the feire white sterre that is
cleped Alhabor; and fond hir sitting on the west side of the lyne 30
of midday, 18 degres of heighte taken by my rewle on the bak-syde.
Tho sette I the centre of this Alhabor up-on 18 degrees among
night by the sterres fixe, and eke to knowe by night or by day the degree of
any signe that assendeth on the Est Orisonte, which that is cleped
communly the Assendent, or elles Oruscupum.
[Ad cognoscendum quodlibet tempus diei per solis indicacionem, et quodlibet
tempus noctis per quasdam stellas in celo fixas; ac eciam ad inveniendum
et cognoscendum signum super orizontem qui communiter vocatur
ascendens.]
Tak the altitude of the sonne whan thee list, as I have said; and
set the degree of the sonne, in cas that it be by-forn the middel of
the day, among thyn almikanteras on the est side of thyn
Astrolabie; and yif it be after the middel of the day, set the degree
of thy sonne up-on the west side; tak this manere of setting for a 5
general rewle, ones for evere. And whan thou hast set the degree
of thy sonne up as many almikanteras of heyghte as was the
altitude of the sonne taken by thy rewle, ley over thy label, up-on
the degree of the sonne; and thanne wol the point of thy label
sitten in the bordure, up-on the verrey tyd of the day. Ensample 10
as thus: the yeer of oure lord 1391, the 12 day of March, I wold
knowe the tyd of the day. I took the altitude of my sonne, and
fond that it was 25 degrees and 30 of minutes of heyghte in the
bordure on the bak-syde. Tho turnede I myn Astrolabie, and by-cause
that it was by-forn midday, I turnede my riet, and sette the 15
degree of the sonne, that is to seyn, the 1 degree of Aries, on the
right syde of myn Astrolabie, up-on that 25 degrees and 30 of
minutes of heyghte among myn almikanteras; tho leide I my label
up-on the degree of my sonne, and fond the poynte of my label in
the bordure, up-on a capital lettre that is cleped an X; tho rekened 20
I alle the capitalles lettres fro the lyne of midnight un-to this forseide
lettre X, and fond that it was 9 of the clokke of the day.
Tho loked I down up-on the est orisonte, and fond there the 20
degree of Geminis assending; which that I tok for myn assendent.
And in this wyse hadde I the experience for ever-mo in which 25
maner I sholde knowe the tyd of the day, and eek myn assendent.
Tho wolde I wite the same night folwing the hour of the
night, and wroughte in this wyse. Among an heep of sterris fixe,
it lyked me for to take the altitude of the feire white sterre that is
cleped Alhabor; and fond hir sitting on the west side of the lyne 30
of midday, 18 degres of heighte taken by my rewle on the bak-syde.
Tho sette I the centre of this Alhabor up-on 18 degrees among
Page 300
myn almikanteras, up-on the west syde; by-cause that she was
founden on the west syde. Tho leide I my label over the degree
of the sonne that was descended under the weste orisonte, and 35
rikened alle the lettres capitals fro the lyne of midday un-to the
point of my label in the bordure; and fond that it was passed 8 of
the clokke the space of 2 degrees. Tho loked I doun up-on myn
est orisonte, and fond ther 23 degrees of Libra assending, whom I
tok for myn assendent; and thus lerned I to knowe ones for ever 40
in which manere I shuld come to the houre of the night and to
myn assendent; as verreyly as may be taken by so smal an instrument.
But natheles, in general, wolde I warne thee for evere, ne
mak thee nevere bold to have take a iust ascendent by thyn
Astrolabie, or elles to have set iustly a clokke, whan any celestial 45
body by which that thow wenest governe thilke thinges ben ney
the south lyne; for trust wel, whan that the sonne is ney the
meridional lyne, the degree of the sonne renneth so longe consentrik
up-on the almikanteras, that sothly thou shalt erre fro the iust
assendent. The same conclusioun sey I by the centre of any 50
sterre fix by night; and more-over, by experience, I wot wel that
in oure orisonte, from 11 of the clokke un-to oon of the clokke,
in taking of a iust assendent in a portatif Astrolabie, hit is to hard
to knowe. I mene, from 11 of the clokke biforn the houre of
noon til oon of the clok next folwing. And for the more declaracion, 55
lo here thy figure.
4. Special declaracion of the assendent.
[Specialis declaracio de ascendente.]
The assendent sothly, as wel in alle nativitez as in questiouns
and elecciouns of tymes, is a thing which that thise astrologiens
gretly observen; wher-fore me semeth convenient, sin that I
speke of the assendent, to make of it special declaracioun. The
assendent sothly, to take it at the largeste, is thilke degree that 5
assendeth at any of thise forseide tymes upon the est orisonte;
and there-for, yif that any planet assende at that same tyme in
thilke for-seide degree of his longitude, men seyn that thilke
planete is in horoscopo. But sothly, the hous of the assendent,
that is to seyn, the firste hous or the est angle, is a thing more 10
brood and large. For after the statutz of astrologiens, what
celestial body that is 5 degres above thilk degree that assendeth,
or with-in that noumbre, that is to seyn, nere the degree that
assendeth, yit rikne they thilke planet in the assendent. And
founden on the west syde. Tho leide I my label over the degree
of the sonne that was descended under the weste orisonte, and 35
rikened alle the lettres capitals fro the lyne of midday un-to the
point of my label in the bordure; and fond that it was passed 8 of
the clokke the space of 2 degrees. Tho loked I doun up-on myn
est orisonte, and fond ther 23 degrees of Libra assending, whom I
tok for myn assendent; and thus lerned I to knowe ones for ever 40
in which manere I shuld come to the houre of the night and to
myn assendent; as verreyly as may be taken by so smal an instrument.
But natheles, in general, wolde I warne thee for evere, ne
mak thee nevere bold to have take a iust ascendent by thyn
Astrolabie, or elles to have set iustly a clokke, whan any celestial 45
body by which that thow wenest governe thilke thinges ben ney
the south lyne; for trust wel, whan that the sonne is ney the
meridional lyne, the degree of the sonne renneth so longe consentrik
up-on the almikanteras, that sothly thou shalt erre fro the iust
assendent. The same conclusioun sey I by the centre of any 50
sterre fix by night; and more-over, by experience, I wot wel that
in oure orisonte, from 11 of the clokke un-to oon of the clokke,
in taking of a iust assendent in a portatif Astrolabie, hit is to hard
to knowe. I mene, from 11 of the clokke biforn the houre of
noon til oon of the clok next folwing. And for the more declaracion, 55
lo here thy figure.
4. Special declaracion of the assendent.
[Specialis declaracio de ascendente.]
The assendent sothly, as wel in alle nativitez as in questiouns
and elecciouns of tymes, is a thing which that thise astrologiens
gretly observen; wher-fore me semeth convenient, sin that I
speke of the assendent, to make of it special declaracioun. The
assendent sothly, to take it at the largeste, is thilke degree that 5
assendeth at any of thise forseide tymes upon the est orisonte;
and there-for, yif that any planet assende at that same tyme in
thilke for-seide degree of his longitude, men seyn that thilke
planete is in horoscopo. But sothly, the hous of the assendent,
that is to seyn, the firste hous or the est angle, is a thing more 10
brood and large. For after the statutz of astrologiens, what
celestial body that is 5 degres above thilk degree that assendeth,
or with-in that noumbre, that is to seyn, nere the degree that
assendeth, yit rikne they thilke planet in the assendent. And
Page 301
what planete that is under thilke degree that assendith the space 15
of 25 degrees, yit seyn they that thilke planete is lyk to him that
is in the hous of the assendent; but sothly, yif he passe the
bondes of thise forseide spaces, above or bynethe, they seyn
that the planete is failling fro the assendent. Yit sein thise
astrologiens, that the assendent, and eke the lord of the assendent, 20
may be shapen for to be fortunat or infortunat, as thus: a fortunat
assendent clepen they whan that no wykkid planete, as Saturne
or Mars, or elles the Tail of the Dragoun, is in the hous of the
assendent, ne that no wikked planete have non aspecte of enemite
up-on the assendent; but they wol caste that they have a fortunat 25
planete in hir assendent and yit in his felicitee, and than sey they
that it is wel. Forther-over, they seyn that the infortuning of an
assendent is the contrarie of thise forseide thinges. The lord of
the assendent, sey they, that he is fortunat, whan he is in good
place fro the assendent as in angle; or in a succedent, where-as 30
he is in his dignitee and conforted with frendly aspectes of planetes
and wel resceived, and eek that he may seen the assendent, and
that he be nat retrograd ne combust, ne ioigned with no shrewe
in the same signe; ne that he be nat in his descencioun, ne
ioigned with no planete in his discencioun, ne have up-on him 35
non aspecte infortunat; and than sey they that he is wel. Natheles,
thise ben observauncez of iudicial matiere and rytes of payens,
in which my spirit ne hath no feith, ne no knowing of hir horoscopum;
for they seyn that every signe is departed in 3 evene
parties by 10 degrees, and thilke porcioun they clepe a Face. 40
And al-thogh that a planete have a latitude fro the ecliptik, yit
sey some folk, so that the planete aryse in that same signe with
any degree of the forseide face in which his longitude is rekned,
that yit is the planete in horoscopo, be it in nativite or in eleccioun,
&c. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure. 45
5. To knowe the verrey equacioun of the degree of the sonne, yif so be that it falle
by-twixe thyn Almikanteras.
[Ad cognoscendum veram equacionem de gradu solis, si contigerit fore in duas
Almicanteras.]
For as moche as the almikanteras in thyn Astrolabie been
compouned by two and two, where-as some almikanteras in
sondry Astrolabies ben compouned by on and on, or elles by two
and two, it is necessarie to thy lerning to teche thee first to knowe
and worke with thyn owne instrument. Wher-for, whan that the 5
of 25 degrees, yit seyn they that thilke planete is lyk to him that
is in the hous of the assendent; but sothly, yif he passe the
bondes of thise forseide spaces, above or bynethe, they seyn
that the planete is failling fro the assendent. Yit sein thise
astrologiens, that the assendent, and eke the lord of the assendent, 20
may be shapen for to be fortunat or infortunat, as thus: a fortunat
assendent clepen they whan that no wykkid planete, as Saturne
or Mars, or elles the Tail of the Dragoun, is in the hous of the
assendent, ne that no wikked planete have non aspecte of enemite
up-on the assendent; but they wol caste that they have a fortunat 25
planete in hir assendent and yit in his felicitee, and than sey they
that it is wel. Forther-over, they seyn that the infortuning of an
assendent is the contrarie of thise forseide thinges. The lord of
the assendent, sey they, that he is fortunat, whan he is in good
place fro the assendent as in angle; or in a succedent, where-as 30
he is in his dignitee and conforted with frendly aspectes of planetes
and wel resceived, and eek that he may seen the assendent, and
that he be nat retrograd ne combust, ne ioigned with no shrewe
in the same signe; ne that he be nat in his descencioun, ne
ioigned with no planete in his discencioun, ne have up-on him 35
non aspecte infortunat; and than sey they that he is wel. Natheles,
thise ben observauncez of iudicial matiere and rytes of payens,
in which my spirit ne hath no feith, ne no knowing of hir horoscopum;
for they seyn that every signe is departed in 3 evene
parties by 10 degrees, and thilke porcioun they clepe a Face. 40
And al-thogh that a planete have a latitude fro the ecliptik, yit
sey some folk, so that the planete aryse in that same signe with
any degree of the forseide face in which his longitude is rekned,
that yit is the planete in horoscopo, be it in nativite or in eleccioun,
&c. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure. 45
5. To knowe the verrey equacioun of the degree of the sonne, yif so be that it falle
by-twixe thyn Almikanteras.
[Ad cognoscendum veram equacionem de gradu solis, si contigerit fore in duas
Almicanteras.]
For as moche as the almikanteras in thyn Astrolabie been
compouned by two and two, where-as some almikanteras in
sondry Astrolabies ben compouned by on and on, or elles by two
and two, it is necessarie to thy lerning to teche thee first to knowe
and worke with thyn owne instrument. Wher-for, whan that the 5
Page 302
degree of thy sonne falleth by-twixe two almikanteras, or elles yif
thyn almikanteras ben graven with over gret a point of a compas,
(for bothe thise thinges may causen errour as wel in knowing of
the tyd of the day as of the verrey assendent), thou most werken
in this wyse. Set the degree of thy sonne up-on the heyer 10
almikanteras of bothe, and waite wel wher as thin almury toucheth
the bordure, and set ther a prikke of inke. Set doun agayn the
degree of thy sonne up-on the nethere almikanteras of bothe, and
set ther another prikke. Remewe thanne thyn almury in the
bordure evene amiddes bothe prikkes, and this wol lede iustly the 15
degree of thy sonne to sitte by-twixe bothe almikanteras in his
right place. Ley thanne thy label over the degree of thy sonne;
and find in the bordure the verrey tyde of the day or of the night.
And as verreyly shaltow finde up-on thyn est orisonte thyn assendent.
And for more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 20
6. To knowe the spring of the dawing and the ende of the evening, the which ben
called the two crepusculis:
[Ad cognoscendum ortum solis et eius occasum, que vocatur vulgariter
crepusculum.]
Set the nadir of thy sonne up-on 18 degrees of heighte among
thyn almikanteras on the west syde, and ley thy label on the degree
of thy sonne, and thanne shal the poynt of thy label schewe the
spring of day. Also set the nadir of thy sonne up-on 18 degrees
of heighte a-mong thyn almikanteras on the est side, and ley over 5
thy label up-on the degree of the sonne, and with the point of
thy label find in the bordure the ende of the evening, that is,
verrey night. The nadir of the sonne is thilke degree that is
opposit to the degree of the sonne, in the seventhe signe, as thus:
every degree of Aries by ordre is nadir to every degree of Libra 10
by ordre; and Taurus to Scorpion; Gemini to Sagittare; Cancer
to Capricorne; Leo to Aquarie; Virgo to Pisces; and yif any degree
in thy zodiak be dirk, his nadir shal declare him. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
7. To knowe the arch of the day, that some folk callen the day artificial, from the
sonne arysing til hit go to reste.
[Ad cognoscendum archum diei, quem vulgus vocat diem artificialem, in hoc, ab
ortu solis usque ad occasum.]
thyn almikanteras ben graven with over gret a point of a compas,
(for bothe thise thinges may causen errour as wel in knowing of
the tyd of the day as of the verrey assendent), thou most werken
in this wyse. Set the degree of thy sonne up-on the heyer 10
almikanteras of bothe, and waite wel wher as thin almury toucheth
the bordure, and set ther a prikke of inke. Set doun agayn the
degree of thy sonne up-on the nethere almikanteras of bothe, and
set ther another prikke. Remewe thanne thyn almury in the
bordure evene amiddes bothe prikkes, and this wol lede iustly the 15
degree of thy sonne to sitte by-twixe bothe almikanteras in his
right place. Ley thanne thy label over the degree of thy sonne;
and find in the bordure the verrey tyde of the day or of the night.
And as verreyly shaltow finde up-on thyn est orisonte thyn assendent.
And for more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 20
6. To knowe the spring of the dawing and the ende of the evening, the which ben
called the two crepusculis:
[Ad cognoscendum ortum solis et eius occasum, que vocatur vulgariter
crepusculum.]
Set the nadir of thy sonne up-on 18 degrees of heighte among
thyn almikanteras on the west syde, and ley thy label on the degree
of thy sonne, and thanne shal the poynt of thy label schewe the
spring of day. Also set the nadir of thy sonne up-on 18 degrees
of heighte a-mong thyn almikanteras on the est side, and ley over 5
thy label up-on the degree of the sonne, and with the point of
thy label find in the bordure the ende of the evening, that is,
verrey night. The nadir of the sonne is thilke degree that is
opposit to the degree of the sonne, in the seventhe signe, as thus:
every degree of Aries by ordre is nadir to every degree of Libra 10
by ordre; and Taurus to Scorpion; Gemini to Sagittare; Cancer
to Capricorne; Leo to Aquarie; Virgo to Pisces; and yif any degree
in thy zodiak be dirk, his nadir shal declare him. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
7. To knowe the arch of the day, that some folk callen the day artificial, from the
sonne arysing til hit go to reste.
[Ad cognoscendum archum diei, quem vulgus vocat diem artificialem, in hoc, ab
ortu solis usque ad occasum.]
Page 303
Set the degree of thy sonne up-on thyn est orisonte, and ley
thy label on the degree of the sonne, and at the poynt of thy
label in the bordure set a prikke. Turn thanne thy riet aboute
til the degree of the sonne sit up-on the west orisonte, and ley
thy label up-on the same degree of the sonne, and at the point of 5
thy label set a-nother prikke. Rekne thanne the quantitee of
tyme in the bordure by-twixe bothe prikkes, and tak ther thyn ark
of the day. The remenant of the bordure under the orisonte is
the ark of the night. Thus maistow rekne bothe arches, or
every porcion, of whether that thee lyketh. And by this manere 10
of wyrking maistow see how longe that any sterre fix dwelleth above
the erthe, fro tyme that he ryseth til he go to reste. But
the day natural, that is to seyn 24 houres, is the revolucioun of
the equinoxial with as moche partie of the zodiak as the sonne
of his propre moevinge passeth in the mene whyle. And for the 15
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
8. To turn the houres in-equales in houres equales.
[Ad convertendum horas inequales in horas equales.]
Knowe the nombre of the degrees in the houres in-equales, and
departe hem by 15, and tak ther thyn houres equales. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
9. To knowe the quantitee of the day vulgare, that is to seyen, from spring of the
day un-to verrey night.
[Ad cognoscendum quantitatem diei vulgaris, viz. ab ortu diei usque ad noctem.]
Know the quantitee of thy crepusculis, as I have taught in the
chapitre bi-forn, and adde hem to the arch of thy day artificial;
and tak ther the space of alle the hole day vulgar, un-to verrey
night. The same manere maystow worke, to knowe the quantitee
of the vulgar night. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the 5
figure.
10. To knowe the quantite of houres in-equales by day.
[Ad cognoscendum horas inequales in die.]
Understond wel, that thise houres in-equales ben cleped houres
of planetes, and understond wel that som-tyme ben they lengere
by day than by night, and som-tyme the contrarie. But understond
thy label on the degree of the sonne, and at the poynt of thy
label in the bordure set a prikke. Turn thanne thy riet aboute
til the degree of the sonne sit up-on the west orisonte, and ley
thy label up-on the same degree of the sonne, and at the point of 5
thy label set a-nother prikke. Rekne thanne the quantitee of
tyme in the bordure by-twixe bothe prikkes, and tak ther thyn ark
of the day. The remenant of the bordure under the orisonte is
the ark of the night. Thus maistow rekne bothe arches, or
every porcion, of whether that thee lyketh. And by this manere 10
of wyrking maistow see how longe that any sterre fix dwelleth above
the erthe, fro tyme that he ryseth til he go to reste. But
the day natural, that is to seyn 24 houres, is the revolucioun of
the equinoxial with as moche partie of the zodiak as the sonne
of his propre moevinge passeth in the mene whyle. And for the 15
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
8. To turn the houres in-equales in houres equales.
[Ad convertendum horas inequales in horas equales.]
Knowe the nombre of the degrees in the houres in-equales, and
departe hem by 15, and tak ther thyn houres equales. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
9. To knowe the quantitee of the day vulgare, that is to seyen, from spring of the
day un-to verrey night.
[Ad cognoscendum quantitatem diei vulgaris, viz. ab ortu diei usque ad noctem.]
Know the quantitee of thy crepusculis, as I have taught in the
chapitre bi-forn, and adde hem to the arch of thy day artificial;
and tak ther the space of alle the hole day vulgar, un-to verrey
night. The same manere maystow worke, to knowe the quantitee
of the vulgar night. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the 5
figure.
10. To knowe the quantite of houres in-equales by day.
[Ad cognoscendum horas inequales in die.]
Understond wel, that thise houres in-equales ben cleped houres
of planetes, and understond wel that som-tyme ben they lengere
by day than by night, and som-tyme the contrarie. But understond
Page 304
wel, that evermo, generaly, the hour in-equal of the day
with the houre in-equal of the night contenen 30 degrees of the 5
bordure, whiche bordure is ever-mo answering to the degrees of
the equinoxial; wher-for departe the arch of the day artificial in
12, and tak ther the quantitee of the houre in-equal by day.
And yif thow abate the quantitee of the houre in-equal by daye
out of 30, than shal the remenant that leveth performe the houre 10
inequal by night. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the
figure.
11. To knowe the quantite of houres equales.
[Ad cognoscendum quantitatem horarum inequalium.]
The quantitee of houres equales, that is to seyn, the houres of
the clokke, ben departed by 15 degrees al-redy in the bordure
of thyn Astrolabie, as wel by night as by day, generaly for evere.
What nedeth more declaracioun? Wher-for, whan thee list to
know how manye houres of the clokke ben passed, or any part of 5
any of thise houres that ben passed, or elles how many houres or
partie of houres ben to come, fro swich a tyme to swich a tyme,
by day or by nighte, knowe the degree of thy sonne, and ley thy
label on it; turne thy riet aboute ioyntly with thy label, and with
the point of it rekne in the bordure fro the sonne aryse un-to 10
the same place ther thou desirest, by day as by nighte. This
conclusioun wol I declare in the laste chapitre of the 4 partie of
this tretis so openly, that ther shal lakke no worde that nedeth to
the declaracioun. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the
figure. 15
12. Special declaracioun of the houres of planetes.
[Specialis declaracio de horis planetarum.]
Understond wel, that evere-mo, fro the arysing of the sonne til
it go to reste, the nadir of the sonne shal shewe the houre of the
planete, and fro that tyme forward al the night til the sonne
aryse; than shal the verrey degree of the sonne shewe the houre
of the planete. Ensample as thus. The 13 day of March fil 5
up-on a Saterday per aventure, and, at the arising of the sonne, I
fond the secounde degree of Aries sitting up-on myn est orisonte,
al-be-it that it was but lite; than fond I the 2 degree of Libra,
nadir of my sonne, dessending on my west orisonte, up-on which
with the houre in-equal of the night contenen 30 degrees of the 5
bordure, whiche bordure is ever-mo answering to the degrees of
the equinoxial; wher-for departe the arch of the day artificial in
12, and tak ther the quantitee of the houre in-equal by day.
And yif thow abate the quantitee of the houre in-equal by daye
out of 30, than shal the remenant that leveth performe the houre 10
inequal by night. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the
figure.
11. To knowe the quantite of houres equales.
[Ad cognoscendum quantitatem horarum inequalium.]
The quantitee of houres equales, that is to seyn, the houres of
the clokke, ben departed by 15 degrees al-redy in the bordure
of thyn Astrolabie, as wel by night as by day, generaly for evere.
What nedeth more declaracioun? Wher-for, whan thee list to
know how manye houres of the clokke ben passed, or any part of 5
any of thise houres that ben passed, or elles how many houres or
partie of houres ben to come, fro swich a tyme to swich a tyme,
by day or by nighte, knowe the degree of thy sonne, and ley thy
label on it; turne thy riet aboute ioyntly with thy label, and with
the point of it rekne in the bordure fro the sonne aryse un-to 10
the same place ther thou desirest, by day as by nighte. This
conclusioun wol I declare in the laste chapitre of the 4 partie of
this tretis so openly, that ther shal lakke no worde that nedeth to
the declaracioun. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the
figure. 15
12. Special declaracioun of the houres of planetes.
[Specialis declaracio de horis planetarum.]
Understond wel, that evere-mo, fro the arysing of the sonne til
it go to reste, the nadir of the sonne shal shewe the houre of the
planete, and fro that tyme forward al the night til the sonne
aryse; than shal the verrey degree of the sonne shewe the houre
of the planete. Ensample as thus. The 13 day of March fil 5
up-on a Saterday per aventure, and, at the arising of the sonne, I
fond the secounde degree of Aries sitting up-on myn est orisonte,
al-be-it that it was but lite; than fond I the 2 degree of Libra,
nadir of my sonne, dessending on my west orisonte, up-on which
Page 305
west orisonte every day generally, at the sonne ariste, entreth 10
the houre of any planete, after which planete the day bereth his
name; and endeth in the nexte stryk of the plate under the
forseide west orisonte; and evere, as the sonne climbeth uppere
and uppere, so goth his nadir dounere and dounere, teching by
swich strykes the houres of planetes by ordre as they sitten in 15
the hevene. The first houre inequal of every Satterday is to
Saturne; and the secounde, to Iupiter; the 3, to Mars; the 4,
to the Sonne; the 5, to Venus; the 6, to Mercurius; the 7, to
the Mone; and thanne agayn, the 8 is to Saturne; the 9, to
Iupiter; the 10, to Mars; the 11, to the Sonne; the 12, to 20
Venus; and now is my sonne gon to reste as for that Setterday.
Thanne sheweth the verrey degree of the sonne the houre of
Mercurie entring under my west orisonte at eve; and next him
succedeth the Mone; and so forth by ordre, planete after
planete, in houre after houre, al the night longe til the sonne 25
aryse. Now ryseth the sonne that Sonday by the morwe; and
the nadir of the sonne, up-on the west orizonte, sheweth me the
entring of the houre of the forseide sonne. And in this maner
succedeth planete under planete, fro Saturne un-to the Mone,
and fro the Mone up a-gayn to Saturne, houre after houre 30
generaly. And thus knowe I this conclusioun. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
13. To knowe the altitude of the sonne in middes of the day, that is cleped the
altitude meridian.
[Ad cognoscendum altitudinem solis in medio diei, que vocatur altitudo
meridiana.]
Set the degree of the sonne up-on the lyne meridional, and
rikene how many degrees of almikanteras ben by-twixe thyn est
orisonte and the degree of the sonne. And tak ther thyn altitude
meridian; this is to seyne, the heyest of the sonne as for that day.
So maystow knowe in the same lyne, the heyest cours that any 5
sterre fix climbeth by night; this is to seyn, that whan any sterre
fix is passed the lyne meridional, than by-ginneth it to descende,
and so doth the sonne. And for the more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure.
14. To knowe the degree of the sonne by thy riet, for a maner curiositee, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum gradum solis curiose.]
the houre of any planete, after which planete the day bereth his
name; and endeth in the nexte stryk of the plate under the
forseide west orisonte; and evere, as the sonne climbeth uppere
and uppere, so goth his nadir dounere and dounere, teching by
swich strykes the houres of planetes by ordre as they sitten in 15
the hevene. The first houre inequal of every Satterday is to
Saturne; and the secounde, to Iupiter; the 3, to Mars; the 4,
to the Sonne; the 5, to Venus; the 6, to Mercurius; the 7, to
the Mone; and thanne agayn, the 8 is to Saturne; the 9, to
Iupiter; the 10, to Mars; the 11, to the Sonne; the 12, to 20
Venus; and now is my sonne gon to reste as for that Setterday.
Thanne sheweth the verrey degree of the sonne the houre of
Mercurie entring under my west orisonte at eve; and next him
succedeth the Mone; and so forth by ordre, planete after
planete, in houre after houre, al the night longe til the sonne 25
aryse. Now ryseth the sonne that Sonday by the morwe; and
the nadir of the sonne, up-on the west orizonte, sheweth me the
entring of the houre of the forseide sonne. And in this maner
succedeth planete under planete, fro Saturne un-to the Mone,
and fro the Mone up a-gayn to Saturne, houre after houre 30
generaly. And thus knowe I this conclusioun. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
13. To knowe the altitude of the sonne in middes of the day, that is cleped the
altitude meridian.
[Ad cognoscendum altitudinem solis in medio diei, que vocatur altitudo
meridiana.]
Set the degree of the sonne up-on the lyne meridional, and
rikene how many degrees of almikanteras ben by-twixe thyn est
orisonte and the degree of the sonne. And tak ther thyn altitude
meridian; this is to seyne, the heyest of the sonne as for that day.
So maystow knowe in the same lyne, the heyest cours that any 5
sterre fix climbeth by night; this is to seyn, that whan any sterre
fix is passed the lyne meridional, than by-ginneth it to descende,
and so doth the sonne. And for the more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure.
14. To knowe the degree of the sonne by thy riet, for a maner curiositee, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum gradum solis curiose.]
Page 306
Sek bysily with thy rewle the heyest of the sonne in midde of
the day; turne thanne thyn Astrolabie, and with a prikke of ink
marke the nombre of that same altitude in the lyne meridional.
Turne thanne thy riet a-boute til thou fynde a degree of thy
zodiak acording with the prikke, this is to seyn, sittinge on the 5
prikke; and in sooth, thou shalt finde but two degrees in al the
zodiak of that condicioun; and yit thilke two degrees ben in
diverse signes; than maistow lightly by the sesoun of the yere
knowe the signe in whiche that is the sonne. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 10
15. To know which day is lyk to which day as of lengthe, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum quales dies in longitudine sunt similes.]
Loke whiche degrees ben y-lyke fer fro the hevedes of Cancer
and Capricorn; and lok, whan the sonne is in any of thilke
degrees, than ben the dayes y-lyke of lengthe. This is to seyn,
that as long is that day in that monthe, as was swich a day in
swich a month; ther varieth but lite. Also, yif thou take two 5
dayes naturaly in the yer y-lyke fer fro eyther pointe of the
equinoxial in the opposit parties, than as long is the day artificial
of that on day as is the night of that othere, and the contrarie.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
16. This chapitre is a maner declaracioun to conclusiouns that folwen.
[Illud capitulum est quedam declaracio ad certas conclusiones sequentes.]
Understond wel that thy zodiak is departid in two halfe cercles,
as fro the heved of Capricorne un-to the heved of Cancer; and
agaynward fro the heved of Cancer un-to the heved of Capricorne.
The heved of Capricorne is the lowest point, wher-as the sonne
goth in winter; and the heved of Cancer is the heyest point, in 5
whiche the sonne goth in somer. And ther-for understond wel,
that any two degrees that ben y-lyke fer fro any of thise two
hevedes, truste wel that thilke two degrees ben of y-lyke declinacioun,
be it southward or northward; and the dayes of hem
ben y-lyke of lengthe, and the nightes also; and the shadwes 10
y-lyke, and the altitudes y-lyke at midday for evere. And for
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
the day; turne thanne thyn Astrolabie, and with a prikke of ink
marke the nombre of that same altitude in the lyne meridional.
Turne thanne thy riet a-boute til thou fynde a degree of thy
zodiak acording with the prikke, this is to seyn, sittinge on the 5
prikke; and in sooth, thou shalt finde but two degrees in al the
zodiak of that condicioun; and yit thilke two degrees ben in
diverse signes; than maistow lightly by the sesoun of the yere
knowe the signe in whiche that is the sonne. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 10
15. To know which day is lyk to which day as of lengthe, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum quales dies in longitudine sunt similes.]
Loke whiche degrees ben y-lyke fer fro the hevedes of Cancer
and Capricorn; and lok, whan the sonne is in any of thilke
degrees, than ben the dayes y-lyke of lengthe. This is to seyn,
that as long is that day in that monthe, as was swich a day in
swich a month; ther varieth but lite. Also, yif thou take two 5
dayes naturaly in the yer y-lyke fer fro eyther pointe of the
equinoxial in the opposit parties, than as long is the day artificial
of that on day as is the night of that othere, and the contrarie.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
16. This chapitre is a maner declaracioun to conclusiouns that folwen.
[Illud capitulum est quedam declaracio ad certas conclusiones sequentes.]
Understond wel that thy zodiak is departid in two halfe cercles,
as fro the heved of Capricorne un-to the heved of Cancer; and
agaynward fro the heved of Cancer un-to the heved of Capricorne.
The heved of Capricorne is the lowest point, wher-as the sonne
goth in winter; and the heved of Cancer is the heyest point, in 5
whiche the sonne goth in somer. And ther-for understond wel,
that any two degrees that ben y-lyke fer fro any of thise two
hevedes, truste wel that thilke two degrees ben of y-lyke declinacioun,
be it southward or northward; and the dayes of hem
ben y-lyke of lengthe, and the nightes also; and the shadwes 10
y-lyke, and the altitudes y-lyke at midday for evere. And for
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
Page 307
17. To knowe the verrey degree of any maner sterre straunge or unstraunge after
his longitude, though he be indeterminat in thyn Astrolabie; sothly to the
trowthe, thus he shal be knowe.
[Ad cognoscendum verum gradum alicuius stelle aliene secundum eius
longitudinem, quamvis sit indeterminata in astrolabio; veraciter isto
modo.]
Tak the altitude of this sterre whan he is on the est side of the
lyne meridional, as ney as thou mayst gesse; and tak an assendent
a-non right by som maner sterre fix which that thou
knowest; and for-get nat the altitude of the firste sterre, ne thyn
assendent. And whan that this is don, espye diligently whan this 5
same firste sterre passeth any-thing the south westward, and hath
him a-non right in the same noumbre of altitude on the west side
of this lyne meridional as he was caught on the est side; and tak
a newe assendent a-non right by som maner sterre fixe which that
thou knowest; and for-get nat this secounde assendent. And 10
whan that this is don, rikne thanne how manye degrees ben by-twixe
the firste assendent and the seconde assendent, and rikne
wel the middel degree by-twene bothe assendentes, and set thilke
middel degree up-on thin est orisonte; and waite thanne what degree
that sit up-on the lyne meridional, and tak ther the verrey degree 15
of the ecliptik in which the sterre stondeth for the tyme. For in
the ecliptik is the longitude of a celestial body rekened, evene fro
the heved of Aries un-to the ende of Pisces. And his latitude is
rikned after the quantite of his declinacion, north or south to-warde
the poles of this world; as thus. Yif it be of the sonne or of any 20
fix sterre, rekene his latitude or his declinacioun fro the equinoxial
cercle; and yif it be of a planete, rekne than the quantitee of his
latitude fro the ecliptik lyne. Al-be-it so that fro the equinoxial
may the declinacion or the latitude of any body celestial be rikned,
after the site north or south, and after the quantitee of his declinacion. 25
And right so may the latitude or the declinacion of any
body celestial, save only of the sonne, after his site north or south,
and after the quantitee of his declinacioun, be rekned fro the
ecliptik lyne; fro which lyne alle planetes som tyme declynen
north or south, save only the for-seide sonne. And for the more 30
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
18. To knowe the degrees of the longitudes of fixe sterres after that they ben
determinat in thin Astrolabie, yif so be that they ben trewly set.
his longitude, though he be indeterminat in thyn Astrolabie; sothly to the
trowthe, thus he shal be knowe.
[Ad cognoscendum verum gradum alicuius stelle aliene secundum eius
longitudinem, quamvis sit indeterminata in astrolabio; veraciter isto
modo.]
Tak the altitude of this sterre whan he is on the est side of the
lyne meridional, as ney as thou mayst gesse; and tak an assendent
a-non right by som maner sterre fix which that thou
knowest; and for-get nat the altitude of the firste sterre, ne thyn
assendent. And whan that this is don, espye diligently whan this 5
same firste sterre passeth any-thing the south westward, and hath
him a-non right in the same noumbre of altitude on the west side
of this lyne meridional as he was caught on the est side; and tak
a newe assendent a-non right by som maner sterre fixe which that
thou knowest; and for-get nat this secounde assendent. And 10
whan that this is don, rikne thanne how manye degrees ben by-twixe
the firste assendent and the seconde assendent, and rikne
wel the middel degree by-twene bothe assendentes, and set thilke
middel degree up-on thin est orisonte; and waite thanne what degree
that sit up-on the lyne meridional, and tak ther the verrey degree 15
of the ecliptik in which the sterre stondeth for the tyme. For in
the ecliptik is the longitude of a celestial body rekened, evene fro
the heved of Aries un-to the ende of Pisces. And his latitude is
rikned after the quantite of his declinacion, north or south to-warde
the poles of this world; as thus. Yif it be of the sonne or of any 20
fix sterre, rekene his latitude or his declinacioun fro the equinoxial
cercle; and yif it be of a planete, rekne than the quantitee of his
latitude fro the ecliptik lyne. Al-be-it so that fro the equinoxial
may the declinacion or the latitude of any body celestial be rikned,
after the site north or south, and after the quantitee of his declinacion. 25
And right so may the latitude or the declinacion of any
body celestial, save only of the sonne, after his site north or south,
and after the quantitee of his declinacioun, be rekned fro the
ecliptik lyne; fro which lyne alle planetes som tyme declynen
north or south, save only the for-seide sonne. And for the more 30
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
18. To knowe the degrees of the longitudes of fixe sterres after that they ben
determinat in thin Astrolabie, yif so be that they ben trewly set.
Page 308
[Ad cognoscendum gradus longitudinis de stellis fixis que determinantur in
astrolabio, sicut in suis locis recte locentur.]
Set the centre of the sterre up-on the lyne meridional, and tak
keep of thy zodiak, and loke what degree of any signe that sit on
the same lyne meridional at that same tyme, and tak the degree in
which the sterre standeth; and with that same degree comth that
same sterre un-to that same lyne fro the orisonte. And for more 5
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
19. To knowe with which degree of the zodiak any sterre fixe in thyn Astrolabie
aryseth up-on the est orisonte, althogh his dwelling be in a-nother signe.
[Ad cognoscendum cum quibus gradibus zodiaci que stella fixa in astrolabio
ascendit super orizontem orientalem, quamvis eius statio sit in alio signo.]
Set the centre of the sterre up-on the est orisonte, and loke
what degree of any signe that sit up-on the same orisonte at that
same tyme. And understond wel, that with that same degree
aryseth that same sterre; and this merveyllous arysing with a
strange degree in another signe is by-cause that the latitude of the 5
sterre fix is either north or south fro the equinoxial. But sothly
the latitudes of planetes ben comunly rekned fro the ecliptik,
bi-cause that non of hem declineth but fewe degrees out fro the
brede of the zodiak. And tak good keep of this chapitre of arysing
of the celestial bodies; for truste wel, that neyther mone ne sterre 10
as in oure embelif orisonte aryseth with that same degree of his
longitude, save in o cas; and that is, whan they have no latitude
fro the ecliptik lyne. But natheles, som tyme is everiche of thise
planetes under the same lyne. And for more declaracioun, lo
here thy figure. 15
20. To knowe the declinacioun of any degree in the zodiak fro the equinoxial
cercle, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum declinacionem alicuius gradus in zodiaco a circulo
equinoctiali.]
Set the degree of any signe up-on the lyne meridional, and rikne
his altitude in almikanteras fro the est orizonte up to the same
degree set in the forseide lyne, and set ther a prikke. Turne up
thanne thy riet, and set the heved of Aries or Libra in the same
meridional lyne, and set ther a-nother prikke. And whan that 5
astrolabio, sicut in suis locis recte locentur.]
Set the centre of the sterre up-on the lyne meridional, and tak
keep of thy zodiak, and loke what degree of any signe that sit on
the same lyne meridional at that same tyme, and tak the degree in
which the sterre standeth; and with that same degree comth that
same sterre un-to that same lyne fro the orisonte. And for more 5
declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
19. To knowe with which degree of the zodiak any sterre fixe in thyn Astrolabie
aryseth up-on the est orisonte, althogh his dwelling be in a-nother signe.
[Ad cognoscendum cum quibus gradibus zodiaci que stella fixa in astrolabio
ascendit super orizontem orientalem, quamvis eius statio sit in alio signo.]
Set the centre of the sterre up-on the est orisonte, and loke
what degree of any signe that sit up-on the same orisonte at that
same tyme. And understond wel, that with that same degree
aryseth that same sterre; and this merveyllous arysing with a
strange degree in another signe is by-cause that the latitude of the 5
sterre fix is either north or south fro the equinoxial. But sothly
the latitudes of planetes ben comunly rekned fro the ecliptik,
bi-cause that non of hem declineth but fewe degrees out fro the
brede of the zodiak. And tak good keep of this chapitre of arysing
of the celestial bodies; for truste wel, that neyther mone ne sterre 10
as in oure embelif orisonte aryseth with that same degree of his
longitude, save in o cas; and that is, whan they have no latitude
fro the ecliptik lyne. But natheles, som tyme is everiche of thise
planetes under the same lyne. And for more declaracioun, lo
here thy figure. 15
20. To knowe the declinacioun of any degree in the zodiak fro the equinoxial
cercle, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum declinacionem alicuius gradus in zodiaco a circulo
equinoctiali.]
Set the degree of any signe up-on the lyne meridional, and rikne
his altitude in almikanteras fro the est orizonte up to the same
degree set in the forseide lyne, and set ther a prikke. Turne up
thanne thy riet, and set the heved of Aries or Libra in the same
meridional lyne, and set ther a-nother prikke. And whan that 5
Page 309
this is don, considere the altitudes of hem bothe; for sothly the
difference of thilke altitudes is the declinacion of thilke degree
fro the equinoxial. And yif so be that thilke degree be northward
fro the equinoxial, than is his declinacion north; yif it be southward,
than is it south. And for the more declaracioun, lo here 10
thy figure.
21. To knowe for what latitude in any regioun the almikanteras of any table ben
compouned.
[Ad cognoscendum pro qua latitudine in aliqua regione almicantre tabule mee
sunt composite.]
Rikne how manye degrees of almikanteras, in the meridional
lyne, be fro the cercle equinoxial un-to the senith; or elles fro the
pool artik un-to the north orisonte; and for so gret a latitude or
for so smal a latitude is the table compouned. And for more
declaracion, lo here thy figure. 5
22. To knowe in special the latitude of oure countray, I mene after the latitude of
Oxenford, and the heighte of oure pol.
[Ad cognoscendum specialiter latitudinem nostri regionis, scilicet latitudinem
Oxonie, et altitudinem poli nostri.]
Understond wel, that as fer is the heved of Aries or Libra in the
equinoxial from oure orisonte as is the senith from the pole artik;
and as hey is the pol artik fro the orisonte, as the equinoxial is
fer fro the senith. I prove it thus by the latitude of Oxenford.
Understond wel, that the heyghte of oure pool artik fro oure north 5
orisonte is 51 degrees and 50 minutes; than is the senith from
oure pool artik 38 degrees and 10 minutes; than is the equinoxial
from oure senith 51 degrees and 50 minutes; than is oure south
orisonte from oure equinoxial 38 degrees and 10 minutes. Understond
wel this rekning. Also for-get nat that the senith is 90 10
degrees of heyghte fro the orisonte, and oure equinoxial is 90
degrees from oure pool artik. Also this shorte rewle is soth, that
the latitude of any place in a regioun is the distance fro the senith
unto the equinoxial. And for more declaracioun, lo here thy
figure. 15
23. To prove evidently the latitude of any place in a regioun, by the preve of the
heyghte of the pol artik in that same place.
difference of thilke altitudes is the declinacion of thilke degree
fro the equinoxial. And yif so be that thilke degree be northward
fro the equinoxial, than is his declinacion north; yif it be southward,
than is it south. And for the more declaracioun, lo here 10
thy figure.
21. To knowe for what latitude in any regioun the almikanteras of any table ben
compouned.
[Ad cognoscendum pro qua latitudine in aliqua regione almicantre tabule mee
sunt composite.]
Rikne how manye degrees of almikanteras, in the meridional
lyne, be fro the cercle equinoxial un-to the senith; or elles fro the
pool artik un-to the north orisonte; and for so gret a latitude or
for so smal a latitude is the table compouned. And for more
declaracion, lo here thy figure. 5
22. To knowe in special the latitude of oure countray, I mene after the latitude of
Oxenford, and the heighte of oure pol.
[Ad cognoscendum specialiter latitudinem nostri regionis, scilicet latitudinem
Oxonie, et altitudinem poli nostri.]
Understond wel, that as fer is the heved of Aries or Libra in the
equinoxial from oure orisonte as is the senith from the pole artik;
and as hey is the pol artik fro the orisonte, as the equinoxial is
fer fro the senith. I prove it thus by the latitude of Oxenford.
Understond wel, that the heyghte of oure pool artik fro oure north 5
orisonte is 51 degrees and 50 minutes; than is the senith from
oure pool artik 38 degrees and 10 minutes; than is the equinoxial
from oure senith 51 degrees and 50 minutes; than is oure south
orisonte from oure equinoxial 38 degrees and 10 minutes. Understond
wel this rekning. Also for-get nat that the senith is 90 10
degrees of heyghte fro the orisonte, and oure equinoxial is 90
degrees from oure pool artik. Also this shorte rewle is soth, that
the latitude of any place in a regioun is the distance fro the senith
unto the equinoxial. And for more declaracioun, lo here thy
figure. 15
23. To prove evidently the latitude of any place in a regioun, by the preve of the
heyghte of the pol artik in that same place.
Page 310
[Ad probandum evidenter latitudinem alicuius loci in aliqua regione, per
probacionem altitudinis de polo artico in eodem loco.]
In some winters night, whan the firmament is clere and thikke-sterred,
waite a tyme til that any sterre fix sit lyne-right perpendiculer
over the pol artik, and clepe that sterre A. And
wayte a-nother sterre that sit lyne-right under A, and under the
pol, and clepe that sterre F. And understond wel, that F is nat 5
considered but only to declare that A sit evene overe the pool.
Tak thanne a-non right the altitude of A from the orisonte, and
forget it nat. Lat A and F go farwel til agayns the dawening a
gret whyle; and come thanne agayn, and abyd til that A is evene
under the pol and under F; for sothly, than wol F sitte over the pool, 10
and A wol sitte under the pool. Tak than eft-sones the altitude of
A from the orisonte, and note as wel his secounde altitude as his
firste altitude; and whan that this is don, rikne how manye degrees
that the firste altitude of A excedeth his seconde altitude, and tak
half thilke porcioun that is exceded, and adde it to his seconde 15
altitude; and tak ther the elevacioun of thy pool, and eke the
latitude of thy regioun. For thise two ben of a nombre; this is
to seyn, as many degrees as thy pool is elevat, so michel is the
latitude of the regioun. Ensample as thus: par aventure, the
altitude of A in the evening is 56 degrees of heyghte. Than 20
wol his seconde altitude or the dawing be 48; that is 8 lasse than
56, that was his firste altitude at even. Take thanne the half of
8, and adde it to 48, that was his seconde altitude, and than
hastow 52. Now hastow the heyghte of thy pol, and the latitude
of the regioun. But understond wel, that to prove this conclusioun 25
and many a-nother fair conclusioun, thou most have a plomet
hanging on a lyne heyer than thin heved on a perche; and thilke
lyne mot hange evene perpendiculer by-twixe the pool and thyn
eye; and thanne shaltow seen yif A sitte evene over the pool and
over F at evene; and also yif F sitte evene over the pool and 30
over A or day. And for more declaracion, lo here thy figure.
24. Another conclusioun to prove the heyghte of the pool artik fro the orisonte.
[Alia conclusio ad probandum altitudinem de polo artico ab orizonte.]
Tak any sterre fixe that nevere dissendeth under the orisonte in
thilke regioun, and considere his heyest altitude and his lowest
altitude fro the orisonte; and make a nombre of bothe thise
altitudes. Tak thanne and abate half that nombre, and tak ther
probacionem altitudinis de polo artico in eodem loco.]
In some winters night, whan the firmament is clere and thikke-sterred,
waite a tyme til that any sterre fix sit lyne-right perpendiculer
over the pol artik, and clepe that sterre A. And
wayte a-nother sterre that sit lyne-right under A, and under the
pol, and clepe that sterre F. And understond wel, that F is nat 5
considered but only to declare that A sit evene overe the pool.
Tak thanne a-non right the altitude of A from the orisonte, and
forget it nat. Lat A and F go farwel til agayns the dawening a
gret whyle; and come thanne agayn, and abyd til that A is evene
under the pol and under F; for sothly, than wol F sitte over the pool, 10
and A wol sitte under the pool. Tak than eft-sones the altitude of
A from the orisonte, and note as wel his secounde altitude as his
firste altitude; and whan that this is don, rikne how manye degrees
that the firste altitude of A excedeth his seconde altitude, and tak
half thilke porcioun that is exceded, and adde it to his seconde 15
altitude; and tak ther the elevacioun of thy pool, and eke the
latitude of thy regioun. For thise two ben of a nombre; this is
to seyn, as many degrees as thy pool is elevat, so michel is the
latitude of the regioun. Ensample as thus: par aventure, the
altitude of A in the evening is 56 degrees of heyghte. Than 20
wol his seconde altitude or the dawing be 48; that is 8 lasse than
56, that was his firste altitude at even. Take thanne the half of
8, and adde it to 48, that was his seconde altitude, and than
hastow 52. Now hastow the heyghte of thy pol, and the latitude
of the regioun. But understond wel, that to prove this conclusioun 25
and many a-nother fair conclusioun, thou most have a plomet
hanging on a lyne heyer than thin heved on a perche; and thilke
lyne mot hange evene perpendiculer by-twixe the pool and thyn
eye; and thanne shaltow seen yif A sitte evene over the pool and
over F at evene; and also yif F sitte evene over the pool and 30
over A or day. And for more declaracion, lo here thy figure.
24. Another conclusioun to prove the heyghte of the pool artik fro the orisonte.
[Alia conclusio ad probandum altitudinem de polo artico ab orizonte.]
Tak any sterre fixe that nevere dissendeth under the orisonte in
thilke regioun, and considere his heyest altitude and his lowest
altitude fro the orisonte; and make a nombre of bothe thise
altitudes. Tak thanne and abate half that nombre, and tak ther
Page 311
the elevacioun of the pol artik in that same regioun. And for 5
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
25. A-nother conclusioun to prove the latitude of the regioun, &c.
[Alia conclusio ad probandum latitudinem regionis.]
Understond wel that the latitude of any place in a regioun is
verreyly the space by-twixe the senith of hem that dwellen there
and the equinoxial cerkle, north or southe, taking the mesure in
the meridional lyne, as sheweth in the almikanteras of thyn
Astrolabie. And thilke space is as moche as the pool artik is hey 5
in the same place fro the orisonte. And than is the depressioun
of the pol antartik, that is to seyn, than is the pol antartik by-nethe
the orisonte, the same quantite of space, neither more ne lasse.
Thanne, yif thow desire to knowe this latitude of the regioun, tak
the altitude of the sonne in the middel of the day, whan the sonne 10
is in the hevedes of Aries or of Libra; (for thanne moeveth the
sonne in the lyne equinoxial); and abate the nombre of that same
sonnes altitude out of 90, and thanne is the remenaunt of the
noumbre that leveth the latitude of the regioun. As thus: I
suppose that the sonne is thilke day at noon 38 degrees and 10 15
minutes of heyghte. Abate thanne thise degrees and minutes out
of 90; so leveth there 51 degrees and 50 minutes, the latitude.
I sey nat this but for ensample; for wel I wot the latitude of
Oxenforde is certein minutes lasse, as I mighte prove. Now yif
so be that thee semeth to long a taryinge, to abyde til that the 20
sonne be in the hevedes of Aries or of Libra, thanne waite whan
the sonne is in any other degree of the zodiak, and considere the
degree of his declinacion fro the equinoxial lyne; and yif it so be
that the sonnes declinacion be northward fro the equinoxial, abate
thanne fro the sonnes altitude at noon the nombre of his declinacion, 25
and thanne hastow the heyghte of the hevedes of Aries
and Libra. As thus: my sonne is, par aventure, in the firste
degre of Leoun, 58 degrees and 10 minutes of heyghte at noon
and his declinacion is almost 20 degrees northward fro the
equinoxial; abate thanne thilke 20 degrees of declinacion out of 30
the altitude at noon, than leveth thee 38 degrees and odde minutes;
lo ther the heved of Aries or Libra, and thyn equinoxial in that
regioun. Also yif so be that the sonnes declinacioun be southward
fro the equinoxial, adde thanne thilke declinacion to the
altitude of the sonne at noon; and tak ther the hevedes of Aries 35
and Libra, and thyn equinoxial. Abate thanne the heyghte of
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
25. A-nother conclusioun to prove the latitude of the regioun, &c.
[Alia conclusio ad probandum latitudinem regionis.]
Understond wel that the latitude of any place in a regioun is
verreyly the space by-twixe the senith of hem that dwellen there
and the equinoxial cerkle, north or southe, taking the mesure in
the meridional lyne, as sheweth in the almikanteras of thyn
Astrolabie. And thilke space is as moche as the pool artik is hey 5
in the same place fro the orisonte. And than is the depressioun
of the pol antartik, that is to seyn, than is the pol antartik by-nethe
the orisonte, the same quantite of space, neither more ne lasse.
Thanne, yif thow desire to knowe this latitude of the regioun, tak
the altitude of the sonne in the middel of the day, whan the sonne 10
is in the hevedes of Aries or of Libra; (for thanne moeveth the
sonne in the lyne equinoxial); and abate the nombre of that same
sonnes altitude out of 90, and thanne is the remenaunt of the
noumbre that leveth the latitude of the regioun. As thus: I
suppose that the sonne is thilke day at noon 38 degrees and 10 15
minutes of heyghte. Abate thanne thise degrees and minutes out
of 90; so leveth there 51 degrees and 50 minutes, the latitude.
I sey nat this but for ensample; for wel I wot the latitude of
Oxenforde is certein minutes lasse, as I mighte prove. Now yif
so be that thee semeth to long a taryinge, to abyde til that the 20
sonne be in the hevedes of Aries or of Libra, thanne waite whan
the sonne is in any other degree of the zodiak, and considere the
degree of his declinacion fro the equinoxial lyne; and yif it so be
that the sonnes declinacion be northward fro the equinoxial, abate
thanne fro the sonnes altitude at noon the nombre of his declinacion, 25
and thanne hastow the heyghte of the hevedes of Aries
and Libra. As thus: my sonne is, par aventure, in the firste
degre of Leoun, 58 degrees and 10 minutes of heyghte at noon
and his declinacion is almost 20 degrees northward fro the
equinoxial; abate thanne thilke 20 degrees of declinacion out of 30
the altitude at noon, than leveth thee 38 degrees and odde minutes;
lo ther the heved of Aries or Libra, and thyn equinoxial in that
regioun. Also yif so be that the sonnes declinacioun be southward
fro the equinoxial, adde thanne thilke declinacion to the
altitude of the sonne at noon; and tak ther the hevedes of Aries 35
and Libra, and thyn equinoxial. Abate thanne the heyghte of
Page 312
the equinoxial out of 90 degrees, and thanne leveth there the
distans of the pole, 51 degrees and 50 minutes, of that regioun
fro the equinoxial. Or elles, yif thee lest, take the heyest altitude
fro the equinoxial of any sterre fix that thou knowest, and tak his 40
nethere elongacioun lengthing fro the same equinoxial lyne, and
wirke in the maner forseid. And for more declaracion, lo here
thy figure.
26. Declaracioun of the assensioun of signes, &c.
[Declaracio de ascensione signorum.]
The excellence of the spere solide, amonges other noble conclusiouns,
sheweth manifeste the diverse assenciouns of signes
in diverse places, as wel in the righte cercle as in the embelif
cercle. Thise auctours wryten that thilke signe is cleped of right
ascensioun, with which more part of the cercle equinoxial and 5
lasse part of the zodiak ascendeth; and thilke signe assendeth
embelif, with whiche lasse part of the equinoxial and more part of
the zodiak assendeth. Ferther-over they seyn, that in thilke
cuntrey where as the senith of hem that dwellen there is in the
equinoxial lyne, and her orisonte passing by the poles of this 10
worlde, thilke folke han this right cercle and the right orisonte;
and evere-mo the arch of the day and the arch of the night is ther
y-like long, and the sonne twyes every yeer passinge thorow the
senith of her heved; and two someres and two winteres in a yeer
han this forseide poeple. And the almikanteras in her Astrolabies 15
ben streighte as a lyne, so as sheweth in this figure. The utilite to
knowe the assenciouns in the righte cercle is this: truste wel that
by mediacioun of thilke assenciouns thise astrologiens, by hir
tables and hir instrumentz, knowen verreyly the assencioun of
every degree and minut in al the zodiak, as shal be shewed. And 20
nota, that this forseid righte orisonte, that is cleped orison rectum,
divydeth the equinoxial in-to right angles; and the embelif orisonte,
wher-as the pol is enhaused up-on the orisonte, overkerveth the
equinoxial in embelif angles, as sheweth in the figure. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here the figure. 25
27. This is the conclusioun to knowe the assenciouns of signes in the right cercle,
that is, circulus directus, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum ascenciones signorum in recto circulo, qui vocatur circulus
directus.]
distans of the pole, 51 degrees and 50 minutes, of that regioun
fro the equinoxial. Or elles, yif thee lest, take the heyest altitude
fro the equinoxial of any sterre fix that thou knowest, and tak his 40
nethere elongacioun lengthing fro the same equinoxial lyne, and
wirke in the maner forseid. And for more declaracion, lo here
thy figure.
26. Declaracioun of the assensioun of signes, &c.
[Declaracio de ascensione signorum.]
The excellence of the spere solide, amonges other noble conclusiouns,
sheweth manifeste the diverse assenciouns of signes
in diverse places, as wel in the righte cercle as in the embelif
cercle. Thise auctours wryten that thilke signe is cleped of right
ascensioun, with which more part of the cercle equinoxial and 5
lasse part of the zodiak ascendeth; and thilke signe assendeth
embelif, with whiche lasse part of the equinoxial and more part of
the zodiak assendeth. Ferther-over they seyn, that in thilke
cuntrey where as the senith of hem that dwellen there is in the
equinoxial lyne, and her orisonte passing by the poles of this 10
worlde, thilke folke han this right cercle and the right orisonte;
and evere-mo the arch of the day and the arch of the night is ther
y-like long, and the sonne twyes every yeer passinge thorow the
senith of her heved; and two someres and two winteres in a yeer
han this forseide poeple. And the almikanteras in her Astrolabies 15
ben streighte as a lyne, so as sheweth in this figure. The utilite to
knowe the assenciouns in the righte cercle is this: truste wel that
by mediacioun of thilke assenciouns thise astrologiens, by hir
tables and hir instrumentz, knowen verreyly the assencioun of
every degree and minut in al the zodiak, as shal be shewed. And 20
nota, that this forseid righte orisonte, that is cleped orison rectum,
divydeth the equinoxial in-to right angles; and the embelif orisonte,
wher-as the pol is enhaused up-on the orisonte, overkerveth the
equinoxial in embelif angles, as sheweth in the figure. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here the figure. 25
27. This is the conclusioun to knowe the assenciouns of signes in the right cercle,
that is, circulus directus, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum ascenciones signorum in recto circulo, qui vocatur circulus
directus.]
Page 313
Set the heved of what signe thee liste to knowe his assending in
the right cercle up-on the lyne meridional; and waite wher thyn
almury toucheth the bordure, and set ther a prikke. Turne
thanne thy riet westward til that the ende of the forseide signe
sitte up-on the meridional lyne; and eft-sones waite wher thyn 5
almury toucheth the bordure, and set ther another prikke. Rikne
thanne the nombre of degrees in the bordure by-twixe bothe
prikkes, and tak the assencioun of the signe in the right cercle.
And thus maystow wyrke with every porcioun of thy zodiak, &c.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 10
28. To knowe the assencions of signes in the embelif cercle in every regioun, I
mene, in circulo obliquo.
[Ad cognoscendum ascenciones signorum in circulo obliquo, in omni regione.]
Set the heved of the signe which as thee list to knowe his
ascensioun up-on the est orisonte, and waite wher thyn almury
toucheth the bordure, and set ther a prikke. Turne thanne thy
riet upward til that the ende of the same signe sitte up-on the est
orisonte, and waite eft-sones wher as thyn almury toucheth the 5
bordure, and set ther a-nother prikke. Rikne thanne the noumbre
of degrees in the bordure by-twixe bothe prikkes, and tak ther the
assencioun of the signe in the embelif cercle. And understond
wel, that alle signes in thy zodiak, fro the heved of Aries unto the
ende of Virgo, ben cleped signes of the north fro the equinoxial; 10
and these signes arysen by-twixe the verrey est and the verrey
north in oure orisonte generaly for evere. And alle signes fro the
heved of Libra un-to the ende of Pisces ben cleped signes of the
south fro the equinoxial; and thise signes arysen ever-mo by-twixe
the verrey est and the verrey south in oure orisonte. Also every 15
signe by-twixe the heved of Capricorne un-to the ende of Geminis
aryseth on oure orisonte in lasse than two houres equales; and
thise same signes, fro the heved of Capricorne un-to the ende of
Geminis, ben cleped 'tortuos signes' or 'croked signes,' for
they arisen embelif on oure orisonte; and thise crokede signes 20
ben obedient to the signes that ben of right assencioun. The
signes of right assencioun ben fro the heved of Cancer to the
ende of Sagittare; and thise signes arysen more upright, and they
ben called eke sovereyn signes; and everich of hem aryseth in
more space than in two houres. Of which signes, Gemini obeyeth 25
to Cancer; and Taurus to Leo; Aries to Virgo; Pisces to Libra;
Aquarius to Scorpioun; and Capricorne to Sagittare. And thus
the right cercle up-on the lyne meridional; and waite wher thyn
almury toucheth the bordure, and set ther a prikke. Turne
thanne thy riet westward til that the ende of the forseide signe
sitte up-on the meridional lyne; and eft-sones waite wher thyn 5
almury toucheth the bordure, and set ther another prikke. Rikne
thanne the nombre of degrees in the bordure by-twixe bothe
prikkes, and tak the assencioun of the signe in the right cercle.
And thus maystow wyrke with every porcioun of thy zodiak, &c.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 10
28. To knowe the assencions of signes in the embelif cercle in every regioun, I
mene, in circulo obliquo.
[Ad cognoscendum ascenciones signorum in circulo obliquo, in omni regione.]
Set the heved of the signe which as thee list to knowe his
ascensioun up-on the est orisonte, and waite wher thyn almury
toucheth the bordure, and set ther a prikke. Turne thanne thy
riet upward til that the ende of the same signe sitte up-on the est
orisonte, and waite eft-sones wher as thyn almury toucheth the 5
bordure, and set ther a-nother prikke. Rikne thanne the noumbre
of degrees in the bordure by-twixe bothe prikkes, and tak ther the
assencioun of the signe in the embelif cercle. And understond
wel, that alle signes in thy zodiak, fro the heved of Aries unto the
ende of Virgo, ben cleped signes of the north fro the equinoxial; 10
and these signes arysen by-twixe the verrey est and the verrey
north in oure orisonte generaly for evere. And alle signes fro the
heved of Libra un-to the ende of Pisces ben cleped signes of the
south fro the equinoxial; and thise signes arysen ever-mo by-twixe
the verrey est and the verrey south in oure orisonte. Also every 15
signe by-twixe the heved of Capricorne un-to the ende of Geminis
aryseth on oure orisonte in lasse than two houres equales; and
thise same signes, fro the heved of Capricorne un-to the ende of
Geminis, ben cleped 'tortuos signes' or 'croked signes,' for
they arisen embelif on oure orisonte; and thise crokede signes 20
ben obedient to the signes that ben of right assencioun. The
signes of right assencioun ben fro the heved of Cancer to the
ende of Sagittare; and thise signes arysen more upright, and they
ben called eke sovereyn signes; and everich of hem aryseth in
more space than in two houres. Of which signes, Gemini obeyeth 25
to Cancer; and Taurus to Leo; Aries to Virgo; Pisces to Libra;
Aquarius to Scorpioun; and Capricorne to Sagittare. And thus
Page 314
ever-mo two signes, that ben y-lyke fer fro the heved of Capricorne,
obeyen everích of hem til other. And for more declaracioun, lo
here the figure. 30
29. To knowe iustly the foure quarters of the world, as est, west, north, and sowth.
[Ad cognoscendum evidenter quatuor partes mundi, scilicet, orientem, austrum,
aquilonem, et occidentem.]
Take the altitude of thy sonne whan thee list, and note wel the
quarter of the world in which the sonne is for the tyme by the
azimutz. Turne thanne thyn Astrolabie, and set the degree of
the sonne in the almikanteras of his altitude, on thilke side that
the sonne stant, as is the manere in taking of houres; and ley thy 5
label on the degree of the sonne, and rikene how many degrees of
the bordure ben by-twixe the lyne meridional and the point of thy
label; and note wel that noumbre. Turne thanne a-gayn thyn
Astrolabie, and set the point of thy gret rewle, ther thou takest
thyne altitudes, up-on as many degrees in his bordure fro his 10
meridional as was the point of thy label fro the lyne meridional on
the wombe-syde. Tak thanne thyn Astrolabie with bothe handes
sadly and slely, and lat the sonne shyne thorow bothe holes of thy
rewle; and sleyly, in thilke shyninge, lat thyn Astrolabie couch
adoun evene up-on a smothe grond, and thanne wol the verrey 15
lyne meridional of thyn Astrolabie lye evene south, and the est
lyne wole lye est, and the west lyne west, and north lyne north, so
that thou werke softly and avisely in the couching; and thus
hastow the 4 quarters of the firmament. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here the figure. 20
30. To knowe the altitude of planetes fro the wey of the sonne, whether so they be
north or south fro the forseide wey.
[Ad cognoscendum altitudinem planetarum a cursu solis, utrum sint in parte
australi vel boreali a cursu supra dicto.]
Lok whan that a planete is in the lyne meridional, yif that hir
altitude be of the same heyghte that is the degree of the sonne for
that day, and than is the planete in the verrey wey of the sonne,
and hath no latitude. And yif the altitude of the planete be
heyere than the degree of the sonne, than is the planete north fro 5
the wey of the sonne swich a quantite of latitude as sheweth by
thyn almikanteras. And yif the altitude of the planete be lasse
obeyen everích of hem til other. And for more declaracioun, lo
here the figure. 30
29. To knowe iustly the foure quarters of the world, as est, west, north, and sowth.
[Ad cognoscendum evidenter quatuor partes mundi, scilicet, orientem, austrum,
aquilonem, et occidentem.]
Take the altitude of thy sonne whan thee list, and note wel the
quarter of the world in which the sonne is for the tyme by the
azimutz. Turne thanne thyn Astrolabie, and set the degree of
the sonne in the almikanteras of his altitude, on thilke side that
the sonne stant, as is the manere in taking of houres; and ley thy 5
label on the degree of the sonne, and rikene how many degrees of
the bordure ben by-twixe the lyne meridional and the point of thy
label; and note wel that noumbre. Turne thanne a-gayn thyn
Astrolabie, and set the point of thy gret rewle, ther thou takest
thyne altitudes, up-on as many degrees in his bordure fro his 10
meridional as was the point of thy label fro the lyne meridional on
the wombe-syde. Tak thanne thyn Astrolabie with bothe handes
sadly and slely, and lat the sonne shyne thorow bothe holes of thy
rewle; and sleyly, in thilke shyninge, lat thyn Astrolabie couch
adoun evene up-on a smothe grond, and thanne wol the verrey 15
lyne meridional of thyn Astrolabie lye evene south, and the est
lyne wole lye est, and the west lyne west, and north lyne north, so
that thou werke softly and avisely in the couching; and thus
hastow the 4 quarters of the firmament. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here the figure. 20
30. To knowe the altitude of planetes fro the wey of the sonne, whether so they be
north or south fro the forseide wey.
[Ad cognoscendum altitudinem planetarum a cursu solis, utrum sint in parte
australi vel boreali a cursu supra dicto.]
Lok whan that a planete is in the lyne meridional, yif that hir
altitude be of the same heyghte that is the degree of the sonne for
that day, and than is the planete in the verrey wey of the sonne,
and hath no latitude. And yif the altitude of the planete be
heyere than the degree of the sonne, than is the planete north fro 5
the wey of the sonne swich a quantite of latitude as sheweth by
thyn almikanteras. And yif the altitude of the planete be lasse
Page 315
than the degree of the sonne, thanne is the planete south fro the
wey of the sonne swich a quantite of latitude as sheweth by thyn
almikanteras. This is to seyn, fro the wey wher-as the sonne 10
wente thilke day, but nat from the wey of the sonne in every place
of the zodiak. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
31. To knowe the senith of the arysing of the sonne, this is to seyn, the partie of the
orisonte in which that the sonne aryseth.
[Ad cognoscendum signum de ortu solis, scilicet, illam partem orientis in qua
oritur sol.]
Thou most first considere that the sonne aryseth nat al-wey
verrey est, but some tyme by north the est, and som tyme by southe
the est. Sothly, the sonne aryseth never-mo verrey est in oure
orisonte, but he be in the heved of Aries or Libra. Now is thyn
orisonte departed in 24 parties by thy azimutz, in significacion of 5
24 partiez of the world; al-be-it so that shipmen rikne thilke
partiez in 32. Thanne is ther no more but waite in which azimut
that thy sonne entreth at his arysing; and take ther the senith of
the arysing of the sonne. The manere of the devisioun of thyn
Astrolabie is this; I mene, as in this cas. First is it devided in 10
4 plages principalx with the lyne that goth from est to west, and
than with a-nother lyne that goth fro south to north. Than is it
devided in smale partiez of azimutz, as est, and est by southe,
whereas is the firste azimut above the est lyne; and so forth, fro
partie to partie, til that thou come agayn un-to the est lyne. 15
Thus maistow understond also the senith of any sterre, in which
partie he ryseth, &c. And for the more declaracion, lo here
the figure.
32. To knowe in which partie of the firmament is the coniunccioun.
[Ad cognoscendum in qua parte firmamenti sunt coniuncciones solis et lune.]
Considere the tyme of the coniunccion by thy kalender, as thus;
lok how many houres thilke coniunccion is fro the midday of the
day precedent, as sheweth by the canoun of thy kalender. Rikne
thanne thilke nombre of houres in the bordure of thyn Astrolabie,
as thou art wont to do in knowing of the houres of the day or of 5
the night; and ley thy label over the degree of the sonne; and
thanne wol the point of thy label sitte up-on the hour of the coniunccion.
Loke thanne in which azimut the degree of thy sonne
wey of the sonne swich a quantite of latitude as sheweth by thyn
almikanteras. This is to seyn, fro the wey wher-as the sonne 10
wente thilke day, but nat from the wey of the sonne in every place
of the zodiak. And for the more declaracioun, lo here the figure.
31. To knowe the senith of the arysing of the sonne, this is to seyn, the partie of the
orisonte in which that the sonne aryseth.
[Ad cognoscendum signum de ortu solis, scilicet, illam partem orientis in qua
oritur sol.]
Thou most first considere that the sonne aryseth nat al-wey
verrey est, but some tyme by north the est, and som tyme by southe
the est. Sothly, the sonne aryseth never-mo verrey est in oure
orisonte, but he be in the heved of Aries or Libra. Now is thyn
orisonte departed in 24 parties by thy azimutz, in significacion of 5
24 partiez of the world; al-be-it so that shipmen rikne thilke
partiez in 32. Thanne is ther no more but waite in which azimut
that thy sonne entreth at his arysing; and take ther the senith of
the arysing of the sonne. The manere of the devisioun of thyn
Astrolabie is this; I mene, as in this cas. First is it devided in 10
4 plages principalx with the lyne that goth from est to west, and
than with a-nother lyne that goth fro south to north. Than is it
devided in smale partiez of azimutz, as est, and est by southe,
whereas is the firste azimut above the est lyne; and so forth, fro
partie to partie, til that thou come agayn un-to the est lyne. 15
Thus maistow understond also the senith of any sterre, in which
partie he ryseth, &c. And for the more declaracion, lo here
the figure.
32. To knowe in which partie of the firmament is the coniunccioun.
[Ad cognoscendum in qua parte firmamenti sunt coniuncciones solis et lune.]
Considere the tyme of the coniunccion by thy kalender, as thus;
lok how many houres thilke coniunccion is fro the midday of the
day precedent, as sheweth by the canoun of thy kalender. Rikne
thanne thilke nombre of houres in the bordure of thyn Astrolabie,
as thou art wont to do in knowing of the houres of the day or of 5
the night; and ley thy label over the degree of the sonne; and
thanne wol the point of thy label sitte up-on the hour of the coniunccion.
Loke thanne in which azimut the degree of thy sonne
Page 316
sitteth, and in that partie of the firmament is the coniunccioun.
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
33. To knowe the senith of the altitude of the sonne, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum signa de altitudine solis.]
This is no more to seyn but any tyme of the day tak the altitude
of the sonne; and by the azimut in which he stondeth, maystou
seen in which partie of the firmament he is. And in the same
wyse maystou seen, by the night, of any sterre, whether the
sterre sitte est or west or north, or any partie by-twene, after the 5
name of the azimut in which is the sterre. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here the figure.
34. To knowe sothly the degree of the longitude of the mone, or of any planete that
hath no latitude for the tyme fro the ecliptik lyne.
[Ad cognoscendum veraciter gradum de longitudine lune, vel alicuius planete qui
non habet longitudinem pro tempore causanto linea ecliptica.]
Tak the altitude of the mone, and rikne thyn altitude up among
thyne almikanteras on which syde that the mone stande; and set
there a prikke. Tak thenne anon-right, up-on the mones syde,
the altitude of any sterre fix which that thou knowest, and set his
centre up-on his altitude among thyn almikanteras ther the sterre 5
is founde. Waite thanne which degree of the zodiak toucheth the
prikke of the altitude of the mone, and tak ther the degree in
which the mone standeth. This conclusioun is verrey soth, yif
the sterres in thyn Astrolabie stonden after the trowthe; of
comune, tretis of Astrolabie ne make non excepcioun whether the 10
mone have latitude, or non; ne on whether syde of the mone the
altitude of the sterre fix be taken. And nota, that yif the mone
shewe himself by light of day, than maystow wyrke this same
conclusioun by the sonne, as wel as by the fix sterre. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 15
35. This is the workinge of the conclusioun, to knowe yif that any planete be
directe or retrograde.
[Hec conclusio operatur ad cognoscendum si aliqua planeta sit directa vel
retrograda.]
Tak the altitude of any sterre that is cleped a planete, and note
And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
33. To knowe the senith of the altitude of the sonne, &c.
[Ad cognoscendum signa de altitudine solis.]
This is no more to seyn but any tyme of the day tak the altitude
of the sonne; and by the azimut in which he stondeth, maystou
seen in which partie of the firmament he is. And in the same
wyse maystou seen, by the night, of any sterre, whether the
sterre sitte est or west or north, or any partie by-twene, after the 5
name of the azimut in which is the sterre. And for the more
declaracioun, lo here the figure.
34. To knowe sothly the degree of the longitude of the mone, or of any planete that
hath no latitude for the tyme fro the ecliptik lyne.
[Ad cognoscendum veraciter gradum de longitudine lune, vel alicuius planete qui
non habet longitudinem pro tempore causanto linea ecliptica.]
Tak the altitude of the mone, and rikne thyn altitude up among
thyne almikanteras on which syde that the mone stande; and set
there a prikke. Tak thenne anon-right, up-on the mones syde,
the altitude of any sterre fix which that thou knowest, and set his
centre up-on his altitude among thyn almikanteras ther the sterre 5
is founde. Waite thanne which degree of the zodiak toucheth the
prikke of the altitude of the mone, and tak ther the degree in
which the mone standeth. This conclusioun is verrey soth, yif
the sterres in thyn Astrolabie stonden after the trowthe; of
comune, tretis of Astrolabie ne make non excepcioun whether the 10
mone have latitude, or non; ne on whether syde of the mone the
altitude of the sterre fix be taken. And nota, that yif the mone
shewe himself by light of day, than maystow wyrke this same
conclusioun by the sonne, as wel as by the fix sterre. And for the
more declaracioun, lo here thy figure. 15
35. This is the workinge of the conclusioun, to knowe yif that any planete be
directe or retrograde.
[Hec conclusio operatur ad cognoscendum si aliqua planeta sit directa vel
retrograda.]
Tak the altitude of any sterre that is cleped a planete, and note
Page 317
it wel. And tak eek anon the altitude of any sterre fix that thou
knowest, and note it wel also. Come thanne agayn the thridde or
the ferthe night next folwing; for thanne shaltow aperceyve wel the
moeving of a planete, whether so he moeve forthward or bakward. 5
Awaite wel thanne whan that thy sterre fix is in the same altitude that
she was whan thou toke hir firste altitude; and tak than eftsones
the altitude of the forseide planete, and note it wel. For trust
wel, yif so be that the planete be on the right syde of the meridional
lyne, so that his seconde altitude be lasse than his firste altitude 10
was, thanne is the planete directe. And yif he be on the west
syde in that condicion, thanne is he retrograd. And yif so be
that this planete be up-on the est syde whan his altitude is taken,
so that his secounde altitude be more than his firste altitude,
thanne is he retrograde, and yif he be on the west syde, than is he 15
directe. But the contrarie of thise parties is of the cours of the
mone; for sothly, the mone moeveth the contrarie from othere
planetes as in hir episicle, but in non other manere. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
36. The conclusiouns of equaciouns of houses, after the Astrolabie, &c.
[Conclusio de equacione domorum.]
Set the by-ginning of the degree that assendeth up-on the ende
of the 8 houre inequal; thanne wol the by-ginning of the 2 hous
sitte up-on the lyne of midnight. Remove thanne the degree that
assendeth, and set him on the ende of the 10 hour inequal; and
thanne wol the byginning of the 3 hous sitte up-on the midnight 5
lyne. Bring up agayn the same degree that assendeth first, and
set him up-on the orisonte; and thanne wol the be-ginning of the
4 hous sitte up-on the lyne of midnight. Tak thanne the nadir of
the degree that first assendeth, and set him on the ende of the 2
houre inequal; and thanne wol the by-ginning of the 5 hous sitte 10
up-on the lyne of midnight; set thanne the nadir of the assendent
on the ende of the 4 houre, than wol the byginning of the 6 house
sitte on the midnight lyne. The byginning of the 7 hous is nadir
of the assendent, and the byginning of the 8 hous is nadir of the
2; and the by-ginning of the 9 hous is nadir of the 3; and the 15
by-ginning of the 10 hous is the nadir of the 4; and the byginning
of the 11 hous is nadir of the 5; and the byginning of the 12 hous
is nadir of the 6. And for the more declaracion, lo here the
figure.
knowest, and note it wel also. Come thanne agayn the thridde or
the ferthe night next folwing; for thanne shaltow aperceyve wel the
moeving of a planete, whether so he moeve forthward or bakward. 5
Awaite wel thanne whan that thy sterre fix is in the same altitude that
she was whan thou toke hir firste altitude; and tak than eftsones
the altitude of the forseide planete, and note it wel. For trust
wel, yif so be that the planete be on the right syde of the meridional
lyne, so that his seconde altitude be lasse than his firste altitude 10
was, thanne is the planete directe. And yif he be on the west
syde in that condicion, thanne is he retrograd. And yif so be
that this planete be up-on the est syde whan his altitude is taken,
so that his secounde altitude be more than his firste altitude,
thanne is he retrograde, and yif he be on the west syde, than is he 15
directe. But the contrarie of thise parties is of the cours of the
mone; for sothly, the mone moeveth the contrarie from othere
planetes as in hir episicle, but in non other manere. And for
the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
36. The conclusiouns of equaciouns of houses, after the Astrolabie, &c.
[Conclusio de equacione domorum.]
Set the by-ginning of the degree that assendeth up-on the ende
of the 8 houre inequal; thanne wol the by-ginning of the 2 hous
sitte up-on the lyne of midnight. Remove thanne the degree that
assendeth, and set him on the ende of the 10 hour inequal; and
thanne wol the byginning of the 3 hous sitte up-on the midnight 5
lyne. Bring up agayn the same degree that assendeth first, and
set him up-on the orisonte; and thanne wol the be-ginning of the
4 hous sitte up-on the lyne of midnight. Tak thanne the nadir of
the degree that first assendeth, and set him on the ende of the 2
houre inequal; and thanne wol the by-ginning of the 5 hous sitte 10
up-on the lyne of midnight; set thanne the nadir of the assendent
on the ende of the 4 houre, than wol the byginning of the 6 house
sitte on the midnight lyne. The byginning of the 7 hous is nadir
of the assendent, and the byginning of the 8 hous is nadir of the
2; and the by-ginning of the 9 hous is nadir of the 3; and the 15
by-ginning of the 10 hous is the nadir of the 4; and the byginning
of the 11 hous is nadir of the 5; and the byginning of the 12 hous
is nadir of the 6. And for the more declaracion, lo here the
figure.
Page 318
37. A-nother manere of equaciouns of houses by the Astrolabie.
[De aliqua forma equacionis domorum secundum astrolabium.]
Tak thyn assendent, and thanne hastow thy 4 angles; for wel
thou wost that the opposit of thyn assendent, that is to seyn, thy
by-ginning of the 7 hous, sit up-on the west orizonte; and the
byginning of the 10 hous sit up-on the lyne meridional; and his
opposit up-on the lyne of midnight. Thanne ley thy label over 5
the degree that assendeth, and rekne fro the point of thy label
alle the degrees in the bordure, til thou come to the meridional
lyne; and departe alle thilke degrees in 3 evene parties, and take
the evene equacion of 3; for ley thy label over everich of 3 parties,
and than maistow see by thy label in which degree of the zodiak is 10
the by-ginning of everich of thise same houses fro the assendent:
that is to seyn, the beginning of the 12 house next above thyn
assendent; and thanne the beginning of the 11 house; and
thanne the 10, up-on the meridional lyne; as I first seide. The
same wyse wirke thou fro the assendent doun to the lyne of 15
midnight; and thanne thus hastow other 3 houses, that is to seyn,
the byginning of the 2, and the 3, and the 4 houses; thanne is
the nadir of thise 3 houses the by-ginning of the 3 houses that
folwen. And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
38. To finde the lyne merydional to dwelle fix in any certein place.
[Ad inveniendum lineam meridionalem per subtiles operaciones.]
Tak a rond plate of metal; for warping, the brodere the bettre;
and make ther-upon a iust compas, a lite with-in the bordure; and
ley this ronde plate up-on an evene grond, or on an evene ston, or
on an evene stok fix in the gronde; and ley it even by a level.
And in centre of the compas stike an evene pin or a wyr upright; 5
the smallere the betere. Set thy pin by a plom-rewle evene
upright; and let this pin be no lengere than a quarter of the
diametre of thy compas, fro the centre. And waite bisily, aboute
10 or 11 of the clokke and whan the sonne shyneth, whan the
shadwe of the pin entreth any-thing with-in the cercle of thy plate 10
an heer-mele, and mark ther a prikke with inke. Abyde thanne
stille waiting on the sonne after 1 of the clokke, til that the
schadwe of the wyr or of the pin passe ony-thing out of the cercle
of the compas, be it never so lyte; and set ther a-nother prikke
of inke. Take than a compas, and mesure evene the middel 15
[De aliqua forma equacionis domorum secundum astrolabium.]
Tak thyn assendent, and thanne hastow thy 4 angles; for wel
thou wost that the opposit of thyn assendent, that is to seyn, thy
by-ginning of the 7 hous, sit up-on the west orizonte; and the
byginning of the 10 hous sit up-on the lyne meridional; and his
opposit up-on the lyne of midnight. Thanne ley thy label over 5
the degree that assendeth, and rekne fro the point of thy label
alle the degrees in the bordure, til thou come to the meridional
lyne; and departe alle thilke degrees in 3 evene parties, and take
the evene equacion of 3; for ley thy label over everich of 3 parties,
and than maistow see by thy label in which degree of the zodiak is 10
the by-ginning of everich of thise same houses fro the assendent:
that is to seyn, the beginning of the 12 house next above thyn
assendent; and thanne the beginning of the 11 house; and
thanne the 10, up-on the meridional lyne; as I first seide. The
same wyse wirke thou fro the assendent doun to the lyne of 15
midnight; and thanne thus hastow other 3 houses, that is to seyn,
the byginning of the 2, and the 3, and the 4 houses; thanne is
the nadir of thise 3 houses the by-ginning of the 3 houses that
folwen. And for the more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
38. To finde the lyne merydional to dwelle fix in any certein place.
[Ad inveniendum lineam meridionalem per subtiles operaciones.]
Tak a rond plate of metal; for warping, the brodere the bettre;
and make ther-upon a iust compas, a lite with-in the bordure; and
ley this ronde plate up-on an evene grond, or on an evene ston, or
on an evene stok fix in the gronde; and ley it even by a level.
And in centre of the compas stike an evene pin or a wyr upright; 5
the smallere the betere. Set thy pin by a plom-rewle evene
upright; and let this pin be no lengere than a quarter of the
diametre of thy compas, fro the centre. And waite bisily, aboute
10 or 11 of the clokke and whan the sonne shyneth, whan the
shadwe of the pin entreth any-thing with-in the cercle of thy plate 10
an heer-mele, and mark ther a prikke with inke. Abyde thanne
stille waiting on the sonne after 1 of the clokke, til that the
schadwe of the wyr or of the pin passe ony-thing out of the cercle
of the compas, be it never so lyte; and set ther a-nother prikke
of inke. Take than a compas, and mesure evene the middel 15
Page 319
by-twixe bothe prikkes; and set ther a prikke. Take thanne
a rewle, and draw a stryke, evene a-lyne fro the pin un-to the
middel prikke; and tak ther thy lyne meridional for evere-mo, as
in that same place. And yif thow drawe a cros-lyne over-thwart
the compas, iustly over the lyne meridional, than hastow est and 20
west and south; and, par consequence, than the nadir of the
south lyne is the north lyne. And for more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure.
39. Descripcion of the meridional lyne, of longitudes, and latitudes of citees and
townes from on to a-nother of clymatz.
This lyne meridional is but a maner descripcion of lyne
imagined, that passeth upon the poles of this world and by
the senith of oure heved. And hit is y-cleped the lyne meridional;
for in what place that any maner man is at any tyme of the yeer,
whan that the sonne by moeving of the firmament cometh to his 5
verrey meridian place, than is hit verrey midday, that we clepen
oure noon, as to thilke man; and therfore is it cleped the lyne of
midday. And nota, for evermo, of 2 citees or of 2 tounes, of
whiche that o toun aprocheth more toward the est than doth
that other toun, truste wel that thilke tounes ban diverse meridians. 10
Nota also, that the arch of the equinoxial, that is conteyned
or bounded by-twixe the 2 meridians, is cleped the longitude
of the toun. And yif so be that two tounes have y-lyke
meridian, or oon meridian, than is the distance of hem bothe y-lyke
fer fro the est; and the contrarie. And in this manere they 15
chaunge nat her meridian, but sothly they chaungen her almikanteras;
for the enhausing of the pool and the distance of the
sonne. The longitude of a clymat is a lyne imagined fro est to
west, y-lyke distant by-twene them alle. The latitude of a clymat
is a lyne imagined from north to south the space of the erthe, 20
fro the byginning of the firste clymat unto the verrey ende of
the same climat, evene directe agayns the pole artik. Thus seyn
some auctours; and somme of hem seyn that yif men clepen the
latitude, thay mene the arch meridian that is contiened or intercept
by-twixe the senith and the equinoxial. Thanne sey they that 25
the distaunce fro the equinoxial unto the ende of a clymat,
evene agayns the pole artyk, is the latitude of a clymat for sothe.
And for more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
40. To knowe with which degree of the zodiak that any planete assendith on the
orisonte, whether so that his latitude be north or south.
a rewle, and draw a stryke, evene a-lyne fro the pin un-to the
middel prikke; and tak ther thy lyne meridional for evere-mo, as
in that same place. And yif thow drawe a cros-lyne over-thwart
the compas, iustly over the lyne meridional, than hastow est and 20
west and south; and, par consequence, than the nadir of the
south lyne is the north lyne. And for more declaracioun, lo here
thy figure.
39. Descripcion of the meridional lyne, of longitudes, and latitudes of citees and
townes from on to a-nother of clymatz.
This lyne meridional is but a maner descripcion of lyne
imagined, that passeth upon the poles of this world and by
the senith of oure heved. And hit is y-cleped the lyne meridional;
for in what place that any maner man is at any tyme of the yeer,
whan that the sonne by moeving of the firmament cometh to his 5
verrey meridian place, than is hit verrey midday, that we clepen
oure noon, as to thilke man; and therfore is it cleped the lyne of
midday. And nota, for evermo, of 2 citees or of 2 tounes, of
whiche that o toun aprocheth more toward the est than doth
that other toun, truste wel that thilke tounes ban diverse meridians. 10
Nota also, that the arch of the equinoxial, that is conteyned
or bounded by-twixe the 2 meridians, is cleped the longitude
of the toun. And yif so be that two tounes have y-lyke
meridian, or oon meridian, than is the distance of hem bothe y-lyke
fer fro the est; and the contrarie. And in this manere they 15
chaunge nat her meridian, but sothly they chaungen her almikanteras;
for the enhausing of the pool and the distance of the
sonne. The longitude of a clymat is a lyne imagined fro est to
west, y-lyke distant by-twene them alle. The latitude of a clymat
is a lyne imagined from north to south the space of the erthe, 20
fro the byginning of the firste clymat unto the verrey ende of
the same climat, evene directe agayns the pole artik. Thus seyn
some auctours; and somme of hem seyn that yif men clepen the
latitude, thay mene the arch meridian that is contiened or intercept
by-twixe the senith and the equinoxial. Thanne sey they that 25
the distaunce fro the equinoxial unto the ende of a clymat,
evene agayns the pole artyk, is the latitude of a clymat for sothe.
And for more declaracioun, lo here thy figure.
40. To knowe with which degree of the zodiak that any planete assendith on the
orisonte, whether so that his latitude be north or south.
Page 320
Knowe by thyn almenak the degree of the ecliptik of any signe
in which that the planete is rekned for to be, and that is cleped
the degree of his longitude; and knowe also the degree of his
latitude fro the ecliptik, north or south. And by thise samples
folwinge in special, maystow wirke for sothe in every signe of the 5
zodiak. The degree of the longitude, par aventure, of Venus or
of another planete, was 6 of Capricorne, and the latitude of him
was northward 2 degrees fro the ecliptik lyne. I tok a subtil
compas, and cleped that oon poynt of my compas A, and that
other poynt F. Than tok I the point of A, and set it in the 10
ecliptik lyne evene in my zodiak, in the degree of the longitude
of Venus, that is to seyn, in the 6 degree of Capricorne; and
thanne sette I the point of F upward in the same signe, bycause
that the latitude was north, up-on the latitude of Venus, that is to
seyn, in the 6 degree fro the heved of Capricorne; and thus have 15
I 2 degrees by-twixe my two prikkes. Than leide I doun softely
my compas, and sette the degree of the longitude up-on the
orisonte; tho tok I and wexede my label in maner of a peyre
tables to resceyve distinctly the prikkes of my compas. Tho tok
I this forseide label, and leide it fix over the degree of my 20
longitude; tho tok I up my compas, and sette the point of A in
the wex on my label, as evene as I coude gesse over the ecliptik
lyne, in the ende of the longitude; and sette the point of F
endlang in my label up-on the space of the latitude, inwarde and
over the zodiak, that is to seyn, north-ward fro the ecliptik. Than 25
leide I doun my compas, and lokede wel in the wey upon the
prikke of A and of F; tho turned I my riet til that the prikke of
F sat up-on the orisonte; than saw I wel that the body of Venus,
in hir latitude of 2 degrees septentrionalis, assended, in the ende
of the 6 degree, in the heved of Capricorne. And nota, that in the 30
same maner maistow wirke with any latitude septentrional in alle
signes; but sothly the latitude meridional of a planete in Capricorne
may not be take, by-cause of the litel space by-twixe the ecliptik
and the bordure of the Astrolabie; but sothly, in alle other signes
it may. 35
Also the degree, par aventure, of Iuppiter or of a-nother planete,
was in the first degree of Pisces in longitude, and his latitude was
3 degrees meridional; tho tok I the point of A, and sette it in
the firste degree of Pisces on the ecliptik, and thanne sette I the
point of F dounward in the same signe, by-cause that the latitude 40
was south 3 degrees, that is to seyn, fro the heved of Pisces; and
in which that the planete is rekned for to be, and that is cleped
the degree of his longitude; and knowe also the degree of his
latitude fro the ecliptik, north or south. And by thise samples
folwinge in special, maystow wirke for sothe in every signe of the 5
zodiak. The degree of the longitude, par aventure, of Venus or
of another planete, was 6 of Capricorne, and the latitude of him
was northward 2 degrees fro the ecliptik lyne. I tok a subtil
compas, and cleped that oon poynt of my compas A, and that
other poynt F. Than tok I the point of A, and set it in the 10
ecliptik lyne evene in my zodiak, in the degree of the longitude
of Venus, that is to seyn, in the 6 degree of Capricorne; and
thanne sette I the point of F upward in the same signe, bycause
that the latitude was north, up-on the latitude of Venus, that is to
seyn, in the 6 degree fro the heved of Capricorne; and thus have 15
I 2 degrees by-twixe my two prikkes. Than leide I doun softely
my compas, and sette the degree of the longitude up-on the
orisonte; tho tok I and wexede my label in maner of a peyre
tables to resceyve distinctly the prikkes of my compas. Tho tok
I this forseide label, and leide it fix over the degree of my 20
longitude; tho tok I up my compas, and sette the point of A in
the wex on my label, as evene as I coude gesse over the ecliptik
lyne, in the ende of the longitude; and sette the point of F
endlang in my label up-on the space of the latitude, inwarde and
over the zodiak, that is to seyn, north-ward fro the ecliptik. Than 25
leide I doun my compas, and lokede wel in the wey upon the
prikke of A and of F; tho turned I my riet til that the prikke of
F sat up-on the orisonte; than saw I wel that the body of Venus,
in hir latitude of 2 degrees septentrionalis, assended, in the ende
of the 6 degree, in the heved of Capricorne. And nota, that in the 30
same maner maistow wirke with any latitude septentrional in alle
signes; but sothly the latitude meridional of a planete in Capricorne
may not be take, by-cause of the litel space by-twixe the ecliptik
and the bordure of the Astrolabie; but sothly, in alle other signes
it may. 35
Also the degree, par aventure, of Iuppiter or of a-nother planete,
was in the first degree of Pisces in longitude, and his latitude was
3 degrees meridional; tho tok I the point of A, and sette it in
the firste degree of Pisces on the ecliptik, and thanne sette I the
point of F dounward in the same signe, by-cause that the latitude 40
was south 3 degrees, that is to seyn, fro the heved of Pisces; and
Page 321
thus have I 3 degrees by-twixe bothe prikkes; thanne sette I the
degree of the longitude up-on the orisonte. Tho tok I my label,
and leide it fix upon the degree of the longitude; tho sette I the
point of A on my label, evene over the ecliptik lyne, in the ende 45
evene of the degree of the longitude, and sette the point of F
endlang in my label the space of 3 degrees of the latitude fro the
zodiak, this is to seyn, southward fro the ecliptik, toward the
bordure; and turned my riet til the prikke of F sat up-on the
orisonte; thanne saw I wel that the body of Iuppiter, in his 50
latitude of 3 degrees meridional, ascended with 14 degrees of Pisces
in horoscopo. And in this maner maistow wirke with any latitude
meridional, as I first seide, save in Capricorne. And yif thou wolt
pleye this craft with the arysing of the mone, loke thou rekne wel
hir cours houre by houre; for she ne dwelleth nat in a degree of 55
hir longitude but a litel whyle, as thou wel knowest; but natheles,
yif thou rekne hir verreye moeving by thy tables houre after houre,
[thou shall do wel y-now].
Explicit tractatus de Conclusionibus Astrolabii, compilatus per Galfridum
Chauciers ad Filium suum Lodewicum, scolarem tunc temporis Oxonie, ac
sub tutela illius nobilissimi philosophi Magistri N. Strode, etc.
degree of the longitude up-on the orisonte. Tho tok I my label,
and leide it fix upon the degree of the longitude; tho sette I the
point of A on my label, evene over the ecliptik lyne, in the ende 45
evene of the degree of the longitude, and sette the point of F
endlang in my label the space of 3 degrees of the latitude fro the
zodiak, this is to seyn, southward fro the ecliptik, toward the
bordure; and turned my riet til the prikke of F sat up-on the
orisonte; thanne saw I wel that the body of Iuppiter, in his 50
latitude of 3 degrees meridional, ascended with 14 degrees of Pisces
in horoscopo. And in this maner maistow wirke with any latitude
meridional, as I first seide, save in Capricorne. And yif thou wolt
pleye this craft with the arysing of the mone, loke thou rekne wel
hir cours houre by houre; for she ne dwelleth nat in a degree of 55
hir longitude but a litel whyle, as thou wel knowest; but natheles,
yif thou rekne hir verreye moeving by thy tables houre after houre,
[thou shall do wel y-now].
Explicit tractatus de Conclusionibus Astrolabii, compilatus per Galfridum
Chauciers ad Filium suum Lodewicum, scolarem tunc temporis Oxonie, ac
sub tutela illius nobilissimi philosophi Magistri N. Strode, etc.
Page 322
SUPPLEMENTARY PROPOSITIONS.
41. Umbra Recta.
Yif it so be that thou wilt werke by umbra recta, and thou may
come to the bas of the toure, in this maner thou schalt werke.
Tak the altitude of the tour by bothe holes, so that thy rewle ligge
even in a poynt. Ensample as thus: I see him thorw at the
poynt of 4; than mete I the space be-tween me and the tour, and I 5
finde it 20 feet; than be-holde I how 4 is to 12, right so is the space
betwixe thee and the tour to the altitude of the tour. For 4 is the
thridde part of 12, so is the space be-tween thee and the tour the
thridde part of the altitude of the tour; than thryes 20 feet is the
heyghte of the tour, with adding of thyn owne persone to thyn 10
eye. And this rewle is so general in umbra recta, fro the poynt of
oon to 12. And yif thy rewle falle upon 5, than is 5 12-partyes
of the heyght the space be-tween thee and the toure; with adding
of thyn owne heyght.
42. Umbra Versa.
Another maner of werkinge, by vmbra versa. Yif so be that
thou may nat come to the bas of the tour, I see him thorw the
nombre of 1; I sette ther a prikke at my fote; than go I neer to
the tour, and I see him thorw at the poynt of 2, and there I sette
a-nother prikke; and I beholde how 1 hath him to 12, and ther 5
finde I that it hath him twelfe sythes; than beholde I how 2
hath him to 12, and thou shalt finde it sexe sythes; than thou shalt
finde that as 12 above 6 is the numbre of 6, right so is the space
between thy two prikkes the space of 6 tymes thyn altitude. And
note, that at the ferste altitude of 1, thou settest a prikke; and 10
afterward, whan thou seest him at 2, ther thou settest an-other
prikke; than thou findest between two prikkys 60 feet; than thou
shalt finde that 10 is the 6-party of 60. And then is 10 feet the
altitude of the tour. For other poyntis, yif it fille in umbra versa,
as thus: I sette caas it fill upon 2, and at the secunde upon 3; 15
than schalt thou finde that 2 is 6 partyes of 12; and 3 is 4 partyes
of 12; than passeth 6 4, by nombre of 2; so is the space between
two prikkes twyes the heyghte of the tour. And yif the differens
were thryes, than shulde it be three tymes; and thus mayst thou
werke fro 2 to 12; and yif it be 4, 4 tymes; or 5, 5 tymes; et sic 20
de ceteris.
41. Umbra Recta.
Yif it so be that thou wilt werke by umbra recta, and thou may
come to the bas of the toure, in this maner thou schalt werke.
Tak the altitude of the tour by bothe holes, so that thy rewle ligge
even in a poynt. Ensample as thus: I see him thorw at the
poynt of 4; than mete I the space be-tween me and the tour, and I 5
finde it 20 feet; than be-holde I how 4 is to 12, right so is the space
betwixe thee and the tour to the altitude of the tour. For 4 is the
thridde part of 12, so is the space be-tween thee and the tour the
thridde part of the altitude of the tour; than thryes 20 feet is the
heyghte of the tour, with adding of thyn owne persone to thyn 10
eye. And this rewle is so general in umbra recta, fro the poynt of
oon to 12. And yif thy rewle falle upon 5, than is 5 12-partyes
of the heyght the space be-tween thee and the toure; with adding
of thyn owne heyght.
42. Umbra Versa.
Another maner of werkinge, by vmbra versa. Yif so be that
thou may nat come to the bas of the tour, I see him thorw the
nombre of 1; I sette ther a prikke at my fote; than go I neer to
the tour, and I see him thorw at the poynt of 2, and there I sette
a-nother prikke; and I beholde how 1 hath him to 12, and ther 5
finde I that it hath him twelfe sythes; than beholde I how 2
hath him to 12, and thou shalt finde it sexe sythes; than thou shalt
finde that as 12 above 6 is the numbre of 6, right so is the space
between thy two prikkes the space of 6 tymes thyn altitude. And
note, that at the ferste altitude of 1, thou settest a prikke; and 10
afterward, whan thou seest him at 2, ther thou settest an-other
prikke; than thou findest between two prikkys 60 feet; than thou
shalt finde that 10 is the 6-party of 60. And then is 10 feet the
altitude of the tour. For other poyntis, yif it fille in umbra versa,
as thus: I sette caas it fill upon 2, and at the secunde upon 3; 15
than schalt thou finde that 2 is 6 partyes of 12; and 3 is 4 partyes
of 12; than passeth 6 4, by nombre of 2; so is the space between
two prikkes twyes the heyghte of the tour. And yif the differens
were thryes, than shulde it be three tymes; and thus mayst thou
werke fro 2 to 12; and yif it be 4, 4 tymes; or 5, 5 tymes; et sic 20
de ceteris.
Page 323
43. Umbra Recta.
An-other maner of wyrking be umbra recta. Yif it so be that
thou mayst nat come to the baas of the tour, in this maner thou
schalt werke. Sette thy rewle upon 1 till thou see the altitude,
and sette at thy foot a prikke. Than sette thy rewle upon 2, and
beholde what is the differense be-tween 1 and 2, and thou shalt 5
finde that it is 1. Than mete the space be-tween two prikkes, and
that is the 12 partie of the altitude of the tour. And yif ther were
2, it were the 6 partye; and yif ther were 3, the 4 partye; et sic
deinceps. And note, yif it were 5, it were the 5 party of 12; and
7, 7 party of 12; and note, at the altitude of thy conclusioun, 10
adde the stature of thyn heyghte to thyn eye.
44. Another maner conclusion, to knowe the mene mote and the argumentis of any
planete. To know the mene mote and the argumentis of every planete fro
yere to yere, from day to day, from houre to houre, and from smale
fraccionis infinite.
[Ad cognoscendum medios motus et argumenta de hora in horam cuiuslibet
planete, de anno in annum, de die in diem.]
In this maner shall thou worche: consider thy rote first, the
whiche is made the beginning of the tables fro the yere of oure
lord 1397, and entere hit in-to thy slate for the laste meridie of
December; and than consider the yere of oure lord, what is the
date, and be-hold whether thy date be more or lasse than the yere 5
1397. And yf hit so be that hit be more, loke how many yeres
hit passeth, and with so many entere into thy tables in the first
lyne ther-as is writen anni collecti et expansi. And loke where the
same planet is writen in the hede of thy table, and than loke
what thou findest in directe of the same yere of oure lord whiche 10
is passid, be hit 8, or 9, or 10, or what nombre that evere it be, til
the tyme that thou come to 20, or 40, or 60. And that thou
findest in directe wryte in thy slate under thy rote, and adde hit
to-geder, and that is thy mene mote, for the laste meridian of the
December, for the same yere whiche that thou hast purposed. 15
And if hit so be that hit passe 20, consider wel that fro 1 to 20
ben anni expansi, and fro 20 to 3000 ben anni collecti; and if thy
nombere passe 20, than take that thou findest in directe of 20, and
if hit be more, as 6 or 18, than take that thou findest in directe
there-of, that is to sayen, signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes, 20
and adde to-gedere un-to thy rote; and thus to make rotes; and
An-other maner of wyrking be umbra recta. Yif it so be that
thou mayst nat come to the baas of the tour, in this maner thou
schalt werke. Sette thy rewle upon 1 till thou see the altitude,
and sette at thy foot a prikke. Than sette thy rewle upon 2, and
beholde what is the differense be-tween 1 and 2, and thou shalt 5
finde that it is 1. Than mete the space be-tween two prikkes, and
that is the 12 partie of the altitude of the tour. And yif ther were
2, it were the 6 partye; and yif ther were 3, the 4 partye; et sic
deinceps. And note, yif it were 5, it were the 5 party of 12; and
7, 7 party of 12; and note, at the altitude of thy conclusioun, 10
adde the stature of thyn heyghte to thyn eye.
44. Another maner conclusion, to knowe the mene mote and the argumentis of any
planete. To know the mene mote and the argumentis of every planete fro
yere to yere, from day to day, from houre to houre, and from smale
fraccionis infinite.
[Ad cognoscendum medios motus et argumenta de hora in horam cuiuslibet
planete, de anno in annum, de die in diem.]
In this maner shall thou worche: consider thy rote first, the
whiche is made the beginning of the tables fro the yere of oure
lord 1397, and entere hit in-to thy slate for the laste meridie of
December; and than consider the yere of oure lord, what is the
date, and be-hold whether thy date be more or lasse than the yere 5
1397. And yf hit so be that hit be more, loke how many yeres
hit passeth, and with so many entere into thy tables in the first
lyne ther-as is writen anni collecti et expansi. And loke where the
same planet is writen in the hede of thy table, and than loke
what thou findest in directe of the same yere of oure lord whiche 10
is passid, be hit 8, or 9, or 10, or what nombre that evere it be, til
the tyme that thou come to 20, or 40, or 60. And that thou
findest in directe wryte in thy slate under thy rote, and adde hit
to-geder, and that is thy mene mote, for the laste meridian of the
December, for the same yere whiche that thou hast purposed. 15
And if hit so be that hit passe 20, consider wel that fro 1 to 20
ben anni expansi, and fro 20 to 3000 ben anni collecti; and if thy
nombere passe 20, than take that thou findest in directe of 20, and
if hit be more, as 6 or 18, than take that thou findest in directe
there-of, that is to sayen, signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes, 20
and adde to-gedere un-to thy rote; and thus to make rotes; and
Page 324
note, that if hit so be that the yere of oure lord be lasse than the
rote, whiche is the yere of oure lord 1397, than shalt thou wryte in
the same wyse furst thy rote in thy slate, and after entere in-to thy
table in the same yere that be lasse, as I taught be-fore; and 25
than consider how many signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes
thyn entringe conteyneth. And so be that ther be 2 entrees,
than adde hem togeder, and after with-drawe hem from the
rote, the yere of oure lord 1397; and the residue that leveth
is thy mene mote fro the laste meridie of December, the whiche 30
thou hast purposed; and if hit so be that thou wolt weten thy
mene mote for any day, or for any fraccioun of day, in this
maner thou shalt worche. Make thy rote fro the laste day
of Decembere in the maner as I have taught, and afterward
behold how many monethis, dayes, and houres ben passid from 35
the meridie of Decembere, and with that entere with the laste
moneth that is ful passed, and take that thou findest in directe
of him, and wryte hit in thy slate; and entere with as mony
dayes as be more, and wryte that thou findest in directe of the
same planete that thou worchest for; and in the same wyse in 40
the table of houres, for houres that ben passed, and adde alle these
to thy rote; and the residue is the mene mote for the same day
and the same houre.
45. Another manere to knowe the mene mote.
Whan thou wolt make the mene mote of eny planete to be by
Arsechieles tables, take thy rote, the whiche is for the yere of oure
lord 1397; and if so be that thy yere be passid the date, wryte
that date, and than wryte the nombere of the yeres. Than withdrawe
the yeres out of the yeres that ben passed that rote. 5
Ensampul as thus: the yere of oure lord 1400, I wolde witen,
precise, my rote; than wroot I furst 1400. And under that
nombere I wrote a 1397; than withdraw I the laste nombere
out of that, and than fond I the residue was 3 yere; I wiste
that 3 yere was passed fro the rote, the whiche was writen in 10
my tables. Than after-ward soghte I in my tables the annis
collectis et expansis, and amonge myn expanse yeres fond I
3 yeer. Than tok I alle the signes, degrees, and minutes, that
I fond directe under the same planete that I wroghte for, and
wroot so many signes, degrees, and minutes in my slate, and 15
afterward added I to signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes,
the whiche I fond in my rote the yere of oure lord 1397;
rote, whiche is the yere of oure lord 1397, than shalt thou wryte in
the same wyse furst thy rote in thy slate, and after entere in-to thy
table in the same yere that be lasse, as I taught be-fore; and 25
than consider how many signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes
thyn entringe conteyneth. And so be that ther be 2 entrees,
than adde hem togeder, and after with-drawe hem from the
rote, the yere of oure lord 1397; and the residue that leveth
is thy mene mote fro the laste meridie of December, the whiche 30
thou hast purposed; and if hit so be that thou wolt weten thy
mene mote for any day, or for any fraccioun of day, in this
maner thou shalt worche. Make thy rote fro the laste day
of Decembere in the maner as I have taught, and afterward
behold how many monethis, dayes, and houres ben passid from 35
the meridie of Decembere, and with that entere with the laste
moneth that is ful passed, and take that thou findest in directe
of him, and wryte hit in thy slate; and entere with as mony
dayes as be more, and wryte that thou findest in directe of the
same planete that thou worchest for; and in the same wyse in 40
the table of houres, for houres that ben passed, and adde alle these
to thy rote; and the residue is the mene mote for the same day
and the same houre.
45. Another manere to knowe the mene mote.
Whan thou wolt make the mene mote of eny planete to be by
Arsechieles tables, take thy rote, the whiche is for the yere of oure
lord 1397; and if so be that thy yere be passid the date, wryte
that date, and than wryte the nombere of the yeres. Than withdrawe
the yeres out of the yeres that ben passed that rote. 5
Ensampul as thus: the yere of oure lord 1400, I wolde witen,
precise, my rote; than wroot I furst 1400. And under that
nombere I wrote a 1397; than withdraw I the laste nombere
out of that, and than fond I the residue was 3 yere; I wiste
that 3 yere was passed fro the rote, the whiche was writen in 10
my tables. Than after-ward soghte I in my tables the annis
collectis et expansis, and amonge myn expanse yeres fond I
3 yeer. Than tok I alle the signes, degrees, and minutes, that
I fond directe under the same planete that I wroghte for, and
wroot so many signes, degrees, and minutes in my slate, and 15
afterward added I to signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes,
the whiche I fond in my rote the yere of oure lord 1397;
Page 325
and kepte the residue; and than had I the mene mote for
the laste day of Decembere. And if thou woldest wete the
mene mote of any planete in March, Aprile, or May, other 20
in any other tyme or moneth of the yere, loke how many
monethes and dayes ben passed from the laste day of Decembere,
the yere of oure lord 1400; and so with monethes
and dayes entere in-to thy table ther thou findest thy mene
mote y-writen in monethes and dayes, and take alle the signes, 25
degrees, minutes, and secoundes that thou findest y-write in
directe of thy monethes, and adde to signes, degrees, minutes,
and secoundes that thou findest with thy rote the yere of
oure lord 1400, and the residue that leveth is the mene mote
for that same day. And note, if hit so be that thou woldest 30
wete the mene mote in ony yere that is lasse than thy rote, withdrawe
the nombere of so many yeres as hit is lasse than the
yere of oure lord a 1397, and kepe the residue; and so many
yeres, monethes, and dayes entere in-to thy tabelis of thy mene
mote. And take alle the signes, degrees, and minutes, and 35
secoundes, that thou findest in directe of alle the yeris, monethes,
and dayes, and wryte hem in thy slate; and above thilke nombere
wryte the signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes, the whiche
thou findest with thy rote the yere of oure lord a 1397; and
with-drawe alle the nethere signes and degrees fro the signes and 40
degrees, minutes, and secoundes of other signes with thy rote;
and thy residue that leveth is thy mene mote for that day.
46. For to knowe at what houre of the day, or of the night, shal be flode or ebbe.
First wite thou certeinly, how that haven stondeth, that thou
list to werke for; that is to say in whiche place of the firmament
the mone being, maketh fulle see. Than awayte thou redily in
what degree of the zodiak that the mone at that tyme is inne.
Bringe furth than the labelle, and set the point therof in that 5
same cost that the mone maketh flode, and set thou there the
degree of the mone according with the egge of the label. Than
afterward awayte where is than the degree of the sonne, at that
tyme. Remeve thou than the label fro the mone, and bringe and
sette it iustly upon the degree of the sonne. And the point of 10
the label shal than declare to thee, at what houre of the day or of
the night shal be flode. And there also maist thou wite by the
same point of the label, whether it be, at that same tyme, flode or
ebbe, or half flode, or quarter flode, or ebbe, or half or quarter
the laste day of Decembere. And if thou woldest wete the
mene mote of any planete in March, Aprile, or May, other 20
in any other tyme or moneth of the yere, loke how many
monethes and dayes ben passed from the laste day of Decembere,
the yere of oure lord 1400; and so with monethes
and dayes entere in-to thy table ther thou findest thy mene
mote y-writen in monethes and dayes, and take alle the signes, 25
degrees, minutes, and secoundes that thou findest y-write in
directe of thy monethes, and adde to signes, degrees, minutes,
and secoundes that thou findest with thy rote the yere of
oure lord 1400, and the residue that leveth is the mene mote
for that same day. And note, if hit so be that thou woldest 30
wete the mene mote in ony yere that is lasse than thy rote, withdrawe
the nombere of so many yeres as hit is lasse than the
yere of oure lord a 1397, and kepe the residue; and so many
yeres, monethes, and dayes entere in-to thy tabelis of thy mene
mote. And take alle the signes, degrees, and minutes, and 35
secoundes, that thou findest in directe of alle the yeris, monethes,
and dayes, and wryte hem in thy slate; and above thilke nombere
wryte the signes, degrees, minutes, and secoundes, the whiche
thou findest with thy rote the yere of oure lord a 1397; and
with-drawe alle the nethere signes and degrees fro the signes and 40
degrees, minutes, and secoundes of other signes with thy rote;
and thy residue that leveth is thy mene mote for that day.
46. For to knowe at what houre of the day, or of the night, shal be flode or ebbe.
First wite thou certeinly, how that haven stondeth, that thou
list to werke for; that is to say in whiche place of the firmament
the mone being, maketh fulle see. Than awayte thou redily in
what degree of the zodiak that the mone at that tyme is inne.
Bringe furth than the labelle, and set the point therof in that 5
same cost that the mone maketh flode, and set thou there the
degree of the mone according with the egge of the label. Than
afterward awayte where is than the degree of the sonne, at that
tyme. Remeve thou than the label fro the mone, and bringe and
sette it iustly upon the degree of the sonne. And the point of 10
the label shal than declare to thee, at what houre of the day or of
the night shal be flode. And there also maist thou wite by the
same point of the label, whether it be, at that same tyme, flode or
ebbe, or half flode, or quarter flode, or ebbe, or half or quarter
Page 326
ebbe; or ellis at what houre it was last, or shal be next by night or 15
by day, thou than shalt esely knowe, &c. Furthermore, if it so be
that thou happe to worke for this matere aboute the tyme of the
coniunccioun, bringe furthe the degree of the mone with the
labelle to that coste as it is before seyd. But than thou shalt
understonde that thou may not bringe furthe the label fro the 20
degree of the mone as thou dide before; for-why the sonne is
than in the same degree with the mone. And so thou may at that
tyme by the point of the labelle unremeved knowe the houre of
the flode or of the ebbe, as it is before seyd, &c. And evermore
as thou findest the mone passe fro the sonne, so remeve thou the 25
labelle than fro the degree of the mone, and bringe it to the
degree of the sonne. And worke thou than as thou dide before,
&c. Or elles knowe thou what houre it is that thou art inne, by
thyn instrument. Than bringe thou furth fro thennes the labelle
and ley it upon the degree of the mone, and therby may thou wite 30
also whan it was flode, or whan it wol be next, be it night or
day; &c.
[The following sections are spurious; they are numbered so as to shew what
propositions they repeat.]
41a. Umbra Recta.
Yif thy rewle falle upon the 8 poynt on right schadwe, than make
thy figure of 8; than loke how moche space of feet is be-tween thee
and the tour, and multiplye that be 12, and whan thou hast multiplied
it, than divyde it be the same nombre of 8, and kepe the residue; and
adde therto up to thyn eye to the residue, and that shal be the verry 5
heyght of the tour. And thus mayst thou werke on the same wyse, fro
1 to 12.
41b. Umbra Recta.
An-other maner of werking upon the same syde. Loke upon which
poynt thy rewle falleth whan thou seest the top of the tour thorow two
litil holes; and mete than the space fro thy foot to the baas of the
tour; and right as the nombre of thy poynt hath him-self to 12, right
so the mesure be-tween thee and the tour hath him-self to the heighte 5
of the same tour. Ensample: I sette caas thy rewle falle upon 8;
than is 8 two-thrid partyes of 12; so the space is the two-thrid partyes
of the tour.
by day, thou than shalt esely knowe, &c. Furthermore, if it so be
that thou happe to worke for this matere aboute the tyme of the
coniunccioun, bringe furthe the degree of the mone with the
labelle to that coste as it is before seyd. But than thou shalt
understonde that thou may not bringe furthe the label fro the 20
degree of the mone as thou dide before; for-why the sonne is
than in the same degree with the mone. And so thou may at that
tyme by the point of the labelle unremeved knowe the houre of
the flode or of the ebbe, as it is before seyd, &c. And evermore
as thou findest the mone passe fro the sonne, so remeve thou the 25
labelle than fro the degree of the mone, and bringe it to the
degree of the sonne. And worke thou than as thou dide before,
&c. Or elles knowe thou what houre it is that thou art inne, by
thyn instrument. Than bringe thou furth fro thennes the labelle
and ley it upon the degree of the mone, and therby may thou wite 30
also whan it was flode, or whan it wol be next, be it night or
day; &c.
[The following sections are spurious; they are numbered so as to shew what
propositions they repeat.]
41a. Umbra Recta.
Yif thy rewle falle upon the 8 poynt on right schadwe, than make
thy figure of 8; than loke how moche space of feet is be-tween thee
and the tour, and multiplye that be 12, and whan thou hast multiplied
it, than divyde it be the same nombre of 8, and kepe the residue; and
adde therto up to thyn eye to the residue, and that shal be the verry 5
heyght of the tour. And thus mayst thou werke on the same wyse, fro
1 to 12.
41b. Umbra Recta.
An-other maner of werking upon the same syde. Loke upon which
poynt thy rewle falleth whan thou seest the top of the tour thorow two
litil holes; and mete than the space fro thy foot to the baas of the
tour; and right as the nombre of thy poynt hath him-self to 12, right
so the mesure be-tween thee and the tour hath him-self to the heighte 5
of the same tour. Ensample: I sette caas thy rewle falle upon 8;
than is 8 two-thrid partyes of 12; so the space is the two-thrid partyes
of the tour.
Page 327
42a. Umbra Versa.
To knowe the heyghth by thy poyntes of umbra versa. Yif thy
rewle falle upon 3, whan thou seest the top of the tour, set a prikke
there-as thy foot stont; and go ner til thou mayst see the same top at
the poynt of 4, and sette ther another lyk prikke. Than mete how
many foot ben be-tween the two prikkes, and adde the lengthe up to 5
thyn eye ther-to; and that shal be the heyght of the tour. And note,
that 3 is [the] fourthe party of 12, and 4 is the thridde party of 12.
Now passeth 4 the nombre of 3 be the distaunce of 1; therfore the
same space, with thyn heyght to thyn eye, is the heyght of the tour.
And yif it so be that ther be 2 or 3 distaunce in the nombres, so shulde 10
the mesures be-tween the prikkes be twyes or thryes the heyghte of
the tour.
43a. Ad cognoscendum altitudinem alicuius rei per umbram rectam.
To knowe the heyghte of thinges, yif thou mayst nat come to the
bas of a thing. Sette thy rewle upon what thou wilt, so that thou may
see the top of the thing thorw the two holes, and make a marke ther
thy foot standeth; and go neer or forther, til thou mayst see thorw
another poynt, and marke ther a-nother marke. And loke than what 5
is the differense be-twen the two poyntes in the scale; and right as
that difference hath him to 12, right so the space be-tween thee and
the two markes hath him to the heyghte of the thing. Ensample: I
set caas thou seest it thorw a poynt of 4; after, at the poynt of 3.
Now passeth the nombre of 4 the nombre of 3 be the difference of 1; 10
and right as this difference 1 hath him-self to 12, right so the mesure
be-tween the two markes hath him to the heyghte of the thing, putting
to the heyghte of thy-self to thyn eye; and thus mayst thou werke
fro 1 to 12.
42b. Per umbram versam.
Furthermore, yif thou wilt knowe in umbra versa, by the craft of
umbra recta, I suppose thou take the altitude at the poynt of 4, and
makest a marke; and thou goost neer til thou hast it at the poynt of
3, and than makest thou ther a-nother mark. Than muste thou
devyde 144 by eche of the poyntes be-fornseyd, as thus: yif thou 5
devyde 144 be 4, and the nombre that cometh ther-of schal be 36, and
yif thou devyde 144 be 3, and the nombre that cometh ther-of schal be
48, thanne loke what is the difference be-tween 36 and 48, and ther
shalt thou fynde 12; and right as 12 hath him to 12, right so the space
To knowe the heyghth by thy poyntes of umbra versa. Yif thy
rewle falle upon 3, whan thou seest the top of the tour, set a prikke
there-as thy foot stont; and go ner til thou mayst see the same top at
the poynt of 4, and sette ther another lyk prikke. Than mete how
many foot ben be-tween the two prikkes, and adde the lengthe up to 5
thyn eye ther-to; and that shal be the heyght of the tour. And note,
that 3 is [the] fourthe party of 12, and 4 is the thridde party of 12.
Now passeth 4 the nombre of 3 be the distaunce of 1; therfore the
same space, with thyn heyght to thyn eye, is the heyght of the tour.
And yif it so be that ther be 2 or 3 distaunce in the nombres, so shulde 10
the mesures be-tween the prikkes be twyes or thryes the heyghte of
the tour.
43a. Ad cognoscendum altitudinem alicuius rei per umbram rectam.
To knowe the heyghte of thinges, yif thou mayst nat come to the
bas of a thing. Sette thy rewle upon what thou wilt, so that thou may
see the top of the thing thorw the two holes, and make a marke ther
thy foot standeth; and go neer or forther, til thou mayst see thorw
another poynt, and marke ther a-nother marke. And loke than what 5
is the differense be-twen the two poyntes in the scale; and right as
that difference hath him to 12, right so the space be-tween thee and
the two markes hath him to the heyghte of the thing. Ensample: I
set caas thou seest it thorw a poynt of 4; after, at the poynt of 3.
Now passeth the nombre of 4 the nombre of 3 be the difference of 1; 10
and right as this difference 1 hath him-self to 12, right so the mesure
be-tween the two markes hath him to the heyghte of the thing, putting
to the heyghte of thy-self to thyn eye; and thus mayst thou werke
fro 1 to 12.
42b. Per umbram versam.
Furthermore, yif thou wilt knowe in umbra versa, by the craft of
umbra recta, I suppose thou take the altitude at the poynt of 4, and
makest a marke; and thou goost neer til thou hast it at the poynt of
3, and than makest thou ther a-nother mark. Than muste thou
devyde 144 by eche of the poyntes be-fornseyd, as thus: yif thou 5
devyde 144 be 4, and the nombre that cometh ther-of schal be 36, and
yif thou devyde 144 be 3, and the nombre that cometh ther-of schal be
48, thanne loke what is the difference be-tween 36 and 48, and ther
shalt thou fynde 12; and right as 12 hath him to 12, right so the space
Page 328
be-tween two prikkes hath him to the altitude of the thing. 10
Page 329
COMMENTARY ("FOOTNOTES").
Little Lewis my son, I perceive that thou wouldst learn the Conclusions of the
Astrolabe; wherefore I have given thee an instrument constructed for the latitude of
Oxford, and purpose to teach thee some of these conclusions. I say some, for three
reasons; (1) because some of them are unknown in this land; (2) because some are
uncertain; or else (3) are too hard. This treatise, divided into five parts, I write for thee
in English, just as Greeks, Arabians, Jews, and Romans were accustomed to write
such things in their own tongue. I pray all to excuse my shortcomings; and thou,
Lewis, shouldst thank me if I teach thee as much in English as most common treatises
can do in Latin. I have done no more than compile from old writers on the subject, and
I have translated it into English solely for thine instruction; and with this sword shall I
slay envy.
The first part gives a description of the instrument itself.
The second teaches the practical working of it.
The third shall contain tables of latitudes and longitudes of fixed stars, declinations of
the sun, and the longitudes of certain towns.
The fourth shall shew the motions of the heavenly bodies, and especially of the moon.
The fifth shall teach a great part of the general rules of astronomical theory.
Here begins the first part; i.e. the description of the Astrolabe itself.
1. The Ring. See figs. 1 and 2. The Latin name is Armilla suspensoria; the Arabic
name is spelt alhahuacia in MS. Camb. Univ. Ii. 3. 3, but Stöffler says it is Alanthica,
Alphantia, or Abalhantica. For the meaning of 'rewle,' see § 13.
2. The Turet. This answers nearly to what we call an eye or a swivel. The metal plate,
or loop, to which it is fastened, or in which it turns, is called in Latin Ansa or Armilla
Reflexa, in Arabic Alhabos.
3. The Moder. In Latin, Mater or Rotula. This forms the body of the instrument, the
back of which is shewn in fig. 1, the front in fig. 2. The 'large hole' is the wide
Little Lewis my son, I perceive that thou wouldst learn the Conclusions of the
Astrolabe; wherefore I have given thee an instrument constructed for the latitude of
Oxford, and purpose to teach thee some of these conclusions. I say some, for three
reasons; (1) because some of them are unknown in this land; (2) because some are
uncertain; or else (3) are too hard. This treatise, divided into five parts, I write for thee
in English, just as Greeks, Arabians, Jews, and Romans were accustomed to write
such things in their own tongue. I pray all to excuse my shortcomings; and thou,
Lewis, shouldst thank me if I teach thee as much in English as most common treatises
can do in Latin. I have done no more than compile from old writers on the subject, and
I have translated it into English solely for thine instruction; and with this sword shall I
slay envy.
The first part gives a description of the instrument itself.
The second teaches the practical working of it.
The third shall contain tables of latitudes and longitudes of fixed stars, declinations of
the sun, and the longitudes of certain towns.
The fourth shall shew the motions of the heavenly bodies, and especially of the moon.
The fifth shall teach a great part of the general rules of astronomical theory.
Here begins the first part; i.e. the description of the Astrolabe itself.
1. The Ring. See figs. 1 and 2. The Latin name is Armilla suspensoria; the Arabic
name is spelt alhahuacia in MS. Camb. Univ. Ii. 3. 3, but Stöffler says it is Alanthica,
Alphantia, or Abalhantica. For the meaning of 'rewle,' see § 13.
2. The Turet. This answers nearly to what we call an eye or a swivel. The metal plate,
or loop, to which it is fastened, or in which it turns, is called in Latin Ansa or Armilla
Reflexa, in Arabic Alhabos.
3. The Moder. In Latin, Mater or Rotula. This forms the body of the instrument, the
back of which is shewn in fig. 1, the front in fig. 2. The 'large hole' is the wide
Page 330
depression sunk in the front of it, into which the various discs are dropped. In the
figure, the 'Rete' is shewn fitted into it.
4. See fig. 1; Chaucer describes the 'bak-half' of the instrument first. The centre of the
'large hole amydde' is the centre of the instrument, where a smaller hole is pierced
completely through. The Southe lyne (marked Meridies in figs. 1 and 2) is also called
Linea Meridiei; the North lyne is also named Linea Mediæ Noctis.
5. The Est lyne is marked with the word Oriens; the West lyne, with Occidens.
6. The rule is the same as in heraldry, the right or dexter side being towards the
spectator's left.
7. As the 360 degrees answer to 24 hours of time, 15° answer to an hour, and 5° to
twenty minutes, or a Mile-way, as it is the average time for walking a mile. So also 1°
answers to 4 minutes of time. See the two outermost circles in fig. 1, and the divisions
of the 'border' in fig. 2.
8. See the third and fourth circles (reckoning inwards) in fig. 1.
9. See the fifth and sixth circles in fig. 1.
10. See the seventh, eighth, and ninth circles in fig. 1. The names of the months are all
Roman. The month formerly called Quinctilis was first called Julius in B.C. 44; that
called Sextilis was named Augustus in B.C. 27. It is a mistake to say that Julius and
Augustus made the alterations spoken of in the text; what Julius Cæsar really did, was
to add 2 days to the months of January, August (Sextilis), and December, and 1 day to
April, June, September, and November. February never had more than 28 days till he
introduced bissextile years.
11. See the two inmost circles in fig. 1. The names given are adopted from a
comparison of the figures in the Cambridge University and Trinity MSS., neither of
which are quite correct. The letters of the 'Abc.' are what we now call the Sunday
letters. The festivals marked are those of St. Paul (Jan. 25), The Purification (Feb. 2),
The Annunciation (Mar. 25), The Invention of the Holy Cross (May 3), St. John the
Baptist (June 24), St. James (July 25), St. Lawrence (Aug. 10), The Nativity of the
Blessed Virgin (Sept. 8), St. Luke (Oct. 18), St. Martin of Tours (Nov. 11), and St.
Thomas (Dec. 21).
figure, the 'Rete' is shewn fitted into it.
4. See fig. 1; Chaucer describes the 'bak-half' of the instrument first. The centre of the
'large hole amydde' is the centre of the instrument, where a smaller hole is pierced
completely through. The Southe lyne (marked Meridies in figs. 1 and 2) is also called
Linea Meridiei; the North lyne is also named Linea Mediæ Noctis.
5. The Est lyne is marked with the word Oriens; the West lyne, with Occidens.
6. The rule is the same as in heraldry, the right or dexter side being towards the
spectator's left.
7. As the 360 degrees answer to 24 hours of time, 15° answer to an hour, and 5° to
twenty minutes, or a Mile-way, as it is the average time for walking a mile. So also 1°
answers to 4 minutes of time. See the two outermost circles in fig. 1, and the divisions
of the 'border' in fig. 2.
8. See the third and fourth circles (reckoning inwards) in fig. 1.
9. See the fifth and sixth circles in fig. 1.
10. See the seventh, eighth, and ninth circles in fig. 1. The names of the months are all
Roman. The month formerly called Quinctilis was first called Julius in B.C. 44; that
called Sextilis was named Augustus in B.C. 27. It is a mistake to say that Julius and
Augustus made the alterations spoken of in the text; what Julius Cæsar really did, was
to add 2 days to the months of January, August (Sextilis), and December, and 1 day to
April, June, September, and November. February never had more than 28 days till he
introduced bissextile years.
11. See the two inmost circles in fig. 1. The names given are adopted from a
comparison of the figures in the Cambridge University and Trinity MSS., neither of
which are quite correct. The letters of the 'Abc.' are what we now call the Sunday
letters. The festivals marked are those of St. Paul (Jan. 25), The Purification (Feb. 2),
The Annunciation (Mar. 25), The Invention of the Holy Cross (May 3), St. John the
Baptist (June 24), St. James (July 25), St. Lawrence (Aug. 10), The Nativity of the
Blessed Virgin (Sept. 8), St. Luke (Oct. 18), St. Martin of Tours (Nov. 11), and St.
Thomas (Dec. 21).
Page 331
12. The 'scale' is in Latin Quadrans, or Scala Altimetra. It is certain that Chaucer has
here made a slip, which cannot be fairly laid to the charge of the scribes, as the MSS.
agree in transposing versa and recta. The side-parts of the scale are called Umbra
versa, the lower part Umbra recta or extensa. This will appear more clearly at the end
of Part II. (I here give a corrected text.)
13. See fig. 3, Plate III. Each plate turns on a hinge, just like the 'sights' of a gun. One
is drawn flat down, the other partly elevated. Each plate (tabella vel pinnula) has two
holes, the smaller one being the lower. This Rewle is named in Arabic Alhidada or Al
´idāda; in Latin Verticulum, from its turning easily on the centre; in Greek Dioptra, as
carrying the sights. The straight edge, passing through the centre, is called the Linea
Fiduciæ. It is pierced by a hole in the centre, of the same size as that in the Mother.
14. See fig. 4, Plate III. The Pin is also called Axis or Clavus, in Latin-Arabic Alchitot;
it occupies the position of the Arctic or North Pole, passing through the centre of the
plates that are required to turn round it. The Wedge is called cuneus, or equus
restringens, in Arabic Alfaras or the horse, because it was sometimes cut into the
shape of a horse, as shewn in fig. 7, Plate IV, which is copied from MS. Univ. Camb.
Ii. 3. 3.
15. See fig. 2, Plate II. In the figure, the cross-lines are partly hidden by the Rete,
which is separate and removable, and revolves within the border.
16. The Border was also called Margilabrum, Margolabrum, or Limbus. It is marked
(as explained) with hour-letters and degrees. Each degree contains 4 minutes of time,
and each of these minutes contains 60 seconds of time.
17. We may place under the Rete any plates we please. If only the Mother be under it,
without any plate, we may suppose the Mother marked as in fig. 2. The plate or disc
(tympanum) which was usually dropped in under the Rete is that shewn in fig. 5, Plate
III, and which Chaucer now describes. Any number of these, marked differently for
different latitudes, could be provided for the Astrolabe. The greatest declination of the
sun measures the obliquity of the ecliptic, the true value of which is slightly variable,
but was about 23° 31′ in Chaucer's time, and about 23° 40′ in the time of Ptolemy,
who certainly assigns to it too large a value. The value of it must be known before the
three circles can be drawn. The method of finding their relative magnitudes is very
simple. Let ABCD (fig. 8, Pl. IV) be the tropic of Capricorn, BO the South line, OC
the West line. Make the angle EOB equal to the obliquity (say 23½°), and join EA,
meeting BO in F. Then OF is the radius of the Equatorial circle, and if GH be drawn
parallel to EF, OH is the radius of the Tropic of Cancer. In the phrase angulus primi
motus, angulus must be taken to mean angular motion. The 'first moving' (primus
here made a slip, which cannot be fairly laid to the charge of the scribes, as the MSS.
agree in transposing versa and recta. The side-parts of the scale are called Umbra
versa, the lower part Umbra recta or extensa. This will appear more clearly at the end
of Part II. (I here give a corrected text.)
13. See fig. 3, Plate III. Each plate turns on a hinge, just like the 'sights' of a gun. One
is drawn flat down, the other partly elevated. Each plate (tabella vel pinnula) has two
holes, the smaller one being the lower. This Rewle is named in Arabic Alhidada or Al
´idāda; in Latin Verticulum, from its turning easily on the centre; in Greek Dioptra, as
carrying the sights. The straight edge, passing through the centre, is called the Linea
Fiduciæ. It is pierced by a hole in the centre, of the same size as that in the Mother.
14. See fig. 4, Plate III. The Pin is also called Axis or Clavus, in Latin-Arabic Alchitot;
it occupies the position of the Arctic or North Pole, passing through the centre of the
plates that are required to turn round it. The Wedge is called cuneus, or equus
restringens, in Arabic Alfaras or the horse, because it was sometimes cut into the
shape of a horse, as shewn in fig. 7, Plate IV, which is copied from MS. Univ. Camb.
Ii. 3. 3.
15. See fig. 2, Plate II. In the figure, the cross-lines are partly hidden by the Rete,
which is separate and removable, and revolves within the border.
16. The Border was also called Margilabrum, Margolabrum, or Limbus. It is marked
(as explained) with hour-letters and degrees. Each degree contains 4 minutes of time,
and each of these minutes contains 60 seconds of time.
17. We may place under the Rete any plates we please. If only the Mother be under it,
without any plate, we may suppose the Mother marked as in fig. 2. The plate or disc
(tympanum) which was usually dropped in under the Rete is that shewn in fig. 5, Plate
III, and which Chaucer now describes. Any number of these, marked differently for
different latitudes, could be provided for the Astrolabe. The greatest declination of the
sun measures the obliquity of the ecliptic, the true value of which is slightly variable,
but was about 23° 31′ in Chaucer's time, and about 23° 40′ in the time of Ptolemy,
who certainly assigns to it too large a value. The value of it must be known before the
three circles can be drawn. The method of finding their relative magnitudes is very
simple. Let ABCD (fig. 8, Pl. IV) be the tropic of Capricorn, BO the South line, OC
the West line. Make the angle EOB equal to the obliquity (say 23½°), and join EA,
meeting BO in F. Then OF is the radius of the Equatorial circle, and if GH be drawn
parallel to EF, OH is the radius of the Tropic of Cancer. In the phrase angulus primi
motus, angulus must be taken to mean angular motion. The 'first moving' (primus
Page 332
motus) has its name of 'moving' (motus) from its denoting motion due to the primum
mobile or 'first moveable.' This primum mobile (usually considered as the ninth
sphere) causes the rotation of the eighth sphere, or sphæra stellarum fixarum. See the
fig. in MS. Camb. Univ. Ii. 3. 3 (copied in fig. 10, Pl. V). Some authors make 12
heavens, viz. those of the 7 planets, the firmamentum (stellarum fixarum), the nonum
cœlum, decimum cœlum, primum mobile, and cœlum empyræum.
mobile or 'first moveable.' This primum mobile (usually considered as the ninth
sphere) causes the rotation of the eighth sphere, or sphæra stellarum fixarum. See the
fig. in MS. Camb. Univ. Ii. 3. 3 (copied in fig. 10, Pl. V). Some authors make 12
heavens, viz. those of the 7 planets, the firmamentum (stellarum fixarum), the nonum
cœlum, decimum cœlum, primum mobile, and cœlum empyræum.
Page 333
18. See fig. 5, Pl. III. This is made upon the alt-azimuth system, and the plates are
marked according to the latitude. The circles, called in Latin circuli progressionum, in
Arabic Almucantarāt, are circles of altitude, the largest imperfect one representing the
horizon (horizon obliquus), and the central dot being the zenith, or pole of the
horizon. In my figure, they are 'compounded by' 5 and 5, but Chaucer's shewed every
second degree, i.e. it possessed 45 such circles. For the method of drawing them, see
Stöffler, leaf 5, back.
19. Some Astrolabes shew 18 of these azimuthal circles, as in my figure (fig. 5, Pl.
III). See Stöffler, leaf 13, where will be found also the rules for drawing them.
20. If accurately drawn, these embelife or oblique lines should divide the portions of
the three circles below the horizon obliquus into twelve equal parts. Thus each arc is
determined by having to pass through three known points. They are called arcus
horarum inequalium, as they shew the 'houres inequales.'
21. In fig. 2, Pl. II, the Rete is shewn as it appears when dropped into the depression in
the front of the instrument. The shape of it varied much, and another drawing of one
(copied from Camb. Univ. MS. Ii. 3. 3, fol. 66 b) is given in fig. 9, Pl. IV. The
positions of the stars are marked by the extreme points of the metal tongues. Fig. 2 is
taken from the figures in the Cambridge MSS., but the positions of the stars have been
corrected by the list of latitudes and longitudes given by Stöffler, whom I have
followed, not because he is correct, but because he probably represents their positions
as they were supposed to be in Chaucer's time very nearly indeed. There was not room
to inscribe the names of all the stars on the Rete, and to have written them on the plate
below would have conveyed a false impression. A list of the stars marked in fig. 2 is
given in the note to § 21, l. 4. The Ecliptic is the circle which crosses the Equinoctial
at its East and West points (fig. 2). In Chaucer's description of the zodiac, carefully
note the distinction between the Zodiac of the Astrolabe and the Zodiac of Heaven.
The former is only six degrees broad, and shews only the northern half of the heavenly
zodiac, the breadth of which is imagined to be 12 degrees. Chaucer's zodiac only
shewed every other degree in the divisions round its border. This border is divided by
help of a table of right ascensions of the various degrees of the ecliptic, which is by no
means easily done. See Note on l. 4 of this section. I may add that the Rete is also
called Aranea or Volvellum; in Arabic, Al´ancabūt (the spider).
22. The Label. See fig. 6, Pl. III. The label is more usually used on the front of the
instrument, where the Rete and other plates revolve. The rule is used on the back, for
taking altitudes by help of the scale.
marked according to the latitude. The circles, called in Latin circuli progressionum, in
Arabic Almucantarāt, are circles of altitude, the largest imperfect one representing the
horizon (horizon obliquus), and the central dot being the zenith, or pole of the
horizon. In my figure, they are 'compounded by' 5 and 5, but Chaucer's shewed every
second degree, i.e. it possessed 45 such circles. For the method of drawing them, see
Stöffler, leaf 5, back.
19. Some Astrolabes shew 18 of these azimuthal circles, as in my figure (fig. 5, Pl.
III). See Stöffler, leaf 13, where will be found also the rules for drawing them.
20. If accurately drawn, these embelife or oblique lines should divide the portions of
the three circles below the horizon obliquus into twelve equal parts. Thus each arc is
determined by having to pass through three known points. They are called arcus
horarum inequalium, as they shew the 'houres inequales.'
21. In fig. 2, Pl. II, the Rete is shewn as it appears when dropped into the depression in
the front of the instrument. The shape of it varied much, and another drawing of one
(copied from Camb. Univ. MS. Ii. 3. 3, fol. 66 b) is given in fig. 9, Pl. IV. The
positions of the stars are marked by the extreme points of the metal tongues. Fig. 2 is
taken from the figures in the Cambridge MSS., but the positions of the stars have been
corrected by the list of latitudes and longitudes given by Stöffler, whom I have
followed, not because he is correct, but because he probably represents their positions
as they were supposed to be in Chaucer's time very nearly indeed. There was not room
to inscribe the names of all the stars on the Rete, and to have written them on the plate
below would have conveyed a false impression. A list of the stars marked in fig. 2 is
given in the note to § 21, l. 4. The Ecliptic is the circle which crosses the Equinoctial
at its East and West points (fig. 2). In Chaucer's description of the zodiac, carefully
note the distinction between the Zodiac of the Astrolabe and the Zodiac of Heaven.
The former is only six degrees broad, and shews only the northern half of the heavenly
zodiac, the breadth of which is imagined to be 12 degrees. Chaucer's zodiac only
shewed every other degree in the divisions round its border. This border is divided by
help of a table of right ascensions of the various degrees of the ecliptic, which is by no
means easily done. See Note on l. 4 of this section. I may add that the Rete is also
called Aranea or Volvellum; in Arabic, Al´ancabūt (the spider).
22. The Label. See fig. 6, Pl. III. The label is more usually used on the front of the
instrument, where the Rete and other plates revolve. The rule is used on the back, for
taking altitudes by help of the scale.
Page 334
23. The Almury; called also denticulus, ostensor, or 'calculer.' In fig. 2, it may be seen
that the edge of the Rete is cut away near the head of Capricorn, leaving only a small
pointed projecting tongue, which is the almury or denticle, or (as we should now say)
pointer. As the Rete revolves, it points to the different degrees of the border. See also
fig. 9, where the almury is plainly marked.
Part II, § 1. [The Latin headings to the propositions are taken from the MS. in St.
John's College, Cambridge.] See fig. 1. Any straight edge laid across from the centre
will shew this at once. Chaucer, reckoning by the old style, differs from us by about
eight days. The first degree of Aries, which in his time answered to the 12th of March,
now vibrates between the 20th and 21st of that month. This difference of eight days
must be carefully borne in mind in calculating Chaucer's dates.
2. Here 'thy left side' means the left side of thine own body, and therefore the right or
Eastern edge of the Astrolabe. In taking the altitude of the sun, the rays are allowed to
shine through the holes; but the stars are observed by looking through them. See figs.
1 and 3.
3. Drop the disc (fig. 5) within the border of the mother, and the Rete over it. Take the
sun's altitude by § 2, and let it be 25½°. As the altitude was taken by the back of the
Astrolabe, turn it over, and then let the Rete revolve westward till the 1st point of
Aries is just within the altitude-circle marked 25, allowing for the ½ degree by guess.
This will bring the denticle near the letter C, and the first point of Aries near X, which
means 9 A.M. At the same time, the 20th degree of Gemini will be on the horizon
obliquus. See fig. 11, Pl. V. This result can be approximately verified by a common
globe thus; elevate the pole nearly 52°; turn the small brass hour-circle so that the
figure XII lies on the equinoctial colure; then turn the globe till IX lies under the brass
meridian. In the next example, by the Astrolabe, let the height of Alhabor (Sirius) be
about 18°. Turn the denticle Eastward till it touches the 58th degree near the letter O,
and it will be found that Alhabor is about 18° high among the almicanteras, whilst the
first point of Aries points to 32° near the letter H, i.e. to 8 minutes past 8 P.M.; whilst at
the same time, the 23rd degree of Libra is almost on the Horizon obliquus on the
Eastern side. By the globe, at about 8 minutes past 8 P.M., the altitude of Sirius is very
nearly 18°, and the 23rd of Libra is very near the Eastern horizon. See fig. 12, Pl. V.
4. The ascendent at any given moment is that degree of the zodiac which is then seen
upon the Eastern horizon. Chaucer says that astrologers reckoned in also 5 degrees of
the zodiac above, and 25 below; the object being to extend the planet's influence over
a whole 'house,' which is a space of the same length as a sign, viz. 30°. See § 36
below.
that the edge of the Rete is cut away near the head of Capricorn, leaving only a small
pointed projecting tongue, which is the almury or denticle, or (as we should now say)
pointer. As the Rete revolves, it points to the different degrees of the border. See also
fig. 9, where the almury is plainly marked.
Part II, § 1. [The Latin headings to the propositions are taken from the MS. in St.
John's College, Cambridge.] See fig. 1. Any straight edge laid across from the centre
will shew this at once. Chaucer, reckoning by the old style, differs from us by about
eight days. The first degree of Aries, which in his time answered to the 12th of March,
now vibrates between the 20th and 21st of that month. This difference of eight days
must be carefully borne in mind in calculating Chaucer's dates.
2. Here 'thy left side' means the left side of thine own body, and therefore the right or
Eastern edge of the Astrolabe. In taking the altitude of the sun, the rays are allowed to
shine through the holes; but the stars are observed by looking through them. See figs.
1 and 3.
3. Drop the disc (fig. 5) within the border of the mother, and the Rete over it. Take the
sun's altitude by § 2, and let it be 25½°. As the altitude was taken by the back of the
Astrolabe, turn it over, and then let the Rete revolve westward till the 1st point of
Aries is just within the altitude-circle marked 25, allowing for the ½ degree by guess.
This will bring the denticle near the letter C, and the first point of Aries near X, which
means 9 A.M. At the same time, the 20th degree of Gemini will be on the horizon
obliquus. See fig. 11, Pl. V. This result can be approximately verified by a common
globe thus; elevate the pole nearly 52°; turn the small brass hour-circle so that the
figure XII lies on the equinoctial colure; then turn the globe till IX lies under the brass
meridian. In the next example, by the Astrolabe, let the height of Alhabor (Sirius) be
about 18°. Turn the denticle Eastward till it touches the 58th degree near the letter O,
and it will be found that Alhabor is about 18° high among the almicanteras, whilst the
first point of Aries points to 32° near the letter H, i.e. to 8 minutes past 8 P.M.; whilst at
the same time, the 23rd degree of Libra is almost on the Horizon obliquus on the
Eastern side. By the globe, at about 8 minutes past 8 P.M., the altitude of Sirius is very
nearly 18°, and the 23rd of Libra is very near the Eastern horizon. See fig. 12, Pl. V.
4. The ascendent at any given moment is that degree of the zodiac which is then seen
upon the Eastern horizon. Chaucer says that astrologers reckoned in also 5 degrees of
the zodiac above, and 25 below; the object being to extend the planet's influence over
a whole 'house,' which is a space of the same length as a sign, viz. 30°. See § 36
below.
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5. This merely amounts to taking the mean between two results.
6. This depends upon the refraction of light by the atmosphere, owing to which light
from the sun reaches us whilst he is still 18° below the horizon. The nadir of the sun
being 18° high on the W. side, the sun itself is 18° below the Eastern horizon, giving
the time of dawn; and if the nadir be 18° high on the E. side, we get the time of the
end of the evening twilight. Thus, at the vernal equinox, the sun is 18° high soon after
8 A.M. (roughly speaking), and hence the evening twilight ends soon after 8 P.M., 12
hours later, sunset being at 6 P.M.
7. Ex. The sun being in the first point of Cancer on the longest day, its rising will be
shewn by the point in fig. 5 where the horizon obliquus and Tropicus Cancri intersect;
this corresponds to a point between P and Q in fig. 2, or to about a quarter to 4 A.M. So
too the sunset is at about a quarter past 8, and the length of the day 16½ hours; hence
also, the length of the night is about 7½ hours, neglecting twilight.
8. On the same day, the number of degrees in the whole day is about 247½, that being
the number through which the Rete is turned in the example to § 7. Divide by 15, and
we have 16½ equal hours.
9. The 'day vulgar' is the length of the 'artificial day,' with the length of the twilight,
both at morn and at eve, added to it.
10. If, as in § 7, the day be 16½ hours long, the length of each 'hour inequal' is 1 h.
22½ m.; and the length of each 'hour inequal' of the night is the 12th part of 7½ hours,
or 37½ m.; and 1 h. 22½ m., added to 37½ m., will of course make up 2 hours, or 30°.
11. This merely repeats that 15° of the border answer to an hour of the clock. The '4
partie of this tretis' was never written.
12. This 'hour of the planet' is a mere astrological supposition, involving no point of
astronomy. Each hour is an 'hour inequal,' or the 12th part of the artificial day or night.
The assumptions are so made that first hour of every day may resemble the name of
the day; the first hour of Sunday is the hour of the Sun, and so on. These hours may be
easily found by the following method. Let 1 represent both Sunday and the Sun; 2,
Monday and the Moon; 3, Tuesday and Mars; 4, Wednesday and Mercury; 5,
Thursday and Jupiter; 6, Friday and Venus; 7, Saturday and Saturn. Next, write down
the following succession of figures, which will shew the hours at once.
1642753|16427531642753164275316.
6. This depends upon the refraction of light by the atmosphere, owing to which light
from the sun reaches us whilst he is still 18° below the horizon. The nadir of the sun
being 18° high on the W. side, the sun itself is 18° below the Eastern horizon, giving
the time of dawn; and if the nadir be 18° high on the E. side, we get the time of the
end of the evening twilight. Thus, at the vernal equinox, the sun is 18° high soon after
8 A.M. (roughly speaking), and hence the evening twilight ends soon after 8 P.M., 12
hours later, sunset being at 6 P.M.
7. Ex. The sun being in the first point of Cancer on the longest day, its rising will be
shewn by the point in fig. 5 where the horizon obliquus and Tropicus Cancri intersect;
this corresponds to a point between P and Q in fig. 2, or to about a quarter to 4 A.M. So
too the sunset is at about a quarter past 8, and the length of the day 16½ hours; hence
also, the length of the night is about 7½ hours, neglecting twilight.
8. On the same day, the number of degrees in the whole day is about 247½, that being
the number through which the Rete is turned in the example to § 7. Divide by 15, and
we have 16½ equal hours.
9. The 'day vulgar' is the length of the 'artificial day,' with the length of the twilight,
both at morn and at eve, added to it.
10. If, as in § 7, the day be 16½ hours long, the length of each 'hour inequal' is 1 h.
22½ m.; and the length of each 'hour inequal' of the night is the 12th part of 7½ hours,
or 37½ m.; and 1 h. 22½ m., added to 37½ m., will of course make up 2 hours, or 30°.
11. This merely repeats that 15° of the border answer to an hour of the clock. The '4
partie of this tretis' was never written.
12. This 'hour of the planet' is a mere astrological supposition, involving no point of
astronomy. Each hour is an 'hour inequal,' or the 12th part of the artificial day or night.
The assumptions are so made that first hour of every day may resemble the name of
the day; the first hour of Sunday is the hour of the Sun, and so on. These hours may be
easily found by the following method. Let 1 represent both Sunday and the Sun; 2,
Monday and the Moon; 3, Tuesday and Mars; 4, Wednesday and Mercury; 5,
Thursday and Jupiter; 6, Friday and Venus; 7, Saturday and Saturn. Next, write down
the following succession of figures, which will shew the hours at once.
1642753|16427531642753164275316.
Page 336
Ex. To find the planet of the 10th hour of Tuesday. Tuesday is the third day of the
week; begin with 3, to the left of the upright line, and reckon 10 onwards; the 10th
figure (counting 3 as the first) is 6, i.e. Venus. So also, the planet of the 24th hour of
Friday is the Moon, and Saturday begins with Saturn. It may be observed that this
table can be carried in the memory, by simply observing that the numbers are written,
beginning with 1, in the reverse order of the spheres, i.e. Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon;
and then (beginning again at the outmost sphere) Saturn, Jupiter, Mars. This is why
Chaucer takes a Saturday; that he may begin with the remotest planet, Saturn, and
follow the reverse order of the spheres. See fig. 10, Pl. V. Here, too, we have the
obvious reason for the succession of the names of the days of the week, viz. that the
planets being reckoned in this order, we find the Moon in the 25th place or hour from
the Sun, and so on.
13. The reason of this is obvious from what has gone before. The sun's meridional
altitude is at once seen by placing the sun's degree on the South line.
14. This is the exact converse of the preceding. It furnishes a method of testing the
accuracy of the drawing of the almikanteras.
15. This is best done by help of the back of the instrument, fig. 1. Thus May 13 (old
style), which lies 30° to the W. of the S. line, is nearly of the same length as July 13,
which lies 30° to the E. Secondly, the day of April 2 (old style), 20° above the W. line,
is nearly of the same length as the night of Oct. 2, 20° below the E. line, in the
opposite point of the circle. This is but an approximation, as the divisions on the
instrument are rather minute.
16. This merely expresses the same thing, with the addition, that on days of the same
length, the sun has the same meridional altitude, and the same declination from the
equator.
17. Here passeth any-thing the south westward means, passes somewhat to the
westward of the South line. The problem is, to find the degree of the zodiac which is
on the meridian with the star. To do this, find the altitude of the star before it souths,
and by help of problem 3, find out the ascending degree of the zodiac; secondly, find
the ascending degree at an equal time after it souths, when the star has the same
altitude as before, and the mean between these will be the degree that ascends when
the star is on the meridian. Set this degree upon the Eastern part of the horizon
obliquus, and then the degree which is upon the meridional line souths together with
the star. Such is the solution given, but it is but a very rough approximation, and by no
means always near to the truth. An example will shew why. Let Arcturus have the
same altitude at 10 P.M. as at 2 A.M. In the first case the 4th of Sagittarius is ascending,
week; begin with 3, to the left of the upright line, and reckon 10 onwards; the 10th
figure (counting 3 as the first) is 6, i.e. Venus. So also, the planet of the 24th hour of
Friday is the Moon, and Saturday begins with Saturn. It may be observed that this
table can be carried in the memory, by simply observing that the numbers are written,
beginning with 1, in the reverse order of the spheres, i.e. Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon;
and then (beginning again at the outmost sphere) Saturn, Jupiter, Mars. This is why
Chaucer takes a Saturday; that he may begin with the remotest planet, Saturn, and
follow the reverse order of the spheres. See fig. 10, Pl. V. Here, too, we have the
obvious reason for the succession of the names of the days of the week, viz. that the
planets being reckoned in this order, we find the Moon in the 25th place or hour from
the Sun, and so on.
13. The reason of this is obvious from what has gone before. The sun's meridional
altitude is at once seen by placing the sun's degree on the South line.
14. This is the exact converse of the preceding. It furnishes a method of testing the
accuracy of the drawing of the almikanteras.
15. This is best done by help of the back of the instrument, fig. 1. Thus May 13 (old
style), which lies 30° to the W. of the S. line, is nearly of the same length as July 13,
which lies 30° to the E. Secondly, the day of April 2 (old style), 20° above the W. line,
is nearly of the same length as the night of Oct. 2, 20° below the E. line, in the
opposite point of the circle. This is but an approximation, as the divisions on the
instrument are rather minute.
16. This merely expresses the same thing, with the addition, that on days of the same
length, the sun has the same meridional altitude, and the same declination from the
equator.
17. Here passeth any-thing the south westward means, passes somewhat to the
westward of the South line. The problem is, to find the degree of the zodiac which is
on the meridian with the star. To do this, find the altitude of the star before it souths,
and by help of problem 3, find out the ascending degree of the zodiac; secondly, find
the ascending degree at an equal time after it souths, when the star has the same
altitude as before, and the mean between these will be the degree that ascends when
the star is on the meridian. Set this degree upon the Eastern part of the horizon
obliquus, and then the degree which is upon the meridional line souths together with
the star. Such is the solution given, but it is but a very rough approximation, and by no
means always near to the truth. An example will shew why. Let Arcturus have the
same altitude at 10 P.M. as at 2 A.M. In the first case the 4th of Sagittarius is ascending,
Page 337
in the second (with sufficient accuracy for our purpose) the 2nd of Aquarius; and the
mean between these is the 3rd of Capricorn. Set this on the Eastern horizon upon a
globe, and it will be seen that it is 20 min. past midnight, that 10° of Scorpio is on the
meridian, and that Arcturus has past the meridian by 5°. At true midnight, the
ascendent is the 29° of Sagittarius. The reason of the error is that right ascension and
longitude are here not sufficiently distinguished. By observing the degrees of the
equinoctial, instead of the ecliptic, upon the Eastern horizon, we have at the first
observation 272°, at the second 332°, and the mean of these is 302°; from this subtract
90°, and the result, 212°, gives the right ascension of Arcturus very nearly,
corresponding to which is the beginning of the 5° of Scorpio, which souths along with
it. This latter method is correct, because it assumes the motion to take place round the
axis of the equator. The error of Chaucer's method is that it identifies the motion of the
equator with that of the ecliptic. The amount of the error varies considerably, and may
be rather large. But it can easily be diminished, (and no doubt was so in practice), by
taking the observations as near the south line as possible. Curiously enough, the rest
of the section explains the difference between the two methods of reckoning. The
modern method is to call the co-ordinates right ascension and declination, if reckoned
from the equator, and longitude and latitude, if from the ecliptic. Motion in longitude
is not the same thing as motion in right ascension.
18. The 'centre' of the star is the technical name for the extremity of the metal tongue
representing it. The 'degree in which the star standeth' is considered to be that degree
of the zodiac which souths along with it. Thus Sirius or Alhabor has its true longitude
nearly equal to that of 12° of Cancer, but, as it souths with the 9th degree, it would be
said to stand in that degree. This may serve for an example; but it must be
remembered that its longitude was different in the time of Chaucer.
19. Also it rises with the 19th degree of Leo, as it is at some distance from the zodiac
in latitude. The same 'marvellous arising in a strange sign' is hardly because of the
latitude being north or south from the equinoctial, but rather because it is north or
south of the ecliptic. For example, Regulus (α Leonis) is on the ecliptic, and of course
rises with that very degree in which it is. Hence the reading equinoctial leaves the
case in doubt, and we find a more correct statement just below, where we have 'whan
they have no latitude fro the ecliptik lyne.' At all places, however, upon the earth's
equator, the stars will rise with the degrees of the zodiac in which they stand.]
20. Here the disc (fig. 5) is supposed to be placed beneath the Rete (fig. 2). The
proposition merely tells us that the difference between the meridian altitudes of the
given degree of the zodiac and of the 1st point of Aries is the declination of that
degree, which follows from the very definition of the term. There is hardly any
necessity for setting the second prick, as it is sufficiently marked by being the point
mean between these is the 3rd of Capricorn. Set this on the Eastern horizon upon a
globe, and it will be seen that it is 20 min. past midnight, that 10° of Scorpio is on the
meridian, and that Arcturus has past the meridian by 5°. At true midnight, the
ascendent is the 29° of Sagittarius. The reason of the error is that right ascension and
longitude are here not sufficiently distinguished. By observing the degrees of the
equinoctial, instead of the ecliptic, upon the Eastern horizon, we have at the first
observation 272°, at the second 332°, and the mean of these is 302°; from this subtract
90°, and the result, 212°, gives the right ascension of Arcturus very nearly,
corresponding to which is the beginning of the 5° of Scorpio, which souths along with
it. This latter method is correct, because it assumes the motion to take place round the
axis of the equator. The error of Chaucer's method is that it identifies the motion of the
equator with that of the ecliptic. The amount of the error varies considerably, and may
be rather large. But it can easily be diminished, (and no doubt was so in practice), by
taking the observations as near the south line as possible. Curiously enough, the rest
of the section explains the difference between the two methods of reckoning. The
modern method is to call the co-ordinates right ascension and declination, if reckoned
from the equator, and longitude and latitude, if from the ecliptic. Motion in longitude
is not the same thing as motion in right ascension.
18. The 'centre' of the star is the technical name for the extremity of the metal tongue
representing it. The 'degree in which the star standeth' is considered to be that degree
of the zodiac which souths along with it. Thus Sirius or Alhabor has its true longitude
nearly equal to that of 12° of Cancer, but, as it souths with the 9th degree, it would be
said to stand in that degree. This may serve for an example; but it must be
remembered that its longitude was different in the time of Chaucer.
19. Also it rises with the 19th degree of Leo, as it is at some distance from the zodiac
in latitude. The same 'marvellous arising in a strange sign' is hardly because of the
latitude being north or south from the equinoctial, but rather because it is north or
south of the ecliptic. For example, Regulus (α Leonis) is on the ecliptic, and of course
rises with that very degree in which it is. Hence the reading equinoctial leaves the
case in doubt, and we find a more correct statement just below, where we have 'whan
they have no latitude fro the ecliptik lyne.' At all places, however, upon the earth's
equator, the stars will rise with the degrees of the zodiac in which they stand.]
20. Here the disc (fig. 5) is supposed to be placed beneath the Rete (fig. 2). The
proposition merely tells us that the difference between the meridian altitudes of the
given degree of the zodiac and of the 1st point of Aries is the declination of that
degree, which follows from the very definition of the term. There is hardly any
necessity for setting the second prick, as it is sufficiently marked by being the point
Page 338
where the equinoctial circle crosses the south line. If the given degree lie outside this
circle, the declination is south; if inside, it is north.
21. In fig. 5, the almicanteras, if accurately drawn, ought to shew as many degrees
between the south point of the equinoctial circle and the zenith as are equal to the
latitude of the place for which they are described. The number of degrees from the
pole to the northern point of the horizon obliquus is of course the same. The latitude
of the place for which the disc is constructed is thus determined by inspection.
22. In the first place where 'orisonte' occurs, it means the South point of the horizon;
in the second place, the North point. By referring to fig. 13, Plate V, it is clear that the
arc ♈S, representing the distance between the equinoctial and the S. point, is equal to
the arc ZP, which measures the distance from the pole to the zenith; since PO♈ and
ZOS are both right angles. Hence also Chaucer's second statement, that the arcs PN
and ♈Z are equal. In his numerical example, PN is 51° 50′; and therefore ZP is the
complement, or 38° 10′. So also ♈ Z is 51° 50′; and ♈ S is 38° 10′. Briefly, ♈ Z
measures the latitude.
23. Here the altitude of a star (A) is to be taken twice; firstly, when it is on the
meridian in the most southern point of its course, and secondly, when on the meridian
in the most northern point, which would be the case twelve hours later. The mean of
these altitudes is the altitude of the pole, or the latitude of the place. In the example
given, the star A is only 4° from the pole, which shews that it is the Pole-star, then
farther from the Pole than it is now. The star F is, according to Chaucer, any
convenient star having a right ascension differing from that of the Pole-star by 180°;
though one having the same right ascension would serve as well. If then, at the first
observation, the altitude of A be 56, and at the second be 48, the altitude of the pole
must be 52. See fig. 13, Plate V.
24. This comes to much the same thing. The lowest or northern altitude of Dubhe (α
Ursæ Majoris) may be supposed to be observed to be 25°, and his highest or southern
altitude to be 79°. Add these; the sum is 104; 'abate' or subtract half of that number,
and the result is 52°; the latitude.
25. Here, as in § 22, Chaucer says that the latitude can be measured by the arc Z♈ or
PN; he adds that the depression of the Antarctic pole, viz. the arc SP′ (where P′ is the
S. pole), is another measure of the latitude. He explains that an obvious way of finding
the latitude is by finding the altitude of the sun at noon at the time of an equinox. If
this altitude be 38° 10′, then the latitude is the complement, or 51° 50′. But this
observation can only be made on two days in the year. If then this seems to be too
long a tarrying, observe his midday altitude, and allow for his declination. Thus, if the
circle, the declination is south; if inside, it is north.
21. In fig. 5, the almicanteras, if accurately drawn, ought to shew as many degrees
between the south point of the equinoctial circle and the zenith as are equal to the
latitude of the place for which they are described. The number of degrees from the
pole to the northern point of the horizon obliquus is of course the same. The latitude
of the place for which the disc is constructed is thus determined by inspection.
22. In the first place where 'orisonte' occurs, it means the South point of the horizon;
in the second place, the North point. By referring to fig. 13, Plate V, it is clear that the
arc ♈S, representing the distance between the equinoctial and the S. point, is equal to
the arc ZP, which measures the distance from the pole to the zenith; since PO♈ and
ZOS are both right angles. Hence also Chaucer's second statement, that the arcs PN
and ♈Z are equal. In his numerical example, PN is 51° 50′; and therefore ZP is the
complement, or 38° 10′. So also ♈ Z is 51° 50′; and ♈ S is 38° 10′. Briefly, ♈ Z
measures the latitude.
23. Here the altitude of a star (A) is to be taken twice; firstly, when it is on the
meridian in the most southern point of its course, and secondly, when on the meridian
in the most northern point, which would be the case twelve hours later. The mean of
these altitudes is the altitude of the pole, or the latitude of the place. In the example
given, the star A is only 4° from the pole, which shews that it is the Pole-star, then
farther from the Pole than it is now. The star F is, according to Chaucer, any
convenient star having a right ascension differing from that of the Pole-star by 180°;
though one having the same right ascension would serve as well. If then, at the first
observation, the altitude of A be 56, and at the second be 48, the altitude of the pole
must be 52. See fig. 13, Plate V.
24. This comes to much the same thing. The lowest or northern altitude of Dubhe (α
Ursæ Majoris) may be supposed to be observed to be 25°, and his highest or southern
altitude to be 79°. Add these; the sum is 104; 'abate' or subtract half of that number,
and the result is 52°; the latitude.
25. Here, as in § 22, Chaucer says that the latitude can be measured by the arc Z♈ or
PN; he adds that the depression of the Antarctic pole, viz. the arc SP′ (where P′ is the
S. pole), is another measure of the latitude. He explains that an obvious way of finding
the latitude is by finding the altitude of the sun at noon at the time of an equinox. If
this altitude be 38° 10′, then the latitude is the complement, or 51° 50′. But this
observation can only be made on two days in the year. If then this seems to be too
long a tarrying, observe his midday altitude, and allow for his declination. Thus, if the
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sun's altitude be 58° 10′ at noon when he is in the first degree of Leo, subtract his
declination, viz. 20°, and the result is 38° 10′, the complement of the latitude. If,
however, the sun's declination be south, the amount of it must be added instead of
subtracted. Or else we may find ♈ A′, the highest altitude of a star A′ above the
equinoctial, and also ♈A, its nether elongation extending from the same, and take the
mean of the two.
26. The 'Sphere Solid' answers nearly to what we now call a globe. By help of a globe
it is easy to find the ascensions of signs for any latitude, whereas by the astrolabe we
can only tell them for those latitudes for which the plates bearing the almicanteras are
constructed. The signs which Chaucer calls 'of right (i.e. direct) ascension' are those
signs of the zodiac which rise more directly, i.e. at a greater angle to the horizon than
the rest. In latitude 52°, Libra rises so directly that the whole sign takes more than 2¾
hours before it is wholly above the horizon, during which time nearly 43° of the
equinoctial circle have arisen; or, in Chaucer's words, 'the more part' (i.e. a larger
portion) of the equinoctial ascends with it. On the other hand, the sign of Aries
ascends so obliquely that the whole of it appears above the horizon in less than an
hour, so that a 'less part' (a smaller portion) of the equinoctial ascends with it. The
following is a rough table of Direct and Oblique Signs, shewing approximately how
long each sign takes to ascend, and how many degrees of the equinoctial ascend with
it, in lat. 52°.
Oblique Degrees of the Time of Direct Degrees of the Time of
Signs. Equinoctial. ascending. Signs. Equinoctial. ascending.
Capricornus 26° 1 h. 44 m. Cancer 39° 2 h. 36 m.
Aquarius 16° 1 h. 4 m. Leo 42° 2 h. 48 m.
Pisces 14° 0 h. 56 m. Virgo 43° 2 h. 52 m.
Aries 14° 0 h. 56 m. Libra 43° 2 h. 52 m.
Taurus 16° 1 h. 4 m. Scorpio 42° 2 h. 48 m.
Gemini 26° 1 h. 44 m. Sagittarius 39° 2 h. 36 m.
These numbers are sufficiently accurate for the present purpose.
In ll. 8-11, there is a gap in the sense in nearly all the MSS., but the Bodley MS. 619
fortunately supplies what is wanting, to the effect that, at places situated on the
equator, the poles are in the horizon. At such places, the days and nights are always
equal. Chaucer's next statement is true for all places within the tropics, the peculiarity
of them being that they have the sun vertical twice in a year. The statement about the
'two summer and winters' is best explained by the following. 'In the tropical climates,
... seasons are caused more by the effect of the winds (which are very regular, and
depend mainly on the sun's position) than by changes in the direct action of the sun's
light and heat. The seasons are not a summer and winter, so much as recurrences of
declination, viz. 20°, and the result is 38° 10′, the complement of the latitude. If,
however, the sun's declination be south, the amount of it must be added instead of
subtracted. Or else we may find ♈ A′, the highest altitude of a star A′ above the
equinoctial, and also ♈A, its nether elongation extending from the same, and take the
mean of the two.
26. The 'Sphere Solid' answers nearly to what we now call a globe. By help of a globe
it is easy to find the ascensions of signs for any latitude, whereas by the astrolabe we
can only tell them for those latitudes for which the plates bearing the almicanteras are
constructed. The signs which Chaucer calls 'of right (i.e. direct) ascension' are those
signs of the zodiac which rise more directly, i.e. at a greater angle to the horizon than
the rest. In latitude 52°, Libra rises so directly that the whole sign takes more than 2¾
hours before it is wholly above the horizon, during which time nearly 43° of the
equinoctial circle have arisen; or, in Chaucer's words, 'the more part' (i.e. a larger
portion) of the equinoctial ascends with it. On the other hand, the sign of Aries
ascends so obliquely that the whole of it appears above the horizon in less than an
hour, so that a 'less part' (a smaller portion) of the equinoctial ascends with it. The
following is a rough table of Direct and Oblique Signs, shewing approximately how
long each sign takes to ascend, and how many degrees of the equinoctial ascend with
it, in lat. 52°.
Oblique Degrees of the Time of Direct Degrees of the Time of
Signs. Equinoctial. ascending. Signs. Equinoctial. ascending.
Capricornus 26° 1 h. 44 m. Cancer 39° 2 h. 36 m.
Aquarius 16° 1 h. 4 m. Leo 42° 2 h. 48 m.
Pisces 14° 0 h. 56 m. Virgo 43° 2 h. 52 m.
Aries 14° 0 h. 56 m. Libra 43° 2 h. 52 m.
Taurus 16° 1 h. 4 m. Scorpio 42° 2 h. 48 m.
Gemini 26° 1 h. 44 m. Sagittarius 39° 2 h. 36 m.
These numbers are sufficiently accurate for the present purpose.
In ll. 8-11, there is a gap in the sense in nearly all the MSS., but the Bodley MS. 619
fortunately supplies what is wanting, to the effect that, at places situated on the
equator, the poles are in the horizon. At such places, the days and nights are always
equal. Chaucer's next statement is true for all places within the tropics, the peculiarity
of them being that they have the sun vertical twice in a year. The statement about the
'two summer and winters' is best explained by the following. 'In the tropical climates,
... seasons are caused more by the effect of the winds (which are very regular, and
depend mainly on the sun's position) than by changes in the direct action of the sun's
light and heat. The seasons are not a summer and winter, so much as recurrences of
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wet and dry periods, two in each year.'—English Cyclopædia; Seasons, Change of.
Lastly, Chaucer reverts to places on the equator, where the stars all seem to move in
vertical circles, and the almicanteras are therefore straight lines. The line marked
Horizon Rectus is shewn in fig. 5, where the Horizon Obliquus is also shewn, cutting
the equinoctial circle obliquely.
27. The real object in this section is to find how many degrees of the equinoctial circle
pass the meridian together with a given zodiacal sign. Without even turning the rete, it
is clear that the sign Aries, for instance, extends through 28° of the equinoctial; for a
line drawn from the centre, in fig. 2, through the end of Aries will (if the figure be
correct) pass through the end of the 28th degree below the word Oriens.
28. To do this accurately requires a very carefully marked Astrolabe, on as large a
scale as is convenient. It is done by observing where the ends of the given sign,
estimated along the outer rim of the zodiacal circle in fig. 2, cross the horizon
obliquus as the rete is turned about. Thus, the beginning of Aries lies on the horizon
obliquus, and as the rete revolves to the right, the end of it, on the outer rim, will at
last lie exactly on the same curved line. When this is the case, the rete ought to have
moved through an angle of about 14°, as explained in § 26. By far the best way is to
tabulate the results once for all, as I have there done. It is readily seen, from fig. 2, that
the signs from Aries to Virgo are northern, and from Libra to Pisces are southern
signs. The signs from Capricorn to Gemini are the oblique signs, or as Chaucer calls
them, 'tortuous,' and ascend in less than 2 hours; whilst the direct signs, from Cancer
to Sagittarius, take more than 2 hours to ascend; as shewn in the table on p. 209. The
eastern signs in fig. 2 are said to obey to the corresponding western ones.
29. Here both sides of the Astrolabe are used, the 'rewle' being made to revolve at the
back, and the 'label' in front, as usual. First, by the back of the instrument and the
'rewle,' take the sun's altitude. Turn the Astrolabe round, and set the sun's degree at the
right altitude among the almicanteras, and then observe, by help of the label, how far
the sun is from the meridian. Again turn the instrument round, and set the 'rewle' as far
from the meridian as the label was. Then, holding the instrument as near the ground
and as horizontal as possible, let the sun shine through the holes of the 'rewle,' and
immediately after lay the Astrolabe down, without altering the azimuthal direction of
the meridional line. It is clear that this line will then point southwards, and the other
points of the compass will also be known.
30. This turns upon the definition of the phrase 'the wey of the sonne.' It does not
mean the zodiacal circle, but the sun's apparent path on a given day of the year. The
sun's altitude changes but little in one day, and is supposed here to remain the same
throughout the time that he is, on that day, visible. Thus, if the sun's altitude be 61½°,
Lastly, Chaucer reverts to places on the equator, where the stars all seem to move in
vertical circles, and the almicanteras are therefore straight lines. The line marked
Horizon Rectus is shewn in fig. 5, where the Horizon Obliquus is also shewn, cutting
the equinoctial circle obliquely.
27. The real object in this section is to find how many degrees of the equinoctial circle
pass the meridian together with a given zodiacal sign. Without even turning the rete, it
is clear that the sign Aries, for instance, extends through 28° of the equinoctial; for a
line drawn from the centre, in fig. 2, through the end of Aries will (if the figure be
correct) pass through the end of the 28th degree below the word Oriens.
28. To do this accurately requires a very carefully marked Astrolabe, on as large a
scale as is convenient. It is done by observing where the ends of the given sign,
estimated along the outer rim of the zodiacal circle in fig. 2, cross the horizon
obliquus as the rete is turned about. Thus, the beginning of Aries lies on the horizon
obliquus, and as the rete revolves to the right, the end of it, on the outer rim, will at
last lie exactly on the same curved line. When this is the case, the rete ought to have
moved through an angle of about 14°, as explained in § 26. By far the best way is to
tabulate the results once for all, as I have there done. It is readily seen, from fig. 2, that
the signs from Aries to Virgo are northern, and from Libra to Pisces are southern
signs. The signs from Capricorn to Gemini are the oblique signs, or as Chaucer calls
them, 'tortuous,' and ascend in less than 2 hours; whilst the direct signs, from Cancer
to Sagittarius, take more than 2 hours to ascend; as shewn in the table on p. 209. The
eastern signs in fig. 2 are said to obey to the corresponding western ones.
29. Here both sides of the Astrolabe are used, the 'rewle' being made to revolve at the
back, and the 'label' in front, as usual. First, by the back of the instrument and the
'rewle,' take the sun's altitude. Turn the Astrolabe round, and set the sun's degree at the
right altitude among the almicanteras, and then observe, by help of the label, how far
the sun is from the meridian. Again turn the instrument round, and set the 'rewle' as far
from the meridian as the label was. Then, holding the instrument as near the ground
and as horizontal as possible, let the sun shine through the holes of the 'rewle,' and
immediately after lay the Astrolabe down, without altering the azimuthal direction of
the meridional line. It is clear that this line will then point southwards, and the other
points of the compass will also be known.
30. This turns upon the definition of the phrase 'the wey of the sonne.' It does not
mean the zodiacal circle, but the sun's apparent path on a given day of the year. The
sun's altitude changes but little in one day, and is supposed here to remain the same
throughout the time that he is, on that day, visible. Thus, if the sun's altitude be 61½°,
Page 341
the way of the sun is a small circle, viz. the tropic of Cancer. If the planet be then on
the zodiac, in the 1st degree of Capricorn, it is 47° S. from the way of the sun, and so
on.
31. The word 'senith' is here used in a peculiar sense; it does not mean, as it should,
the zenith point, or point directly overhead, but is made to imply the point on the
horizon, (either falling upon an azimuthal line, or lying between two azimuths), which
denotes the point of sunrise. In the Latin rubric, it is called signum. This point is found
by actual observation of the sun at the time of rising. Chaucer's azimuths divide the
horizon into 24 parts; but it is interesting to observe his remark, that 'shipmen' divide
the horizon into 32 parts, exactly as a compass is divided now-a-days. The reason for
the division into 32 parts is obviously because this is the easiest way of reckoning the
direction of the wind. For this purpose, the horizon is first divided into 4 parts; each of
these is halved, and each half-part is halved again. It is easy to observe if the wind lies
half-way between S. and E., or half-way between S. and S.E., or again half-way
between S. and S.S.E.; but the division into 24 parts would be unsuitable, because
third-parts are much more difficult to estimate.
32. The Latin rubric interprets the conjunction to mean that of the sun and moon. The
time of this conjunction is to be ascertained from a calendar. If, e.g. the calendar
indicates 9 A.M. as the time of conjunction on the 12th day of March, when the sun is
in the first point of Aries, as in § 3, the number of hours after the preceding midday is
21, which answers to the letter X in the border (fig. 2). Turn the rete till the first point
of Aries lies under the label, which is made to point to X, and the label shews at the
same moment that the degree of the sun is very nearly at the point where the
equinoctial circle crosses the azimuthal circle which lies 50° to the E. of the meridian.
Hence the conjunction takes place at a point of which the azimuth is 50° to the E. of
the S. point, or 5° to the eastward of the S.E. point. The proposition merely amounts to
finding the sun's azimuth at a given time. Fig. 11 shews the position of the rete in this
case.
33. Here 'senyth' is again used to mean azimuth, and the proposition is, to find the
sun's azimuth by taking his altitude, and setting his degree at the right altitude on the
almicanteras. Of course the two co-ordinates, altitude and azimuth, readily indicate
the sun's exact position; and the same for any star or planet.
34. The moon's latitude is never more than 5¼° from the ecliptic, and this small
distance is, 'in common treatises of Astrolabie,' altogether neglected; so that it is
supposed to move in the ecliptic. First, then, take the moon's altitude, say 30°. Next
take the altitude of some bright star 'on the moon's side,' i.e. nearly in the same
azimuth as the moon, taking care to choose a star which is represented upon the Rete
the zodiac, in the 1st degree of Capricorn, it is 47° S. from the way of the sun, and so
on.
31. The word 'senith' is here used in a peculiar sense; it does not mean, as it should,
the zenith point, or point directly overhead, but is made to imply the point on the
horizon, (either falling upon an azimuthal line, or lying between two azimuths), which
denotes the point of sunrise. In the Latin rubric, it is called signum. This point is found
by actual observation of the sun at the time of rising. Chaucer's azimuths divide the
horizon into 24 parts; but it is interesting to observe his remark, that 'shipmen' divide
the horizon into 32 parts, exactly as a compass is divided now-a-days. The reason for
the division into 32 parts is obviously because this is the easiest way of reckoning the
direction of the wind. For this purpose, the horizon is first divided into 4 parts; each of
these is halved, and each half-part is halved again. It is easy to observe if the wind lies
half-way between S. and E., or half-way between S. and S.E., or again half-way
between S. and S.S.E.; but the division into 24 parts would be unsuitable, because
third-parts are much more difficult to estimate.
32. The Latin rubric interprets the conjunction to mean that of the sun and moon. The
time of this conjunction is to be ascertained from a calendar. If, e.g. the calendar
indicates 9 A.M. as the time of conjunction on the 12th day of March, when the sun is
in the first point of Aries, as in § 3, the number of hours after the preceding midday is
21, which answers to the letter X in the border (fig. 2). Turn the rete till the first point
of Aries lies under the label, which is made to point to X, and the label shews at the
same moment that the degree of the sun is very nearly at the point where the
equinoctial circle crosses the azimuthal circle which lies 50° to the E. of the meridian.
Hence the conjunction takes place at a point of which the azimuth is 50° to the E. of
the S. point, or 5° to the eastward of the S.E. point. The proposition merely amounts to
finding the sun's azimuth at a given time. Fig. 11 shews the position of the rete in this
case.
33. Here 'senyth' is again used to mean azimuth, and the proposition is, to find the
sun's azimuth by taking his altitude, and setting his degree at the right altitude on the
almicanteras. Of course the two co-ordinates, altitude and azimuth, readily indicate
the sun's exact position; and the same for any star or planet.
34. The moon's latitude is never more than 5¼° from the ecliptic, and this small
distance is, 'in common treatises of Astrolabie,' altogether neglected; so that it is
supposed to move in the ecliptic. First, then, take the moon's altitude, say 30°. Next
take the altitude of some bright star 'on the moon's side,' i.e. nearly in the same
azimuth as the moon, taking care to choose a star which is represented upon the Rete
Page 342
by a pointed tongue. Bring this tongue's point to the right altitude among the
almicanteras, and then see which degree of the ecliptic lies on the almicantera which
denotes an altitude of 30°. This will give the moon's place, 'if the stars in the Astrolabe
be set after the truth,' i.e. if the point of the tongue is exactly where it should be.
35. The motion of a planet is called direct, when it moves in the direction of the
succession of the zodiacal signs; retrograde, when in the contrary direction. When a
planet is on the right or east side of the Meridional line, and is moving forward along
the signs, without increase of declination, its altitude will be less on the second
occasion than on the first at the moment when the altitude of the fixed star is the same
as before. The same is true if the planet be retrograde, and on the western side. The
contrary results occur when the second altitude is greater than the first. But the great
defect of this method is that it may be rendered fallacious by a change in the planet's
declination.
36. See fig. 14, Plate VI. If the equinoctial circle in this figure be supposed to be
superposed upon that in fig. 5, Plate III, and be further supposed to revolve backwards
through an angle of about 60° till the point 1 (fig. 14) rests upon the point where the
8th hour-line crosses the equinoctial, the beginning of the 2nd house will then be
found to be on the line of midnight. Similarly, all the other results mentioned follow.
For it is easily seen that each 'house' occupies a space equal to 2 hours, so that the
bringing of the 3rd house to the midnight line brings 1 to the 10th hour-line, and a
similar placing of the 4th house brings 1 to the 12th hour-line, which is the horizon
obliquus itself. Moving onward 2 more hours, the point 7 (the nadir of 1) comes to the
end of the 2nd hour, whilst the 5th house comes to the north; and lastly, when 7 is at
the end of the 4th hour, the 6th house is so placed. To find the nadir of a house, we
have only to add 6; so that the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th houses are the nadirs
of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th houses respectively.
37. Again see fig. 14, Plate VI. Here the 10th house is at once seen to be on the
meridional line. In the quadrant from 1 to 10, the even division of the quadrant into 3
parts shews the 12th and 11th houses. Working downwards from 1, we get the 2nd and
3rd houses, and the 4th house beginning with the north line. The rest are easily found
from their nadirs.
38. This problem is discussed in arts. 144 and 145 of Hymes's Astronomy, 2nd ed.
1840, p. 84. The words 'for warping' mean 'to prevent the errors which may arise from
the plate becoming warped.' The 'broader' of course means 'the larger.' See fig. 15,
Plate VI. If the shadow of the sun be observed at a time before midday when its
extremity just enters within the circle, and again at a time after midday when it is just
passing beyond the circle, the altitude of the sun at these two observations must be the
almicanteras, and then see which degree of the ecliptic lies on the almicantera which
denotes an altitude of 30°. This will give the moon's place, 'if the stars in the Astrolabe
be set after the truth,' i.e. if the point of the tongue is exactly where it should be.
35. The motion of a planet is called direct, when it moves in the direction of the
succession of the zodiacal signs; retrograde, when in the contrary direction. When a
planet is on the right or east side of the Meridional line, and is moving forward along
the signs, without increase of declination, its altitude will be less on the second
occasion than on the first at the moment when the altitude of the fixed star is the same
as before. The same is true if the planet be retrograde, and on the western side. The
contrary results occur when the second altitude is greater than the first. But the great
defect of this method is that it may be rendered fallacious by a change in the planet's
declination.
36. See fig. 14, Plate VI. If the equinoctial circle in this figure be supposed to be
superposed upon that in fig. 5, Plate III, and be further supposed to revolve backwards
through an angle of about 60° till the point 1 (fig. 14) rests upon the point where the
8th hour-line crosses the equinoctial, the beginning of the 2nd house will then be
found to be on the line of midnight. Similarly, all the other results mentioned follow.
For it is easily seen that each 'house' occupies a space equal to 2 hours, so that the
bringing of the 3rd house to the midnight line brings 1 to the 10th hour-line, and a
similar placing of the 4th house brings 1 to the 12th hour-line, which is the horizon
obliquus itself. Moving onward 2 more hours, the point 7 (the nadir of 1) comes to the
end of the 2nd hour, whilst the 5th house comes to the north; and lastly, when 7 is at
the end of the 4th hour, the 6th house is so placed. To find the nadir of a house, we
have only to add 6; so that the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th houses are the nadirs
of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th houses respectively.
37. Again see fig. 14, Plate VI. Here the 10th house is at once seen to be on the
meridional line. In the quadrant from 1 to 10, the even division of the quadrant into 3
parts shews the 12th and 11th houses. Working downwards from 1, we get the 2nd and
3rd houses, and the 4th house beginning with the north line. The rest are easily found
from their nadirs.
38. This problem is discussed in arts. 144 and 145 of Hymes's Astronomy, 2nd ed.
1840, p. 84. The words 'for warping' mean 'to prevent the errors which may arise from
the plate becoming warped.' The 'broader' of course means 'the larger.' See fig. 15,
Plate VI. If the shadow of the sun be observed at a time before midday when its
extremity just enters within the circle, and again at a time after midday when it is just
passing beyond the circle, the altitude of the sun at these two observations must be the
Page 343
same, and the south line must lie half-way between the two shadows. In the figure, S
and S′ are the 2 positions of the sun, OT the rod, Ot and Ot′ the shadows, and OR the
direction of the south line. Ott′ is the metal disc.
39. This begins with an explanation of the terms 'meridian' and 'longitude.' 'They
chaungen her Almikanteras' means that they differ in latitude. But, when Chaucer
speaks of the longitude and latitude of a 'climate,' he means the length and breadth of
it. A 'climate' (clima) is a belt of the earth included between two fixed parallels of
latitude. The ancients reckoned seven climates; in the sixteenth century there were
nine. The 'latitude of the climate' is the breadth of this belt; the 'longitude' of it he
seems to consider as measured along lines lying equidistant between the parallels of
latitude of the places from which the climates are named. See Stöffler, fol. 20 b; and
Petri Apiani Cosmographia, per Gemmam Phrysium restituta, ed. 1574, fol. 7 b. The
seven climates were as follows:—
1. That whose central line passes through Meroë (lat. 17°); from nearly 13° to nearly
20°.
2. Central line, through Syene (lat. 24°); from 20° to 27°, nearly.
3. Central line through Alexandria (lat. 31°); from 27° to 34°, nearly.
4. Central line through Rhodes (lat. 36°); from 34° to 39°, nearly.
5. Central line through Rome (lat. 41°); from 39° to 43°, nearly.
6. Central line through Borysthenes (lat. 45°); from 43° to 47°.
7. Through the Riphæan mountains (lat. 48°); from 47° to 50°. But Chaucer must have
included an eighth climate (called ultra Mæotides paludes) from 50° to 56°; and a
ninth, from 56° to the pole. The part of the earth to the north of the 7th climate was
considered by the ancients to be uninhabitable. A rough drawing of these climates is
given in MS. Camb. Univ. Lib. Ii. 3. 3, fol. 33 b.
40. The longitude and latitude of a planet being ascertained from an almanac, we can
find with what degree it ascends. For example, given that the longitude of Venus is 6°
of Capricorn, and her N. latitude 2°. Set the one leg of a compass upon the degree of
longitude, and extend the other till the distance between the two legs is 2° of latitude,
from that point inward, i.e. northward. The 6th degree of Capricorn is now to be set on
the horizon, the label (slightly coated with wax) to be made to point to the same
and S′ are the 2 positions of the sun, OT the rod, Ot and Ot′ the shadows, and OR the
direction of the south line. Ott′ is the metal disc.
39. This begins with an explanation of the terms 'meridian' and 'longitude.' 'They
chaungen her Almikanteras' means that they differ in latitude. But, when Chaucer
speaks of the longitude and latitude of a 'climate,' he means the length and breadth of
it. A 'climate' (clima) is a belt of the earth included between two fixed parallels of
latitude. The ancients reckoned seven climates; in the sixteenth century there were
nine. The 'latitude of the climate' is the breadth of this belt; the 'longitude' of it he
seems to consider as measured along lines lying equidistant between the parallels of
latitude of the places from which the climates are named. See Stöffler, fol. 20 b; and
Petri Apiani Cosmographia, per Gemmam Phrysium restituta, ed. 1574, fol. 7 b. The
seven climates were as follows:—
1. That whose central line passes through Meroë (lat. 17°); from nearly 13° to nearly
20°.
2. Central line, through Syene (lat. 24°); from 20° to 27°, nearly.
3. Central line through Alexandria (lat. 31°); from 27° to 34°, nearly.
4. Central line through Rhodes (lat. 36°); from 34° to 39°, nearly.
5. Central line through Rome (lat. 41°); from 39° to 43°, nearly.
6. Central line through Borysthenes (lat. 45°); from 43° to 47°.
7. Through the Riphæan mountains (lat. 48°); from 47° to 50°. But Chaucer must have
included an eighth climate (called ultra Mæotides paludes) from 50° to 56°; and a
ninth, from 56° to the pole. The part of the earth to the north of the 7th climate was
considered by the ancients to be uninhabitable. A rough drawing of these climates is
given in MS. Camb. Univ. Lib. Ii. 3. 3, fol. 33 b.
40. The longitude and latitude of a planet being ascertained from an almanac, we can
find with what degree it ascends. For example, given that the longitude of Venus is 6°
of Capricorn, and her N. latitude 2°. Set the one leg of a compass upon the degree of
longitude, and extend the other till the distance between the two legs is 2° of latitude,
from that point inward, i.e. northward. The 6th degree of Capricorn is now to be set on
the horizon, the label (slightly coated with wax) to be made to point to the same
Page 344
degree, and the north latitude is set off upon the wax by help of the compass. The spot
thus marking the planet's position is, by a very slight movement of the Rete, to be
brought upon the horizon, and it will be found that the planet (situated 2° N. of the 6th
degree) ascends together with the head (or beginning of the sign) of Capricorn. This
result, which is not quite exact, is easily tested by a globe. When the latitude of the
planet is south, its place cannot well be found when in Capricorn for want of space at
the edge of the Astrolabe.
As a second example, it will be found that, when Jupiter's longitude is at the end of 1°
of Pisces, and his latitude 3° south, he ascends together with the 14th of Pisces, nearly.
This is easily verified by a globe, which solves all such problems very readily.
It is a singular fact that most of the best MSS. leave off at the word 'houre,' leaving the
last sentence incomplete. I quote the last five words—'þou shalt do wel y-now'—from
the MS. in St. John's College, Cambridge; they also occur in the old editions.
41. Sections 41-43 and 41a-42b are from the MS. in St. John's College, Cambridge.
For the scale of umbra recta, see fig. 1, Plate I. Observe that the umbra recta is used
where the angle of elevation of an object is greater than 45°; the umbra versa, where it
is less. See also fig. 16, Plate VI; where, if AC be the height of the tower, BC the same
height minus the height of the observer's eye (supposed to be placed at E), and EB the
distance of the observer from the tower, then bc : Eb :: EB : BC. But Eb is reckoned as
12, and if bc be 4, we find that BC is 3 EB, i.e. 60 feet, when EB is 20. Hence AC is
60 feet, plus the height of the observer's eye. The last sentence is to be read thus
—'And if thy "rewle" fall upon 5, then are 5-12ths of the height equivalent to the
space between thee and the tower (with addition of thine own height).' The MS. reads
'5 12-partyes þe heyȝt of þe space,' &c.; but the word of must be transposed, in order
to make sense. It is clear that, if bc = 5, then 5 : 12 :: EB : BC, which is the same as
saying that EB = 5⁄12 BC. Conversely, BC is 12⁄5 EB = 48, if EB = 20.
42. See fig. 1, Plate I. See also fig. 17, Plate VI. Let Eb = 12, bc = 1; also E′b′ = 12,
b′c′ = 2; then EB = 12 BC, E′B = 6 BC; therefore EE′ = 6 BC. If EE′ = 60 feet, then
BC = 1⁄6 EE′=10 feet. To get the whole height, add the height of the eye. The last part
of the article, beginning 'For other poyntis,' is altogether corrupt in the MS.
43. Here versa (in M.) is certainly miswritten for recta, as in L. See fig. 18, Plate VI.
Here Eb = E′b′ = 12; b′c′ = 1, bc = 2. Hence E′B = 1⁄12 BC, EB = 2⁄12 BC. whence EE′ =
1
⁄12 BC. Or again, if bc become = 3, 4, 5, &c., successively, whilst b′c′ remains = 1,
then EE′ is successively = 2⁄12 or 1⁄6, 3⁄12 or 1⁄4, 5⁄12, &c. Afterwards, add in the height of
E.
thus marking the planet's position is, by a very slight movement of the Rete, to be
brought upon the horizon, and it will be found that the planet (situated 2° N. of the 6th
degree) ascends together with the head (or beginning of the sign) of Capricorn. This
result, which is not quite exact, is easily tested by a globe. When the latitude of the
planet is south, its place cannot well be found when in Capricorn for want of space at
the edge of the Astrolabe.
As a second example, it will be found that, when Jupiter's longitude is at the end of 1°
of Pisces, and his latitude 3° south, he ascends together with the 14th of Pisces, nearly.
This is easily verified by a globe, which solves all such problems very readily.
It is a singular fact that most of the best MSS. leave off at the word 'houre,' leaving the
last sentence incomplete. I quote the last five words—'þou shalt do wel y-now'—from
the MS. in St. John's College, Cambridge; they also occur in the old editions.
41. Sections 41-43 and 41a-42b are from the MS. in St. John's College, Cambridge.
For the scale of umbra recta, see fig. 1, Plate I. Observe that the umbra recta is used
where the angle of elevation of an object is greater than 45°; the umbra versa, where it
is less. See also fig. 16, Plate VI; where, if AC be the height of the tower, BC the same
height minus the height of the observer's eye (supposed to be placed at E), and EB the
distance of the observer from the tower, then bc : Eb :: EB : BC. But Eb is reckoned as
12, and if bc be 4, we find that BC is 3 EB, i.e. 60 feet, when EB is 20. Hence AC is
60 feet, plus the height of the observer's eye. The last sentence is to be read thus
—'And if thy "rewle" fall upon 5, then are 5-12ths of the height equivalent to the
space between thee and the tower (with addition of thine own height).' The MS. reads
'5 12-partyes þe heyȝt of þe space,' &c.; but the word of must be transposed, in order
to make sense. It is clear that, if bc = 5, then 5 : 12 :: EB : BC, which is the same as
saying that EB = 5⁄12 BC. Conversely, BC is 12⁄5 EB = 48, if EB = 20.
42. See fig. 1, Plate I. See also fig. 17, Plate VI. Let Eb = 12, bc = 1; also E′b′ = 12,
b′c′ = 2; then EB = 12 BC, E′B = 6 BC; therefore EE′ = 6 BC. If EE′ = 60 feet, then
BC = 1⁄6 EE′=10 feet. To get the whole height, add the height of the eye. The last part
of the article, beginning 'For other poyntis,' is altogether corrupt in the MS.
43. Here versa (in M.) is certainly miswritten for recta, as in L. See fig. 18, Plate VI.
Here Eb = E′b′ = 12; b′c′ = 1, bc = 2. Hence E′B = 1⁄12 BC, EB = 2⁄12 BC. whence EE′ =
1
⁄12 BC. Or again, if bc become = 3, 4, 5, &c., successively, whilst b′c′ remains = 1,
then EE′ is successively = 2⁄12 or 1⁄6, 3⁄12 or 1⁄4, 5⁄12, &c. Afterwards, add in the height of
E.
Page 345
44. Sections 44 and 45 are from MS. Digby 72. This long explanation of the method
of finding a planet's place depends upon the tables which were constructed for that
purpose from observation. The general idea is this. The figures shewing a planet's
position for the last day of December, 1397, give what is called the root, and afford us,
in fact, a starting-point from which to measure. An 'argument' is the angle upon which
the tabulated quantity depends; for example, a very important 'argument' is the planet's
longitude, upon which its declination may be made to depend, so as to admit of
tabulation. The planet's longitude for the given above-mentioned date being taken as
the root, the planet's longitude at a second date can be found from the tables. If this
second date be less than 20 years afterwards, the increase of motion is set down
separately for each year, viz. so much in 1 year, so much in 2 years, and so on. These
separate years are called anni expansi. But when the increase during a large round
number of years (such as 20, 40, or 60 years at once) is allowed for, such years are
called anni collecti. For example, a period of 27 years includes 20 years taken
together, and 7 separate or expanse years. The mean motion during smaller periods of
time, such as months, days, and hours, is added in afterwards.
45. Here the author enters a little more into particulars. If the mean motion be required
for the year 1400, 3 years later than the starting-point, look for 3 in the table of
expanse years, and add the result to the number already corresponding to the 'root,'
which is calculated for the last day of December, 1397. Allow for months and days
afterwards. For a date earlier than 1397 the process is just reversed, involving
subtraction instead of addition.
46. This article is probably not Chaucer's. It is found in MS. Bodley 619, and in MS.
Addit. 29250. The text is from the former of these, collated with the latter. What it
asserts comes to this. Suppose it be noted, that at a given place, there is a full flood
when the moon is in a certain quarter; say, e.g. when the moon is due east. And
suppose that, at the time of observation, the moon's actual longitude is such that it is in
the first point of Cancer. Make the label point due east; then bring the first point of
Cancer to the east by turning the Rete a quarter of the way round. Let the sun at the
time be in the first point of Leo, and bring the label over this point by the motion of
the label only, keeping the Rete fixed. The label then points nearly to the 32nd degree
near the letter Q, or about S.E. by E.; shewing that the sun is S.E. by E. (and the moon
consequently due E.) at about 4 A.M. In fact, the article merely asserts that the moon's
place in the sky is known from the sun's place, if the difference of their longitudes be
known. At the time of conjunction, the moon and sun are together, and the difference
of their longitudes is zero, which much simplifies the problem. If there is a flood tide
when the moon is in the E., there is another when it comes to the W., so that there is
high water twice a day. It may be doubted whether this proposition is of much
practical utility.
of finding a planet's place depends upon the tables which were constructed for that
purpose from observation. The general idea is this. The figures shewing a planet's
position for the last day of December, 1397, give what is called the root, and afford us,
in fact, a starting-point from which to measure. An 'argument' is the angle upon which
the tabulated quantity depends; for example, a very important 'argument' is the planet's
longitude, upon which its declination may be made to depend, so as to admit of
tabulation. The planet's longitude for the given above-mentioned date being taken as
the root, the planet's longitude at a second date can be found from the tables. If this
second date be less than 20 years afterwards, the increase of motion is set down
separately for each year, viz. so much in 1 year, so much in 2 years, and so on. These
separate years are called anni expansi. But when the increase during a large round
number of years (such as 20, 40, or 60 years at once) is allowed for, such years are
called anni collecti. For example, a period of 27 years includes 20 years taken
together, and 7 separate or expanse years. The mean motion during smaller periods of
time, such as months, days, and hours, is added in afterwards.
45. Here the author enters a little more into particulars. If the mean motion be required
for the year 1400, 3 years later than the starting-point, look for 3 in the table of
expanse years, and add the result to the number already corresponding to the 'root,'
which is calculated for the last day of December, 1397. Allow for months and days
afterwards. For a date earlier than 1397 the process is just reversed, involving
subtraction instead of addition.
46. This article is probably not Chaucer's. It is found in MS. Bodley 619, and in MS.
Addit. 29250. The text is from the former of these, collated with the latter. What it
asserts comes to this. Suppose it be noted, that at a given place, there is a full flood
when the moon is in a certain quarter; say, e.g. when the moon is due east. And
suppose that, at the time of observation, the moon's actual longitude is such that it is in
the first point of Cancer. Make the label point due east; then bring the first point of
Cancer to the east by turning the Rete a quarter of the way round. Let the sun at the
time be in the first point of Leo, and bring the label over this point by the motion of
the label only, keeping the Rete fixed. The label then points nearly to the 32nd degree
near the letter Q, or about S.E. by E.; shewing that the sun is S.E. by E. (and the moon
consequently due E.) at about 4 A.M. In fact, the article merely asserts that the moon's
place in the sky is known from the sun's place, if the difference of their longitudes be
known. At the time of conjunction, the moon and sun are together, and the difference
of their longitudes is zero, which much simplifies the problem. If there is a flood tide
when the moon is in the E., there is another when it comes to the W., so that there is
high water twice a day. It may be doubted whether this proposition is of much
practical utility.
Page 346
41a: This comes to precisely the same as Art. 41, but is expressed with a slight
difference. See fig. 16, where, if bc = 8, then BC = 12⁄8 EB.
41b: Merely another repetition of Art. 41. It is hard to see why it should be thus
repeated in almost the same words. If bc = 8 in fig. 16, then EB = 8⁄12 BC = 2⁄3 BC. The
only difference is that it inverts the equation in the last article.]
42a This is only a particular case of Art. 42. If we can get bc = 3, and b′c′ = 4, the
equations become EB = 4BC, E′B = 3BC; whence EE′ = BC, a very convenient result.
See fig. 17.]
43a: The reading versam (as in the MS.) is absurd. We must also read 'nat come,' as, if
the base were approachable, no such trouble need be taken; see Art. 41. In fact, the
present article is a mere repetition of Art. 43, with different numbers, and with a slight
difference in the method of expressing the result. In fig. 18, if b′c′ = 3, bc = 4, we have
E′B = 3⁄12 BC, EB = 4⁄12 BC; or, subtracting, EE′ = (4-3)/12 BC; or BC = 12 EE′. Then
add the height of E, viz. Ea, which = AB.
42b.: Here, 'by the craft of Umbra Recta' signifies, by a method similar to that in the
last article, for which purpose the numbers must be adapted for computation by the
umbra recta. Moreover, it is clear, from fig. 17, that the numbers 4 and 3 (in lines 2
and 4) must be transposed. If the side parallel to bE be called nm, and mn, Ec be
produced to meet in o, then mo : mE :: bE : bc; or mo : 12 :: 12 : bc; or mo = 144,
divided by bc (= 3) = 48. Similarly, m′o′ = 144, divided by b′c′ (= 4) = 36. And, as in
the last article, the difference of these is to 12, as the space EE′ is to the altitude. This
is nothing but Art. 42 in a rather clumsier shape.
Hence it appears that there are here but 3 independent propositions, viz. those in
articles 41, 42, and 43, corresponding to figs. 16, 17, and 18 respectively. Arts. 41a
and 41b are mere repetitions of 41; 42a and 42b, of 42; and 43a, of 43.
difference. See fig. 16, where, if bc = 8, then BC = 12⁄8 EB.
41b: Merely another repetition of Art. 41. It is hard to see why it should be thus
repeated in almost the same words. If bc = 8 in fig. 16, then EB = 8⁄12 BC = 2⁄3 BC. The
only difference is that it inverts the equation in the last article.]
42a This is only a particular case of Art. 42. If we can get bc = 3, and b′c′ = 4, the
equations become EB = 4BC, E′B = 3BC; whence EE′ = BC, a very convenient result.
See fig. 17.]
43a: The reading versam (as in the MS.) is absurd. We must also read 'nat come,' as, if
the base were approachable, no such trouble need be taken; see Art. 41. In fact, the
present article is a mere repetition of Art. 43, with different numbers, and with a slight
difference in the method of expressing the result. In fig. 18, if b′c′ = 3, bc = 4, we have
E′B = 3⁄12 BC, EB = 4⁄12 BC; or, subtracting, EE′ = (4-3)/12 BC; or BC = 12 EE′. Then
add the height of E, viz. Ea, which = AB.
42b.: Here, 'by the craft of Umbra Recta' signifies, by a method similar to that in the
last article, for which purpose the numbers must be adapted for computation by the
umbra recta. Moreover, it is clear, from fig. 17, that the numbers 4 and 3 (in lines 2
and 4) must be transposed. If the side parallel to bE be called nm, and mn, Ec be
produced to meet in o, then mo : mE :: bE : bc; or mo : 12 :: 12 : bc; or mo = 144,
divided by bc (= 3) = 48. Similarly, m′o′ = 144, divided by b′c′ (= 4) = 36. And, as in
the last article, the difference of these is to 12, as the space EE′ is to the altitude. This
is nothing but Art. 42 in a rather clumsier shape.
Hence it appears that there are here but 3 independent propositions, viz. those in
articles 41, 42, and 43, corresponding to figs. 16, 17, and 18 respectively. Arts. 41a
and 41b are mere repetitions of 41; 42a and 42b, of 42; and 43a, of 43.
Page 347
CRITICAL NOTES.
As, in the preceding pages which contain the text, the lower portion of each page is
occupied with a running commentary, such Critical Notes upon the text as seem to be
most necessary are here subjoined.
Title. Tractatus, &c.; adopted from the colophon. MS. F has 'tractatus astrolabii.' A
second title, 'Bred and mylk for childeren,' is in MSS. B. and E.
[The MSS. are as follows:—A. Cambridge Univ. Lib. Dd. 3. 53.—B. Bodley, E
Museo 54.—C. Rawlinson 1370.—D. Ashmole 391.—E. Bodley 619.—F. Corpus
424.—G. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 15. 18.—H. Sloane 314.—I. Sloane 261.—K. Rawlinson
Misc. 3.—L. Addit. 23002. (B. M.)—M. St. John's Coll. Cam.—N. Digby 72.—O.
Ashmole 360.—P. Camb. Univ. Lib. Dd. 12. 51.—Q. Ashmole 393.—R. Egerton 2622
(B. M.).—S. Addit. 29250 (B. M.) See the descriptions of them in the Introduction.]
Prologue. l. 26. thise B; þese C; miswritten this A; see above, ll. 21, 22.
32. curious BC; miswritten curios A.
Many similar very slight alterations of spelling have been silently made in the text,
and are not worth specifying here. A complete list of them is given in my edition of
this treatise for the Early English Text Society. I give, however, the real variations of
reading. Thus, in l. 58, A. has som for sonne; and in l. 64 omits the second the.
Part I. § 1, l. 3. wol B; wolde AC.
§ 2, l. 2. Rowm is here an adjective, meaning large, ample. It is the right reading; we
find Rowm AB rowme C; rvm M.
§ 3, l. 1. AB omit the.
§ 9, l. 3. nombre AB; noumbre C; but nombres in old editions.
As, in the preceding pages which contain the text, the lower portion of each page is
occupied with a running commentary, such Critical Notes upon the text as seem to be
most necessary are here subjoined.
Title. Tractatus, &c.; adopted from the colophon. MS. F has 'tractatus astrolabii.' A
second title, 'Bred and mylk for childeren,' is in MSS. B. and E.
[The MSS. are as follows:—A. Cambridge Univ. Lib. Dd. 3. 53.—B. Bodley, E
Museo 54.—C. Rawlinson 1370.—D. Ashmole 391.—E. Bodley 619.—F. Corpus
424.—G. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 15. 18.—H. Sloane 314.—I. Sloane 261.—K. Rawlinson
Misc. 3.—L. Addit. 23002. (B. M.)—M. St. John's Coll. Cam.—N. Digby 72.—O.
Ashmole 360.—P. Camb. Univ. Lib. Dd. 12. 51.—Q. Ashmole 393.—R. Egerton 2622
(B. M.).—S. Addit. 29250 (B. M.) See the descriptions of them in the Introduction.]
Prologue. l. 26. thise B; þese C; miswritten this A; see above, ll. 21, 22.
32. curious BC; miswritten curios A.
Many similar very slight alterations of spelling have been silently made in the text,
and are not worth specifying here. A complete list of them is given in my edition of
this treatise for the Early English Text Society. I give, however, the real variations of
reading. Thus, in l. 58, A. has som for sonne; and in l. 64 omits the second the.
Part I. § 1, l. 3. wol B; wolde AC.
§ 2, l. 2. Rowm is here an adjective, meaning large, ample. It is the right reading; we
find Rowm AB rowme C; rvm M.
§ 3, l. 1. AB omit the.
§ 9, l. 3. nombre AB; noumbre C; but nombres in old editions.
Page 348
§ 12, l. 5. The MSS. all[60] read—'vmbra recta or elles vmbra extensa, & the nether
partie is cleped the vmbra versa.' This is certainly wrong.
§ 13, l. 2. a certein] so in AB; CM omit a. But Chaucer certainly uses the phrase 'a
certain'; cf. 'of unces a certain,' C. T., G 776; and see G 1024.
§ 14, ll. 2, 5. The word halt for holdeth, and the expression to-hepe, together, both
occur in Troil. iii. 1764:—
'And lost were al, that Love halt now to-hepe.'
§ 17, l. 1. principal C; tropikal AB; M om. The reading tropikal is absurd, because
there are but two such; besides which, see l. 34 below.
17. the nyht (over an erasure) B; thee nyht (over an erasure) A; þe niȝtes C; þe nyȝtes
M.
§ 20, l. 4. figure; here (and sometimes elsewhere) miswritten vigur A. Throughout the
whole treatise, the scribe has commonly written 'vigur'; in many places, it has been
corrected to 'figure.'
§ 21, l. 15. the (before sterres) supplied from BC.
27. where as C; wher AB.
56. ouerkeruyd A; ouerkerued B; ouerkerueth (the latter part of the word over an
erasure) C; first time only.
Part II. § 2, l. 8. euer M; euere C; euery (wrongly) AB.
§ 3, ll. 31, 32. A has 12 degres, corrected to 18 degres; B. has 12 degrees; C has 18.
The numbers in the MSS. in these propositions are somewhat uncertain; it seems
probable that some alteration was made by Chaucer himself.
The readings in MS. B give one set of calculations, which are no doubt the original
ones; for in MS. A the same set is again found, but altered throughout, by the scribe
who drew the diagrams. The sets of readings are these:—
Ll. 31, 32. 12 degrees B; so in A, but altered to 18; C has 18.
partie is cleped the vmbra versa.' This is certainly wrong.
§ 13, l. 2. a certein] so in AB; CM omit a. But Chaucer certainly uses the phrase 'a
certain'; cf. 'of unces a certain,' C. T., G 776; and see G 1024.
§ 14, ll. 2, 5. The word halt for holdeth, and the expression to-hepe, together, both
occur in Troil. iii. 1764:—
'And lost were al, that Love halt now to-hepe.'
§ 17, l. 1. principal C; tropikal AB; M om. The reading tropikal is absurd, because
there are but two such; besides which, see l. 34 below.
17. the nyht (over an erasure) B; thee nyht (over an erasure) A; þe niȝtes C; þe nyȝtes
M.
§ 20, l. 4. figure; here (and sometimes elsewhere) miswritten vigur A. Throughout the
whole treatise, the scribe has commonly written 'vigur'; in many places, it has been
corrected to 'figure.'
§ 21, l. 15. the (before sterres) supplied from BC.
27. where as C; wher AB.
56. ouerkeruyd A; ouerkerued B; ouerkerueth (the latter part of the word over an
erasure) C; first time only.
Part II. § 2, l. 8. euer M; euere C; euery (wrongly) AB.
§ 3, ll. 31, 32. A has 12 degres, corrected to 18 degres; B. has 12 degrees; C has 18.
The numbers in the MSS. in these propositions are somewhat uncertain; it seems
probable that some alteration was made by Chaucer himself.
The readings in MS. B give one set of calculations, which are no doubt the original
ones; for in MS. A the same set is again found, but altered throughout, by the scribe
who drew the diagrams. The sets of readings are these:—
Ll. 31, 32. 12 degrees B; so in A, but altered to 18; C has 18.
Page 349
37. passed 9 of the clokke the space of 10 degrees B; so in A, with 9 altered to 8, and
10 altered to 2; C has ij for 9, but agrees with A in the reading 2.
39. fond ther 10 degrees of taurus B; so in A originally, but 10 has been corrected to
23, and libra is written over an erasure. C agrees with neither, having 20 for 10, but
agreeing with A as to libra. The later MSS. sometimes vary from all these.
42. an supplied from C; AB omit.
§ 4, l. 5. largest C; largesse AB.
6. upon C; vn (!) AB.
8. forseide degree of his longitude] forseyde same degre of hys longitude C; forseid
same gre of his longitude P; forseyde latitude his longitude (sic!) AB.
9. planete ys C; miswritten planetes AB, but is is added in margin of A.
16. For '25 degrees,' all the MSS. have '15 degrees.' The mistake is probably Chaucer's
own; the correction was made by Mr. Brae, who remarks that it is a mere translation
from the Latin version of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, which has—'Signum ascendentis,
quod est a quinque gradibus qui super horizontem ante ipsum ascenderant usque ad
viginti quinque qui ad ascendentem remanserint'; Lib. iii. c. 10. In fact, it is clear that
25 must be added to 5 to make up the extent of a 'house,' which was 30 degrees.
16. ys like C; is lik P; miswritten illyk AB.
17. in is supplied from GM; ABC omit it.
23. second the supplied from CP; AB omit.
32. wel supplied from CPM; AB omit.
36. than] þan CM; þenne P; AB omit.
40. The number 10 is supplied from C; AB omit.
42. some folk supplied from CPG; AB omit.
10 altered to 2; C has ij for 9, but agrees with A in the reading 2.
39. fond ther 10 degrees of taurus B; so in A originally, but 10 has been corrected to
23, and libra is written over an erasure. C agrees with neither, having 20 for 10, but
agreeing with A as to libra. The later MSS. sometimes vary from all these.
42. an supplied from C; AB omit.
§ 4, l. 5. largest C; largesse AB.
6. upon C; vn (!) AB.
8. forseide degree of his longitude] forseyde same degre of hys longitude C; forseid
same gre of his longitude P; forseyde latitude his longitude (sic!) AB.
9. planete ys C; miswritten planetes AB, but is is added in margin of A.
16. For '25 degrees,' all the MSS. have '15 degrees.' The mistake is probably Chaucer's
own; the correction was made by Mr. Brae, who remarks that it is a mere translation
from the Latin version of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, which has—'Signum ascendentis,
quod est a quinque gradibus qui super horizontem ante ipsum ascenderant usque ad
viginti quinque qui ad ascendentem remanserint'; Lib. iii. c. 10. In fact, it is clear that
25 must be added to 5 to make up the extent of a 'house,' which was 30 degrees.
16. ys like C; is lik P; miswritten illyk AB.
17. in is supplied from GM; ABC omit it.
23. second the supplied from CP; AB omit.
32. wel supplied from CPM; AB omit.
36. than] þan CM; þenne P; AB omit.
40. The number 10 is supplied from C; AB omit.
42. some folk supplied from CPG; AB omit.
Page 350
44. yit is] AB wrongly have yit it is; but CPGM omit it.
§ 5, l. 3. by 2 and 2 ACG; by 3 and 3 P; left blank in B. Either reading makes sense,
but it is clear that divisions representing three degrees each must have been very
awkward.
10. of supplied from CPGM: AB omit.
§ 6, l. 5. est C; west A (which is absurd); west (corrected to est) B.
9. signe CGP; signes ABM.
§ 10, l. 3. than B; þan C; A has & by nyht, which is absurd.
4, 5. A omits day with the howr inequal of the, which is supplied from BCP; the
number 30 is also supplied from BCM, as A has a blank space here; see l. 10.
§ 11, l. 12. The number 4 is from CP; AB omit; old edd. fourthe.
13. ther supplied from PM; þere C; AB omit.
§ 12, l. 1. the supplied from BC; A omits.
8. The figure 2 is from BCP; G has secunde; A omits.
§ 14, l. 9, 10. The last clause supplied from B.
§ 15, l. 6. pointe] point P; pointes A; pointz B; poyntes C; but grammar requires the
singular.
9. the supplied from CP; AB omit.
§ 16, l. 5. AB wrongly insert the before Cancer; CP omit it.
8. y-lyke] Ilyke G; ilik P; y-like C; ilke AB; see l. 7.
§ 17. Latin rubric; for latitudinem (as in M) read longitudinem. l. 18. heued B; hed
ACP; see sect. 16, l. 3. The word 'the' (rightly placed in BCMP) is, in A, wrongly
placed before 'Aries' instead of before 'ende.'
§ 5, l. 3. by 2 and 2 ACG; by 3 and 3 P; left blank in B. Either reading makes sense,
but it is clear that divisions representing three degrees each must have been very
awkward.
10. of supplied from CPGM: AB omit.
§ 6, l. 5. est C; west A (which is absurd); west (corrected to est) B.
9. signe CGP; signes ABM.
§ 10, l. 3. than B; þan C; A has & by nyht, which is absurd.
4, 5. A omits day with the howr inequal of the, which is supplied from BCP; the
number 30 is also supplied from BCM, as A has a blank space here; see l. 10.
§ 11, l. 12. The number 4 is from CP; AB omit; old edd. fourthe.
13. ther supplied from PM; þere C; AB omit.
§ 12, l. 1. the supplied from BC; A omits.
8. The figure 2 is from BCP; G has secunde; A omits.
§ 14, l. 9, 10. The last clause supplied from B.
§ 15, l. 6. pointe] point P; pointes A; pointz B; poyntes C; but grammar requires the
singular.
9. the supplied from CP; AB omit.
§ 16, l. 5. AB wrongly insert the before Cancer; CP omit it.
8. y-lyke] Ilyke G; ilik P; y-like C; ilke AB; see l. 7.
§ 17. Latin rubric; for latitudinem (as in M) read longitudinem. l. 18. heued B; hed
ACP; see sect. 16, l. 3. The word 'the' (rightly placed in BCMP) is, in A, wrongly
placed before 'Aries' instead of before 'ende.'
Page 351
23. second the] þe C; AB omit.
§ 19. Latin Rubric; for orizon (as in M) read statio.
§ 20. Latin Rubric; the MS. (M) transposes the words in and a, having a zodiaco in
circulo, which contradicts the sense.
§ 22. Latin Rubric; for centri (as in M) read regionis.
§ 23, l. 21. The figure '8' is omitted in AB.
23. than] A omits; thanne inserted afterwards in B.
§ 25, l. 3. first the] supplied from B; AC omit.
15. CP om. and 10 minutes.
16. CP om. and minutes out. For 51 degrees and 50 minutes, C has 52, þan is 52
degrees; and P has 52. Þenne is .52. grees.
19. CP om. as I mighte prove.
20. the supplied from CP; AB om.
27. the firste degree] 10 degrees C; 10 gree P.
28. 58 degrees and 10 minutes] almost 56 C (meaning 56 degrees); almost .56. grees
P.
29. almost 20] almost 18 C.
31. thee] C om. and odde Minutes] CP om.
It thus appears that there is a second set of readings, involving a different calculation.
The second set supposes the Sun to be in the 10th degree of Leo, his altitude to be 56°,
and his declination 18°; the difference, viz. 38°, is the complement of the latitude.
Either set of readings suits the sense, but the one in the text agrees best with the
former latitude, viz. 51°. 50′.
§ 19. Latin Rubric; for orizon (as in M) read statio.
§ 20. Latin Rubric; the MS. (M) transposes the words in and a, having a zodiaco in
circulo, which contradicts the sense.
§ 22. Latin Rubric; for centri (as in M) read regionis.
§ 23, l. 21. The figure '8' is omitted in AB.
23. than] A omits; thanne inserted afterwards in B.
§ 25, l. 3. first the] supplied from B; AC omit.
15. CP om. and 10 minutes.
16. CP om. and minutes out. For 51 degrees and 50 minutes, C has 52, þan is 52
degrees; and P has 52. Þenne is .52. grees.
19. CP om. as I mighte prove.
20. the supplied from CP; AB om.
27. the firste degree] 10 degrees C; 10 gree P.
28. 58 degrees and 10 minutes] almost 56 C (meaning 56 degrees); almost .56. grees
P.
29. almost 20] almost 18 C.
31. thee] C om. and odde Minutes] CP om.
It thus appears that there is a second set of readings, involving a different calculation.
The second set supposes the Sun to be in the 10th degree of Leo, his altitude to be 56°,
and his declination 18°; the difference, viz. 38°, is the complement of the latitude.
Either set of readings suits the sense, but the one in the text agrees best with the
former latitude, viz. 51°. 50′.
Page 352
37. After there, C inserts 38 grees, þat is; and omits the words of the pole, 51 degrees
and 50 minutes. But this is a mere repetition of the 'height of the Equinoctial,' and is
obviously wrong. After pole, in l. 38, A inserts an that, which is unmeaning, and
omitted in B.
§ 26, l. 8. Nearly all the MSS. omit from Fertherover down to right orisonte. The
missing clause appears in MS. Bodley 619; I have not found it elsewhere. It is
obviously correct, and agrees sufficiently closely with the conjectural addition by Mr.
Brae, in his edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe, p. 48.
§ 27, l. 2. second the] supplied from BCPM; A om.
§ 28. Latin Rubric. MS. has in recto circulo; read obliquo.
3. set] sett C; sete P; AB omit.
11. these] þese C; thise B; the A.
23. ende] heed A; heued C. In fact, heed, heued, or hed seems to be the reading of all
the MSS. and printed copies, and may have been a slip of the pen in the first instance.
The reading ende is, however, amply justified by its previous occurrence, four times
over, in lines 10, 13, 16, 18. We thus have
Six Northern signs. From head of Aries to end of Virgo.
Six Southern signs. From head of Libra to end of Pisces.
Six Tortuous signs. From head of Capricorn to end of Gemini.
Six Direct signs. From head of Cancer to end of Sagittarius.
Opposite 'sagittare' is written 'sagittarie' in the margin of A, probably as a correction;
but it is left uncorrected in l. 27.
§ 29, l. 3. Turne thanne] Turne þan C; turne the thanne AB.
9. thou] þou C; two AB.
14. rewle] rule CP; miswritten rewles AB; see l. 9.
§ 30. l. 11. wey A; place C. After zodiak C inserts—for on þe morowe wol þe sonne
be in a-noþer degre þan þan, et cetera; P inserts—For yn þe morowe wol þe sonne be
yn an oþer gree, & norþer or souþer par aventure. Nothing can be plainer than that 'the
and 50 minutes. But this is a mere repetition of the 'height of the Equinoctial,' and is
obviously wrong. After pole, in l. 38, A inserts an that, which is unmeaning, and
omitted in B.
§ 26, l. 8. Nearly all the MSS. omit from Fertherover down to right orisonte. The
missing clause appears in MS. Bodley 619; I have not found it elsewhere. It is
obviously correct, and agrees sufficiently closely with the conjectural addition by Mr.
Brae, in his edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe, p. 48.
§ 27, l. 2. second the] supplied from BCPM; A om.
§ 28. Latin Rubric. MS. has in recto circulo; read obliquo.
3. set] sett C; sete P; AB omit.
11. these] þese C; thise B; the A.
23. ende] heed A; heued C. In fact, heed, heued, or hed seems to be the reading of all
the MSS. and printed copies, and may have been a slip of the pen in the first instance.
The reading ende is, however, amply justified by its previous occurrence, four times
over, in lines 10, 13, 16, 18. We thus have
Six Northern signs. From head of Aries to end of Virgo.
Six Southern signs. From head of Libra to end of Pisces.
Six Tortuous signs. From head of Capricorn to end of Gemini.
Six Direct signs. From head of Cancer to end of Sagittarius.
Opposite 'sagittare' is written 'sagittarie' in the margin of A, probably as a correction;
but it is left uncorrected in l. 27.
§ 29, l. 3. Turne thanne] Turne þan C; turne the thanne AB.
9. thou] þou C; two AB.
14. rewle] rule CP; miswritten rewles AB; see l. 9.
§ 30. l. 11. wey A; place C. After zodiak C inserts—for on þe morowe wol þe sonne
be in a-noþer degre þan þan, et cetera; P inserts—For yn þe morowe wol þe sonne be
yn an oþer gree, & norþer or souþer par aventure. Nothing can be plainer than that 'the
Page 353
way of the sun' in this passage means the small circle formed by the sun's apparent
path during a day; the text says expressly—'the wey wher as the sonne wente thilke
day.' We need not argue about the impossibility of a planet being found in 'the way of
the Sun' at midnight at the time of the Summer solstice, because Chaucer makes no
assertion whatever here about the relative positions of the sun and planet; indeed, he
carefully repeats 'if' three times. He is only concerned with defining the phrase—'the
latitude of a planet from the way of the sun'; and in every possible case, it is clear that
a planet can be either (1) situate in the small circle called in the Latin rubric cursus
solis, or (2) to the north of such a circle, or (3) to the south of such a circle. About this
there need be no difficulty at all. It is all copied from Messahala.
§ 31, l. 7. azimut] azymutz ABC; cf. sect. 32, l. 8.
§ 33, l. 2. Azimut] Azymutz ABC; minutis P; the same error as in sect. 31, l. 7; but
see sect. 32, l. 8.
3. second in] yn P; ABC omit.
4. the night] so in AB; CP om. the.
§ 34. English Rubric; latitude for] so in CP; latitude and for AB.
6. toucheth] touchiþ P; to which (sic) ABC; see sect. 27, l. 6.
§ 35, l. 15. After west side, AB add & yf he be on the est syde, a mere superfluous
repetition; see l. 11.
17. sothly] soþly CP; miswritten he settes (!) AB.
18. hir Episicle] so in CP; by an odd mistake, AB put hire after manere, instead of
before Episicle.
§ 37, l. 10. than] þan C; AB omit. is] AS omit; but it is obviously wanted; C varies
here.
12. 12 house next] 12 hous next C; howses nex (sic) AB.
13. thanne] þan C; A omits. howse] hous C; howses AB.
17. AB absurdly insert fro before the byginning.
path during a day; the text says expressly—'the wey wher as the sonne wente thilke
day.' We need not argue about the impossibility of a planet being found in 'the way of
the Sun' at midnight at the time of the Summer solstice, because Chaucer makes no
assertion whatever here about the relative positions of the sun and planet; indeed, he
carefully repeats 'if' three times. He is only concerned with defining the phrase—'the
latitude of a planet from the way of the sun'; and in every possible case, it is clear that
a planet can be either (1) situate in the small circle called in the Latin rubric cursus
solis, or (2) to the north of such a circle, or (3) to the south of such a circle. About this
there need be no difficulty at all. It is all copied from Messahala.
§ 31, l. 7. azimut] azymutz ABC; cf. sect. 32, l. 8.
§ 33, l. 2. Azimut] Azymutz ABC; minutis P; the same error as in sect. 31, l. 7; but
see sect. 32, l. 8.
3. second in] yn P; ABC omit.
4. the night] so in AB; CP om. the.
§ 34. English Rubric; latitude for] so in CP; latitude and for AB.
6. toucheth] touchiþ P; to which (sic) ABC; see sect. 27, l. 6.
§ 35, l. 15. After west side, AB add & yf he be on the est syde, a mere superfluous
repetition; see l. 11.
17. sothly] soþly CP; miswritten he settes (!) AB.
18. hir Episicle] so in CP; by an odd mistake, AB put hire after manere, instead of
before Episicle.
§ 37, l. 10. than] þan C; AB omit. is] AS omit; but it is obviously wanted; C varies
here.
12. 12 house next] 12 hous next C; howses nex (sic) AB.
13. thanne] þan C; A omits. howse] hous C; howses AB.
17. AB absurdly insert fro before the byginning.
Page 354
18. first the] þe C; AB omit.
§ 38, l. 1. warpyng MP; werpynge C; weripinge (sic) A.
2. first a CP; AB omit.
3, 4. an euene C; a enene AB (twice).
8. fro the centre; i.e. above the centre. The length of the pin, measured from the centre
in which it is inserted, is to be not more than a quarter of the diameter, or half the
radius. This would make the ratio of the gnomon to the shadow (or radius) to be one-
half, corresponding to an altitude a, where tan a = ½; i.e. to an altitude of about 26½°.
As Chaucer talks about the sun's altitude being 25½° at about 9 o'clock, at the time of
the equinoxes (sect. 3), there is nothing that is particularly absurd in the text of this
section. For Mr. Brae's conjectural emendations, see p. 56 of his edition.
16. tak thanne] so in P; tak me thanne AB; take me þan C. But there seems no
sufficient reason for thus inserting me here.
§ 39. At this point MS. A, which has so far, in spite of occasional errors of the scribe,
afforded a very fair text, begins to break down; probably because the corrector's hand
has not touched the two concluding sections, although section 40 is much less corrupt.
The result is worth recording, as it shews what we may expect to find, even in good
MSS. of the Astrolabe. The section commences thus (the obvious misreadings being
printed in italics):—
'This lyne Meridional ys but a Maner descripcion or the ymagined, that passeth vpon
the pooles of þis the world And by the cenyth of owre heued / And hit is the same lyne
Meridional / for in what place þat any maner man [omission] any tyme of the yer /
whan that the sonne schyneth ony thing of the firmament cometh to his verrey Middel
lyne of the place / than is hit verrey Midday, þat we clepen owre noon,' &c.
It seems clear that this apparent trash was produced by a careless scribe, who had a
good copy before him; it is therefore not necessary to reject it all as unworthy of
consideration, but it is very necessary to correct it by collation with other copies. And
this is what I have done.
MS. B has almost exactly the same words; but the section is considerably better, in
general sense, in MSS. C and P, for which reason I here quote from the former the
whole section.
§ 38, l. 1. warpyng MP; werpynge C; weripinge (sic) A.
2. first a CP; AB omit.
3, 4. an euene C; a enene AB (twice).
8. fro the centre; i.e. above the centre. The length of the pin, measured from the centre
in which it is inserted, is to be not more than a quarter of the diameter, or half the
radius. This would make the ratio of the gnomon to the shadow (or radius) to be one-
half, corresponding to an altitude a, where tan a = ½; i.e. to an altitude of about 26½°.
As Chaucer talks about the sun's altitude being 25½° at about 9 o'clock, at the time of
the equinoxes (sect. 3), there is nothing that is particularly absurd in the text of this
section. For Mr. Brae's conjectural emendations, see p. 56 of his edition.
16. tak thanne] so in P; tak me thanne AB; take me þan C. But there seems no
sufficient reason for thus inserting me here.
§ 39. At this point MS. A, which has so far, in spite of occasional errors of the scribe,
afforded a very fair text, begins to break down; probably because the corrector's hand
has not touched the two concluding sections, although section 40 is much less corrupt.
The result is worth recording, as it shews what we may expect to find, even in good
MSS. of the Astrolabe. The section commences thus (the obvious misreadings being
printed in italics):—
'This lyne Meridional ys but a Maner descripcion or the ymagined, that passeth vpon
the pooles of þis the world And by the cenyth of owre heued / And hit is the same lyne
Meridional / for in what place þat any maner man [omission] any tyme of the yer /
whan that the sonne schyneth ony thing of the firmament cometh to his verrey Middel
lyne of the place / than is hit verrey Midday, þat we clepen owre noon,' &c.
It seems clear that this apparent trash was produced by a careless scribe, who had a
good copy before him; it is therefore not necessary to reject it all as unworthy of
consideration, but it is very necessary to correct it by collation with other copies. And
this is what I have done.
MS. B has almost exactly the same words; but the section is considerably better, in
general sense, in MSS. C and P, for which reason I here quote from the former the
whole section.
Page 355
[Rawl. MS. Misc. 1370, fol. 40 b.]
Descripcioun of þe meridional lyne, of þe longitudes and latitudes of Citees
and townes, as wel as of a (sic) clymatz.
39. conclusio. This lyne meridional is but a maner discripcion̄ or lyne ymagyned,
þat passeþ upon þe pooles of þis worlde, and by þe Cenith of oure heued. ¶ And
yt is cleped þe lyne meridional, for in what place þat any man ys at any time of
þe ȝere, whan þat þe sonne by menynge of þe firmament come to his uerrey
meridian place / þan is it þe uerrey mydday þat we clepe none, as to þilke man.
And þerefore is yt cleped þe lyne of mydday. And nota, þat euermo of any .2.
citees or of 2 townes, of which þat oo towne a-procheþ neer þe est þan doþ þe
oþer towne, trust wel þat þilke townes han diuerse meridians. Nota also, þat þe
arche of þe equinoxial, þat is contened or bownded by-twixe þe two meridians, is
cleped þe longitude of þe towne. ¶ & ȝif so be / þat two townes haue I-like
meridian or one merydian, ¶ Than ys þe distaunce of hem boþe I-like fer from þe
est, & þe contrarye. And in þis maner þei chaunge not her meridyan, but soþly,
þei chaungen her almykanteras, For þe enhaunsynge of þe pool / and þe
distaunce of þe sonne. ¶ The longitude of a clymate ys a lyne ymagyned fro þe
est to þe west, I-like distaunte fro þe equinoxial. ¶ The latitude of a clymat may
be cleped þe space of þe erþe fro þe by-gynnynge of þe first clymat unto þe ende
of þe same clymat / euene-directe a-ȝens þe pool artyke. ¶ Thus seyn somme
auctours / and somme clerkes seyn / þat ȝif men clepen þe latitude of a
contrey[61], þe arche mer[i]dian þat is contened or intercept by-twixe þe Cenyth
& þe equinoxial; þan sey þei þat þe distaunce fro þe equinoxial unto þe ende of a
clymat, euene[62] a-gaynes þe pool artik, is þe latitude off þat climat[62] forsoþe.
The corrections made in this section are here fully described.
1. of lyne P; of a line I; or lyne C; or the AB.
2. this] þis the AB, absurdly; CP omit the, rightly.
3. ycleped the] y-clupid þe P; cleped þe C; the same (sic) AB.
4. is at; supplied from PCI; AB omit.
5. by moeving] by meuynge C; by mevyng PI; schyneth ony thing (sic) A; schyned
eny thing B; for the spelling moeving, see sect. 35, l. 5.
Descripcioun of þe meridional lyne, of þe longitudes and latitudes of Citees
and townes, as wel as of a (sic) clymatz.
39. conclusio. This lyne meridional is but a maner discripcion̄ or lyne ymagyned,
þat passeþ upon þe pooles of þis worlde, and by þe Cenith of oure heued. ¶ And
yt is cleped þe lyne meridional, for in what place þat any man ys at any time of
þe ȝere, whan þat þe sonne by menynge of þe firmament come to his uerrey
meridian place / þan is it þe uerrey mydday þat we clepe none, as to þilke man.
And þerefore is yt cleped þe lyne of mydday. And nota, þat euermo of any .2.
citees or of 2 townes, of which þat oo towne a-procheþ neer þe est þan doþ þe
oþer towne, trust wel þat þilke townes han diuerse meridians. Nota also, þat þe
arche of þe equinoxial, þat is contened or bownded by-twixe þe two meridians, is
cleped þe longitude of þe towne. ¶ & ȝif so be / þat two townes haue I-like
meridian or one merydian, ¶ Than ys þe distaunce of hem boþe I-like fer from þe
est, & þe contrarye. And in þis maner þei chaunge not her meridyan, but soþly,
þei chaungen her almykanteras, For þe enhaunsynge of þe pool / and þe
distaunce of þe sonne. ¶ The longitude of a clymate ys a lyne ymagyned fro þe
est to þe west, I-like distaunte fro þe equinoxial. ¶ The latitude of a clymat may
be cleped þe space of þe erþe fro þe by-gynnynge of þe first clymat unto þe ende
of þe same clymat / euene-directe a-ȝens þe pool artyke. ¶ Thus seyn somme
auctours / and somme clerkes seyn / þat ȝif men clepen þe latitude of a
contrey[61], þe arche mer[i]dian þat is contened or intercept by-twixe þe Cenyth
& þe equinoxial; þan sey þei þat þe distaunce fro þe equinoxial unto þe ende of a
clymat, euene[62] a-gaynes þe pool artik, is þe latitude off þat climat[62] forsoþe.
The corrections made in this section are here fully described.
1. of lyne P; of a line I; or lyne C; or the AB.
2. this] þis the AB, absurdly; CP omit the, rightly.
3. ycleped the] y-clupid þe P; cleped þe C; the same (sic) AB.
4. is at; supplied from PCI; AB omit.
5. by moeving] by meuynge C; by mevyng PI; schyneth ony thing (sic) A; schyned
eny thing B; for the spelling moeving, see sect. 35, l. 5.
Page 356
6. meridian CP; meridianale I; Middel lyne of the (sic) AB.
8. 2 citees CI; too citees P; any lynes (sic) AB.
9. aprocheth] a-procheþ C; aprochiþ P; miswritten aprochid AB.
more toward] neer C; ner P; neerer I; thoward AB.
11. conteyned I; conteynyd P; contened C; consideered (sic) A; contined B.
13. yf P; ȝif C; if it I; AB omit. N.B. It is best to use the spelling yif, as the word is
commonly so spelt in A.
22. same CPI; seconde AB. The reading same is right; for the 'latitude of a climate'
means the breadth of a zone of the earth, and the latitude of the first climate (here
chosen by way of example) is the breadth as measured along a great circle
perpendicular to the equator, from the beginning of the said first climate to the end of
the same. The words 'evene-directe agayns the poole Artik' mean in the direction of
the North pole; i.e. the latitude of a climate is reckoned from its beginning, or
southernmost boundary-line, towards the end of the same, viz. its northern boundary-
line.
22. þe poole Artik P; þe pool artyke C; the pole artike I; from north to south AB.
Observe that this singular error in A, 'euene directe agayns from north to south,'
probably arose from a confusion of the text 'euene directe agayns þe poole Artik' with
a gloss upon it, which was 'from north to south.' It is important as throwing light on
the meaning of the phrase, and proving that the interpretation of it given above (note
to l. 22) is correct.
24. intercept CP; intercepte I; except (over an erasure) AB.
The only reading about which there is any doubt is that in line 18, which may be
either 'illike distant by-twene them alle' (A), or 'I-like distaunte fro þe equinoxial' (C).
But it is immaterial which reading be adopted, since Illike-distant is here used merely
in the sense of parallel, and the boundaries of the climates are parallel both to one
another, and to the equinoctial. The climates themselves were of different breadths.
§ 40, l. 4. this samples AB; þese ensamples C.
8. 2 citees CI; too citees P; any lynes (sic) AB.
9. aprocheth] a-procheþ C; aprochiþ P; miswritten aprochid AB.
more toward] neer C; ner P; neerer I; thoward AB.
11. conteyned I; conteynyd P; contened C; consideered (sic) A; contined B.
13. yf P; ȝif C; if it I; AB omit. N.B. It is best to use the spelling yif, as the word is
commonly so spelt in A.
22. same CPI; seconde AB. The reading same is right; for the 'latitude of a climate'
means the breadth of a zone of the earth, and the latitude of the first climate (here
chosen by way of example) is the breadth as measured along a great circle
perpendicular to the equator, from the beginning of the said first climate to the end of
the same. The words 'evene-directe agayns the poole Artik' mean in the direction of
the North pole; i.e. the latitude of a climate is reckoned from its beginning, or
southernmost boundary-line, towards the end of the same, viz. its northern boundary-
line.
22. þe poole Artik P; þe pool artyke C; the pole artike I; from north to south AB.
Observe that this singular error in A, 'euene directe agayns from north to south,'
probably arose from a confusion of the text 'euene directe agayns þe poole Artik' with
a gloss upon it, which was 'from north to south.' It is important as throwing light on
the meaning of the phrase, and proving that the interpretation of it given above (note
to l. 22) is correct.
24. intercept CP; intercepte I; except (over an erasure) AB.
The only reading about which there is any doubt is that in line 18, which may be
either 'illike distant by-twene them alle' (A), or 'I-like distaunte fro þe equinoxial' (C).
But it is immaterial which reading be adopted, since Illike-distant is here used merely
in the sense of parallel, and the boundaries of the climates are parallel both to one
another, and to the equinoctial. The climates themselves were of different breadths.
§ 40, l. 4. this samples AB; þese ensamples C.
Page 357
5. for sothe] miswritten for sonne AB; in general C; yn special P; the reading sonne
points to sothe, and makes it very probable that for sothe is the true reading.
6. the longitude] þe longitude C; latitude AB (absurdly); see l. 11.
7. planete; miswritten that A, but corrected to planete in the margin; C has planete,
correctly. The figure 6 is omitted in C; so are all the other figures further on. him] hir
C.
8. I tok] Than toke I C. 8, 16. 2 degrees A; 3 degrees B.
10. Than tok I] Than toke I C; for tok AB wrongly have stykke, afterwards altered to
stokke in A. second the] supplied from C, which has þe; AB omit.
23. the] þe C; AB omit.
27. prikke] prickes C; perhaps prikkes would be a better reading.
29. AB omit the figure 2; but see l. 8.
31. in alle] in al C; A has septentrionalle, an obvious mistake for septentrional in alle,
by confusion of the syllable 'al' in the former with 'al' in the latter word; B has
septentrional, omitting in alle.
34. signes C] tymes AB (wrongly); see l. 32.
46. Perhaps evene before of should be omitted, as in C. AB have in the ende euene
ouer of thee, where euene ouer is repeated from the former part of the line.
47. F endlang] F endlonge C; A euene AB; but see ll. 23, 24.
A omits of and degrees, yet both are required; BC omit of 3 degrees altogether.
49. til] tyl þat C; tho AB (absurdly).
50. saw] sey C; may AB; see l. 28.
56. hir] his ABC. a] ABC omit.
points to sothe, and makes it very probable that for sothe is the true reading.
6. the longitude] þe longitude C; latitude AB (absurdly); see l. 11.
7. planete; miswritten that A, but corrected to planete in the margin; C has planete,
correctly. The figure 6 is omitted in C; so are all the other figures further on. him] hir
C.
8. I tok] Than toke I C. 8, 16. 2 degrees A; 3 degrees B.
10. Than tok I] Than toke I C; for tok AB wrongly have stykke, afterwards altered to
stokke in A. second the] supplied from C, which has þe; AB omit.
23. the] þe C; AB omit.
27. prikke] prickes C; perhaps prikkes would be a better reading.
29. AB omit the figure 2; but see l. 8.
31. in alle] in al C; A has septentrionalle, an obvious mistake for septentrional in alle,
by confusion of the syllable 'al' in the former with 'al' in the latter word; B has
septentrional, omitting in alle.
34. signes C] tymes AB (wrongly); see l. 32.
46. Perhaps evene before of should be omitted, as in C. AB have in the ende euene
ouer of thee, where euene ouer is repeated from the former part of the line.
47. F endlang] F endlonge C; A euene AB; but see ll. 23, 24.
A omits of and degrees, yet both are required; BC omit of 3 degrees altogether.
49. til] tyl þat C; tho AB (absurdly).
50. saw] sey C; may AB; see l. 28.
56. hir] his ABC. a] ABC omit.
Page 358
57. At the word houre four of the best MSS. break off, viz. MSS. ABCE, although E
adds one more section, viz. sect. 46; others come to a sudden end even sooner, viz.
MSS. DFGHK. But MS. P carries us on to the end of sect. 43, and supplies the words
—þu shalt do wel ynow, as in the old editions.
§ 41. 7. betwixe] be M (wrongly); betwixe R; by-twyx L.
M inserts & before to þe altitude; a mere slip. For; miswritten Fro M.
8. thridde; miswritten ridde M; þrydde R.
13. LM wrongly place of after the heyȝt instead of before it.
§ 42, l. 2. see] so in LR; miswritten sette M; see sect. 41, l. 4.
3. second I] so L; y R; M omits.
8. M omits as, above, and is þe; L has 12 passethe 6 the.
11. seest] so in LR; miswritten settest M.
12. 60] so in LNR; sexe M.
13. M omits from 10 is to 10 feet, which is supplied from NLPR.
14. For] so in LNR; fro M.
15. For 2, M has 6; so also R. For 3, M has 4.
16. For 2, M has 6; for 6, M has 2; and the words and 3 is 4 partyes of 12 are omitted,
though L has—& 4 is the thrid partye of 12.
17. betwen R] by-twene L; bitwixe P; miswritten be M; cf. sect. 41, 7.
19. thre R] 3 LP; miswritten þe M.
§ 43. Rubric in M, Umbra Versa; obviously a mistake for Recta. The error is repeated
in l. 1. LPR rightly read Recta.
adds one more section, viz. sect. 46; others come to a sudden end even sooner, viz.
MSS. DFGHK. But MS. P carries us on to the end of sect. 43, and supplies the words
—þu shalt do wel ynow, as in the old editions.
§ 41. 7. betwixe] be M (wrongly); betwixe R; by-twyx L.
M inserts & before to þe altitude; a mere slip. For; miswritten Fro M.
8. thridde; miswritten ridde M; þrydde R.
13. LM wrongly place of after the heyȝt instead of before it.
§ 42, l. 2. see] so in LR; miswritten sette M; see sect. 41, l. 4.
3. second I] so L; y R; M omits.
8. M omits as, above, and is þe; L has 12 passethe 6 the.
11. seest] so in LR; miswritten settest M.
12. 60] so in LNR; sexe M.
13. M omits from 10 is to 10 feet, which is supplied from NLPR.
14. For] so in LNR; fro M.
15. For 2, M has 6; so also R. For 3, M has 4.
16. For 2, M has 6; for 6, M has 2; and the words and 3 is 4 partyes of 12 are omitted,
though L has—& 4 is the thrid partye of 12.
17. betwen R] by-twene L; bitwixe P; miswritten be M; cf. sect. 41, 7.
19. thre R] 3 LP; miswritten þe M.
§ 43. Rubric in M, Umbra Versa; obviously a mistake for Recta. The error is repeated
in l. 1. LPR rightly read Recta.
Page 359
3. M omits 1, which is supplied from LPR; see l. 5.
11. After heythe (as in M), LNR add to thyn eye. In place of lines 9-11, P has—& so
of alle oþer, &c.
§ 44. From MS. Digby 72 (N). Also in LMOR.
2. fro] so in LO; for M.
3. into] so in L; in M. for] so in O; fro M.
6. ȝeris M; LNO omit.
7. tabelis NO; table M; tables L.
8. where L; qwere O; wheþer N.
9. loke LM; N omits.
11, 2. NM omit from or what to or; supplied from O, which has—or qwat nombre þat
euere it be, tyl þe tyme þat þou come to 20, or 40, or 60. I have merely turned qwat
into what, as in L, which also has this insertion.
13. wreten N; the alteration to wryte is my own; see l. 23.
under] so in L; vndirneþe M.
14. to-geder] too-geder M; miswritten to 2 degreis N; to the 2 degrees L.
15. hast M; miswritten laste N; last L.
16. that (1); supplied from M; LN omit. For 1 (as in M) LN have 10.
21. to-gedere M; to the degreis N; 2 grees O; to degrees L.
22. that (2); supplied from M; LNO omit.
lasse] passid LNO; M omits. Of course passid is wrong, and equally of course lasse is
right; see ll. 5, 6 above, and l. 25 below.
11. After heythe (as in M), LNR add to thyn eye. In place of lines 9-11, P has—& so
of alle oþer, &c.
§ 44. From MS. Digby 72 (N). Also in LMOR.
2. fro] so in LO; for M.
3. into] so in L; in M. for] so in O; fro M.
6. ȝeris M; LNO omit.
7. tabelis NO; table M; tables L.
8. where L; qwere O; wheþer N.
9. loke LM; N omits.
11, 2. NM omit from or what to or; supplied from O, which has—or qwat nombre þat
euere it be, tyl þe tyme þat þou come to 20, or 40, or 60. I have merely turned qwat
into what, as in L, which also has this insertion.
13. wreten N; the alteration to wryte is my own; see l. 23.
under] so in L; vndirneþe M.
14. to-geder] too-geder M; miswritten to 2 degreis N; to the 2 degrees L.
15. hast M; miswritten laste N; last L.
16. that (1); supplied from M; LN omit. For 1 (as in M) LN have 10.
21. to-gedere M; to the degreis N; 2 grees O; to degrees L.
22. that (2); supplied from M; LNO omit.
lasse] passid LNO; M omits. Of course passid is wrong, and equally of course lasse is
right; see ll. 5, 6 above, and l. 25 below.
Page 360
25. that] so in L; þat MO; if hit N.
27. entringe] entre M; entre L. ther] so in M; miswritten the ȝere N; the ȝeer L.
30. merydie LM; merdie N.
32. for LM; fro N (twice).
34. thaȝthe N; have tauȝt M; have tawȝt O; haue tauht L.
36. the (1); supplied from M; LNO omit.
with the] so in M; wyche N; see l. 36.
40. in (2)] in-to N; yn M.
§ 45. From MS. Digby 72 (N); also in LOR; but not in M.
4. that N; the L; þe O (after wryte in l. 3).
6. wrytoun O; Iwyton N. But L has I wold wyttyn; read—I wolde witen precise my
rote; cf. ll. 19, 30.
8. 1397] miswritten 1391 LN; O has 1391, corrected to 1397; see l. 3.
11. soȝth N; sowte O; sowthe L; read soghte.
14. vnder N; vndyr-nethe O; vndre-nethe L.
20, 1. oþer in any oþer tyme or monyth N; or any oder tymys or monthys O; or in eny
other moneth L.
27. adde] supplied from L; NO omit. There is no doubt about it, for see l. 16.
31. wete the] so in O; wete thi L; miswritten with thy N; see l. 19.
35. and (3)] supplied from LO; N omits.
§ 46, 5, 6. þat same E; þe same S.
27. entringe] entre M; entre L. ther] so in M; miswritten the ȝere N; the ȝeer L.
30. merydie LM; merdie N.
32. for LM; fro N (twice).
34. thaȝthe N; have tauȝt M; have tawȝt O; haue tauht L.
36. the (1); supplied from M; LNO omit.
with the] so in M; wyche N; see l. 36.
40. in (2)] in-to N; yn M.
§ 45. From MS. Digby 72 (N); also in LOR; but not in M.
4. that N; the L; þe O (after wryte in l. 3).
6. wrytoun O; Iwyton N. But L has I wold wyttyn; read—I wolde witen precise my
rote; cf. ll. 19, 30.
8. 1397] miswritten 1391 LN; O has 1391, corrected to 1397; see l. 3.
11. soȝth N; sowte O; sowthe L; read soghte.
14. vnder N; vndyr-nethe O; vndre-nethe L.
20, 1. oþer in any oþer tyme or monyth N; or any oder tymys or monthys O; or in eny
other moneth L.
27. adde] supplied from L; NO omit. There is no doubt about it, for see l. 16.
31. wete the] so in O; wete thi L; miswritten with thy N; see l. 19.
35. and (3)] supplied from LO; N omits.
§ 46, 5, 6. þat same E; þe same S.
Page 361
10. it S; E omits.
13. þat same (om. tyme) E; þe same tyme S.
16. þou þan esely E; than shallt thou easly S.
17. tyme of E; tyme of the S.
20. S meve (for bringe furþe).
§ 41a. This and the remaining sections are certainly spurious. They occur in LMNR,
the first being also found in O. The text of 41a-42b is from M.
3. hast] supplied from LR; M omits.
§ 42a, 1. heyth by þy N; heyth by the L; heythe bi þi R; M om.
4. lyk] lykk M; L. omits. mete] mette M; mett L.
9. is L; miswritten bys M.
§ 43a, 1. nat] not R; nott L; M omits; see the footnote. In the rubric, M has versam;
but L has the rubric—Vmbra Recta.
§ 42b, 5. as] so in LR; miswritten & M.
6. 4 is supplied from LR; M omits.
NOTES TO THE HOUSE OF FAME.
13. þat same (om. tyme) E; þe same tyme S.
16. þou þan esely E; than shallt thou easly S.
17. tyme of E; tyme of the S.
20. S meve (for bringe furþe).
§ 41a. This and the remaining sections are certainly spurious. They occur in LMNR,
the first being also found in O. The text of 41a-42b is from M.
3. hast] supplied from LR; M omits.
§ 42a, 1. heyth by þy N; heyth by the L; heythe bi þi R; M om.
4. lyk] lykk M; L. omits. mete] mette M; mett L.
9. is L; miswritten bys M.
§ 43a, 1. nat] not R; nott L; M omits; see the footnote. In the rubric, M has versam;
but L has the rubric—Vmbra Recta.
§ 42b, 5. as] so in LR; miswritten & M.
6. 4 is supplied from LR; M omits.
NOTES TO THE HOUSE OF FAME.
Page 362
BOOK I.
Written in three Books; but I number the lines consecutively throughout, for
convenience; at the same time giving the separate numbering (of Books II. and III.)
within marks of parenthesis. The title of the poem is expressly given at l. 663. The
author gives his name as Geffrey; l. 729.
Lydgate's Temple of Glass is partly imitated from the House of Fame; Warton, Hist. E.
Poetry, 1871, iii. 61. The same is true of the Palice of Honour, by Gawain Douglas.
For further remarks, see the Introduction.
As the poem is not quite easy to follow, I here subjoin a brief Argument of its
contents.
Book I. A discussion on dreams. I will tell you my dream on the 10th of December.
But first let me invoke Morpheus. May those who gladly hear me have joy; but may
those who dislike my words have as evil a fate as Crœsus, King of Lydia! (1-110).
I slept, and dreamt I was in a temple of glass, dedicated to Venus. On a table of brass I
found the opening words of Vergil's Æneid; after which I saw the destruction of Troy,
the death of Priam, the flight of Æneas, the loss of Creusa, the voyage of Æneas to
Italy, the storm at sea sent by Juno, the arrival of Æneas at Carthage, how kindly Dido
received him, and how Æneas betrayed and left her, causing Dido's lament and
suicide. Similar falsehood was seen in Demophon, Achilles, Paris, Jason, Hercules,
and Theseus. Next, Æneas sailed to Italy, and lost Palinurus; he visited the lower
regions, where he saw Anchises, Palinurus, Dido, and Deiphobus. Afterwards he
warred in Italy, slew Turnus, and won Lavinia (111-467).
After this I went out of the temple, and found a large plain. Looking up, I saw an eagle
above me, of enormous size and having golden feathers (468-508).
Book II. Such a strange vision as mine never appeared to Scipio, Nebuchadnezzar,
Pharaoh, or Turnus. O Venus and Muses, help me to tell it! The great eagle swooped
down upon me, seized me, and bore me aloft, and told me (in a man's voice) not to be
afraid. I thought I was being borne up to the stars, like Enoch or Ganymede. The eagle
then addressed me, and told me some events of my own life, and said that he would
bear me to the House of Fame, where I should hear many wonderful things (509-710).
The House stood in the midst, between heaven, earth, and sea; and all sounds travelled
thither, 'Geoffrey,' said he, 'you know how all things tend to seek their own proper
Written in three Books; but I number the lines consecutively throughout, for
convenience; at the same time giving the separate numbering (of Books II. and III.)
within marks of parenthesis. The title of the poem is expressly given at l. 663. The
author gives his name as Geffrey; l. 729.
Lydgate's Temple of Glass is partly imitated from the House of Fame; Warton, Hist. E.
Poetry, 1871, iii. 61. The same is true of the Palice of Honour, by Gawain Douglas.
For further remarks, see the Introduction.
As the poem is not quite easy to follow, I here subjoin a brief Argument of its
contents.
Book I. A discussion on dreams. I will tell you my dream on the 10th of December.
But first let me invoke Morpheus. May those who gladly hear me have joy; but may
those who dislike my words have as evil a fate as Crœsus, King of Lydia! (1-110).
I slept, and dreamt I was in a temple of glass, dedicated to Venus. On a table of brass I
found the opening words of Vergil's Æneid; after which I saw the destruction of Troy,
the death of Priam, the flight of Æneas, the loss of Creusa, the voyage of Æneas to
Italy, the storm at sea sent by Juno, the arrival of Æneas at Carthage, how kindly Dido
received him, and how Æneas betrayed and left her, causing Dido's lament and
suicide. Similar falsehood was seen in Demophon, Achilles, Paris, Jason, Hercules,
and Theseus. Next, Æneas sailed to Italy, and lost Palinurus; he visited the lower
regions, where he saw Anchises, Palinurus, Dido, and Deiphobus. Afterwards he
warred in Italy, slew Turnus, and won Lavinia (111-467).
After this I went out of the temple, and found a large plain. Looking up, I saw an eagle
above me, of enormous size and having golden feathers (468-508).
Book II. Such a strange vision as mine never appeared to Scipio, Nebuchadnezzar,
Pharaoh, or Turnus. O Venus and Muses, help me to tell it! The great eagle swooped
down upon me, seized me, and bore me aloft, and told me (in a man's voice) not to be
afraid. I thought I was being borne up to the stars, like Enoch or Ganymede. The eagle
then addressed me, and told me some events of my own life, and said that he would
bear me to the House of Fame, where I should hear many wonderful things (509-710).
The House stood in the midst, between heaven, earth, and sea; and all sounds travelled
thither, 'Geoffrey,' said he, 'you know how all things tend to seek their own proper
Page 363
place; a stone sinks down, while smoke flies up. Sound is merely broken air, and if
you would know how all sounds come to Fame's House, observe how, when a stone is
thrown into water, the rings made by the ripples extend from the spot where it fell till
they reach the shore. Just so all earthly sounds travel till they reach Fame's House.' He
then bade me look below me, and asked what I saw. I saw fields, hills, rivers, towns,
and sea; but soon he had soared so high that the earth dwindled to a point. I was
higher up (I said) than ever was Alexander, Scipio, or Dædalus. He then bade me look
upward; I saw the zodiac, the milky way, and clouds, snows, and rain beneath me.
Then I thought of the descriptions of heaven in Boethius and Marcian. The eagle
would have taught me the names of the stars; I refused to learn. He then asked if I
could now hear the sounds that murmured in the House of Fame. I said they sounded
like the beating of the sea on rocks (711-1045).
Then he set me down upon my feet in a way that led to the House, and bade me go
forward; observing that I should find that the words that flew about in Fame's House
assumed the outward forms of the men upon earth who uttered them (1046-90).
Book III. Apollo, aid me to write this last book! My rime is artless; I aim at expressing
my thoughts only (1091-1109).
The House of Fame stood high upon a lofty rock, which I climbed laboriously. The
rock was formed of ice. On the southern side it was covered with names, many of the
letters of which were melted away. On the northern side, it was likewise covered with
names, which remained unmelted and legible. On the top of the mountain I found a
beautiful House, which I cannot describe though I remember it. It was all of beryl, and
full of windows. In niches round about were harpers and minstrels, such as Orpheus,
Arion, Chiron, and Glasgerion. Far from these, by themselves, was a vast crowd of
musicians. There were Marsyas, Misenus, Joab, and others. In other seats were
jugglers, sorcerers, and magicians; Medea, Circe, Hermes, and Coll Tregetour. I next
beheld the golden gates. Then I heard the cries of those that were heralds to the
goddess Fame. How shall I describe the great hall, that was plated with gold, and set
with gems? High on a throne of ruby sat the goddess, who at first seemed but a dwarf,
but presently grew so that she reached, from earth to heaven. Her hair was golden, and
she was covered with innumerable ears and tongues. Her shoulders sustained the
names of famous men, such as Alexander and Hercules. On either side of the hall were
huge pillars of metal. On the first of these, composed of lead and iron, was the Jew
Josephus; the iron was the metal of Mercury, and the lead of Saturn. Next, on an iron
pillar, was Statius; and on other iron pillars were Homer, Dares, Dictys, Guido, and
the English Geoffrey, who upbore the fame of Troy. On a pillar of iron, but covered
over with tin, was Vergil; and beside him Ovid and Lucan. On a pillar of sulphur stood
Claudian (1110-1512).
you would know how all sounds come to Fame's House, observe how, when a stone is
thrown into water, the rings made by the ripples extend from the spot where it fell till
they reach the shore. Just so all earthly sounds travel till they reach Fame's House.' He
then bade me look below me, and asked what I saw. I saw fields, hills, rivers, towns,
and sea; but soon he had soared so high that the earth dwindled to a point. I was
higher up (I said) than ever was Alexander, Scipio, or Dædalus. He then bade me look
upward; I saw the zodiac, the milky way, and clouds, snows, and rain beneath me.
Then I thought of the descriptions of heaven in Boethius and Marcian. The eagle
would have taught me the names of the stars; I refused to learn. He then asked if I
could now hear the sounds that murmured in the House of Fame. I said they sounded
like the beating of the sea on rocks (711-1045).
Then he set me down upon my feet in a way that led to the House, and bade me go
forward; observing that I should find that the words that flew about in Fame's House
assumed the outward forms of the men upon earth who uttered them (1046-90).
Book III. Apollo, aid me to write this last book! My rime is artless; I aim at expressing
my thoughts only (1091-1109).
The House of Fame stood high upon a lofty rock, which I climbed laboriously. The
rock was formed of ice. On the southern side it was covered with names, many of the
letters of which were melted away. On the northern side, it was likewise covered with
names, which remained unmelted and legible. On the top of the mountain I found a
beautiful House, which I cannot describe though I remember it. It was all of beryl, and
full of windows. In niches round about were harpers and minstrels, such as Orpheus,
Arion, Chiron, and Glasgerion. Far from these, by themselves, was a vast crowd of
musicians. There were Marsyas, Misenus, Joab, and others. In other seats were
jugglers, sorcerers, and magicians; Medea, Circe, Hermes, and Coll Tregetour. I next
beheld the golden gates. Then I heard the cries of those that were heralds to the
goddess Fame. How shall I describe the great hall, that was plated with gold, and set
with gems? High on a throne of ruby sat the goddess, who at first seemed but a dwarf,
but presently grew so that she reached, from earth to heaven. Her hair was golden, and
she was covered with innumerable ears and tongues. Her shoulders sustained the
names of famous men, such as Alexander and Hercules. On either side of the hall were
huge pillars of metal. On the first of these, composed of lead and iron, was the Jew
Josephus; the iron was the metal of Mercury, and the lead of Saturn. Next, on an iron
pillar, was Statius; and on other iron pillars were Homer, Dares, Dictys, Guido, and
the English Geoffrey, who upbore the fame of Troy. On a pillar of iron, but covered
over with tin, was Vergil; and beside him Ovid and Lucan. On a pillar of sulphur stood
Claudian (1110-1512).
Page 364
Next I saw a vast company, all worshipping Fame. These she rejected, but would say
of them neither good nor bad. She then sent a messenger to fetch Æolus, the god of
wind, who should bring with him two trumpets, namely of Praise and Slander. Æolus,
with his man Triton, came to Fame. And when many undeserving suppliants
approached her, she bade Æolus blow his black trump of Slander. He did so, and from
it there issued a stinking smoke; and so this second company got renown, but it was
evil. A third company sued to her, and she bade Æolus blow his golden trump of
Praise. Straightway he did so, and the blast had a perfume like that of balm and roses.
A fourth company, a very small one, asked for no fame at all, and their request was
granted. A fifth company modestly asked for no fame, though they had done great
things; but Fame bade Æolus blow his golden trumpet, till their praise resounded
everywhere. A sixth company of idle men, who had done no good, asked for fame;
and their request was granted. A seventh company made the same request; but Fame
reviled them; Æolus blew his black trump, and all men laughed at them. An eighth
company, of wicked men, prayed for good fame; but their request was refused. A ninth
company, also of wicked men, prayed for a famous but evil name, and their request
was granted. Among them was the wretch who set on fire the temple at Athens (1513-
1867).
Then some man perceived me, and began to question me. I explained that I had come
to learn strange things, and not to gain fame. He led me out of the castle and into a
valley, where stood the house of Dædalus (i.e. the house of Rumour). This strange
house was made of basket-work, and was full of holes, and all the doors stood wide
open. All sorts of rumours entered there, and it was sixty miles long. On a rock beside
it I saw my eagle perched, who again seized me, and bore me into it through a
window. It swarmed with people, all of whom were engaged in telling news; and often
their stories would fly out of a window. Sometimes a truth and a lie would try to fly
out together, and became commingled before they could get away. Every piece of
news then flew to Fame, who did as she pleased with each. The house of Dædalus was
thronged with pilgrims, pardoners, couriers, and messengers, and I heard strange
things. In one corner men were telling stories about love, and there was a crush of
men running to hear them. At last I saw a man whom I knew not; but he seemed to be
one who had great authority—(here the poem ends, being incomplete; ll. 1868-2158).
The general idea of the poem was plainly suggested by the description of Fame in
Vergil, the house of Fame as described near the beginning of the twelfth book of
Ovid's Metamorphoses, and various hints in Dante's Divina Commedia. For a close
and searching comparison between the House of Fame and Dante's great poem, see
the article by A. Rambeau in Engl. Studien, iii. 209.
of them neither good nor bad. She then sent a messenger to fetch Æolus, the god of
wind, who should bring with him two trumpets, namely of Praise and Slander. Æolus,
with his man Triton, came to Fame. And when many undeserving suppliants
approached her, she bade Æolus blow his black trump of Slander. He did so, and from
it there issued a stinking smoke; and so this second company got renown, but it was
evil. A third company sued to her, and she bade Æolus blow his golden trump of
Praise. Straightway he did so, and the blast had a perfume like that of balm and roses.
A fourth company, a very small one, asked for no fame at all, and their request was
granted. A fifth company modestly asked for no fame, though they had done great
things; but Fame bade Æolus blow his golden trumpet, till their praise resounded
everywhere. A sixth company of idle men, who had done no good, asked for fame;
and their request was granted. A seventh company made the same request; but Fame
reviled them; Æolus blew his black trump, and all men laughed at them. An eighth
company, of wicked men, prayed for good fame; but their request was refused. A ninth
company, also of wicked men, prayed for a famous but evil name, and their request
was granted. Among them was the wretch who set on fire the temple at Athens (1513-
1867).
Then some man perceived me, and began to question me. I explained that I had come
to learn strange things, and not to gain fame. He led me out of the castle and into a
valley, where stood the house of Dædalus (i.e. the house of Rumour). This strange
house was made of basket-work, and was full of holes, and all the doors stood wide
open. All sorts of rumours entered there, and it was sixty miles long. On a rock beside
it I saw my eagle perched, who again seized me, and bore me into it through a
window. It swarmed with people, all of whom were engaged in telling news; and often
their stories would fly out of a window. Sometimes a truth and a lie would try to fly
out together, and became commingled before they could get away. Every piece of
news then flew to Fame, who did as she pleased with each. The house of Dædalus was
thronged with pilgrims, pardoners, couriers, and messengers, and I heard strange
things. In one corner men were telling stories about love, and there was a crush of
men running to hear them. At last I saw a man whom I knew not; but he seemed to be
one who had great authority—(here the poem ends, being incomplete; ll. 1868-2158).
The general idea of the poem was plainly suggested by the description of Fame in
Vergil, the house of Fame as described near the beginning of the twelfth book of
Ovid's Metamorphoses, and various hints in Dante's Divina Commedia. For a close
and searching comparison between the House of Fame and Dante's great poem, see
the article by A. Rambeau in Engl. Studien, iii. 209.
Page 365
1. For this method of commencing a poem with a dream, compare The Book of the
Duchesse, Parl. of Foules, and The Romance of the Rose.
For discourses on dreams, compare the Nonne Preestes Tale, and the remarks of
Pandarus in Troilus, v. 358-385. Chaucer here propounds several problems; first, what
causes dreams (a question answered at some length in the Nonne Preestes Tale, B
4116); why some come true and some do not (discussed in the same, B 4161); and
what are the various sorts of dreams (see note to l. 7 below).
There is another passage in Le Roman de la Rose, which bears some resemblance to
the present passage. It begins at l. 18699:—
'Ne ne revoil dire des songes,
S'il sunt voirs, ou s'il sunt mençonges;
Se l'en les doit du tout eslire,
Ou s'il sunt du tout à despire:
Porquoi li uns sunt plus orribles,
Plus bel li autre et plus paisible,
Selonc lor apparicions
En diverses complexions,
Et selonc lors divers corages
Des meurs divers et des aages;
Ou se Diex par tex visions
Envoie revelacions,
Ou li malignes esperiz,
Por metre les gens en periz;
De tout ce ne m'entremetrai.'
2. This long sentence ends at line 52.
7. This opens up the question as to the divers sorts of dreams. Chaucer here evidently
follows Macrobius, who, in his Commentary on the Somnium Scipionis, lib. i. c. 3,
distinguishes five kinds of dreams, viz. somnium, visio, oraculum, insomnium, and
visum. The fourth kind, insomnium, was also called fantasma; and this provided
Chaucer with the word fantome in l. 11. In the same line, oracles answers to the Lat.
oracula. Cf. Ten Brink, Studien, p. 101.
18. The gendres, the (various) kinds. This again refers to Macrobius, who subdivides
the kind of dream which he calls somnium into five species, viz. proprium, alienum,
commune, publicum, and generale, according to the things to which they relate.
Duchesse, Parl. of Foules, and The Romance of the Rose.
For discourses on dreams, compare the Nonne Preestes Tale, and the remarks of
Pandarus in Troilus, v. 358-385. Chaucer here propounds several problems; first, what
causes dreams (a question answered at some length in the Nonne Preestes Tale, B
4116); why some come true and some do not (discussed in the same, B 4161); and
what are the various sorts of dreams (see note to l. 7 below).
There is another passage in Le Roman de la Rose, which bears some resemblance to
the present passage. It begins at l. 18699:—
'Ne ne revoil dire des songes,
S'il sunt voirs, ou s'il sunt mençonges;
Se l'en les doit du tout eslire,
Ou s'il sunt du tout à despire:
Porquoi li uns sunt plus orribles,
Plus bel li autre et plus paisible,
Selonc lor apparicions
En diverses complexions,
Et selonc lors divers corages
Des meurs divers et des aages;
Ou se Diex par tex visions
Envoie revelacions,
Ou li malignes esperiz,
Por metre les gens en periz;
De tout ce ne m'entremetrai.'
2. This long sentence ends at line 52.
7. This opens up the question as to the divers sorts of dreams. Chaucer here evidently
follows Macrobius, who, in his Commentary on the Somnium Scipionis, lib. i. c. 3,
distinguishes five kinds of dreams, viz. somnium, visio, oraculum, insomnium, and
visum. The fourth kind, insomnium, was also called fantasma; and this provided
Chaucer with the word fantome in l. 11. In the same line, oracles answers to the Lat.
oracula. Cf. Ten Brink, Studien, p. 101.
18. The gendres, the (various) kinds. This again refers to Macrobius, who subdivides
the kind of dream which he calls somnium into five species, viz. proprium, alienum,
commune, publicum, and generale, according to the things to which they relate.
Page 366
Distaunce of tymes, i.e. whether the thing dreamt of will happen soon, or a long time
afterwards.
20. 'Why this is a greater (more efficient) cause than that.'
21. This alludes to the four chief complexions of men; cf. Nonne Preestes Tale, B
4114. The four complexions were the sanguine, phlegmatic, melancholy, and choleric;
and each complexion was likely to have certain sorts of dreams. Thus, in the Nonne
Preestes Tale, B 4120, the choleric man is said to dream of arrows, fire, fierce
carnivorous beasts, strife, and dogs; whilst the melancholy man will dream of bulls
and bears and black devils.
22. Reflexiouns, the reflections or thoughts to which each man is most addicted; see
Parl. of Foules, 99-105.
24. 'Because of too great feebleness of their brain (caused) by abstinence,' &c.
43. Of propre kynde, owing to its own nature.
48. The y in By is run on to the a into avísióuns.
53. 'As respects this matter, may good befall the great clerks that treat of it.' Of these
great clerks, Macrobius was one, and Jean de Meun another. Vincent of Beauvais has
plenty to say about dreams in his Speculum Naturale, lib. xxvi.; and he refers us to
Aristotle, Gregory (Moralia, lib. viii.), Johannes de Rupella, Priscianus (ad Cosdroe
regem Persarum) Augustinus (in Libro de diuinatione dæmonum), Hieronimus (super
Matheum, lib. ii.), Thomas de Aquino, Albertus, &c.
58. Repeated (nearly) from l. 1.
63. I here give the text as restored by Willert, who shows how the corruptions in ll. 62
and 63 arose. First of all dide was shifted into l. 62, giving as dide I; as in Caxton's
print. Next, an additional now was put in place of dide in l. 63; as in P., B., F., and Th.,
and dide was dropped alltogether. After this, F. turned the now of l. 64 into yow, and
Cx. omitted it. See also note to l. 111.
64. 'Which, as I can (best) now remember.'
68. Pronounced fully:—With spé-ci-ál de-vó-ci-óun.
afterwards.
20. 'Why this is a greater (more efficient) cause than that.'
21. This alludes to the four chief complexions of men; cf. Nonne Preestes Tale, B
4114. The four complexions were the sanguine, phlegmatic, melancholy, and choleric;
and each complexion was likely to have certain sorts of dreams. Thus, in the Nonne
Preestes Tale, B 4120, the choleric man is said to dream of arrows, fire, fierce
carnivorous beasts, strife, and dogs; whilst the melancholy man will dream of bulls
and bears and black devils.
22. Reflexiouns, the reflections or thoughts to which each man is most addicted; see
Parl. of Foules, 99-105.
24. 'Because of too great feebleness of their brain (caused) by abstinence,' &c.
43. Of propre kynde, owing to its own nature.
48. The y in By is run on to the a into avísióuns.
53. 'As respects this matter, may good befall the great clerks that treat of it.' Of these
great clerks, Macrobius was one, and Jean de Meun another. Vincent of Beauvais has
plenty to say about dreams in his Speculum Naturale, lib. xxvi.; and he refers us to
Aristotle, Gregory (Moralia, lib. viii.), Johannes de Rupella, Priscianus (ad Cosdroe
regem Persarum) Augustinus (in Libro de diuinatione dæmonum), Hieronimus (super
Matheum, lib. ii.), Thomas de Aquino, Albertus, &c.
58. Repeated (nearly) from l. 1.
63. I here give the text as restored by Willert, who shows how the corruptions in ll. 62
and 63 arose. First of all dide was shifted into l. 62, giving as dide I; as in Caxton's
print. Next, an additional now was put in place of dide in l. 63; as in P., B., F., and Th.,
and dide was dropped alltogether. After this, F. turned the now of l. 64 into yow, and
Cx. omitted it. See also note to l. 111.
64. 'Which, as I can (best) now remember.'
68. Pronounced fully:—With spé-ci-ál de-vó-ci-óun.
Page 367
69. Morpheus; see Book of Duch. 137. From Ovid, Met. xi. 592-612; esp. ll. 602, 3:—
'Saxo tamen exit ab imo
Riuus aquae Lethes.'
73. 'Est prope Cimmerios,' &c.; Met. xi. 592.
75. See Ovid, Met. xi. 613-5; 633.
76. That ... hir is equivalent to whose; cf. Kn. Tale, 1852.
81. Cf. 'Colui, che tutto move,' i.e. He who moves all; Parad. i. 1.
88. Read povért; cf. Clerkes Tale, E 816.
92. MSS. misdeme; I read misdemen, to avoid an hiatus.
93. Read málicióus.
98. 'That, whether he dream when bare-footed or when shod'; whether in bed by night
or in a chair by day; i.e. in every case. The that is idiomatically repeated in l. 99.
105. The dream of Crœsus, king of Lydia, and his death vpon a gallows, form the
subject of the last story in the Monkes Tale. Chaucer got it from the Rom. de la Rose,
which accounts for the form Lyde. The passage occurs at l. 6513:—
'Cresus ...
Qui refu roi de toute Lyde, ...
Qu'el vous vuet faire au gibet pendre.'
109, 10. The rime is correct, because abreyd is a strong verb. Chaucer does not rime a
pp. with a weak pt. tense, which should have a final e. According to Mr. Cromie's
Rime-Index, there is just one exception, viz. in the Kn. Tale, A 1383, where the pt. t.
seyde is rimed with the 'pp. leyde.' But Mr. Cromie happens to have overlooked the
fact that leyde is here not the pp., but the past tense! Nevertheless, abreyd-e also
appears in a weak form, by confusion with leyd-e, seyd-e, &c.; see C. T., B 4198, E
1061. Cf. Book of the Duchess, 192. In l. 109, he refers to l. 65.
111. Here again, as in l. 63, is a mention of Dec. 10. Ten Brink (Studien, p. 151)
suggests that it may have been a Thursday; cf. the mention of Jupiter in ll. 608, 642,
'Saxo tamen exit ab imo
Riuus aquae Lethes.'
73. 'Est prope Cimmerios,' &c.; Met. xi. 592.
75. See Ovid, Met. xi. 613-5; 633.
76. That ... hir is equivalent to whose; cf. Kn. Tale, 1852.
81. Cf. 'Colui, che tutto move,' i.e. He who moves all; Parad. i. 1.
88. Read povért; cf. Clerkes Tale, E 816.
92. MSS. misdeme; I read misdemen, to avoid an hiatus.
93. Read málicióus.
98. 'That, whether he dream when bare-footed or when shod'; whether in bed by night
or in a chair by day; i.e. in every case. The that is idiomatically repeated in l. 99.
105. The dream of Crœsus, king of Lydia, and his death vpon a gallows, form the
subject of the last story in the Monkes Tale. Chaucer got it from the Rom. de la Rose,
which accounts for the form Lyde. The passage occurs at l. 6513:—
'Cresus ...
Qui refu roi de toute Lyde, ...
Qu'el vous vuet faire au gibet pendre.'
109, 10. The rime is correct, because abreyd is a strong verb. Chaucer does not rime a
pp. with a weak pt. tense, which should have a final e. According to Mr. Cromie's
Rime-Index, there is just one exception, viz. in the Kn. Tale, A 1383, where the pt. t.
seyde is rimed with the 'pp. leyde.' But Mr. Cromie happens to have overlooked the
fact that leyde is here not the pp., but the past tense! Nevertheless, abreyd-e also
appears in a weak form, by confusion with leyd-e, seyd-e, &c.; see C. T., B 4198, E
1061. Cf. Book of the Duchess, 192. In l. 109, he refers to l. 65.
111. Here again, as in l. 63, is a mention of Dec. 10. Ten Brink (Studien, p. 151)
suggests that it may have been a Thursday; cf. the mention of Jupiter in ll. 608, 642,
Page 368
661. If so, the year was 1383.
115. 'Like one that was weary with having overwalked himself by going two miles on
pilgrimage.' The difficulty was not in the walking two miles, but in doing so under
difficulties, such as going barefoot for penance.
117. Corseynt; O.F. cors seint, lit. holy body; hence a saint or sainted person, or the
shrine where a saint was laid. See Robert of Brunne, Handlyng Synne, 8739:—
'And hys ymage ful feyre depeynte,
Ryȝt as he were a cors seynt.'
See also P. Plowman, B. v. 539; Morte Arthure, 1164; and (the spurious) Chaucer's
Dream, 942.
118. 'To make that soft (or easy) which was formerly hard.' The allusion is humorous
enough; viz. to the bonds of matrimony. Here again Chaucer follows Jean de Meun,
Rom. de la Rose, 8871:—
'Mariages est maus liens,
Ainsinc m'aïst saint Juliens
Qui pelerins errans herberge,
Et saint Lienart qui defferge
Les prisonniers bien repentans,
Quant les voit à soi démentans';
i.e. 'Marriage is an evil bond—so may St. Julian aid me, who harbours wandering
pilgrims; and St. Leonard, who frees from their fetters (lit. un-irons) such prisoners as
are very repentant, when he sees them giving themselves the lie (or recalling their
word).' The 'prisoners' are married people, who have repented, and would recall their
plighted vow.
St. Leonard was the patron-saint of captives, and it was charitably hoped that he
would extend his protection to the wretched people who had unadvisedly entered into
wedlock, and soon prayed to get out of it again. They would thus exchange the hard
bond for the soft condition of freedom. 'St. Julian is the patron of pilgrims; St.
Leonard and St. Barbara protect captives'; Brand, Pop. Antiquities, i. 359. And, at p.
363 of the same, Brand quotes from Barnabee Googe:—
115. 'Like one that was weary with having overwalked himself by going two miles on
pilgrimage.' The difficulty was not in the walking two miles, but in doing so under
difficulties, such as going barefoot for penance.
117. Corseynt; O.F. cors seint, lit. holy body; hence a saint or sainted person, or the
shrine where a saint was laid. See Robert of Brunne, Handlyng Synne, 8739:—
'And hys ymage ful feyre depeynte,
Ryȝt as he were a cors seynt.'
See also P. Plowman, B. v. 539; Morte Arthure, 1164; and (the spurious) Chaucer's
Dream, 942.
118. 'To make that soft (or easy) which was formerly hard.' The allusion is humorous
enough; viz. to the bonds of matrimony. Here again Chaucer follows Jean de Meun,
Rom. de la Rose, 8871:—
'Mariages est maus liens,
Ainsinc m'aïst saint Juliens
Qui pelerins errans herberge,
Et saint Lienart qui defferge
Les prisonniers bien repentans,
Quant les voit à soi démentans';
i.e. 'Marriage is an evil bond—so may St. Julian aid me, who harbours wandering
pilgrims; and St. Leonard, who frees from their fetters (lit. un-irons) such prisoners as
are very repentant, when he sees them giving themselves the lie (or recalling their
word).' The 'prisoners' are married people, who have repented, and would recall their
plighted vow.
St. Leonard was the patron-saint of captives, and it was charitably hoped that he
would extend his protection to the wretched people who had unadvisedly entered into
wedlock, and soon prayed to get out of it again. They would thus exchange the hard
bond for the soft condition of freedom. 'St. Julian is the patron of pilgrims; St.
Leonard and St. Barbara protect captives'; Brand, Pop. Antiquities, i. 359. And, at p.
363 of the same, Brand quotes from Barnabee Googe:—
Page 369
'But Leonerd of the prisoners doth the bandes
asunder pull,
And breaks the prison-doores and chaines,
wherewith his church is full.'
St. Leonard's day is Nov. 6.
119. The MSS. have slept-e, which is dissyllabic. Read sleep, as in C. T. Prol. 397.
120. Hence the title of one of Lydgate's poems, The Temple of Glass, which is an
imitation of the present poem.
130. Cf. the description of Venus' temple (Cant. Tales, A 1918), which is imitated from
that in Boccaccio's Teseide.
133. Cf. 'naked fleting in the large see.... And on hir heed, ful semely for to see, A rose
garland, fresh and wel smellinge'; Cant. Tales, A 1956.
137. 'Hir dowves'; C. T., A 1962. 'Cupido'; id. 1963.
138. Vulcano, Vulcan; note the Italian forms of these names. Boccaccio's Teseide has
Cupido (vii. 54), and Vulcano (vii. 43). His face was brown with working at the forge.
141, 2. Cf. Dante, Inf. iii. 10, 11.
143. A large portion of the rest of this First Book is taken up with a summary of the
earlier part of Vergil's Aeneid. We have here a translation of the well-known opening
lines:—
'Arma uirumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab
oris
Italiam, fato profugus, Lauinia uenit
Littora.'
147. In, into, unto; see note to l. 366.
152. Synoun, Sinon; Aen. ii. 195.
153. I supply That, both for sense and metre.
asunder pull,
And breaks the prison-doores and chaines,
wherewith his church is full.'
St. Leonard's day is Nov. 6.
119. The MSS. have slept-e, which is dissyllabic. Read sleep, as in C. T. Prol. 397.
120. Hence the title of one of Lydgate's poems, The Temple of Glass, which is an
imitation of the present poem.
130. Cf. the description of Venus' temple (Cant. Tales, A 1918), which is imitated from
that in Boccaccio's Teseide.
133. Cf. 'naked fleting in the large see.... And on hir heed, ful semely for to see, A rose
garland, fresh and wel smellinge'; Cant. Tales, A 1956.
137. 'Hir dowves'; C. T., A 1962. 'Cupido'; id. 1963.
138. Vulcano, Vulcan; note the Italian forms of these names. Boccaccio's Teseide has
Cupido (vii. 54), and Vulcano (vii. 43). His face was brown with working at the forge.
141, 2. Cf. Dante, Inf. iii. 10, 11.
143. A large portion of the rest of this First Book is taken up with a summary of the
earlier part of Vergil's Aeneid. We have here a translation of the well-known opening
lines:—
'Arma uirumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab
oris
Italiam, fato profugus, Lauinia uenit
Littora.'
147. In, into, unto; see note to l. 366.
152. Synoun, Sinon; Aen. ii. 195.
153. I supply That, both for sense and metre.
Page 370
155. Made the hors broght, caused the horse to be brought. On this idiom, see the note
to Man of Lawes Tale, B 171.
158. Ilioun, Ilium. Ilium is only a poetical name for Troy; but the medieval writers
often use it in the restricted sense of the citadel of Troy, where was the temple of
Apollo and the palace of Priam. Thus, in the alliterative Troy-book, 11958, ylion
certainly has this sense; and Caxton speaks of 'the palays of ylyon'; see Spec. of
English, ed. Skeat, p. 94. See also the parallel passage in the Nonne Preestes Tale, B
4546. Still more clearly, in the Leg. Good Women (Dido, 13), Chaucer says, of 'the
tour of Ilioun,' that it 'of the citee was the cheef dungeoun.' In l. 163 below, it is called
castel.
160. Polites, Polites; Aen. ii. 526. Also spelt Polite in Troil. iv. 53.
163. Brende, was on fire; used intransitively, as in l. 537.
164-73. See Aen. ii. 589-733.
174. Read this, rather than his. Cf. Aen. ii. 736.
177. Iulus and Ascanius were one and the same person; see Æn. i. 267. Perhaps Ch.
was misled by the wording of Æn. iv. 274. (On the other hand, Brutus was not the
same person as Cassius; see Monkes Tale, B 3887). Hence, Koch proposes to read
That hight instead of And eek; but we have no authority for this. However, Chaucer
has it right in his Legend of Good Women, 941; and in l. 192 below, we find sone, not
sones; hence l. 178 may be merely parenthetical.
182. Wente, foot-path; Aen. ii. 737. Cf. Book Duch. 398.
184. 'So that she was dead, but I know not how.' Vergil does not say how she died.
185. Gost, ghost; see Aen. ii. 772.
189. Repeated from l. 180.
198. Here Chaucer returns to the first book of the Æneid, which he follows down to l.
255.
204. 'To blow forth, (with winds) of all kinds'; cf. Æn. i. 85.
to Man of Lawes Tale, B 171.
158. Ilioun, Ilium. Ilium is only a poetical name for Troy; but the medieval writers
often use it in the restricted sense of the citadel of Troy, where was the temple of
Apollo and the palace of Priam. Thus, in the alliterative Troy-book, 11958, ylion
certainly has this sense; and Caxton speaks of 'the palays of ylyon'; see Spec. of
English, ed. Skeat, p. 94. See also the parallel passage in the Nonne Preestes Tale, B
4546. Still more clearly, in the Leg. Good Women (Dido, 13), Chaucer says, of 'the
tour of Ilioun,' that it 'of the citee was the cheef dungeoun.' In l. 163 below, it is called
castel.
160. Polites, Polites; Aen. ii. 526. Also spelt Polite in Troil. iv. 53.
163. Brende, was on fire; used intransitively, as in l. 537.
164-73. See Aen. ii. 589-733.
174. Read this, rather than his. Cf. Aen. ii. 736.
177. Iulus and Ascanius were one and the same person; see Æn. i. 267. Perhaps Ch.
was misled by the wording of Æn. iv. 274. (On the other hand, Brutus was not the
same person as Cassius; see Monkes Tale, B 3887). Hence, Koch proposes to read
That hight instead of And eek; but we have no authority for this. However, Chaucer
has it right in his Legend of Good Women, 941; and in l. 192 below, we find sone, not
sones; hence l. 178 may be merely parenthetical.
182. Wente, foot-path; Aen. ii. 737. Cf. Book Duch. 398.
184. 'So that she was dead, but I know not how.' Vergil does not say how she died.
185. Gost, ghost; see Aen. ii. 772.
189. Repeated from l. 180.
198. Here Chaucer returns to the first book of the Æneid, which he follows down to l.
255.
204. 'To blow forth, (with winds) of all kinds'; cf. Æn. i. 85.
Page 371
219. Ioves, Jove, Jupiter. This curious form occurs again, ll. 586, 597, 630; see note to
l. 586. Boccaccio has Giove.
226. Achatee (trisyllabic), Achates, Æn. i. 312; where the abl. form Achate occurs.
239. The story of Dido is told at length in Le Rom. de la Rose, 13378; in The Legend
of Good Women; and in Gower, Conf. Amantis, bk. iv., ed. Pauli, ii. 4. Chaucer now
passes on to the fourth book of the Æneid, till he comes to l. 268 below.
265. 'Mès ja ne verrés d'aparence Conclurre bonne consequence'; Rom. Rose, 12343.
272. 'It is not all gold that glistens.' A proverb which Chaucer took from Alanus de
Insulis; see note to Can. Yem. Tale, G 962.
273. 'For, as sure as I hope to have good use of my head.' Brouke is, practically, in the
optative mood. Cf. 'So mote I brouke wel myn eyen tweye'; Cant. Ta., B 4490; so also
E 2308. The phrase occurs several times in the Tale of Gamelyn; see note to l. 334 of
that poem.
280-3. These four lines occur in Thynne's edition only, but are probably quite genuine.
It is easy to see why they dropped out; viz. owing to the repetition of the word finde at
the end of ll. 279 and 283. This is a very common cause of such omissions. See note
to l. 504.
286. By, with reference to.
288. Gest, guest; Lat. aduena, Æn. iv. 591.
290. 'He that fully knows the herb may safely lay it to his eye.' So in Cotgrave's Dict.,
s.v. Herbe, we find; 'L'herbe qu'on cognoist, on la doit lier à son doigt; Prov. Those,
or that, which a man knowes best, he must use most.'
305. In the margin of MSS. F. and B. is here written:—'Cauete uos, innocentes
mulieres.'
315. Swete herte; hence E. sweetheart; cf. l. 326.
321. Understand ne (i.e. neither) before your love. Cf. Æn. iv. 307, 8.
l. 586. Boccaccio has Giove.
226. Achatee (trisyllabic), Achates, Æn. i. 312; where the abl. form Achate occurs.
239. The story of Dido is told at length in Le Rom. de la Rose, 13378; in The Legend
of Good Women; and in Gower, Conf. Amantis, bk. iv., ed. Pauli, ii. 4. Chaucer now
passes on to the fourth book of the Æneid, till he comes to l. 268 below.
265. 'Mès ja ne verrés d'aparence Conclurre bonne consequence'; Rom. Rose, 12343.
272. 'It is not all gold that glistens.' A proverb which Chaucer took from Alanus de
Insulis; see note to Can. Yem. Tale, G 962.
273. 'For, as sure as I hope to have good use of my head.' Brouke is, practically, in the
optative mood. Cf. 'So mote I brouke wel myn eyen tweye'; Cant. Ta., B 4490; so also
E 2308. The phrase occurs several times in the Tale of Gamelyn; see note to l. 334 of
that poem.
280-3. These four lines occur in Thynne's edition only, but are probably quite genuine.
It is easy to see why they dropped out; viz. owing to the repetition of the word finde at
the end of ll. 279 and 283. This is a very common cause of such omissions. See note
to l. 504.
286. By, with reference to.
288. Gest, guest; Lat. aduena, Æn. iv. 591.
290. 'He that fully knows the herb may safely lay it to his eye.' So in Cotgrave's Dict.,
s.v. Herbe, we find; 'L'herbe qu'on cognoist, on la doit lier à son doigt; Prov. Those,
or that, which a man knowes best, he must use most.'
305. In the margin of MSS. F. and B. is here written:—'Cauete uos, innocentes
mulieres.'
315. Swete herte; hence E. sweetheart; cf. l. 326.
321. Understand ne (i.e. neither) before your love. Cf. Æn. iv. 307, 8.
Page 372
329. I have no hesitation in inserting I after Agilte, as it is absolutely required to
complete the sense. Read—Agílt' I yów, &c.
343. Pronounce détermínen (i as ee in beet).
346. Cf. Æn. iv. 321-3.
350. 'Fama, malum quo non aliud uelocius ullum,' Æn. iv. 174; quoted in the margin
of MSS. F. and B.
351. 'Nichil occultum quod non reueletur'; Matt. x. 26: quoted in the margin of MSS.
F. and B.
355. Seyd y-shamed be, said to be put to shame.
359. Eft-sones, hereafter again. In the margin of MSS. F. and B. we here find:—'Cras
poterunt turpia fieri sicut heri.' By reading fieri turpia, this becomes a pentameter; but
it is not in Ovid, nor (I suppose) in classical Latin.
361. Doon, already done. To done, yet to be done. Cf. Book Duch. 708.
366. I read in for into (as in the MSS.). For similar instances, where the scribes write
into for in, see Einenkel, Streifzüge durch die Mittelengl. Syntax, p. 145. Cf. l. 147.
367. In the margin of MSS. F. and B. is an incorrect quotation of Æn. iv. 548-9:—'tu
prima furentem His, germana, malis oneras.'
378. Eneidos; because the books are headed Æneidos liber primus, &c.
379. See Ovid, Heroides, Epist. vii—Dido Æneæ.
380. Or that, ere that, before.
381. Only Th. has the right reading, viz. And nere it to longe to endyte (where longe is
an error for long). The expressions And nor hyt were and And nere it were are both
ungrammatical. Nere = ne were, were it not.
388. In the margin of F. and B. we find:—'Nota: of many vntrewe louers. Hospita,
Demaphoon, tua te R[h]odopeia Phyllis Vltra promissum tempus abesse queror.'
complete the sense. Read—Agílt' I yów, &c.
343. Pronounce détermínen (i as ee in beet).
346. Cf. Æn. iv. 321-3.
350. 'Fama, malum quo non aliud uelocius ullum,' Æn. iv. 174; quoted in the margin
of MSS. F. and B.
351. 'Nichil occultum quod non reueletur'; Matt. x. 26: quoted in the margin of MSS.
F. and B.
355. Seyd y-shamed be, said to be put to shame.
359. Eft-sones, hereafter again. In the margin of MSS. F. and B. we here find:—'Cras
poterunt turpia fieri sicut heri.' By reading fieri turpia, this becomes a pentameter; but
it is not in Ovid, nor (I suppose) in classical Latin.
361. Doon, already done. To done, yet to be done. Cf. Book Duch. 708.
366. I read in for into (as in the MSS.). For similar instances, where the scribes write
into for in, see Einenkel, Streifzüge durch die Mittelengl. Syntax, p. 145. Cf. l. 147.
367. In the margin of MSS. F. and B. is an incorrect quotation of Æn. iv. 548-9:—'tu
prima furentem His, germana, malis oneras.'
378. Eneidos; because the books are headed Æneidos liber primus, &c.
379. See Ovid, Heroides, Epist. vii—Dido Æneæ.
380. Or that, ere that, before.
381. Only Th. has the right reading, viz. And nere it to longe to endyte (where longe is
an error for long). The expressions And nor hyt were and And nere it were are both
ungrammatical. Nere = ne were, were it not.
388. In the margin of F. and B. we find:—'Nota: of many vntrewe louers. Hospita,
Demaphoon, tua te R[h]odopeia Phyllis Vltra promissum tempus abesse queror.'
Page 373
These are the first two lines of Epistola ii. in Ovid's Heroides, addressed by Phyllis to
Demophoon. All the examples here given are taken from the same work. Epist. iii. is
headed Briseis Achilli; Epist. v., Oenone Paridi; Epist. vi., Hypsipyle Iasoni; Epist.
xii., Medea Iasoni; Epist. ix., Deianira Herculi; Epist. x., Ariadne Theseo. These
names were evidently suggested by the reference above to the same work, l. 379. See
the long note to Group B, l. 61, in vol. v.
Demophoon, son of Theseus, was the lover of Phyllis, daughter of king Sithon in
Thrace; she was changed into an almond-tree.
392. His terme pace, pass beyond or stay behind his appointed time. He said he would
return in a month, but did not do so. See the story in The Legend of Good Women.
Gower (ed. Pauli, iii. 361) alludes to her story, in a passage much like the present one;
and in Le Rom. de la Rose, 13417, we have the very phrase—'Por le terme qu'il
trespassa.'
397. In the margin of F. and B.:—'Ouidius. Quam legis a rapta Briseide litera venit';
Heroid. Ep. iii. 1.
401. In the same:—'Ut [miswritten Vbi] tibi Colc[h]orum memini regina uacaui';
Heroid. Ep. xii. 1. For the accentuation of Medea, cf. Leg. of Good Women, 1629,
1663.
402. In the margin of F. and B.:—'Gratulor Oechaliam'; Heroid. Ep. ix. 1; but
Oechaliam is miswritten yotholia.
405. Gower also tells this story; ed. Pauli, ii. 306.
407. In F. and B. is quoted the first line of Ovid, Heroid. x. 1. Adriane, Ariadne; just
as in Leg. Good Wom. 2171, &c., and in C. T., Group B, l. 67. Gower has Adriagne.
409. 'For, whether he had laughed, or whether he had frowned'; i.e. in any case. Cf. l.
98.
411. 'If it had not been for Ariadne.' We have altered the form of this idiom.
416. Yle, isle of Naxos; see notes to Leg. Good Wom. 2163, and C. T., Group B, l. 68
(in vol. v.).
Demophoon. All the examples here given are taken from the same work. Epist. iii. is
headed Briseis Achilli; Epist. v., Oenone Paridi; Epist. vi., Hypsipyle Iasoni; Epist.
xii., Medea Iasoni; Epist. ix., Deianira Herculi; Epist. x., Ariadne Theseo. These
names were evidently suggested by the reference above to the same work, l. 379. See
the long note to Group B, l. 61, in vol. v.
Demophoon, son of Theseus, was the lover of Phyllis, daughter of king Sithon in
Thrace; she was changed into an almond-tree.
392. His terme pace, pass beyond or stay behind his appointed time. He said he would
return in a month, but did not do so. See the story in The Legend of Good Women.
Gower (ed. Pauli, iii. 361) alludes to her story, in a passage much like the present one;
and in Le Rom. de la Rose, 13417, we have the very phrase—'Por le terme qu'il
trespassa.'
397. In the margin of F. and B.:—'Ouidius. Quam legis a rapta Briseide litera venit';
Heroid. Ep. iii. 1.
401. In the same:—'Ut [miswritten Vbi] tibi Colc[h]orum memini regina uacaui';
Heroid. Ep. xii. 1. For the accentuation of Medea, cf. Leg. of Good Women, 1629,
1663.
402. In the margin of F. and B.:—'Gratulor Oechaliam'; Heroid. Ep. ix. 1; but
Oechaliam is miswritten yotholia.
405. Gower also tells this story; ed. Pauli, ii. 306.
407. In F. and B. is quoted the first line of Ovid, Heroid. x. 1. Adriane, Ariadne; just
as in Leg. Good Wom. 2171, &c., and in C. T., Group B, l. 67. Gower has Adriagne.
409. 'For, whether he had laughed, or whether he had frowned'; i.e. in any case. Cf. l.
98.
411. 'If it had not been for Ariadne.' We have altered the form of this idiom.
416. Yle, isle of Naxos; see notes to Leg. Good Wom. 2163, and C. T., Group B, l. 68
(in vol. v.).
Page 374
426. Telles is a Northern and West-Midland form, as in Book Duch. 73. Cf. falles, id.
257. A similar admixture of forms occurs in Havelok, Will. of Palerne, and other M.E.
poems.
429. The book, i.e. Vergil; Æn. iv. 252.
434. Go, gone, set out; correctly used. Chaucer passes on to Æneid, bk. v. The tempest
is that mentioned in Æn. v. 10; the steersman is Palinurus, who fell overboard; Æn. v.
860.
439. See Æn. bk. vi. The isle intended is Crete, Æn. vi. 14, 23; which was not at all
near (or 'besyde') Cumæ, but a long way from it. Æneas then descends to hell, where
he sees Anchises (vi. 679); Palinurus (337); Dido (450); Deiphobus, son of Priam
(495); and the tormented souls (580).
447. Which refers to the various sights in hell.
449. Claudian, Claudius Claudianus, who wrote De raptu Proserpinae about A.D. 400.
Daunte is Dante, with reference to his Inferno, ii. 13-27, and Paradiso, xv. 25-27.
451. Chaucer goes on to Æn. vii-xii, of which he says but little.
458. Lavyna is Lavinia; the form Lavina occurs in Dante, Purg. xvii. 37.
468. I put seyën for seyn, to improve the metre; cf. P. Pl. C. iv. 104.
474. 'But I do not know who caused them to be made.'
475. Read ne in as nin; as in Squi. Tale, F 35.
482. This waste space corresponds to Dante's 'gran diserto,' Inf. i. 64; or, still better, to
his 'landa' (Inf. xiv. 8), which was too sterile to support plants. So again, l. 486
corresponds to Dante's 'arena arida e spessa,' which has reference to the desert of
Libya; Inf. xiv. 13.
487. 'As fine [said of the sand] as one may see still lying.' Jephson says yet must be a
mistake, and would read yt. But it makes perfect sense. Cx. Th. read at eye (put for at
yë) instead of yet lye, which is perhaps better. At yë means 'as presented to the sight';
see Kn. Ta., A 3016.
257. A similar admixture of forms occurs in Havelok, Will. of Palerne, and other M.E.
poems.
429. The book, i.e. Vergil; Æn. iv. 252.
434. Go, gone, set out; correctly used. Chaucer passes on to Æneid, bk. v. The tempest
is that mentioned in Æn. v. 10; the steersman is Palinurus, who fell overboard; Æn. v.
860.
439. See Æn. bk. vi. The isle intended is Crete, Æn. vi. 14, 23; which was not at all
near (or 'besyde') Cumæ, but a long way from it. Æneas then descends to hell, where
he sees Anchises (vi. 679); Palinurus (337); Dido (450); Deiphobus, son of Priam
(495); and the tormented souls (580).
447. Which refers to the various sights in hell.
449. Claudian, Claudius Claudianus, who wrote De raptu Proserpinae about A.D. 400.
Daunte is Dante, with reference to his Inferno, ii. 13-27, and Paradiso, xv. 25-27.
451. Chaucer goes on to Æn. vii-xii, of which he says but little.
458. Lavyna is Lavinia; the form Lavina occurs in Dante, Purg. xvii. 37.
468. I put seyën for seyn, to improve the metre; cf. P. Pl. C. iv. 104.
474. 'But I do not know who caused them to be made.'
475. Read ne in as nin; as in Squi. Tale, F 35.
482. This waste space corresponds to Dante's 'gran diserto,' Inf. i. 64; or, still better, to
his 'landa' (Inf. xiv. 8), which was too sterile to support plants. So again, l. 486
corresponds to Dante's 'arena arida e spessa,' which has reference to the desert of
Libya; Inf. xiv. 13.
487. 'As fine [said of the sand] as one may see still lying.' Jephson says yet must be a
mistake, and would read yt. But it makes perfect sense. Cx. Th. read at eye (put for at
yë) instead of yet lye, which is perhaps better. At yë means 'as presented to the sight';
see Kn. Ta., A 3016.
Page 375
498. Kenne, discern. The offing at sea has been called the kenning; and see Kenning in
Halliwell.
500. More, greater. Imitated from Dante, Purgat. ix. 19, which Cary translates thus:—
'Then, in a vision, did I seem to view
A golden-feather'd eagle in the sky,
With open wings, and hovering for descent.'
Cf. also the descent of the angel in Purg. ii. 17-24.
504-7. The omission of these lines in F. and B. is simply due to the scribe slipping
from bright in l. 503 to brighte in l. 507. Cf. note to l. 280.
Halliwell.
500. More, greater. Imitated from Dante, Purgat. ix. 19, which Cary translates thus:—
'Then, in a vision, did I seem to view
A golden-feather'd eagle in the sky,
With open wings, and hovering for descent.'
Cf. also the descent of the angel in Purg. ii. 17-24.
504-7. The omission of these lines in F. and B. is simply due to the scribe slipping
from bright in l. 503 to brighte in l. 507. Cf. note to l. 280.
Page 376
BOOK II.
511. Listeth, pleases, is pleased; the alteration (in MS. F.) to listeneth is clearly wrong,
and due to confusion with herkneth above. (I do not think listeth is the imp. pl. here.)
514. Isaye, Isaiah; actually altered, in various editions, to I saye, as if it meant 'I say.'
The reference is to 'the vision of Isaiah'; Isa. i. 1; vi. 1. Scipioun, Scipio; see note to
Parl. Foules, 31, and cf. Book of the Duch. 284.
515. Nabugodonosor, Nebuchadnezzar. The same spelling occurs in the Monkes Tale
(Group B, 3335), and is a mere variant of the form Nabuchodonosor in the Vulgate
version, Dan. i-iv. Gower has the same spelling; Conf. Amant. bk. i., near the end.
516. Pharo; spelt Pharao in the Vulgate, Gen. xli. 1-7. See Book of the Duchesse,
280-3.
Turnus; alluding to his vision of Iris, the messenger of Juno; Æneid ix. 6. Elcanor; this
name somewhat resembles Elkanah (in the Vulgate, Elcana), 1 Sam. i. 1; but I do not
know where to find any account of his vision, nor do I at all understand who is meant.
The name Alcanor occurs in Vergil, but does not help us.
518. Cipris, Venus, goddess of Cyprus; called Cipryde in Parl. Foules, 277. Dante has
Ciprigna; Par. viii. 2.
519. Favour, favourer, helper, aid; not used in the ordinary sense of Lat. fauor, but as
if it were formed from O.F. faver, Lat. fauere, to be favourable to. Godefroy gives an
example of the O.F. verb faver in this sense.
521. Parnaso; the spelling is imitated from the Ital. Parnaso, i.e. Parnassus, in Dante,
Par. i. 16. So also Elicon is Dante's Elicona, i.e. Helicon, Purg. xxix. 40. But the
passage in Dante which Chaucer here especially imitates is that in Inf. ii. 7-9:—
511. Listeth, pleases, is pleased; the alteration (in MS. F.) to listeneth is clearly wrong,
and due to confusion with herkneth above. (I do not think listeth is the imp. pl. here.)
514. Isaye, Isaiah; actually altered, in various editions, to I saye, as if it meant 'I say.'
The reference is to 'the vision of Isaiah'; Isa. i. 1; vi. 1. Scipioun, Scipio; see note to
Parl. Foules, 31, and cf. Book of the Duch. 284.
515. Nabugodonosor, Nebuchadnezzar. The same spelling occurs in the Monkes Tale
(Group B, 3335), and is a mere variant of the form Nabuchodonosor in the Vulgate
version, Dan. i-iv. Gower has the same spelling; Conf. Amant. bk. i., near the end.
516. Pharo; spelt Pharao in the Vulgate, Gen. xli. 1-7. See Book of the Duchesse,
280-3.
Turnus; alluding to his vision of Iris, the messenger of Juno; Æneid ix. 6. Elcanor; this
name somewhat resembles Elkanah (in the Vulgate, Elcana), 1 Sam. i. 1; but I do not
know where to find any account of his vision, nor do I at all understand who is meant.
The name Alcanor occurs in Vergil, but does not help us.
518. Cipris, Venus, goddess of Cyprus; called Cipryde in Parl. Foules, 277. Dante has
Ciprigna; Par. viii. 2.
519. Favour, favourer, helper, aid; not used in the ordinary sense of Lat. fauor, but as
if it were formed from O.F. faver, Lat. fauere, to be favourable to. Godefroy gives an
example of the O.F. verb faver in this sense.
521. Parnaso; the spelling is imitated from the Ital. Parnaso, i.e. Parnassus, in Dante,
Par. i. 16. So also Elicon is Dante's Elicona, i.e. Helicon, Purg. xxix. 40. But the
passage in Dante which Chaucer here especially imitates is that in Inf. ii. 7-9:—
Page 377
'O Muse, o alto ingegno, or m'
aiutate;
O mente, che scrivesti ciò ch' io
vidi,
Qui si parrà la tua nobilitate.'
This Cary thus translates:—
'O Muses! O high genius, now
vouchsafe
Your aid. O mind, that all I saw hast
kept
Safe in a written record, here thy
worth
And eminent endowments come to
proof.'
Hence ye in l. 520 answers to Dante's Muse, the Muses; and Thought in l.
523 answers to Dante's mente, Cf. also Parad. xviii. 82-87. And see the
parallel passage in Anelida, 15-19.
The reason why Chaucer took Helicon to be a well rather than a mountain is
because Dante's allusion to it is dubiously worded; see Purg. xxix. 40.
528. Engyn is accented on the latter syllable, as in Troil. ii. 565, iii. 274.
529. Egle, the eagle in l. 499; cf. ll. 503-7.
534. Partly imitated from Dante, Purg. ix. 28-30:—
'Poi mi parea che, più rotata un
poco,
Terribil come fulgor discendesse,
E me rapisse suso infino al foco.'
aiutate;
O mente, che scrivesti ciò ch' io
vidi,
Qui si parrà la tua nobilitate.'
This Cary thus translates:—
'O Muses! O high genius, now
vouchsafe
Your aid. O mind, that all I saw hast
kept
Safe in a written record, here thy
worth
And eminent endowments come to
proof.'
Hence ye in l. 520 answers to Dante's Muse, the Muses; and Thought in l.
523 answers to Dante's mente, Cf. also Parad. xviii. 82-87. And see the
parallel passage in Anelida, 15-19.
The reason why Chaucer took Helicon to be a well rather than a mountain is
because Dante's allusion to it is dubiously worded; see Purg. xxix. 40.
528. Engyn is accented on the latter syllable, as in Troil. ii. 565, iii. 274.
529. Egle, the eagle in l. 499; cf. ll. 503-7.
534. Partly imitated from Dante, Purg. ix. 28-30:—
'Poi mi parea che, più rotata un
poco,
Terribil come fulgor discendesse,
E me rapisse suso infino al foco.'
Page 378
Cary's translation is:—
'A little wheeling in his aëry tour,
Terrible as the lightning, rushed he
down,
And snatch'd me upward even to
the fire.'
But Chaucer follows still more closely, and verbally, a passage in
Machault's Jugement du Roi de Navarre, ed. Tarbé, 1849, p. 72, which has
the words—
'la foudre
Que mainte ville mist en poudre';
i.e. literally, 'the foudre (thunder-bolt) which reduces many a town to
powder.' Machault nearly repeats this; ed. Tarbé, p. 97.
Curiously enough, almost the same words occur in Boethius, bk. i. met. 4,
where Chaucer's translation has:—'ne þe wey of thonder-leyt, that is wont
to smyten heye toures.' It hence appears that Chaucer copies Machault, and
Machault translates Boethius. There are some curious M.E. verses on the
effects of thunder in Popular Treatises on Science, ed. Wright, p. 136.
Foudre represents the Lat. fulgur. One of the queer etymologies of
medieval times is, that fulgur is derived a feriendo; Vincent of Beauvais,
Spec. Nat. iv. 59. It was held to be quite sufficient that both fulgur and
ferire begin with f.
537. Brende, was set on fire; cf. l. 163. The idea is that of a falling
thunderbolt, which seems to have been conceived of as being a material
mass, set on fire by the rapidity of its passage through the air; thus
confusing the flash of lightning with the fall of a meteoric stone. See Mr.
Aldis Wright's note on thunder-stone, Jul. Cæs. i. 3. 49.
'A little wheeling in his aëry tour,
Terrible as the lightning, rushed he
down,
And snatch'd me upward even to
the fire.'
But Chaucer follows still more closely, and verbally, a passage in
Machault's Jugement du Roi de Navarre, ed. Tarbé, 1849, p. 72, which has
the words—
'la foudre
Que mainte ville mist en poudre';
i.e. literally, 'the foudre (thunder-bolt) which reduces many a town to
powder.' Machault nearly repeats this; ed. Tarbé, p. 97.
Curiously enough, almost the same words occur in Boethius, bk. i. met. 4,
where Chaucer's translation has:—'ne þe wey of thonder-leyt, that is wont
to smyten heye toures.' It hence appears that Chaucer copies Machault, and
Machault translates Boethius. There are some curious M.E. verses on the
effects of thunder in Popular Treatises on Science, ed. Wright, p. 136.
Foudre represents the Lat. fulgur. One of the queer etymologies of
medieval times is, that fulgur is derived a feriendo; Vincent of Beauvais,
Spec. Nat. iv. 59. It was held to be quite sufficient that both fulgur and
ferire begin with f.
537. Brende, was set on fire; cf. l. 163. The idea is that of a falling
thunderbolt, which seems to have been conceived of as being a material
mass, set on fire by the rapidity of its passage through the air; thus
confusing the flash of lightning with the fall of a meteoric stone. See Mr.
Aldis Wright's note on thunder-stone, Jul. Cæs. i. 3. 49.
Page 379
543. Hente, caught. We find a similar use of the word in an old translation
of Map's Apocalypsis Goliæ, printed in Morley's Shorter Eng. Poems, p.
13:—
'And by and by I fell into a sudden
trance,
And all along the air was
marvellously hent.'
544. Sours, sudden ascent, a springing aloft. It is well illustrated by a
passage in the Somp. Tale (D 1938):—
'Therfor, right as an hauk up, at a
sours,
Up springeth into their, right so
prayeres
Of charitable and chaste bisy freres
Maken hir sours to Goddes eres
two.'
It is precisely the same word as M.E. sours, mod. E. source, i.e. rise, spring
(of a river). Etymologically, it is the feminine of O.F. sors, pp. of sordre, to
rise (Lat. surgere). At a later period, the r was dropped, and the word was
strangely confused in sound with the verb souse, to pickle. Moreover, the
original sense of 'sudden ascent' was confused with that of 'sudden descent,'
for which the correct term was (I suppose) swoop. Hence the old verb to
souse, in the sense 'to swoop down,' or 'to pounce upon,' or 'to strike,' as in
Shak. K. John, v. 2. 150; Spenser, F. Q. i. 5. 8; iii. 4. 16; iv. 3. 19. 25; iv. 4.
30; iv 5. 36; iv. 7. 9. The sense of 'downward swoop' is particularly clear in
Spenser, F. Q. ii. 11. 36:—
'Eft fierce retourning, as a faulcon
fayre,
That once hath failed of her souse
full neare,
of Map's Apocalypsis Goliæ, printed in Morley's Shorter Eng. Poems, p.
13:—
'And by and by I fell into a sudden
trance,
And all along the air was
marvellously hent.'
544. Sours, sudden ascent, a springing aloft. It is well illustrated by a
passage in the Somp. Tale (D 1938):—
'Therfor, right as an hauk up, at a
sours,
Up springeth into their, right so
prayeres
Of charitable and chaste bisy freres
Maken hir sours to Goddes eres
two.'
It is precisely the same word as M.E. sours, mod. E. source, i.e. rise, spring
(of a river). Etymologically, it is the feminine of O.F. sors, pp. of sordre, to
rise (Lat. surgere). At a later period, the r was dropped, and the word was
strangely confused in sound with the verb souse, to pickle. Moreover, the
original sense of 'sudden ascent' was confused with that of 'sudden descent,'
for which the correct term was (I suppose) swoop. Hence the old verb to
souse, in the sense 'to swoop down,' or 'to pounce upon,' or 'to strike,' as in
Shak. K. John, v. 2. 150; Spenser, F. Q. i. 5. 8; iii. 4. 16; iv. 3. 19. 25; iv. 4.
30; iv 5. 36; iv. 7. 9. The sense of 'downward swoop' is particularly clear in
Spenser, F. Q. ii. 11. 36:—
'Eft fierce retourning, as a faulcon
fayre,
That once hath failed of her souse
full neare,
Page 380
Remounts againe into the open
ayre,
And unto better fortune doth her-
selfe prepayre.'
Such is the simple solution of the etymology of Mod. E. souse, as used by
Pope (Epilogue to Satires, Dial. ii. 15)—'Spread thy broad wing, and souse
on all the kind.'
557. Cf. Dante, Inf. ii. 122:—'Perchè tanta viltà nel core allette?' Also Purg.
ix. 46:—'Non aver tema.'
562. 'One that I could name.' This personal allusion can hardly refer to any
one but Chaucer's wife. The familiar tone recalls him to himself; yet the
eagle's voice sounded kindly, whereas the poet sadly tells us that his wife's
voice sounded far otherwise: 'So was it never wont to be.' See Ward's
Chaucer, pp. 84, 85; and cf. l. 2015 below. Perhaps Chaucer disliked to hear
the word 'Awak!'
573. It would appear that, in Chaucer, sëynt is sometimes dissyllabic; but it
may be better here to use the feminine form seynt-e, as in l. 1066. Observe
the rime of Márie with cárie.
576. 'For so certainly may God help me, as thou shall have no harm.'
586. Ioves, Jove, Jupiter; cf. l. 597. This remarkable form occurs again in
Troil. ii. 1607, where we find the expression 'Ioves lat him never thryve';
and again in Troil. iii. 3—'O Ioves doughter dere'; and in Troil. iii. 15,
where Ioves is in the accusative case. The form is that of an O.F.
nominative; cf. Charles, Jacques, Jules.
Stellifye, make into a constellation; 'whether will Jupiter turn me into a
constellation.' This alludes, of course, to the numerous cases in which it was
supposed that such heroes as Hercules and Perseus, or such heroines as
Andromeda and Callisto were changed into constellations: see Kn. Tale, A
2058. Cf. 'No wonder is thogh Iove hir stellifye'; Leg. Good Women, prol.
ayre,
And unto better fortune doth her-
selfe prepayre.'
Such is the simple solution of the etymology of Mod. E. souse, as used by
Pope (Epilogue to Satires, Dial. ii. 15)—'Spread thy broad wing, and souse
on all the kind.'
557. Cf. Dante, Inf. ii. 122:—'Perchè tanta viltà nel core allette?' Also Purg.
ix. 46:—'Non aver tema.'
562. 'One that I could name.' This personal allusion can hardly refer to any
one but Chaucer's wife. The familiar tone recalls him to himself; yet the
eagle's voice sounded kindly, whereas the poet sadly tells us that his wife's
voice sounded far otherwise: 'So was it never wont to be.' See Ward's
Chaucer, pp. 84, 85; and cf. l. 2015 below. Perhaps Chaucer disliked to hear
the word 'Awak!'
573. It would appear that, in Chaucer, sëynt is sometimes dissyllabic; but it
may be better here to use the feminine form seynt-e, as in l. 1066. Observe
the rime of Márie with cárie.
576. 'For so certainly may God help me, as thou shall have no harm.'
586. Ioves, Jove, Jupiter; cf. l. 597. This remarkable form occurs again in
Troil. ii. 1607, where we find the expression 'Ioves lat him never thryve';
and again in Troil. iii. 3—'O Ioves doughter dere'; and in Troil. iii. 15,
where Ioves is in the accusative case. The form is that of an O.F.
nominative; cf. Charles, Jacques, Jules.
Stellifye, make into a constellation; 'whether will Jupiter turn me into a
constellation.' This alludes, of course, to the numerous cases in which it was
supposed that such heroes as Hercules and Perseus, or such heroines as
Andromeda and Callisto were changed into constellations: see Kn. Tale, A
2058. Cf. 'No wonder is thogh Iove hir stellifye'; Leg. Good Women, prol.
Page 381
525. Skelton uses the word (Garland of Laurell, 963); and it is given in
Palsgrave.
588. Perhaps imitated from Dante, Inf. ii. 32, where Dante says that he is
neither Æneas nor Paul. Chaucer here refers to various men who were borne
up to heaven, viz. Enoch (Gen. v. 24), Elijah (2 Kings ii. 11), Romulus, and
Ganymede. Romulus was carried up to heaven by Mars; Ovid, Metam. xiv.
824; Fasti, ii. 475-512. Ganymede was carried up to heaven by Jupiter in
the form of an eagle; cf. Vergil, Æn. i. 28, and see Ovid, Metam. x. 160,
where Ovid adds:
'qui nunc quoque pocula
miscet,
Invitaque Iovi nectar Iunone
ministrat.'
In the passage in Dante (Purg. ix. 19-30), already alluded to above (note to
l. 534), there is a reference to Ganymede (l. 23).
592. Boteler, butler. No burlesque is here intended. 'The idea of Ganymede
being butler to the gods appears ludicrous to us, who are accustomed to see
the office performed by menial servants. But it was not so in the middle
ages. Young gentlemen of high rank carved the dishes and poured out the
wine at the tables of the nobility, and grace in the performance of these
duties was highly prized. One of the oldest of our noble families derives its
surname from the fact that its founder was butler to the king'; Bell. So also,
the royal name of Stuart is merely steward.
597. Therabout, busy about, having it in intention.
600-4. Cf. Vergil's words of reassurance to Dante; Inf. ii. 49.
608. The eagle says he is Jupiter's eagle; 'Iouis ales,' Æn. i. 394.
614-40. A long sentence of 27 lines.
Palsgrave.
588. Perhaps imitated from Dante, Inf. ii. 32, where Dante says that he is
neither Æneas nor Paul. Chaucer here refers to various men who were borne
up to heaven, viz. Enoch (Gen. v. 24), Elijah (2 Kings ii. 11), Romulus, and
Ganymede. Romulus was carried up to heaven by Mars; Ovid, Metam. xiv.
824; Fasti, ii. 475-512. Ganymede was carried up to heaven by Jupiter in
the form of an eagle; cf. Vergil, Æn. i. 28, and see Ovid, Metam. x. 160,
where Ovid adds:
'qui nunc quoque pocula
miscet,
Invitaque Iovi nectar Iunone
ministrat.'
In the passage in Dante (Purg. ix. 19-30), already alluded to above (note to
l. 534), there is a reference to Ganymede (l. 23).
592. Boteler, butler. No burlesque is here intended. 'The idea of Ganymede
being butler to the gods appears ludicrous to us, who are accustomed to see
the office performed by menial servants. But it was not so in the middle
ages. Young gentlemen of high rank carved the dishes and poured out the
wine at the tables of the nobility, and grace in the performance of these
duties was highly prized. One of the oldest of our noble families derives its
surname from the fact that its founder was butler to the king'; Bell. So also,
the royal name of Stuart is merely steward.
597. Therabout, busy about, having it in intention.
600-4. Cf. Vergil's words of reassurance to Dante; Inf. ii. 49.
608. The eagle says he is Jupiter's eagle; 'Iouis ales,' Æn. i. 394.
614-40. A long sentence of 27 lines.
Page 382
618. I supply goddesse, to complete the line. Cf. 'In worship of Venús,
goddésse of love'; Kn. Tale, A 1904; and again, 'goddésse,' id. A 1101, 2.
621. The necessity for correcting lytel to lyte is obvious from the rime, since
lyte is rimes with dytees. Chaucer seems to make lyte dissyllabic; it rimes
with Arcite, Kn. Ta., A 1334, 2627; and with hermyte in l. 659 below. In the
present case, the e is elided—lyt'is. For similar rimes, cf. nones, noon is, C.
T. Prol. 523; beryis, mery is, Non. Pr. Ta., B 4155; swevenis, swevene is, id.
B 4111.
623. In a note to Cant. Ta. 17354 (I 43), Tyrwhitt says that perhaps cadence
means 'a species of poetical composition distinct from riming verses.' But it
is difficult to shew that Chaucer ever composed anything of the kind, unless
it can be said that his translation of Boethius or his Tale of Melibeus is in a
sort of rhythmical prose. It seems to me just possible that by rime may here
be meant the ordinary riming of two lines together, as in the Book of the
Duchess and the House of Fame, whilst by cadence may be meant lines
disposed in stanzas, as in the Parliament of Foules. There is nothing to shew
that Chaucer had, at this period, employed the 'heroic verse' of the Legend
of Good Women. However, we find the following quotation from Jullien in
Littré's Dictionary, s.v. Cadence:—'Dans la prose, dans les vers, la cadence
n'est pas autre chose que le rhythme ou le nombre: seulement on y joint
ordinairement l'idée d'une certaine douceur dans le style, d'un certain art
dans l'arrangement des phrases ou dans le choix des mots que le rhythme
proprement dit ne suppose pas du tout.' This is somewhat oracular, as it is
difficult to see why rhythm should not mean much the same thing.
637. 'And describest everything that relates to them.' (Here hir = their), with
reference to lovers.
639-40. 'Although thou mayst accompany those whom he is not pleased to
assist.' Nearly repeated in Troilus, i. 517, 518.
652. In a note upon the concluding passage of the Cant. Tales, Tyrwhitt says
of the House of Fame:—'Chaucer mentions this among his works in the
Leg. Good Women, verse 417. He wrote it while he was Comptroller of the
goddésse of love'; Kn. Tale, A 1904; and again, 'goddésse,' id. A 1101, 2.
621. The necessity for correcting lytel to lyte is obvious from the rime, since
lyte is rimes with dytees. Chaucer seems to make lyte dissyllabic; it rimes
with Arcite, Kn. Ta., A 1334, 2627; and with hermyte in l. 659 below. In the
present case, the e is elided—lyt'is. For similar rimes, cf. nones, noon is, C.
T. Prol. 523; beryis, mery is, Non. Pr. Ta., B 4155; swevenis, swevene is, id.
B 4111.
623. In a note to Cant. Ta. 17354 (I 43), Tyrwhitt says that perhaps cadence
means 'a species of poetical composition distinct from riming verses.' But it
is difficult to shew that Chaucer ever composed anything of the kind, unless
it can be said that his translation of Boethius or his Tale of Melibeus is in a
sort of rhythmical prose. It seems to me just possible that by rime may here
be meant the ordinary riming of two lines together, as in the Book of the
Duchess and the House of Fame, whilst by cadence may be meant lines
disposed in stanzas, as in the Parliament of Foules. There is nothing to shew
that Chaucer had, at this period, employed the 'heroic verse' of the Legend
of Good Women. However, we find the following quotation from Jullien in
Littré's Dictionary, s.v. Cadence:—'Dans la prose, dans les vers, la cadence
n'est pas autre chose que le rhythme ou le nombre: seulement on y joint
ordinairement l'idée d'une certaine douceur dans le style, d'un certain art
dans l'arrangement des phrases ou dans le choix des mots que le rhythme
proprement dit ne suppose pas du tout.' This is somewhat oracular, as it is
difficult to see why rhythm should not mean much the same thing.
637. 'And describest everything that relates to them.' (Here hir = their), with
reference to lovers.
639-40. 'Although thou mayst accompany those whom he is not pleased to
assist.' Nearly repeated in Troilus, i. 517, 518.
652. In a note upon the concluding passage of the Cant. Tales, Tyrwhitt says
of the House of Fame:—'Chaucer mentions this among his works in the
Leg. Good Women, verse 417. He wrote it while he was Comptroller of the
Page 383
Custom of Wools, &c. (see Bk. ii. l. 144-8 [the present passage]), and
consequently after the year 1374.' See Ward's Chaucer, pp. 76, 77, with its
happy reference to Charles Lamb and his 'works'; and compare a similar
passage in the Prol. to Legend of Good Women, 30-6.
662. Cf. Dante, Inf. i. 113, which Cary thus translates:—
—'and I, thy
guide,
Will lead thee hence through an
eternal space.'
678. Long y-served, faithfully served for a long time, i.e. after a long period
of devotion; alluding to the word servant in the sense of lover.
681. Alluding to sudden fallings in love, especially 'at first sight.' Such take
place at haphazard; as if a blind man should accidentally frighten a hare,
without in the least intending it. We find in Hazlitt's collection of Proverbs
—'The hare starts when a man least expects it'; p. 373.
682. Iolytee and fare, happiness and good speed. The very same words are
employed, but ironically, by Theseus in the Knight's Tale, A 1807, 1809.
The hare also accompanies them; id. A 1810.
683. 'As long as they find love to be as true as steel.' Cf. Troilus, iv. 325:
—'God leve that ye finde ay love of steel.'
689. 'And more beards made in two hours,' &c. 'Yet can a miller make a
clerkes berd'; (Reves Tale), C. T., A 4096. 'Yet coude I make his berd'; C. T.,
D 361. Tyrwhitt's note on the former passage is: 'make a clerkes berd,' i.e.
cheat him. Faire la barbe is to shave, or trim the beard; but Chaucer
translates the phrase literally, at least when he uses it in its metaphorical
sense. Boccace has the same metaphor, Decamerone, viii. 10. Speaking of
some exorbitant cheats, he says that they applied themselves 'non a radere,
ma a scorticare huomini' [not to shave men, but to scarify them]; and a little
lower—'si a soavemente la barbiera saputo menare il rasoio' [so agreeably
consequently after the year 1374.' See Ward's Chaucer, pp. 76, 77, with its
happy reference to Charles Lamb and his 'works'; and compare a similar
passage in the Prol. to Legend of Good Women, 30-6.
662. Cf. Dante, Inf. i. 113, which Cary thus translates:—
—'and I, thy
guide,
Will lead thee hence through an
eternal space.'
678. Long y-served, faithfully served for a long time, i.e. after a long period
of devotion; alluding to the word servant in the sense of lover.
681. Alluding to sudden fallings in love, especially 'at first sight.' Such take
place at haphazard; as if a blind man should accidentally frighten a hare,
without in the least intending it. We find in Hazlitt's collection of Proverbs
—'The hare starts when a man least expects it'; p. 373.
682. Iolytee and fare, happiness and good speed. The very same words are
employed, but ironically, by Theseus in the Knight's Tale, A 1807, 1809.
The hare also accompanies them; id. A 1810.
683. 'As long as they find love to be as true as steel.' Cf. Troilus, iv. 325:
—'God leve that ye finde ay love of steel.'
689. 'And more beards made in two hours,' &c. 'Yet can a miller make a
clerkes berd'; (Reves Tale), C. T., A 4096. 'Yet coude I make his berd'; C. T.,
D 361. Tyrwhitt's note on the former passage is: 'make a clerkes berd,' i.e.
cheat him. Faire la barbe is to shave, or trim the beard; but Chaucer
translates the phrase literally, at least when he uses it in its metaphorical
sense. Boccace has the same metaphor, Decamerone, viii. 10. Speaking of
some exorbitant cheats, he says that they applied themselves 'non a radere,
ma a scorticare huomini' [not to shave men, but to scarify them]; and a little
lower—'si a soavemente la barbiera saputo menare il rasoio' [so agreeably
Page 384
did the she-barber know how to handle the razor]. Barbiera has a second
and a bad sense; see Florio's Dictionary.
'Myght I thaym have spyde,
I had made thaym a berd.'
Towneley
Mysteries,
p. 144.
692. Holding in hond means keeping in hand, attaching to oneself by
feigned favours; just as to bear in hand used to mean to make one believe a
thing; see my note to Man of Lawes Tale, B 620.
695. Lovedayes, appointed days of reconciliation; see note in vol. v. to
Chaucer's Prol. 258, and my note to P. Plowman, B. iii. 157. 'What, quod
she, maked I not a louedaie bitwene God and mankind, and chese a maide
to be nompere [umpire], to put the quarell at ende?' Test. of Love, bk. i. ed.
1561, fol. 287.
696. Cordes, chords. Apparently short for acordes, i.e. musical chords, as
Willert suggests. It is rather a forced simile, like cornes in l. 698.
698. Cornes, grains of corn; see note to Monkes Tale (Group B, 3225).
700. Wis, certainly; cf. y-wis. The i is short.
702. Impossíble, (accent on i); cf. Clerkes Tale, E 713.
703. Pyes, mag-pies, chattering birds; Squi. Ta., F 650.
708. Worthy for to leve, worthy to believe, worthy of belief.
712. Thyn owne book, i.e. the book you are so fond of, viz. Ovid's
Metamorphoses, which Chaucer quotes so continually. Libraries in those
days were very small (Cant. Ta. Prol. 294); but we may be almost certain
and a bad sense; see Florio's Dictionary.
'Myght I thaym have spyde,
I had made thaym a berd.'
Towneley
Mysteries,
p. 144.
692. Holding in hond means keeping in hand, attaching to oneself by
feigned favours; just as to bear in hand used to mean to make one believe a
thing; see my note to Man of Lawes Tale, B 620.
695. Lovedayes, appointed days of reconciliation; see note in vol. v. to
Chaucer's Prol. 258, and my note to P. Plowman, B. iii. 157. 'What, quod
she, maked I not a louedaie bitwene God and mankind, and chese a maide
to be nompere [umpire], to put the quarell at ende?' Test. of Love, bk. i. ed.
1561, fol. 287.
696. Cordes, chords. Apparently short for acordes, i.e. musical chords, as
Willert suggests. It is rather a forced simile, like cornes in l. 698.
698. Cornes, grains of corn; see note to Monkes Tale (Group B, 3225).
700. Wis, certainly; cf. y-wis. The i is short.
702. Impossíble, (accent on i); cf. Clerkes Tale, E 713.
703. Pyes, mag-pies, chattering birds; Squi. Ta., F 650.
708. Worthy for to leve, worthy to believe, worthy of belief.
712. Thyn owne book, i.e. the book you are so fond of, viz. Ovid's
Metamorphoses, which Chaucer quotes so continually. Libraries in those
days were very small (Cant. Ta. Prol. 294); but we may be almost certain
Page 385
that Chaucer had a copy of the Metamorphoses of his own. The reference
here is to Ovid's description of the House of Fame, Metam. xii. 39-63. See
Golding's translation of this passage in the Introduction.
730. This passage is founded on one in Boethius; cf. Chaucer's translation,
bk. iii. pr. 11, ll. 98-110. Imitated also in Le Rom. de la Rose, 16963-9. Cf.
Dante, Par. i. 109, which Cary thus translates:—
'All natures lean,
In this their order, diversely,' &c.
738. That practically goes with hit falleth doun, in l. 741. The sentence is
ill-constructed, and not consistent with grammar, but we see what is meant.
742. By, with reference to (as usual in M. E). Cf. Dante, Purg. xviii. 28,
which Cary thus translates:—
'Then, as the fire points up, and
mounting seeks
His birth-place and his lasting seat,'
&c.
745. At his large, unrestrained, free to move. Cf. at thy large, Cant. Ta., A
1283, 1292.
746. Charge, a heavy weight, opposed to light thing. The verb seke is
understood from l. 744. 'A light thing (seeks to go) up, and a weight (tends)
downwards.' In Tyrwhitt's glossary, the word charge, in this passage, is
described as being a verb, with the sense 'to weigh, to incline on account of
weight.' How this can be made to suit the context, I cannot understand.
Charge occurs as a sb. several times in Chaucer, but chiefly with the
secondary sense of 'importance'; see Kn. Tale, A 1284, 2287; Can. Yem. Ta.,
G 749. In the Clerkes Tale, E 163, it means 'weight,' nearly as here.
here is to Ovid's description of the House of Fame, Metam. xii. 39-63. See
Golding's translation of this passage in the Introduction.
730. This passage is founded on one in Boethius; cf. Chaucer's translation,
bk. iii. pr. 11, ll. 98-110. Imitated also in Le Rom. de la Rose, 16963-9. Cf.
Dante, Par. i. 109, which Cary thus translates:—
'All natures lean,
In this their order, diversely,' &c.
738. That practically goes with hit falleth doun, in l. 741. The sentence is
ill-constructed, and not consistent with grammar, but we see what is meant.
742. By, with reference to (as usual in M. E). Cf. Dante, Purg. xviii. 28,
which Cary thus translates:—
'Then, as the fire points up, and
mounting seeks
His birth-place and his lasting seat,'
&c.
745. At his large, unrestrained, free to move. Cf. at thy large, Cant. Ta., A
1283, 1292.
746. Charge, a heavy weight, opposed to light thing. The verb seke is
understood from l. 744. 'A light thing (seeks to go) up, and a weight (tends)
downwards.' In Tyrwhitt's glossary, the word charge, in this passage, is
described as being a verb, with the sense 'to weigh, to incline on account of
weight.' How this can be made to suit the context, I cannot understand.
Charge occurs as a sb. several times in Chaucer, but chiefly with the
secondary sense of 'importance'; see Kn. Tale, A 1284, 2287; Can. Yem. Ta.,
G 749. In the Clerkes Tale, E 163, it means 'weight,' nearly as here.
Page 386
750. Skilles, reasons. The above 'reasons' prove nothing whatever as regards
the fish in the sea, or the trees in the earth; but the eagle's mode of
reasoning must not be too closely enquired into. The fault is not Chaucer's,
but arises from the extremely imperfect state of science in the middle ages.
Chaucer had to accept the usual account of the four elements, disposed,
according to their weight, in four layers; earth being at the bottom, then
water, then air, and lastly fire above the air. See the whole scheme in
Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. vii.; ed. Pauli, ii. 104: or Popular Treatises on
Science, ed. Wright, p. 134.
752. See Chaucer's tr. of Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 11, l. 72. Hence Boethius is
one of the 'clerkes' referred to in l. 760.
759. Dante mentions these two; Inf. iv. 131-4.
765. So also in Cant. Tales, D 2233:—
'every soun
Nis but of eir reverberacioun,
And ever it wasteth lyte and lyte
awey.'
The theory of sound is treated of in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum
Naturale, lib. iv. c. 14. The ancients seem to have understood that sound is
due to the vibration of the air; see ll. 775, 779. Thus, in the treatise by
Boethius, De Musica (to which Chaucer expressly refers in Non. Preest.
Tale, B 4484), lib. i. c. 3, I find:—'Sonus vero præter quendam pulsum
percussionemque non redditur.... Idcirco definitur sonus, aeris percussio
indissoluta usque ad auditum.'
788. Experience, i.e. experiment. The illustration is a good one; I have no
doubt that it is obtained, directly or at secondhand, from Boethius. Vincent
of Beauvais, Spec. Nat. lib. xxv. c. 58, says:—'Ad quod demonstrandum
inducit idem Boetius tale exemplum: Lapis proiectus in medio stagni facit
breuissimum circulum, et ille alium, et hoc fit donec vel ad ripas peruenerit
vel impetus defecerit.' This merely gives the substance of what he says; it
the fish in the sea, or the trees in the earth; but the eagle's mode of
reasoning must not be too closely enquired into. The fault is not Chaucer's,
but arises from the extremely imperfect state of science in the middle ages.
Chaucer had to accept the usual account of the four elements, disposed,
according to their weight, in four layers; earth being at the bottom, then
water, then air, and lastly fire above the air. See the whole scheme in
Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. vii.; ed. Pauli, ii. 104: or Popular Treatises on
Science, ed. Wright, p. 134.
752. See Chaucer's tr. of Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 11, l. 72. Hence Boethius is
one of the 'clerkes' referred to in l. 760.
759. Dante mentions these two; Inf. iv. 131-4.
765. So also in Cant. Tales, D 2233:—
'every soun
Nis but of eir reverberacioun,
And ever it wasteth lyte and lyte
awey.'
The theory of sound is treated of in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum
Naturale, lib. iv. c. 14. The ancients seem to have understood that sound is
due to the vibration of the air; see ll. 775, 779. Thus, in the treatise by
Boethius, De Musica (to which Chaucer expressly refers in Non. Preest.
Tale, B 4484), lib. i. c. 3, I find:—'Sonus vero præter quendam pulsum
percussionemque non redditur.... Idcirco definitur sonus, aeris percussio
indissoluta usque ad auditum.'
788. Experience, i.e. experiment. The illustration is a good one; I have no
doubt that it is obtained, directly or at secondhand, from Boethius. Vincent
of Beauvais, Spec. Nat. lib. xxv. c. 58, says:—'Ad quod demonstrandum
inducit idem Boetius tale exemplum: Lapis proiectus in medio stagni facit
breuissimum circulum, et ille alium, et hoc fit donec vel ad ripas peruenerit
vel impetus defecerit.' This merely gives the substance of what he says; it
Page 387
will be of interest to quote the original passage, from the treatise De
Musica, lib. i. c. 14, which chapter I quote in full:—
'Nunc quis modus sit audiendi disseramus. Tale enim quiddam fieri
consuevit in uocibus, quale cum paludibus uel quietis aquis iactum eminus
mergitur saxum. Prius enim in paruissimum orbem undam colligit, deinde
maioribus orbibus, undarum globos spargit, atque eo usque dum fatigatus
motus ab eliciendis fluctibus conquiescat. Semperque posterior et maior
undula pulsu debiliori diffunditur. Quod si quid sit, quod crescentes undulas
possit offendere, statim motus ille reuertitur, et quasi ad centrum, unde
profectus fuerat, eisdem undulis rotundatur. Ita igitur cum aer pulsus fecerit
sonum, pellit alium proximum, et quodammodo rotundum fluctum aeris
ciet. Itaque diffunditur et omnium circunstantium (sic) simul ferit auditum,
atque illi est obscurior uox, qui longius steterit, quoniam ad eum debilior
pulsi aeris unda peruenit.'
792. Covercle, a pot-lid. Cotgrave cites the proverb—'Tel pot tel couvercle,
Such pot, such potlid, like master, like man.'
794. Wheel must have been glossed by cercle (circle) in an early copy;
hence MSS. F. and B. have the reading—'That whele sercle wol cause
another whele,' where the gloss has crept into the text.
798. Roundel, a very small circle; compas, a very large circle. Roundel is
still a general term for a small circular charge in heraldry; if or (golden), it
is called a bezant; if argent (white), it is called a plate; and so on. In the
Sec. Non. Tale, G 45, compas includes the whole world.
801. Multiplying, increasing in size.
805. 'Where you do not observe the motion above, it is still going on
underneath.' This seems to allude to some false notion as to a transmission
of motion below the surface.
808. This is an easy way of getting over a difficulty. It is no easy task to
prove the contrary of every false theory!
Musica, lib. i. c. 14, which chapter I quote in full:—
'Nunc quis modus sit audiendi disseramus. Tale enim quiddam fieri
consuevit in uocibus, quale cum paludibus uel quietis aquis iactum eminus
mergitur saxum. Prius enim in paruissimum orbem undam colligit, deinde
maioribus orbibus, undarum globos spargit, atque eo usque dum fatigatus
motus ab eliciendis fluctibus conquiescat. Semperque posterior et maior
undula pulsu debiliori diffunditur. Quod si quid sit, quod crescentes undulas
possit offendere, statim motus ille reuertitur, et quasi ad centrum, unde
profectus fuerat, eisdem undulis rotundatur. Ita igitur cum aer pulsus fecerit
sonum, pellit alium proximum, et quodammodo rotundum fluctum aeris
ciet. Itaque diffunditur et omnium circunstantium (sic) simul ferit auditum,
atque illi est obscurior uox, qui longius steterit, quoniam ad eum debilior
pulsi aeris unda peruenit.'
792. Covercle, a pot-lid. Cotgrave cites the proverb—'Tel pot tel couvercle,
Such pot, such potlid, like master, like man.'
794. Wheel must have been glossed by cercle (circle) in an early copy;
hence MSS. F. and B. have the reading—'That whele sercle wol cause
another whele,' where the gloss has crept into the text.
798. Roundel, a very small circle; compas, a very large circle. Roundel is
still a general term for a small circular charge in heraldry; if or (golden), it
is called a bezant; if argent (white), it is called a plate; and so on. In the
Sec. Non. Tale, G 45, compas includes the whole world.
801. Multiplying, increasing in size.
805. 'Where you do not observe the motion above, it is still going on
underneath.' This seems to allude to some false notion as to a transmission
of motion below the surface.
808. This is an easy way of getting over a difficulty. It is no easy task to
prove the contrary of every false theory!
Page 388
811. An air aboute, i.e. a surrounding layer, or hollow sphere, of air.
822. I would rather 'take it in game'; and so I accept it.
826. Fele, experience, understand by experiment.
827. I here take the considerable liberty of reading the mansioun, by
comparison with l. 831. Those who prefer to read sum place stide, or som
styde, or some stede, can do so! The sense intended is obviously—'And that
the dwelling-place, to which each thing is inclined to resort, has its own
natural stead,' i.e. position. Fishes, for example, naturally exist in water; the
trees, upon the earth; and sounds, in the air; water, earth, air, and fire being
the four 'elements.' Cf. the phrase—'to be in his element.'
836. Out of, i.e. not in; answering to l. 838.
846. Referring to Ovid's description, Met. xii. 39, 40.
'Orbe locus medio est inter terrasque
fretumque
Coelestesque plagas, triplicis
confinia mundi.'
I suspect that Ovid's triplicis confinia mundi is the origin of Chaucer's
phrase tryne compas, in Sec. Non. Tale, G 45.
857. The 'terms of philosophy' are all fully and remorselessly given by
Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. vii.
861. It is remarkable that Chaucer, some years later, repeated almost the
same thing in the Prologue to his Treatise on the Astrolabe, in somewhat
different words, viz. 'curious endyting and hard sentence is full hevy atones
for swich a child to lerne'; l. 32.
822. I would rather 'take it in game'; and so I accept it.
826. Fele, experience, understand by experiment.
827. I here take the considerable liberty of reading the mansioun, by
comparison with l. 831. Those who prefer to read sum place stide, or som
styde, or some stede, can do so! The sense intended is obviously—'And that
the dwelling-place, to which each thing is inclined to resort, has its own
natural stead,' i.e. position. Fishes, for example, naturally exist in water; the
trees, upon the earth; and sounds, in the air; water, earth, air, and fire being
the four 'elements.' Cf. the phrase—'to be in his element.'
836. Out of, i.e. not in; answering to l. 838.
846. Referring to Ovid's description, Met. xii. 39, 40.
'Orbe locus medio est inter terrasque
fretumque
Coelestesque plagas, triplicis
confinia mundi.'
I suspect that Ovid's triplicis confinia mundi is the origin of Chaucer's
phrase tryne compas, in Sec. Non. Tale, G 45.
857. The 'terms of philosophy' are all fully and remorselessly given by
Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. vii.
861. It is remarkable that Chaucer, some years later, repeated almost the
same thing in the Prologue to his Treatise on the Astrolabe, in somewhat
different words, viz. 'curious endyting and hard sentence is full hevy atones
for swich a child to lerne'; l. 32.
Page 389
866. Lewedly, in unlearned fashion; in his Astrolabe, l. 43, Chaucer says he
is 'but a lewd compilatour of the labour of olde Astrologiens.'
868. The eagle characteristically says that his reasons are so 'palpable,' that
they can be shaken by the bills, as men shake others by the hand. It is
perhaps worth adding that the word bill was too vulgar and familiar to be
applied to a hawk, which had only a beak (the French term, whereas bill is
the A.S. bile). 'Ye shall say, this hauke has a large beke, or a shortt beke; and
call it not bille'; Book of St. Alban's, fol. a 6, back. The eagle purposely
employs the more familiar term.
873. Chaucer meekly allows that the eagle's explanation is a likely one. He
was not in a comfortable position for contradiction in argument, and so took
a wiser course. The eagle resents this mild admission, and says he will soon
find out the truth, 'top, and tail, and every bit.' He then eases his mind by
soaring 'upper,' resumes his good temper, and proposes to speak 'all of
game.'
888. Cf. Dante, Par. xxii. 128, which Cary thus translates:
'Look downward, and contemplate,
what a world
Already stretch'd under our feet
there lies.'
900. Unethes, with difficulty; because large animals could only just be
discerned. The graphic touches here are excellent.
901. Rivér-es, with accent on the former e (pronounced as a in bare). Cf.
Ital. riviera.
907. Prikke, a point. 'Al the environinge of the erthe aboute ne halt nat but
the resoun of a prikke at regard of the greetnesse of hevene'; tr. of Boethius,
bk. ii. pr. 7. 17.
is 'but a lewd compilatour of the labour of olde Astrologiens.'
868. The eagle characteristically says that his reasons are so 'palpable,' that
they can be shaken by the bills, as men shake others by the hand. It is
perhaps worth adding that the word bill was too vulgar and familiar to be
applied to a hawk, which had only a beak (the French term, whereas bill is
the A.S. bile). 'Ye shall say, this hauke has a large beke, or a shortt beke; and
call it not bille'; Book of St. Alban's, fol. a 6, back. The eagle purposely
employs the more familiar term.
873. Chaucer meekly allows that the eagle's explanation is a likely one. He
was not in a comfortable position for contradiction in argument, and so took
a wiser course. The eagle resents this mild admission, and says he will soon
find out the truth, 'top, and tail, and every bit.' He then eases his mind by
soaring 'upper,' resumes his good temper, and proposes to speak 'all of
game.'
888. Cf. Dante, Par. xxii. 128, which Cary thus translates:
'Look downward, and contemplate,
what a world
Already stretch'd under our feet
there lies.'
900. Unethes, with difficulty; because large animals could only just be
discerned. The graphic touches here are excellent.
901. Rivér-es, with accent on the former e (pronounced as a in bare). Cf.
Ital. riviera.
907. Prikke, a point. 'Al the environinge of the erthe aboute ne halt nat but
the resoun of a prikke at regard of the greetnesse of hevene'; tr. of Boethius,
bk. ii. pr. 7. 17.
Page 390
'And doun fro thennes faste he gan
avyse
This litel spot of erthe, that with the
see
Enbraced is';
Troilus,
b
k
.
v.
ll
.
1
8
1
4
-
6
.
'Vidi questo globo
Tal, ch' io sorriso del suo vil
sembiante.'
Dante,
P
a
r
a
d
.
x
x
ii
.
1
3
avyse
This litel spot of erthe, that with the
see
Enbraced is';
Troilus,
b
k
.
v.
ll
.
1
8
1
4
-
6
.
'Vidi questo globo
Tal, ch' io sorriso del suo vil
sembiante.'
Dante,
P
a
r
a
d
.
x
x
ii
.
1
3
Page 391
4
.
See also Parl. Foules, 57, 58; and note that the above passage from Troilus
is copied from the Teseide (xi. 2).
915. The note in Gilman's Chaucer as to Alexander's dreams is entirely
beside the mark. The word dreme (l. 917) refers to Scipio only. The
reference is to the wonderful mode in which Alexander contrived to soar in
the air in a car upborne by four gigantic griffins.
'Now is he won þurȝe þar wingis vp
to the wale cloudis;
So hiȝe to heuen þai him hale in a
hand-quile,
Midil-erth bot as a mylnestane, na
mare, to him semed.'
Wars of Alexander, ed.
Skeat (E.E.T.S.),
5523.
Macedo, the Macedonian.
916. King, kingly hero; not king in the strict sense. Dan Scipio, lord Scipio.
See notes to Parl. Foules, 29; Book of the Duch. 284; Ho. Fame, 514.
917. At point devys, with great exactness; see Rom. Rose, 830, 1215.
919. Dedalus (i.e. Dædalus) and Ycarus (Icarus) are mentioned in the Rom.
de la Rose, 5242; and cf. Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. iv., ed. Pauli, ii. 36; and
Dante, Inf. xvii. 109. All take the story from Ovid, Metam. viii. 183.
Dædalus constructed wings for himself and his son Icarus, and flew away
from Crete. The latter flew too high, and the sun melted the wax with which
some of the feathers were fastened, so that he fell into the sea and was
drowned. Hence Dædalus is here called wrecche, i.e. miserable, because he
.
See also Parl. Foules, 57, 58; and note that the above passage from Troilus
is copied from the Teseide (xi. 2).
915. The note in Gilman's Chaucer as to Alexander's dreams is entirely
beside the mark. The word dreme (l. 917) refers to Scipio only. The
reference is to the wonderful mode in which Alexander contrived to soar in
the air in a car upborne by four gigantic griffins.
'Now is he won þurȝe þar wingis vp
to the wale cloudis;
So hiȝe to heuen þai him hale in a
hand-quile,
Midil-erth bot as a mylnestane, na
mare, to him semed.'
Wars of Alexander, ed.
Skeat (E.E.T.S.),
5523.
Macedo, the Macedonian.
916. King, kingly hero; not king in the strict sense. Dan Scipio, lord Scipio.
See notes to Parl. Foules, 29; Book of the Duch. 284; Ho. Fame, 514.
917. At point devys, with great exactness; see Rom. Rose, 830, 1215.
919. Dedalus (i.e. Dædalus) and Ycarus (Icarus) are mentioned in the Rom.
de la Rose, 5242; and cf. Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. iv., ed. Pauli, ii. 36; and
Dante, Inf. xvii. 109. All take the story from Ovid, Metam. viii. 183.
Dædalus constructed wings for himself and his son Icarus, and flew away
from Crete. The latter flew too high, and the sun melted the wax with which
some of the feathers were fastened, so that he fell into the sea and was
drowned. Hence Dædalus is here called wrecche, i.e. miserable, because he
Page 392
lost his son; and Icarus nyce, i.e. foolish, because he disobeyed his father's
advice, not to fly too high.
922. Malt, melted. Gower has the same word in the same story; ed. Pauli, ii.
37.
925. Cf. Dante, Par. xxii. 19, which Cary thus translates:
'But elsewhere now I bid thee turn
thy view.'
930. See note to l. 986 below, where the original passage is given.
931. This line seems to refer solely to the word citizein in l. 930. The note
in Bell's Chaucer says: 'This appears to be an allusion to Plato's Republic.'
But it was probably suggested by the word respublica in Alanus (see note to
l. 986).
932. Eyrish bestes, aerial animals; alluding to the signs of the zodiac, such
as the Ram, Bull, Lion, Goat, Crab, Scorpion, &c.; and to other
constellations, such as the Great Bear, Eagle, Swan, Pegasus, &c. Chaucer
himself explains that the 'zodiak is cleped the cercle of the signes, or the
cercle of the bestes; for zodia in langage of Greek sowneth bestes in Latin
tonge'; Astrolabe, Part 1, § 21, 1. 37. Cf. 'beasts' in Rev. iv. 6. The phrase
recurs in l. 965 below; see also ll. 1003-7.
934. Goon, march along, walk on, like the Ram or Bull; flee, fly like the
Eagle or Swan. He alludes to the apparent revolution of the heavens round
the earth.
936. Galaxye, galaxy, or milky way, formed by streaks of closely crowded
stars; already mentioned in the Parl. of Foules, 56; see note to the same, l.
50. Cary, in a note to Dante, Parad. xxv. 18, says that Dante, in the Convito,
p. 74, speaks of la galassia—'the galaxy, that is, the white circle which the
common people call the way of St. James'; on which Biscioni remarks:
advice, not to fly too high.
922. Malt, melted. Gower has the same word in the same story; ed. Pauli, ii.
37.
925. Cf. Dante, Par. xxii. 19, which Cary thus translates:
'But elsewhere now I bid thee turn
thy view.'
930. See note to l. 986 below, where the original passage is given.
931. This line seems to refer solely to the word citizein in l. 930. The note
in Bell's Chaucer says: 'This appears to be an allusion to Plato's Republic.'
But it was probably suggested by the word respublica in Alanus (see note to
l. 986).
932. Eyrish bestes, aerial animals; alluding to the signs of the zodiac, such
as the Ram, Bull, Lion, Goat, Crab, Scorpion, &c.; and to other
constellations, such as the Great Bear, Eagle, Swan, Pegasus, &c. Chaucer
himself explains that the 'zodiak is cleped the cercle of the signes, or the
cercle of the bestes; for zodia in langage of Greek sowneth bestes in Latin
tonge'; Astrolabe, Part 1, § 21, 1. 37. Cf. 'beasts' in Rev. iv. 6. The phrase
recurs in l. 965 below; see also ll. 1003-7.
934. Goon, march along, walk on, like the Ram or Bull; flee, fly like the
Eagle or Swan. He alludes to the apparent revolution of the heavens round
the earth.
936. Galaxye, galaxy, or milky way, formed by streaks of closely crowded
stars; already mentioned in the Parl. of Foules, 56; see note to the same, l.
50. Cary, in a note to Dante, Parad. xxv. 18, says that Dante, in the Convito,
p. 74, speaks of la galassia—'the galaxy, that is, the white circle which the
common people call the way of St. James'; on which Biscioni remarks:
Page 393
—'The common people formerly considered the milky way as a sign by
night to pilgrims, who were going to St. James of Galicia; and this perhaps
arose from the resemblance of the word galaxy to Galicia; [which may be
doubted]. I have often,' he adds, 'heard women and peasants call it the
Roman road, la strada di Roma.'
The fact is simply, that the Milky Way looks like a sort of road or street;
hence the Lat. name uia lactea, as in Ovid, Metam. i. 168. Hence also the
Roman peasants called it strada di Roma; the pilgrims to Spain called it the
road to Santiago (Quarterly Review, Oct. 1873, p. 464); and the English
called it the Walsingham way, owing to this being a route much frequented
by pilgrims, or else Watling-street, which was a famous old road, and
probably ran (not as usually said, from Kent to Cardigan Bay, but) from
Kent to the Frith of Forth; see Annals of England, p. 6. The name of Vatlant
Streit (Watling Street) is given to the milky way in the Complaint of
Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 58; and G. Douglas calls it Watling Streit in his
translation of Vergil, Æn. iii. 516, though there is no mention of it in the
original; see Small's edition of the Works of G. Douglas, vol. ii. p. 151. And
again, it is called Wadlyng Strete in Henrysoun's Traite of Orpheus; see
Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary. So also: 'Galaxia, that is Watling-Strete';
Batman on Bartholome, lib. viii. c. 33. See my note to P. Plowman, C. i. 52;
Florence of Worcester, sub anno 1013; Laws of Edward the Confessor, cap.
12; Towneley Myst., p. 308; Cutts, Scenes, &c. of the Middle Ages, p. 178;
Grimm's Mythology, tr. by Stallybras, i. 357.
942. Gower also relates this story (Conf. Amant. ii. 34), calling the sun
Phebus, and his son Pheton, and using carte in the sense of 'chariot,' as
Chaucer does. Both copy from Ovid, Metam. ii. 32-328.
944. Cart-hors, chariot-horses (plural). There were four horses, named
Pyroeïs, Eous, Aethon, and Phlegon; Met. ii. 153. Hence gonne and beren
are in the plural form; cf. l. 952.
948. Scorpioun, the well-known zodiacal constellation and sign; called
Scorpius in Ovid, Met. ii. 196.
night to pilgrims, who were going to St. James of Galicia; and this perhaps
arose from the resemblance of the word galaxy to Galicia; [which may be
doubted]. I have often,' he adds, 'heard women and peasants call it the
Roman road, la strada di Roma.'
The fact is simply, that the Milky Way looks like a sort of road or street;
hence the Lat. name uia lactea, as in Ovid, Metam. i. 168. Hence also the
Roman peasants called it strada di Roma; the pilgrims to Spain called it the
road to Santiago (Quarterly Review, Oct. 1873, p. 464); and the English
called it the Walsingham way, owing to this being a route much frequented
by pilgrims, or else Watling-street, which was a famous old road, and
probably ran (not as usually said, from Kent to Cardigan Bay, but) from
Kent to the Frith of Forth; see Annals of England, p. 6. The name of Vatlant
Streit (Watling Street) is given to the milky way in the Complaint of
Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 58; and G. Douglas calls it Watling Streit in his
translation of Vergil, Æn. iii. 516, though there is no mention of it in the
original; see Small's edition of the Works of G. Douglas, vol. ii. p. 151. And
again, it is called Wadlyng Strete in Henrysoun's Traite of Orpheus; see
Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary. So also: 'Galaxia, that is Watling-Strete';
Batman on Bartholome, lib. viii. c. 33. See my note to P. Plowman, C. i. 52;
Florence of Worcester, sub anno 1013; Laws of Edward the Confessor, cap.
12; Towneley Myst., p. 308; Cutts, Scenes, &c. of the Middle Ages, p. 178;
Grimm's Mythology, tr. by Stallybras, i. 357.
942. Gower also relates this story (Conf. Amant. ii. 34), calling the sun
Phebus, and his son Pheton, and using carte in the sense of 'chariot,' as
Chaucer does. Both copy from Ovid, Metam. ii. 32-328.
944. Cart-hors, chariot-horses (plural). There were four horses, named
Pyroeïs, Eous, Aethon, and Phlegon; Met. ii. 153. Hence gonne and beren
are in the plural form; cf. l. 952.
948. Scorpioun, the well-known zodiacal constellation and sign; called
Scorpius in Ovid, Met. ii. 196.
Page 394
972. Boece, Boethius. He refers to the passage which he himself thus
translates: 'I have, forsothe, swifte fetheres that surmounten the heighte of
the hevene. Whan the swifte thought hath clothed it-self in tho fetheres, it
dispyseth the hateful erthes, and surmounteth the roundnesse of the greet
ayr; and it seeth the cloudes behinde his bak'; bk. iv. met. 1. Hence, in l.
973, Ten Brink (Studien, p. 186) proposes to read—'That wryteth, Thought
may flee so hye.'
981, 2. Imitated from 2 Cor. xii. 2.
985. Marcian. Cf. C. T., E 1732 (March. Tale):—
'Hold thou thy pees, thou poete
Marcian,
That wrytest us that ilke wedding
murie
Of hir, Philologye, and him,
Mercurie.'
Martianus Minneus Felix Capella was a satirist of the fifth century, and
wrote the Nuptials of Mercury and Philology, De Nuptiis inter Mercurium
et Philologiam, above referred to. It consists of two books, followed by
seven books on the Seven Sciences; see Warton's Hist. E. Poetry, ed. 1871,
iii. 77. 'Book viii (l. 857) gives a hint of the true system of astronomy. It is
quoted by Copernicus'; Gilman.
986. Anteclaudian. The Anticlaudianus is a Latin poem by Alanus de
Insulis, who also wrote the De Planctu Naturæ, alluded to in the Parl. of
Foules, 316 (see note). This poem is printed in Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets,
ed. Wright, pp. 268 428; see, in particular, Distinctio Quarta, capp. 5-8, and
Distinctio Quinta, cap. 1; pp. 338-347. It is from this poem that Chaucer
probably borrowed the curious word citizein (l. 930) as applied to the eyrish
bestes (l. 932). Thus, at pp. 338, 360 of Wright's edition, we find—
'Vestigans, videt intuitu meliore
vagantes
translates: 'I have, forsothe, swifte fetheres that surmounten the heighte of
the hevene. Whan the swifte thought hath clothed it-self in tho fetheres, it
dispyseth the hateful erthes, and surmounteth the roundnesse of the greet
ayr; and it seeth the cloudes behinde his bak'; bk. iv. met. 1. Hence, in l.
973, Ten Brink (Studien, p. 186) proposes to read—'That wryteth, Thought
may flee so hye.'
981, 2. Imitated from 2 Cor. xii. 2.
985. Marcian. Cf. C. T., E 1732 (March. Tale):—
'Hold thou thy pees, thou poete
Marcian,
That wrytest us that ilke wedding
murie
Of hir, Philologye, and him,
Mercurie.'
Martianus Minneus Felix Capella was a satirist of the fifth century, and
wrote the Nuptials of Mercury and Philology, De Nuptiis inter Mercurium
et Philologiam, above referred to. It consists of two books, followed by
seven books on the Seven Sciences; see Warton's Hist. E. Poetry, ed. 1871,
iii. 77. 'Book viii (l. 857) gives a hint of the true system of astronomy. It is
quoted by Copernicus'; Gilman.
986. Anteclaudian. The Anticlaudianus is a Latin poem by Alanus de
Insulis, who also wrote the De Planctu Naturæ, alluded to in the Parl. of
Foules, 316 (see note). This poem is printed in Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets,
ed. Wright, pp. 268 428; see, in particular, Distinctio Quarta, capp. 5-8, and
Distinctio Quinta, cap. 1; pp. 338-347. It is from this poem that Chaucer
probably borrowed the curious word citizein (l. 930) as applied to the eyrish
bestes (l. 932). Thus, at pp. 338, 360 of Wright's edition, we find—
'Vestigans, videt intuitu meliore
vagantes
Page 395
Aerios cives.'
'Hic cives habitant supremi regis in
urbe;
Civibus his servanda datur
respublica coeli.'
So again, ll. 966-969 above may well have been suggested by these lines
(on p. 340), and other similar lines:—
'Aeris excurso spatio, quo nubila
coeli
Nocte sua texunt tenebras, quo
pendula nubes
In se cogit aquas, quo grandinis
ingruit imber,
Quo certant venti, quo fulminis ira
tumescit,
Æthera transgreditur Phronesis.'
1003. Or him or here, or him or her, hero or heroine; e.g. Hercules, Perseus,
Cepheus, Orion; Andromeda, Callisto (the Great Bear), Cassiopeia. Cf. Man
of Lawes Tale, B 460.
1004. Raven, the constellation Corvus; see Ovid, Fasti, ii. 243-266. Either
bere; Ursa Major and Ursa Minor.
1005. Ariones harpe, Arion's harp, the constellation Lyra; Ovid's Fasti, i.
316; ii. 76.
1006. Castor, Pollux; Castor and Pollux; the constellation Gemini. Delphyn,
Lat. Delphin; the constellation Delphin (Ovid, Fasti, i. 457) or Delphinus,
the Dolphin.
'Astris
Delphin
'Hic cives habitant supremi regis in
urbe;
Civibus his servanda datur
respublica coeli.'
So again, ll. 966-969 above may well have been suggested by these lines
(on p. 340), and other similar lines:—
'Aeris excurso spatio, quo nubila
coeli
Nocte sua texunt tenebras, quo
pendula nubes
In se cogit aquas, quo grandinis
ingruit imber,
Quo certant venti, quo fulminis ira
tumescit,
Æthera transgreditur Phronesis.'
1003. Or him or here, or him or her, hero or heroine; e.g. Hercules, Perseus,
Cepheus, Orion; Andromeda, Callisto (the Great Bear), Cassiopeia. Cf. Man
of Lawes Tale, B 460.
1004. Raven, the constellation Corvus; see Ovid, Fasti, ii. 243-266. Either
bere; Ursa Major and Ursa Minor.
1005. Ariones harpe, Arion's harp, the constellation Lyra; Ovid's Fasti, i.
316; ii. 76.
1006. Castor, Pollux; Castor and Pollux; the constellation Gemini. Delphyn,
Lat. Delphin; the constellation Delphin (Ovid, Fasti, i. 457) or Delphinus,
the Dolphin.
'Astris
Delphin
Page 396
a
recepit
Iupiter, et Stellas iussit habere
nouem.'
Ovid's
F
a
s
t
i
,
i
i
.
1
1
7
.
1007. Atlante does not mean Atalanta, but represents Atlante, the ablative
case of Atlas. Chaucer has mistaken the form, having taken the story of the
Pleiades (the seven daughters of Atlas and Pleione) from Ovid's Fasti, v.
83:—
'Hinc sata Pleïone cum coelifero
Atlante
iungitur, ut fama est; Pleïadasque
parit.'
1021. Up the heed, up with your head; look about you.
1022. 'St. Julian (to our speed); lo! (here is) a good hostelry.' The eagle
invokes or praises St. Julian, because they have come to their journey's end,
and the poet may hope for a good reception in the House of Fame. St. Julian
was the patron saint of hospitality; see Chaucer's Prologue, 340. In Le
Roman de la Rose, 8872, I find (cf. note to l. 118 above):—
recepit
Iupiter, et Stellas iussit habere
nouem.'
Ovid's
F
a
s
t
i
,
i
i
.
1
1
7
.
1007. Atlante does not mean Atalanta, but represents Atlante, the ablative
case of Atlas. Chaucer has mistaken the form, having taken the story of the
Pleiades (the seven daughters of Atlas and Pleione) from Ovid's Fasti, v.
83:—
'Hinc sata Pleïone cum coelifero
Atlante
iungitur, ut fama est; Pleïadasque
parit.'
1021. Up the heed, up with your head; look about you.
1022. 'St. Julian (to our speed); lo! (here is) a good hostelry.' The eagle
invokes or praises St. Julian, because they have come to their journey's end,
and the poet may hope for a good reception in the House of Fame. St. Julian
was the patron saint of hospitality; see Chaucer's Prologue, 340. In Le
Roman de la Rose, 8872, I find (cf. note to l. 118 above):—
Page 397
'Ainsinc m'aïst saint Juliens,
Qui pelerins errans herberge.'
In Bell's Chaucer, i. 92, is the following: '"Ce fut celluy Julien qui est requis
de ceux qui cheminent pour avoir bon hostel"; Legende Dorée. Having by
mischance slain his father and mother, as a penance he established a
hospital near a dangerous ford, where he lodged and fed travellers
gratuitously.'
See Tale xviii. in the Gesta Romanorum, in Swan's Translation; Caxton's
Golden Legende; and the Metrical Lives of Saints in MS. Bodley 1596, fol.
4, 'I pray God and St. Julian to send me a good lodging at night'; translation
of Boccaccio, Decam. Second Day, nov. 2; quoted in Swan's tr. of Gesta
Romanorum, p. 372. See Warton, Hist. Eng. Poet., ed. Hazlitt, i. 247; ii. 58.
1024. 'Canst thou not hear that which I hear?'
1034. Peter! By St. Peter; a common exclamation, which Warton amazingly
misunderstood, asserting that Chaucer is here addressed by the name of
Peter (Hist. E. P., ed. Hazlitt, ii. 331, note 6); whereas it is Chaucer himself
who uses the exclamation. The Wyf of Bathe uses it also, C. T., D 446; so
does the Sumpnour, C. T., D 1332; and the wife in the Shipman's Tale, C.
T., B 1404; and see l. 2000 below. See also my note to l. 665 of the Canon's
Yeoman's Tale. But Warton well compares the present passage with Ovid,
Met. xii. 49-52:—
'Nec tamen est clamor, sed paruae
murmura uocis;
qualia de pelagi, si quis procul
audiat, undis
esse solent: qualemve sonum, quum
Iupiter atras
increpuit nubes, extrema tonitrua
reddunt.'
Qui pelerins errans herberge.'
In Bell's Chaucer, i. 92, is the following: '"Ce fut celluy Julien qui est requis
de ceux qui cheminent pour avoir bon hostel"; Legende Dorée. Having by
mischance slain his father and mother, as a penance he established a
hospital near a dangerous ford, where he lodged and fed travellers
gratuitously.'
See Tale xviii. in the Gesta Romanorum, in Swan's Translation; Caxton's
Golden Legende; and the Metrical Lives of Saints in MS. Bodley 1596, fol.
4, 'I pray God and St. Julian to send me a good lodging at night'; translation
of Boccaccio, Decam. Second Day, nov. 2; quoted in Swan's tr. of Gesta
Romanorum, p. 372. See Warton, Hist. Eng. Poet., ed. Hazlitt, i. 247; ii. 58.
1024. 'Canst thou not hear that which I hear?'
1034. Peter! By St. Peter; a common exclamation, which Warton amazingly
misunderstood, asserting that Chaucer is here addressed by the name of
Peter (Hist. E. P., ed. Hazlitt, ii. 331, note 6); whereas it is Chaucer himself
who uses the exclamation. The Wyf of Bathe uses it also, C. T., D 446; so
does the Sumpnour, C. T., D 1332; and the wife in the Shipman's Tale, C.
T., B 1404; and see l. 2000 below. See also my note to l. 665 of the Canon's
Yeoman's Tale. But Warton well compares the present passage with Ovid,
Met. xii. 49-52:—
'Nec tamen est clamor, sed paruae
murmura uocis;
qualia de pelagi, si quis procul
audiat, undis
esse solent: qualemve sonum, quum
Iupiter atras
increpuit nubes, extrema tonitrua
reddunt.'
Page 398
1044. Beten, beat, occurs in MSS. F. and B. But the other reading byten
(bite) seems better. Cf. Troil. iii. 737, and the common saying 'It won't bite
you.'
1048. Cf. Dante, Purg. iii. 67-69. So also Inf. xxxi. 83.
1063. Lyves body, a person alive; lyves is properly an adverb.
1066. Seynte; see note to l. 573. Seynte Clare, Saint Clara, usually Saint
Clare, whose day is Aug. 12. She was an abbess, a disciple of St. Francis,
and died A.D. 1253.
(bite) seems better. Cf. Troil. iii. 737, and the common saying 'It won't bite
you.'
1048. Cf. Dante, Purg. iii. 67-69. So also Inf. xxxi. 83.
1063. Lyves body, a person alive; lyves is properly an adverb.
1066. Seynte; see note to l. 573. Seynte Clare, Saint Clara, usually Saint
Clare, whose day is Aug. 12. She was an abbess, a disciple of St. Francis,
and died A.D. 1253.
Page 399
BOOK III.
1091-1109. Imitated from Dante, Parad. i. 13-27. Compare ll. 1106, 1107,
with Cary's translation—
'If thou to me of thine impart so
much, ...
Thou shalt behold me of thy
favour'd tree
Come to the foot, and crown myself
with leaves.'
And compare l. 1109 with—'Entra nel petto mio.'
1098. This shews that Chaucer occasionally, and intentionally, gives a
syllable too little to the verse. In fact, he does so just below, in l. 1106;
where Thou forms the first foot of the verse, instead of So thou, or And
thou. This failure of the first syllable is common throughout the poem.
1099. And that, i.e. And though that; see l. 1098.
1109. Entreth is the imperative plural; see note to A. B. C. 17.
1114. MSS. cite, cyte (F. citee!); but site in Astrol. pt. ii. 17. 25 (p. 201).
1116. 'Fama tenet, summaque domum sibi legit in arce'; Ovid, Met. xii. 43.
Cf. Dante, Purg. iii. 46-48; also Ovid, Met. ii. 1-5.
1131. 'And swoor hir ooth by Seint Thomas of Kent'; C. T., A 3291. It
alludes to the celebrated shrine of Beket at Canterbury.
1136. Half, side; al the half, all the side of the hill which he was ascending,
which we find was the south side (l. 1152).
1091-1109. Imitated from Dante, Parad. i. 13-27. Compare ll. 1106, 1107,
with Cary's translation—
'If thou to me of thine impart so
much, ...
Thou shalt behold me of thy
favour'd tree
Come to the foot, and crown myself
with leaves.'
And compare l. 1109 with—'Entra nel petto mio.'
1098. This shews that Chaucer occasionally, and intentionally, gives a
syllable too little to the verse. In fact, he does so just below, in l. 1106;
where Thou forms the first foot of the verse, instead of So thou, or And
thou. This failure of the first syllable is common throughout the poem.
1099. And that, i.e. And though that; see l. 1098.
1109. Entreth is the imperative plural; see note to A. B. C. 17.
1114. MSS. cite, cyte (F. citee!); but site in Astrol. pt. ii. 17. 25 (p. 201).
1116. 'Fama tenet, summaque domum sibi legit in arce'; Ovid, Met. xii. 43.
Cf. Dante, Purg. iii. 46-48; also Ovid, Met. ii. 1-5.
1131. 'And swoor hir ooth by Seint Thomas of Kent'; C. T., A 3291. It
alludes to the celebrated shrine of Beket at Canterbury.
1136. Half, side; al the half, all the side of the hill which he was ascending,
which we find was the south side (l. 1152).
Page 400
1152. This suggests that Chaucer, in his travels, had observed a snow-clad
mountain; the snow lies much lower on the north side than on the south
side; see ll. 1160 (which means that it, i.e. the writing, was preserved by the
shade of a castle), 1163, 1164.
1159. What hit made, what caused it, what was the cause of it.
1167-80. This passage somewhat resembles one in Dante, Par. i. 4-12.
1177. Craft, art; cast, plan. Craft, in the MSS., has slipt into l. 1178.
1183. Gyle, Giles; St. Ægidius. His day is Sept. 1; see note to Can. Yem.
Tale, G 1185, where the phrase by seint Gyle recurs.
1189. Babewinnes is certainly meant; it is the pl. of babewin (O. Fr. babuin,
Low Lat. babewynus, F. babouin), now spelt baboon. It was particularly
used of a grotesque figure employed in architectural decoration, as in Early
Eng. Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, B. 1411, where the pl. form is spelt
baboynes, and in Lydgate, Chron. Troy, II. xi; both passages are given in
Murray's Dict., s.v. Baboon. 'Babewyn, or babewen, detippus, ipos,
figmentum, chimera'; Prompt. Parv. 'Babwyne, beest, baboyn'; Palsgrave. In
Shak. Macb. iv. 1. 37—'Coole it with a báboones blood'—the accent on the
a is preserved. The other spellings are inferior or false.
1192. Falle, pres. pl., fall; (or perhaps fallen, the past participle).
1194. Habitacles, niches; such as those which hold images of saints on the
buttresses and pinnacles of our cathedrals. They are described as being al
withoute, all on the outside.
1196. Ful the castel, the castle (being) full, on all sides. This line is
parenthetical.
1197. Understand Somme, some, as nom. to stoden. 'In which stood ...
(some) of every kind of minstrels.' So in l. 1239. As to minstrels, &c., see
mountain; the snow lies much lower on the north side than on the south
side; see ll. 1160 (which means that it, i.e. the writing, was preserved by the
shade of a castle), 1163, 1164.
1159. What hit made, what caused it, what was the cause of it.
1167-80. This passage somewhat resembles one in Dante, Par. i. 4-12.
1177. Craft, art; cast, plan. Craft, in the MSS., has slipt into l. 1178.
1183. Gyle, Giles; St. Ægidius. His day is Sept. 1; see note to Can. Yem.
Tale, G 1185, where the phrase by seint Gyle recurs.
1189. Babewinnes is certainly meant; it is the pl. of babewin (O. Fr. babuin,
Low Lat. babewynus, F. babouin), now spelt baboon. It was particularly
used of a grotesque figure employed in architectural decoration, as in Early
Eng. Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, B. 1411, where the pl. form is spelt
baboynes, and in Lydgate, Chron. Troy, II. xi; both passages are given in
Murray's Dict., s.v. Baboon. 'Babewyn, or babewen, detippus, ipos,
figmentum, chimera'; Prompt. Parv. 'Babwyne, beest, baboyn'; Palsgrave. In
Shak. Macb. iv. 1. 37—'Coole it with a báboones blood'—the accent on the
a is preserved. The other spellings are inferior or false.
1192. Falle, pres. pl., fall; (or perhaps fallen, the past participle).
1194. Habitacles, niches; such as those which hold images of saints on the
buttresses and pinnacles of our cathedrals. They are described as being al
withoute, all on the outside.
1196. Ful the castel, the castle (being) full, on all sides. This line is
parenthetical.
1197. Understand Somme, some, as nom. to stoden. 'In which stood ...
(some) of every kind of minstrels.' So in l. 1239. As to minstrels, &c., see
Page 401
note to Sir Topas (B 2035).
1203. Orpheus, the celebrated minstrel, whose story is in Ovid, Met. x. 1-
85; xi. 1-66. Chaucer again mentions him in C. T., E 1716; and in Troil. iv.
791.
1205. Orion; so in all the copies; put for Arion. His story is in Ovid, Fasti,
ii. 79-118.
Spelt Arione in Gower, Conf. Amant. (end of prologue), ed. Pauli, i. 39. We
might read Arion here; see l. 1005.
1206. Chiron; called Chiro in Gower, C. A. ii. 67 (bk. iv). Chiron, the
centaur, was the tutor of Achilles; and Achilles, being the grandson of
Æacus, was called Æacides; Ovid, Met. xii. 82; Fasti, v. 390. Hence
Eacides is here in the genitive case; and Eacides Chiron means 'Achilles'
Chiron,' i.e. Chiron, tutor of Achilles. In fact, the phrase is copied from
Ovid's Æacidæ Chiron, Art of Love, i. 17. Another name for Chiron is
Phillyrides; Ovid, Art of Love, i. 11; or Philyrides; Verg. Georg. iii. 550; cf.
Ovid, Fasti, v. 391. In a similar way, Chaucer calls the paladin Oliver,
friend of Charles the Great, by the name of Charles Olyuer; Monkes Tale,
B 3577.
1208. Bret, Briton, one of the British. This form is quite correct, being the
A.S. Bret, a Briton (see A.S. Chronicle, an. 491), commonly used in the pl.
Brettas. This correct spelling occurs in MS. B. only; MS. P. turns it into
Bretur, Th. and Cx. read Briton, whilst MS. F. turns Bret into gret, by
altering the first letter. The forms gret and Bretur are clearly corruptions,
whilst Briton spoils the scansion.
Glascurion; the same as Glasgerion, concerning whom see the Ballad in the
Percy Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, i. 246. Of this 'a traditional
version, under the name of Glenkindie, a various form of Glasgerion, is
given in Jamieson's Popular Songs and Ballads, and in Alex. Laing's Thistle
of Scotland (1823).' G. Douglas associates 'Glaskeriane' with Orpheus in his
Palice of Honour, bk. i. (ed. Small, i. 21); this poem is a palpable imitation
1203. Orpheus, the celebrated minstrel, whose story is in Ovid, Met. x. 1-
85; xi. 1-66. Chaucer again mentions him in C. T., E 1716; and in Troil. iv.
791.
1205. Orion; so in all the copies; put for Arion. His story is in Ovid, Fasti,
ii. 79-118.
Spelt Arione in Gower, Conf. Amant. (end of prologue), ed. Pauli, i. 39. We
might read Arion here; see l. 1005.
1206. Chiron; called Chiro in Gower, C. A. ii. 67 (bk. iv). Chiron, the
centaur, was the tutor of Achilles; and Achilles, being the grandson of
Æacus, was called Æacides; Ovid, Met. xii. 82; Fasti, v. 390. Hence
Eacides is here in the genitive case; and Eacides Chiron means 'Achilles'
Chiron,' i.e. Chiron, tutor of Achilles. In fact, the phrase is copied from
Ovid's Æacidæ Chiron, Art of Love, i. 17. Another name for Chiron is
Phillyrides; Ovid, Art of Love, i. 11; or Philyrides; Verg. Georg. iii. 550; cf.
Ovid, Fasti, v. 391. In a similar way, Chaucer calls the paladin Oliver,
friend of Charles the Great, by the name of Charles Olyuer; Monkes Tale,
B 3577.
1208. Bret, Briton, one of the British. This form is quite correct, being the
A.S. Bret, a Briton (see A.S. Chronicle, an. 491), commonly used in the pl.
Brettas. This correct spelling occurs in MS. B. only; MS. P. turns it into
Bretur, Th. and Cx. read Briton, whilst MS. F. turns Bret into gret, by
altering the first letter. The forms gret and Bretur are clearly corruptions,
whilst Briton spoils the scansion.
Glascurion; the same as Glasgerion, concerning whom see the Ballad in the
Percy Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, i. 246. Of this 'a traditional
version, under the name of Glenkindie, a various form of Glasgerion, is
given in Jamieson's Popular Songs and Ballads, and in Alex. Laing's Thistle
of Scotland (1823).' G. Douglas associates 'Glaskeriane' with Orpheus in his
Palice of Honour, bk. i. (ed. Small, i. 21); this poem is a palpable imitation
Page 402
of Chaucer's House of Fame. The name is Celtic, as the epithet Bret implies.
Cf. Irish and Welsh glas, pale.
1213. 'Or as art imitates nature.' Imitated from Le Rom. de la Rose, where
Art asks Nature to teach her; l. 16233 is—
'E la contrefait comme singes.'
1218. There is a similar list of musical instruments in Le Rom. de la Rose,
21285-21308:—
'Puis chalemiaus, et chalemele
Et tabor, et fléute, et timbre ...
Puis prent sa muse, et se travaille
As estives de Cornoaille.'
And in Le Remède de Fortune, by G. de Machault, 1849, p. 87, is a similar
long list:—
'Cornemuses, flaios, chevrettes,
Dousainnes, cimbales, clochettes,
Timbre, la flahute brehaigne,
Et le grant cornet d'Alemaigne,
Flaiot de saus, fistule, pipe'; &c.
And a few lines below there is mention of the muse de blez (see note to l.
1224). Warton, Hist. E. Poet., ed. Hazlitt, iii. 177. quotes a similar passage
from Lydgate's poem entitled Reason and Sensualite, ending with—
'There were trumpes, and
trumpettes,
Lowde shallys [shalmys?] and
doucettes.'
Cf. Irish and Welsh glas, pale.
1213. 'Or as art imitates nature.' Imitated from Le Rom. de la Rose, where
Art asks Nature to teach her; l. 16233 is—
'E la contrefait comme singes.'
1218. There is a similar list of musical instruments in Le Rom. de la Rose,
21285-21308:—
'Puis chalemiaus, et chalemele
Et tabor, et fléute, et timbre ...
Puis prent sa muse, et se travaille
As estives de Cornoaille.'
And in Le Remède de Fortune, by G. de Machault, 1849, p. 87, is a similar
long list:—
'Cornemuses, flaios, chevrettes,
Dousainnes, cimbales, clochettes,
Timbre, la flahute brehaigne,
Et le grant cornet d'Alemaigne,
Flaiot de saus, fistule, pipe'; &c.
And a few lines below there is mention of the muse de blez (see note to l.
1224). Warton, Hist. E. Poet., ed. Hazlitt, iii. 177. quotes a similar passage
from Lydgate's poem entitled Reason and Sensualite, ending with—
'There were trumpes, and
trumpettes,
Lowde shallys [shalmys?] and
doucettes.'
Page 403
Cf. also Spenser, F. Q. vi. 9, 5; Shep. Kal. Feb. 35-40. In the latter passage,
the imitation of ll. 1224-6 is obvious. Cornemuse is a bagpipe; shalmye is a
shawm, which was a wind-instrument, being derived from Lat. calamus, a
reed; Chaucer classes both instruments under pipe. Willert (on the House of
Fame, p. 36) suggests (and, I think, correctly) that doucet and rede are both
adjectival. Thus doucet would refer to pipe; cf. 'Doucet, dulcet, pretty and
sweet, or, a little sweet'; Cotgrave. Rede would also refer to pipe, and would
mean 'made with a reed.' A reed-instrument is one 'in which the sound was
produced by the vibration of a reed, as in the clarionet or hautboys'; note in
Bell's Chaucer. There is no instrument properly called a doucet in Old
French, but only dousainne (see above) and doucine (Godefroy).
1222. Brede, roast meat; A.S. brǽde, glossed by 'assura, vel assatura' in
Ælfric's Glossary, ed. Wülcker, col. 127, l. 17. Cf. G. Braten. Not elsewhere
in Chaucer, but found in other authors.
'To meit was greithed beef and
motoun,
Bredes, briddes, and venysoun.'
Kyng Alisaunder, ed.
Weber, 5248.
In the allit. Morte Arthure, it occurs no less than five times. Also in
Havelok, l. 98, where the interpretation 'bread' is wrong. Also in
Altenglische Dichtungen, ed. Böddeker, p. 146, l. 47—'Cud as Cradoc in
court that carf the brede,' i.e. carved the roast meat; but the glossary does
not explain it. The scribe of MS. F. turns brede into bride, regardless of the
rime. I cannot agree with the wholly groundless conjecture of Willert, who
reads rude in l. 1221, in order to force brude into the text. For minstrelsy at
feasts, see C. T., A 2197.
1223. Cf. G. Douglas, tr. of Vergil, Æn. vii. 513, 4:—'And in ane bowand
horne, at hir awyne will, A feindlych hellis voce scho lyltis schyll.'
1224. Alluding to the simple pipes fashioned by rustics. The glossary to
Machault's Works (1849) has: 'Muse de blez, chalumeau fait avec des brins
the imitation of ll. 1224-6 is obvious. Cornemuse is a bagpipe; shalmye is a
shawm, which was a wind-instrument, being derived from Lat. calamus, a
reed; Chaucer classes both instruments under pipe. Willert (on the House of
Fame, p. 36) suggests (and, I think, correctly) that doucet and rede are both
adjectival. Thus doucet would refer to pipe; cf. 'Doucet, dulcet, pretty and
sweet, or, a little sweet'; Cotgrave. Rede would also refer to pipe, and would
mean 'made with a reed.' A reed-instrument is one 'in which the sound was
produced by the vibration of a reed, as in the clarionet or hautboys'; note in
Bell's Chaucer. There is no instrument properly called a doucet in Old
French, but only dousainne (see above) and doucine (Godefroy).
1222. Brede, roast meat; A.S. brǽde, glossed by 'assura, vel assatura' in
Ælfric's Glossary, ed. Wülcker, col. 127, l. 17. Cf. G. Braten. Not elsewhere
in Chaucer, but found in other authors.
'To meit was greithed beef and
motoun,
Bredes, briddes, and venysoun.'
Kyng Alisaunder, ed.
Weber, 5248.
In the allit. Morte Arthure, it occurs no less than five times. Also in
Havelok, l. 98, where the interpretation 'bread' is wrong. Also in
Altenglische Dichtungen, ed. Böddeker, p. 146, l. 47—'Cud as Cradoc in
court that carf the brede,' i.e. carved the roast meat; but the glossary does
not explain it. The scribe of MS. F. turns brede into bride, regardless of the
rime. I cannot agree with the wholly groundless conjecture of Willert, who
reads rude in l. 1221, in order to force brude into the text. For minstrelsy at
feasts, see C. T., A 2197.
1223. Cf. G. Douglas, tr. of Vergil, Æn. vii. 513, 4:—'And in ane bowand
horne, at hir awyne will, A feindlych hellis voce scho lyltis schyll.'
1224. Alluding to the simple pipes fashioned by rustics. The glossary to
Machault's Works (1849) has: 'Muse de blez, chalumeau fait avec des brins
Page 404
de paille.' The O.F. estive, in the quotation in the note to l. 1218, has a like
sense. Godefroy has: 'estive, espèce de flûte, de flageolet ou pipeau
rustique, qui venait, ce semble, de Cornouaille.' Cf. the term corne-pipe, in
the Complaint of Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 65, l. 22; also my note to R. Rose,
4250 (vol. i. p. 436).
1227-8. Nothing is known as to Atiteris (or Cytherus); nor as to Pseustis (or
Proserus). The forms are doubtless corrupt; famous musicians or poets seem
to have been intended. I shall venture, however, to record my guess, that
Atiteris represents Tyrtaeus, and that Pseustis is meant for Thespis. Both are
mentioned by Horace (Ars Poet. 276, 402); and Thespis was a native of
Attica, whose plays were acted at Athens. Another guess is that Atiteris
means Vergil's Tityrus; Athenæum, Apr. 13, 1889. Willert suggests that there
is here an allusion to the so-called Ecloga Theoduli, a Latin poem of the
seventh or eighth century, wherein the shepherd Pseustis and the
shepherdess Alithia [who represent Falsehood and Truth] contend about
heathendom and Christianity; and Pseustis adduces various myths and tales,
from Ovid, Vergil, and Statius. He refers us to H. Dunger, Die Sage v. troj.
Kriege in den Bearbeitungen des Mittelalters: Dresden, 1869, p. 76; cf.
Leyser, Hist. Poet. Medii Aevi, p. 295. This only accounts for Pseustis;
Atiteris can hardly be Alithia.
1229. This is a curious example of how names are corrupted. Marcia is
Dante's Marsia, mentioned in the very passage which Chaucer partly
imitates in ll. 1091-1109 above. Dante addresses Apollo in the words—
'Entra nel petto mio, e spira tue
Si come quando Marsia traesti
Della vagina delle membra sue.'
As Chaucer had here nothing to guide him to the gender of Marsia, he
guessed the name to be feminine, from its termination; and Dante actually
has Marzia (Inf. iv. 128), with reference to Marcia, wife of Cato. But
Dante's Marsia represents the accus. case of Marsyas, or else the Lat. nom.
Marsya, which also occurs. Ovid, Met. vi. 400, has 'Marsya nomen habet,'
sense. Godefroy has: 'estive, espèce de flûte, de flageolet ou pipeau
rustique, qui venait, ce semble, de Cornouaille.' Cf. the term corne-pipe, in
the Complaint of Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 65, l. 22; also my note to R. Rose,
4250 (vol. i. p. 436).
1227-8. Nothing is known as to Atiteris (or Cytherus); nor as to Pseustis (or
Proserus). The forms are doubtless corrupt; famous musicians or poets seem
to have been intended. I shall venture, however, to record my guess, that
Atiteris represents Tyrtaeus, and that Pseustis is meant for Thespis. Both are
mentioned by Horace (Ars Poet. 276, 402); and Thespis was a native of
Attica, whose plays were acted at Athens. Another guess is that Atiteris
means Vergil's Tityrus; Athenæum, Apr. 13, 1889. Willert suggests that there
is here an allusion to the so-called Ecloga Theoduli, a Latin poem of the
seventh or eighth century, wherein the shepherd Pseustis and the
shepherdess Alithia [who represent Falsehood and Truth] contend about
heathendom and Christianity; and Pseustis adduces various myths and tales,
from Ovid, Vergil, and Statius. He refers us to H. Dunger, Die Sage v. troj.
Kriege in den Bearbeitungen des Mittelalters: Dresden, 1869, p. 76; cf.
Leyser, Hist. Poet. Medii Aevi, p. 295. This only accounts for Pseustis;
Atiteris can hardly be Alithia.
1229. This is a curious example of how names are corrupted. Marcia is
Dante's Marsia, mentioned in the very passage which Chaucer partly
imitates in ll. 1091-1109 above. Dante addresses Apollo in the words—
'Entra nel petto mio, e spira tue
Si come quando Marsia traesti
Della vagina delle membra sue.'
As Chaucer had here nothing to guide him to the gender of Marsia, he
guessed the name to be feminine, from its termination; and Dante actually
has Marzia (Inf. iv. 128), with reference to Marcia, wife of Cato. But
Dante's Marsia represents the accus. case of Marsyas, or else the Lat. nom.
Marsya, which also occurs. Ovid, Met. vi. 400, has 'Marsya nomen habet,'
Page 405
and tells the story. Apollo defeated the satyr Marsyas in a trial of musical
skill, and afterwards flayed him alive; so that he 'lost his skin.'
1231. Envyën (accent on y), vie with, challenge (at a sport). So strong is the
accent on the y, that the word has been reduced in E. to the clipped form
'vie; see Vie in my Etym. Dict. It represents Lat. inuitare, to challenge; and
has nothing to do with E. envy. Florio's Ital. Dict. has: 'Inuito, a vie at play,
a vie at any game; also an inuiting.'
1234. 'Pipers of every Dutch (German) tongue.'
1236. Reyes, round dances, dances in a ring. The term is Dutch. Hexham's
Du. Dict. (1658), has: een Rey, or een Reye, a Daunce, or a round Daunce';
and 'reyen, to Daunce, or to lead a Daunce.' Cf. G. Reihen, a dance,
Reihentanz, a circular dance; M.H.G. reie, reige; which does not seem to be
connected, as might be thought, with G. Reihe, a row; see Kluge and
Weigand. Perhaps the Du. word was borrowed from O.F. rei, roi, order,
whence also the syllable -ray in E. ar-ray; and the G. word may have been
borrowed from the Dutch; but this is a guess. 'I can daunce the raye';
Barclay's First Egloge, sig. A ii. ed. 1570; quoted in Dyce's Skelton, ii. 194.
1239. Understand Somme, some; see note to l. 1197. The expression blody
soun recurs in Kn. Tale, A 2512, in connection with trumpe and clarioun.
Our author explains his meaning here; ll. 1241-2.
1243. Missenus, Misenus, son of Æolus, trumpeter to Hector, and
subsequently to Æneas; Verg. Æn. iii. 239; vi. 162-170.
1245. Joab and Theodomas are again mentioned together in a like passage
in the Merch. Tale (C. T., E 1719). 'Joab blew a trumpet'; 2 Sam. ii. 28;
xviii. 16; xx. 22. Theodomas is said by Chaucer (Merch. Tale) to have
blown a trumpet 'At Thebes, when the citee was in doute.' He was therefore
a trumpeter mentioned in some legendary history of Thebes. With this hint,
it is easy to identify him with Thiodamas, mentioned in books viii. and x. of
the Thebaid of Statius. He succeeded Amphiaraus as augur, and furiously
excited the besiegers to attack Thebes. His invocation was succeeded by a
skill, and afterwards flayed him alive; so that he 'lost his skin.'
1231. Envyën (accent on y), vie with, challenge (at a sport). So strong is the
accent on the y, that the word has been reduced in E. to the clipped form
'vie; see Vie in my Etym. Dict. It represents Lat. inuitare, to challenge; and
has nothing to do with E. envy. Florio's Ital. Dict. has: 'Inuito, a vie at play,
a vie at any game; also an inuiting.'
1234. 'Pipers of every Dutch (German) tongue.'
1236. Reyes, round dances, dances in a ring. The term is Dutch. Hexham's
Du. Dict. (1658), has: een Rey, or een Reye, a Daunce, or a round Daunce';
and 'reyen, to Daunce, or to lead a Daunce.' Cf. G. Reihen, a dance,
Reihentanz, a circular dance; M.H.G. reie, reige; which does not seem to be
connected, as might be thought, with G. Reihe, a row; see Kluge and
Weigand. Perhaps the Du. word was borrowed from O.F. rei, roi, order,
whence also the syllable -ray in E. ar-ray; and the G. word may have been
borrowed from the Dutch; but this is a guess. 'I can daunce the raye';
Barclay's First Egloge, sig. A ii. ed. 1570; quoted in Dyce's Skelton, ii. 194.
1239. Understand Somme, some; see note to l. 1197. The expression blody
soun recurs in Kn. Tale, A 2512, in connection with trumpe and clarioun.
Our author explains his meaning here; ll. 1241-2.
1243. Missenus, Misenus, son of Æolus, trumpeter to Hector, and
subsequently to Æneas; Verg. Æn. iii. 239; vi. 162-170.
1245. Joab and Theodomas are again mentioned together in a like passage
in the Merch. Tale (C. T., E 1719). 'Joab blew a trumpet'; 2 Sam. ii. 28;
xviii. 16; xx. 22. Theodomas is said by Chaucer (Merch. Tale) to have
blown a trumpet 'At Thebes, when the citee was in doute.' He was therefore
a trumpeter mentioned in some legendary history of Thebes. With this hint,
it is easy to identify him with Thiodamas, mentioned in books viii. and x. of
the Thebaid of Statius. He succeeded Amphiaraus as augur, and furiously
excited the besiegers to attack Thebes. His invocation was succeeded by a
Page 406
great sound of trumpets (Theb. viii. 343), to which Chaucer here refers. But
Statius does not expressly say that Thiodamas blew a trumpet himself.
1248. Cataloigne and Aragon, Catalonia and Arragon, in Spain,
immediately to the S. of the Pyrenees. Warton remarks: 'The martial
musicians of English tournaments, so celebrated in story, were a more
natural and obvious allusion for an English poet'; Hist. E. P. ii. 331. The
remark is, I think, entirely out of place. Chaucer is purposely taking a wide
range; and, after mentioning even the pipers of the Dutch tongue, as well as
Joab of Judæa and Thiodamas of Thebes, is quite consistent in mentioning
the musicians of Spain.
1257. Repeated, at greater length, in C. T., Group B, ll. 19-28; see note to
that passage.
1259. Iogelours, jugglers. See Squi. Tale, F 219.
1260. Tregetours; see C. T., F 1141, on which Tyrwhitt has a long note. A
jogelour was one who amused people, either by playing, singing, dancing,
or tricks requiring sleight of hand; a tregetour was one who brought about
elaborate illusions, by the help of machinery or mechanical contrivance.
Thus Chaucer tells us (in the Frank. Tale, as above) that tregetoures even
caused to appear, in a dining-hall, a barge floating in water, or what seemed
like a lion, or a vine with grapes upon it, or a castle built of lime and stone;
which vanished at their pleasure. Sir John Maundeville, in his Travels, ch.
22, declares that the 'enchanters' of the Grand Khan could turn day into
night, or cause visions of damsels dancing or carrying cups of gold, or of
knights justing; 'and many other thinges thei don, be craft of hire
Enchauntementes; that it is marveyle for to see.' See note to l. 1277 below.
Gawain Douglas imitates this passage in his Palice of Honour; see his
Works, ed. Small, i. 65.
1261. Phitonesses, pythonesses. The witch of Endor is called a phitonesse
in the Freres Tale, C. T., D 1510; and in Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. iv, ed.
Pauli, ii. 66; in Barbour's Bruce, ed. Skeat, iv. 753; and in Skelton's Phyllyp
Sparowe, 1345. The Vulgate version has mulier pythonem habens, 1 Sam.
Statius does not expressly say that Thiodamas blew a trumpet himself.
1248. Cataloigne and Aragon, Catalonia and Arragon, in Spain,
immediately to the S. of the Pyrenees. Warton remarks: 'The martial
musicians of English tournaments, so celebrated in story, were a more
natural and obvious allusion for an English poet'; Hist. E. P. ii. 331. The
remark is, I think, entirely out of place. Chaucer is purposely taking a wide
range; and, after mentioning even the pipers of the Dutch tongue, as well as
Joab of Judæa and Thiodamas of Thebes, is quite consistent in mentioning
the musicians of Spain.
1257. Repeated, at greater length, in C. T., Group B, ll. 19-28; see note to
that passage.
1259. Iogelours, jugglers. See Squi. Tale, F 219.
1260. Tregetours; see C. T., F 1141, on which Tyrwhitt has a long note. A
jogelour was one who amused people, either by playing, singing, dancing,
or tricks requiring sleight of hand; a tregetour was one who brought about
elaborate illusions, by the help of machinery or mechanical contrivance.
Thus Chaucer tells us (in the Frank. Tale, as above) that tregetoures even
caused to appear, in a dining-hall, a barge floating in water, or what seemed
like a lion, or a vine with grapes upon it, or a castle built of lime and stone;
which vanished at their pleasure. Sir John Maundeville, in his Travels, ch.
22, declares that the 'enchanters' of the Grand Khan could turn day into
night, or cause visions of damsels dancing or carrying cups of gold, or of
knights justing; 'and many other thinges thei don, be craft of hire
Enchauntementes; that it is marveyle for to see.' See note to l. 1277 below.
Gawain Douglas imitates this passage in his Palice of Honour; see his
Works, ed. Small, i. 65.
1261. Phitonesses, pythonesses. The witch of Endor is called a phitonesse
in the Freres Tale, C. T., D 1510; and in Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. iv, ed.
Pauli, ii. 66; in Barbour's Bruce, ed. Skeat, iv. 753; and in Skelton's Phyllyp
Sparowe, 1345. The Vulgate version has mulier pythonem habens, 1 Sam.
Page 407
xxviii. 7 (cf. Acts xvi. 16); but also the very word pythonissam in 1 Chron.
x. 13, where the witch of Endor is again referred to. Ducange notices
phitonissa as another spelling of pythonissa.
1266. Cf. Chaucer's Prologue, 417-420. There is a parallel passage in
Dante, Inf. xx. 116-123, where the word imago occurs in the sense of
'waxen image.' This of course refers to the practice of sticking needles into
a waxen image, with the supposed effect of injuring the person represented.
See Ovid, Heroid. vi. 91, and Ben Jonson's Masque of Queens (3rd Charm).
But this is only a particular case of a much more general principle. Images
of men or animals (or even of the things representing the zodiacal signs)
could be made of various substances, according to the effect intended; and
by proper treatment were supposed to cause good or evil to the patient, as
required. Much could be done, it was supposed, by choosing the right time
for making them, or for subjecting them to celestial influences. To know the
right time, it was necessary to observe the ascendent (see note to l. 1268).
See much jargon on this subject in Cornelius Agrippa, De Occulta
Philosophia, lib. ii. capp. 35-47.
1268. The ascendent is that point of the zodiacal circle which is seen to be
just ascending above the horizon at a given moment. Chaucer defines it in
his Treatise on the Astrolabe, and adds that astrologers, in calculating
horoscopes, were in the habit of giving it a wider meaning; they further
reckoned in 5 degrees of the zodiac above the horizon, and 25 degrees
below the ascending point, so as to make the whole ascendent occupy 30
degrees, which was the length of a 'sign.' In calculating nativities, great
importance was attached to this ascendent, the astrological concomitants of
which determined the horoscope. The phrase to be 'in the ascendant' is still
in use. Thus in certeyn ascendentes is equivalent to 'in certain positions of
the heavens, at a given time,' such as the time of one's birth, or the time for
making an image (see last note). See p. 191 (above).
1271. Medea, the famous wife of Jason, who restored her father Æson to
youth by her magical art; Ovid, Met. vii. 162. Gower tells the whole story,
C. A. bk. v. ed. Pauli, ii. 259.
x. 13, where the witch of Endor is again referred to. Ducange notices
phitonissa as another spelling of pythonissa.
1266. Cf. Chaucer's Prologue, 417-420. There is a parallel passage in
Dante, Inf. xx. 116-123, where the word imago occurs in the sense of
'waxen image.' This of course refers to the practice of sticking needles into
a waxen image, with the supposed effect of injuring the person represented.
See Ovid, Heroid. vi. 91, and Ben Jonson's Masque of Queens (3rd Charm).
But this is only a particular case of a much more general principle. Images
of men or animals (or even of the things representing the zodiacal signs)
could be made of various substances, according to the effect intended; and
by proper treatment were supposed to cause good or evil to the patient, as
required. Much could be done, it was supposed, by choosing the right time
for making them, or for subjecting them to celestial influences. To know the
right time, it was necessary to observe the ascendent (see note to l. 1268).
See much jargon on this subject in Cornelius Agrippa, De Occulta
Philosophia, lib. ii. capp. 35-47.
1268. The ascendent is that point of the zodiacal circle which is seen to be
just ascending above the horizon at a given moment. Chaucer defines it in
his Treatise on the Astrolabe, and adds that astrologers, in calculating
horoscopes, were in the habit of giving it a wider meaning; they further
reckoned in 5 degrees of the zodiac above the horizon, and 25 degrees
below the ascending point, so as to make the whole ascendent occupy 30
degrees, which was the length of a 'sign.' In calculating nativities, great
importance was attached to this ascendent, the astrological concomitants of
which determined the horoscope. The phrase to be 'in the ascendant' is still
in use. Thus in certeyn ascendentes is equivalent to 'in certain positions of
the heavens, at a given time,' such as the time of one's birth, or the time for
making an image (see last note). See p. 191 (above).
1271. Medea, the famous wife of Jason, who restored her father Æson to
youth by her magical art; Ovid, Met. vii. 162. Gower tells the whole story,
C. A. bk. v. ed. Pauli, ii. 259.
Page 408
1272. Circes, Circe, the enchantress; Homer's Odyssey, bk. x; Ovid, Met.
xiv. Ovid frequently has the form Circes, in the gen. case; Met. xiv. 10, 69,
71, 247, 294. Cf. Chaucer's Boethius, b. iv. met. 3. 24.
Calipsa, Calypso, the nymph who detained Ulysses in an island; Odyssey,
bk. i; Ovid, ex Ponto, iv. 10. 13.
1273. Hermes is mentioned in the Can. Yeom. Tale, C. T., Group G, 1434,
where the reference is to Hermes Trismegistus, fabled to have been the
founder of alchemy, though none of the works ascribed to him are really
his. The name Balenus occurs, in company with the names of Medea and
Circe, in the following passage of the Rom. de la Rose, l. 14599:—
'Que ja riens d'enchantement croie,
Ne sorcerie, ne charroie,
Ne Balenus, ne sa science,
Ne magique, ne nigromance, ...
Onques ne pot tenir Medée
Jason por nul enchantement;
N'onc Circe ne tint ensement
Ulixes qu'il ne s'enfoïst,' &c.
(Charroie is the dance of witches on their sabbath.) Hermes Ballenus is
really a compound name, the true significance of which was pointed out to
me by Prof. Cowell, and explained in my letter to The Academy, Apr. 27,
1889, p. 287. Ballenus is 'the sage Belinous,' who discovered, beneath a
statue of Hermes, a book containing all the secrets of the universe. Hence
Hermes' Ballenus (where Hermes is an epithet) means 'Belinous, who
adopted the philosophy of Hermes.' For an explanation of the whole matter,
see the fourth volume of the Notices et Mémoires des Manuscrits de la
Bibliothèque du Roi, p. 107. In this there is an article by De Sacy,
describing MS. Arabe de la Bibl. du Roi, no. 959, the title of which is 'Le
Livre du Secret de la Creature, par le sage Belinous.' Belinous possessed the
art of talismans, which he professed to have learnt from Hermes. There is
some reason for identifying him with Apollonius of Tyana.
xiv. Ovid frequently has the form Circes, in the gen. case; Met. xiv. 10, 69,
71, 247, 294. Cf. Chaucer's Boethius, b. iv. met. 3. 24.
Calipsa, Calypso, the nymph who detained Ulysses in an island; Odyssey,
bk. i; Ovid, ex Ponto, iv. 10. 13.
1273. Hermes is mentioned in the Can. Yeom. Tale, C. T., Group G, 1434,
where the reference is to Hermes Trismegistus, fabled to have been the
founder of alchemy, though none of the works ascribed to him are really
his. The name Balenus occurs, in company with the names of Medea and
Circe, in the following passage of the Rom. de la Rose, l. 14599:—
'Que ja riens d'enchantement croie,
Ne sorcerie, ne charroie,
Ne Balenus, ne sa science,
Ne magique, ne nigromance, ...
Onques ne pot tenir Medée
Jason por nul enchantement;
N'onc Circe ne tint ensement
Ulixes qu'il ne s'enfoïst,' &c.
(Charroie is the dance of witches on their sabbath.) Hermes Ballenus is
really a compound name, the true significance of which was pointed out to
me by Prof. Cowell, and explained in my letter to The Academy, Apr. 27,
1889, p. 287. Ballenus is 'the sage Belinous,' who discovered, beneath a
statue of Hermes, a book containing all the secrets of the universe. Hence
Hermes' Ballenus (where Hermes is an epithet) means 'Belinous, who
adopted the philosophy of Hermes.' For an explanation of the whole matter,
see the fourth volume of the Notices et Mémoires des Manuscrits de la
Bibliothèque du Roi, p. 107. In this there is an article by De Sacy,
describing MS. Arabe de la Bibl. du Roi, no. 959, the title of which is 'Le
Livre du Secret de la Creature, par le sage Belinous.' Belinous possessed the
art of talismans, which he professed to have learnt from Hermes. There is
some reason for identifying him with Apollonius of Tyana.
Page 409
1274. Lymote, according to Warton, is Limotheus; but he omits to tell us
where he found such a name; and the suggestion seems no better than his
mistake of supposing Calipsa (l. 1272) to mean the muse Calliope!
Considering that he is mentioned in company with Simon Magus, or Simon
the magician (Acts viii. 9), the suggestion of Prof. Hales seems probable,
viz. that Lymote or Lymete (as in F.) means Elymas the sorcerer (Acts xiii.
8).
1275. 'I saw, and knew by name, those that,' &c.
1277. Colle tregetour, Colle the juggler; see l. 1260. Colle is here a proper
name, and distinct from the prefix col- in col-fox, Non. Pr. Tale, B 4405.
Colle is the name of a dog; Non. Pr. Tale, B 4573. Colyn and Colle are
names of grooms; Polit. Songs, p. 237. Tyrwhitt quotes a passage from The
Testament of Love, bk. ii:—'Buserus [Busiris] slew his gestes, and he was
slayne of Hercules his gest. Hugest betraished many menne, and of Collo
was he betraied'; ed. 1561, fol. 301, col. 2. With regard to tregetour, see the
account of the performances of Eastern jugglers in Yule's edition of Marco
Polo; vol. i. p. 342, and note 9 to Bk. i. c. 61. Col. Yule cites the O.F. forms
tregiteor and entregetour; also Ital. tragettatore, a juggler, and Prov.
trasjitar, trajitar, to juggle. Bartsch, in his Chrestomathie Française, has
examples of trasgeter, to mould, form, tresgeteïs, a work of mechanical art;
and, in his Chrestomathie Provençale, col. 82, has the lines—
'Non saps balar ni tras-gitar
a guiza de juglar guascon';
i.e. thou know'st not how to dance, nor how to juggle, after the manner of a
Gascon juggler. A comparison of the forms leaves no doubt as to the
etymology. The Prov. trasgitar answers to a Low Lat. form trans-iectare =
tra-iectare, frequentative of Lat. trans-icere, tra-icere, to throw across,
transfer, cause to pass. Thus, the orig. sense of tregetour was one who
causes rapid changes, by help of some mechanical contrivance. The F.
trajecter, to ferry, transport, in Cotgrave, is the same word as the Prov.
trasgitar, in a different (but allied) sense.
where he found such a name; and the suggestion seems no better than his
mistake of supposing Calipsa (l. 1272) to mean the muse Calliope!
Considering that he is mentioned in company with Simon Magus, or Simon
the magician (Acts viii. 9), the suggestion of Prof. Hales seems probable,
viz. that Lymote or Lymete (as in F.) means Elymas the sorcerer (Acts xiii.
8).
1275. 'I saw, and knew by name, those that,' &c.
1277. Colle tregetour, Colle the juggler; see l. 1260. Colle is here a proper
name, and distinct from the prefix col- in col-fox, Non. Pr. Tale, B 4405.
Colle is the name of a dog; Non. Pr. Tale, B 4573. Colyn and Colle are
names of grooms; Polit. Songs, p. 237. Tyrwhitt quotes a passage from The
Testament of Love, bk. ii:—'Buserus [Busiris] slew his gestes, and he was
slayne of Hercules his gest. Hugest betraished many menne, and of Collo
was he betraied'; ed. 1561, fol. 301, col. 2. With regard to tregetour, see the
account of the performances of Eastern jugglers in Yule's edition of Marco
Polo; vol. i. p. 342, and note 9 to Bk. i. c. 61. Col. Yule cites the O.F. forms
tregiteor and entregetour; also Ital. tragettatore, a juggler, and Prov.
trasjitar, trajitar, to juggle. Bartsch, in his Chrestomathie Française, has
examples of trasgeter, to mould, form, tresgeteïs, a work of mechanical art;
and, in his Chrestomathie Provençale, col. 82, has the lines—
'Non saps balar ni tras-gitar
a guiza de juglar guascon';
i.e. thou know'st not how to dance, nor how to juggle, after the manner of a
Gascon juggler. A comparison of the forms leaves no doubt as to the
etymology. The Prov. trasgitar answers to a Low Lat. form trans-iectare =
tra-iectare, frequentative of Lat. trans-icere, tra-icere, to throw across,
transfer, cause to pass. Thus, the orig. sense of tregetour was one who
causes rapid changes, by help of some mechanical contrivance. The F.
trajecter, to ferry, transport, in Cotgrave, is the same word as the Prov.
trasgitar, in a different (but allied) sense.
Page 410
1292. 'As is the usual way with reports.'
1295. Accent Which and so.
1297. 'And yet it was wrought by haphazard quite as often as by heed.'
1300. To longe, too long; not 'to dwell long.' The barbarous practice of
inserting an adverb between to and an infinitive, as in 'to ungrammatically
talk,' is of later date, though less modern than we might perhaps imagine.
Cf. l. 1354.
1302. Elide the former Ne; read N'of.
1303. Read—Ne hów they hátt' in másonéries; i.e. nor how they are named
in masonry, as, for example, corbets full of imageries. They hatte, i.e. they
are called, was turned into hakking, and the sense lost.
1304. Corbets, corbels. Florio's Ital. Dict. has, 'Corbella, Corbetta, a little
basket'; shewing the equivalence of such forms. The E. corbel is the same
word as O.F. corbel (F. corbeau), apparently from the Lat. coruus. The
spelling with z (= ts) in MSS. F. and B. shews that the form is really
corbetts or corbets, not corbelles. Spenser has the simple form corb; F. Q.
iv. 10. 6:—
'It was a bridge ybuilt in goodly
wise
With curious corbes and pendants
graven faire.'
'A Corbel, Corbet, or Corbill in masonrie, is a iutting out like a bragget
[bracket] as carpenters call it, or shouldering-peece in timber-work';
Minsheu's Dict. ed. 1627. Tyrwhitt explains corbets by 'niches for statues';
but 'imageries' are not necessarily statues or images, but rather specimens of
carved work.
1295. Accent Which and so.
1297. 'And yet it was wrought by haphazard quite as often as by heed.'
1300. To longe, too long; not 'to dwell long.' The barbarous practice of
inserting an adverb between to and an infinitive, as in 'to ungrammatically
talk,' is of later date, though less modern than we might perhaps imagine.
Cf. l. 1354.
1302. Elide the former Ne; read N'of.
1303. Read—Ne hów they hátt' in másonéries; i.e. nor how they are named
in masonry, as, for example, corbets full of imageries. They hatte, i.e. they
are called, was turned into hakking, and the sense lost.
1304. Corbets, corbels. Florio's Ital. Dict. has, 'Corbella, Corbetta, a little
basket'; shewing the equivalence of such forms. The E. corbel is the same
word as O.F. corbel (F. corbeau), apparently from the Lat. coruus. The
spelling with z (= ts) in MSS. F. and B. shews that the form is really
corbetts or corbets, not corbelles. Spenser has the simple form corb; F. Q.
iv. 10. 6:—
'It was a bridge ybuilt in goodly
wise
With curious corbes and pendants
graven faire.'
'A Corbel, Corbet, or Corbill in masonrie, is a iutting out like a bragget
[bracket] as carpenters call it, or shouldering-peece in timber-work';
Minsheu's Dict. ed. 1627. Tyrwhitt explains corbets by 'niches for statues';
but 'imageries' are not necessarily statues or images, but rather specimens of
carved work.
Page 411
1309. 'A bounty! a bounty! hold up (your hands) well (to catch it).' Sir W.
Scott explains largesse as 'the cry with which heralds and pursuivants were
wont to acknowledge the bounty received from the knights'; note to
Marmion, canto i. St. 11. The word is still in use amongst gleaners in East
Anglia; see my note to P. Plowman, C. viii. 109.
1311. In Anglia, xiv. 236, Dr. Köppell points out some resemblances
between the present poem and Boccaccio's Amorosa Visione. He compares
this line with the A. V. vi. 75:—'Io son la Gloria del popol mondano.'
1316, 7. Kinges, i.e. kings-at-arms; losenges, lozenges (with g as j).
1326. Cote-armure, surcoat; see Way's note in Prompt. Parv.
1329-35. Imitated from Rom. Rose, 6762-4.
1330. Been aboute, used like the old phrase go about.
1342-6. Cf. Boccaccio, Amorosa Visione, iv. 9:—'Ed in una gran sala ci
trovammo; Chiara era e bella e risplendente d'oro.'
1346. Wikke, poor, much alloyed.
1352. Lapidaire, 'a treatise on precious stones, so entitled; probably a
French translation of the Latin poem of Marbodus De Gemmis, which is
frequently cited by the name of Lapidarius; Fabricius, Bibl. Med. Æt., in v.
Marbodus'; Tyrwhitt's Glossary. The Lapidarium of Abbot Marbodus
(Marbœuf), composed about 1070-80, is chiefly taken from Pliny and
Solinus. A translation in English verse is given in King's Antique Gems. See
note to l. 1363 below. There is some account of several precious stones in
Philip de Thaun's Bestiary, printed in Wright's Popular Treatises on Science;
at p. 127 he refers to the Lapidaire. Vincent of Beauvais refers to it
repeatedly, in book viii. of his Speculum Naturale. There is a note about this
in Warton, Hist. E. P. ed. 1871, ii. 324. And see note to l. 1363.
Scott explains largesse as 'the cry with which heralds and pursuivants were
wont to acknowledge the bounty received from the knights'; note to
Marmion, canto i. St. 11. The word is still in use amongst gleaners in East
Anglia; see my note to P. Plowman, C. viii. 109.
1311. In Anglia, xiv. 236, Dr. Köppell points out some resemblances
between the present poem and Boccaccio's Amorosa Visione. He compares
this line with the A. V. vi. 75:—'Io son la Gloria del popol mondano.'
1316, 7. Kinges, i.e. kings-at-arms; losenges, lozenges (with g as j).
1326. Cote-armure, surcoat; see Way's note in Prompt. Parv.
1329-35. Imitated from Rom. Rose, 6762-4.
1330. Been aboute, used like the old phrase go about.
1342-6. Cf. Boccaccio, Amorosa Visione, iv. 9:—'Ed in una gran sala ci
trovammo; Chiara era e bella e risplendente d'oro.'
1346. Wikke, poor, much alloyed.
1352. Lapidaire, 'a treatise on precious stones, so entitled; probably a
French translation of the Latin poem of Marbodus De Gemmis, which is
frequently cited by the name of Lapidarius; Fabricius, Bibl. Med. Æt., in v.
Marbodus'; Tyrwhitt's Glossary. The Lapidarium of Abbot Marbodus
(Marbœuf), composed about 1070-80, is chiefly taken from Pliny and
Solinus. A translation in English verse is given in King's Antique Gems. See
note to l. 1363 below. There is some account of several precious stones in
Philip de Thaun's Bestiary, printed in Wright's Popular Treatises on Science;
at p. 127 he refers to the Lapidaire. Vincent of Beauvais refers to it
repeatedly, in book viii. of his Speculum Naturale. There is a note about this
in Warton, Hist. E. P. ed. 1871, ii. 324. And see note to l. 1363.
Page 412
1360. Dees, daïs; see the note to Prol. 370, in vol. v. Lines 1360-7 may be
compared with various passages in Boccaccio's Amorosa Visione, which
describe a lady in a rich vesture, seated on a royal throne:—
'Tutti li soprastava veramente
Di ricche pietre coronata e d'oro' ...
'Il suo vestire a guisa imperiale
Era, e teneva nella man sinestra
Un pomo d'oro; e'n trono alla reale
Vidi sedeva' ...
'Odi: che mai natura con sua arte
Forma non diede a si bella figura' ...
'Donna pareva li leggiadra e pura'....
See Am. Vis. vi. 49, 58, 43, 48. See note to l. 1311 above.
1361. The reading Sit would mean 'sitteth' or 'sits'; the reading Sat would
mean 'sat.' Both are wrong; the construction is sitte I saugh = I saugh sitte, I
saw sit; so that sitte is the infin. mood.
1363. Carbuncle. Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Nat bk. viii. c. 51, has:
'Carbunculus, qui et Græcè anthrax dicitur, vulgariter rubith.' An account of
the Carbunculus is given in King's Natural History of Precious Stones and
Gems. He remarks that the ruby 'must also be included among the numerous
species of the carbunculus described by Pliny, although he gives the first
rank to the Carbunculi amethystizontes, our Almandines or Garnets of
Siam.' See also his Antique Gems, where he translates sect. 23 of the
Lapidarium of Marbodus thus:—
'The Carbuncle eclipses by its blaze
All shining gems, and casts its fiery
rays
Like to the burning coal; whence
comes its name,
Among the Greeks as Anthrax
known to fame.
compared with various passages in Boccaccio's Amorosa Visione, which
describe a lady in a rich vesture, seated on a royal throne:—
'Tutti li soprastava veramente
Di ricche pietre coronata e d'oro' ...
'Il suo vestire a guisa imperiale
Era, e teneva nella man sinestra
Un pomo d'oro; e'n trono alla reale
Vidi sedeva' ...
'Odi: che mai natura con sua arte
Forma non diede a si bella figura' ...
'Donna pareva li leggiadra e pura'....
See Am. Vis. vi. 49, 58, 43, 48. See note to l. 1311 above.
1361. The reading Sit would mean 'sitteth' or 'sits'; the reading Sat would
mean 'sat.' Both are wrong; the construction is sitte I saugh = I saugh sitte, I
saw sit; so that sitte is the infin. mood.
1363. Carbuncle. Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Nat bk. viii. c. 51, has:
'Carbunculus, qui et Græcè anthrax dicitur, vulgariter rubith.' An account of
the Carbunculus is given in King's Natural History of Precious Stones and
Gems. He remarks that the ruby 'must also be included among the numerous
species of the carbunculus described by Pliny, although he gives the first
rank to the Carbunculi amethystizontes, our Almandines or Garnets of
Siam.' See also his Antique Gems, where he translates sect. 23 of the
Lapidarium of Marbodus thus:—
'The Carbuncle eclipses by its blaze
All shining gems, and casts its fiery
rays
Like to the burning coal; whence
comes its name,
Among the Greeks as Anthrax
known to fame.
Page 413
Not e'en by darkness quenched, its
vigour tires;
Still at the gazer's eye it darts its
fires;
A numerous race; within the Lybian
ground
Twelve kinds by mining
Troglydytes are found.'
1368-76. Cf. Boethius, in Chaucer's translation; bk. i. pr. 1, ll. 8-13 (vol. ii.
p. 2).
1376. Sterres sevene, the seven planets.
1380. Tolde, counted; observe this sense.
1383. Bestes foure, four beasts; Rev. iv. 6. Cf. Dante, Purg. xxix. 92.
1386. Thynne remarks that oundy, i.e. wavy, is a term in heraldry; cf. E. ab-
ound, red-ound, surr-ound (for sur-ound); all from Lat. unda. Cf. Chaucer's
use of ounded in Troilus, iv. 736, and Le Roman de la Rose, 21399,
21400:—
'Et voit ses biaus crins blondoians
Comme undes ensemble ondoians.'
1390. 'And tongues, as (there are) hairs on animals.' 'Her feet are furnished
with partridge-wings to denote swiftness, as the partridge is remarkable for
running with great swiftness with outstretched wings. This description is
taken almost literally from the description of Fame in the Æneid [iv. 176-
183], except the allusion to the Apocalypse and the partridge-wings'; note in
Bell's Chaucer. But it is to be feared that Chaucer simply blundered, and
mistook Vergil's pernicibus as having the sense of perdicibus; cf. 'pedibus
celerem et pernicibus alis'; Aen. iv. 180.
vigour tires;
Still at the gazer's eye it darts its
fires;
A numerous race; within the Lybian
ground
Twelve kinds by mining
Troglydytes are found.'
1368-76. Cf. Boethius, in Chaucer's translation; bk. i. pr. 1, ll. 8-13 (vol. ii.
p. 2).
1376. Sterres sevene, the seven planets.
1380. Tolde, counted; observe this sense.
1383. Bestes foure, four beasts; Rev. iv. 6. Cf. Dante, Purg. xxix. 92.
1386. Thynne remarks that oundy, i.e. wavy, is a term in heraldry; cf. E. ab-
ound, red-ound, surr-ound (for sur-ound); all from Lat. unda. Cf. Chaucer's
use of ounded in Troilus, iv. 736, and Le Roman de la Rose, 21399,
21400:—
'Et voit ses biaus crins blondoians
Comme undes ensemble ondoians.'
1390. 'And tongues, as (there are) hairs on animals.' 'Her feet are furnished
with partridge-wings to denote swiftness, as the partridge is remarkable for
running with great swiftness with outstretched wings. This description is
taken almost literally from the description of Fame in the Æneid [iv. 176-
183], except the allusion to the Apocalypse and the partridge-wings'; note in
Bell's Chaucer. But it is to be feared that Chaucer simply blundered, and
mistook Vergil's pernicibus as having the sense of perdicibus; cf. 'pedibus
celerem et pernicibus alis'; Aen. iv. 180.
Page 414
1400. Caliopee, Calliope the muse; her eight sisters are the other Muses.
With ll. 1395-1405 cf. Dante, Par. xxiii. 97-111.
1411. Read—Bóth-e th'ármes. Armes, i.e. coats of arms. Name, name
engraved on a plate or written on a scroll.
1413. Alexander; see Monkes Tale, in C. T., B 3821. Hercules; see the
same; the story of the shirt is given in B 3309-3324. In Le Roman de la
Rose, l. 9238, it is called 'la venimeuse chemise.' Cf. Dante, Inf. xii. 68.
1431. Lede, lead, the metal of Saturn; yren, iron, the metal of Mars. See
note to Can. Yeom. Tale, G 820, and ll. 827, 828 of the same; also ll. 1446,
1448 below.
1433. Read—Th'Ebráyk Jósephús. In a note on Gower's Conf. Amantis,
Warton remarks—'Josephus, on account of his subject, had long been
placed almost on a level with the Bible. He is seated on the first pillar in
Chaucer's House of Fame. His Jewish History, translated into Latin by
Rufinus in the fourth century, had given rise to many old poems and
romances; and his Maccabaics, or History of the seven Maccabees,
martyred with their father Eleazar under the persecution of Antiochus
Epiphanes, a separate work translated also by Rufinus, produced the Judas
Maccabee of Belleperche in the year 1240, and at length enrolled the
Maccabees among the most illustrious heroes of romance.'—ed. Hazlitt, iii.
26.
1436. Iewerye, kingdom of the Jews; cf. Prior. Tale, B 1679.
1437. Who the other seven are, we can but guess; the reference seems to be
to Jewish historians. Perhaps we may include Moses, Joshua, Samuel,
Isaiah, Daniel, Nehemiah; and, in any case, Ezra. The number seven was
probably taken at random. With l. 1447 cf. Troil. ii. 630.
1450. Wheel, orbit. The orbit of Saturn is the largest of the (old) seven
planets; see Kn. Tale, 1596 (A 2454). The reason why Josephus is placed
upon Saturn's metal, is because history records so many unhappy casualties,
With ll. 1395-1405 cf. Dante, Par. xxiii. 97-111.
1411. Read—Bóth-e th'ármes. Armes, i.e. coats of arms. Name, name
engraved on a plate or written on a scroll.
1413. Alexander; see Monkes Tale, in C. T., B 3821. Hercules; see the
same; the story of the shirt is given in B 3309-3324. In Le Roman de la
Rose, l. 9238, it is called 'la venimeuse chemise.' Cf. Dante, Inf. xii. 68.
1431. Lede, lead, the metal of Saturn; yren, iron, the metal of Mars. See
note to Can. Yeom. Tale, G 820, and ll. 827, 828 of the same; also ll. 1446,
1448 below.
1433. Read—Th'Ebráyk Jósephús. In a note on Gower's Conf. Amantis,
Warton remarks—'Josephus, on account of his subject, had long been
placed almost on a level with the Bible. He is seated on the first pillar in
Chaucer's House of Fame. His Jewish History, translated into Latin by
Rufinus in the fourth century, had given rise to many old poems and
romances; and his Maccabaics, or History of the seven Maccabees,
martyred with their father Eleazar under the persecution of Antiochus
Epiphanes, a separate work translated also by Rufinus, produced the Judas
Maccabee of Belleperche in the year 1240, and at length enrolled the
Maccabees among the most illustrious heroes of romance.'—ed. Hazlitt, iii.
26.
1436. Iewerye, kingdom of the Jews; cf. Prior. Tale, B 1679.
1437. Who the other seven are, we can but guess; the reference seems to be
to Jewish historians. Perhaps we may include Moses, Joshua, Samuel,
Isaiah, Daniel, Nehemiah; and, in any case, Ezra. The number seven was
probably taken at random. With l. 1447 cf. Troil. ii. 630.
1450. Wheel, orbit. The orbit of Saturn is the largest of the (old) seven
planets; see Kn. Tale, 1596 (A 2454). The reason why Josephus is placed
upon Saturn's metal, is because history records so many unhappy casualties,
Page 415
such as Saturn's influence was supposed to cause. All this is fully explained
in the Kn. Tale, 1597-1611 (A 2455-69).
1457. Yren, the metal of Mars; see note to l. 1431.
1459. This allusion to 'tiger's blood' is curious; but is fully accounted for by
the account of the two tigers in bk. vii. of the Thebaid. A peace had nearly
been made up between the Thebans and the other Greeks, when two tigers,
sacred to Bacchus, broke loose, and killed three men. They were soon
wounded by Aconteus, whereupon 'They fly, and flying, draw upon the
plain A bloody line'; according to Lewis's translation. They fall and die, but
are avenged; and so the whole war was renewed. Lydgate reduces the two
tigers to one; see his chapter 'Of a tame Tigre dwelling in Thebes'; in part 3
of his Sege of Thebes.
1460. Stace (as in Troil. bk. v, near the end, and Kn. Tale, A 2294) is
Publius Papinius Statius, who died A.D. 96, author of the Thebais and
Achilleis (see l. 1463), the latter being left incomplete. Tholosan means
Toulousan, or inhabitant of Toulouse; and he is here so called because by
some (including Dante, whom Chaucer follows) he was incorrectly
supposed to have been a native of Toulouse. He was born at Naples, A.D. 61.
Dante calls him Tolosano in Purg. xxi. 89, on which Cary remarks:
—'Dante, as many others have done, confounds Statius the poet, who was a
Neapolitan, with a rhetorican of the same name, who was of Tolosa or
Thoulouse. Thus Chaucer; and Boccaccio, as cited by Lombardi: "E Stazio
di Tolosa ancora caro"; Amorosa Vis. cant. 5.'
Dr. Köppell quotes the last passage, from Boccaccio, Am. Vis. v. 34, in
Anglia, xiv. 237, and shews that other passages in the same resemble other
lines in the Hous of Fame. See notes to ll. 1311, 1342, 1360, 1483, 1487,
and 1499.
1463. 'Cantai di Tebe, e poi del grande Achille'; Dante, Purg. xxi. 92.
1466. Omeer, Homer; see ll. 1477-1480 below.
in the Kn. Tale, 1597-1611 (A 2455-69).
1457. Yren, the metal of Mars; see note to l. 1431.
1459. This allusion to 'tiger's blood' is curious; but is fully accounted for by
the account of the two tigers in bk. vii. of the Thebaid. A peace had nearly
been made up between the Thebans and the other Greeks, when two tigers,
sacred to Bacchus, broke loose, and killed three men. They were soon
wounded by Aconteus, whereupon 'They fly, and flying, draw upon the
plain A bloody line'; according to Lewis's translation. They fall and die, but
are avenged; and so the whole war was renewed. Lydgate reduces the two
tigers to one; see his chapter 'Of a tame Tigre dwelling in Thebes'; in part 3
of his Sege of Thebes.
1460. Stace (as in Troil. bk. v, near the end, and Kn. Tale, A 2294) is
Publius Papinius Statius, who died A.D. 96, author of the Thebais and
Achilleis (see l. 1463), the latter being left incomplete. Tholosan means
Toulousan, or inhabitant of Toulouse; and he is here so called because by
some (including Dante, whom Chaucer follows) he was incorrectly
supposed to have been a native of Toulouse. He was born at Naples, A.D. 61.
Dante calls him Tolosano in Purg. xxi. 89, on which Cary remarks:
—'Dante, as many others have done, confounds Statius the poet, who was a
Neapolitan, with a rhetorican of the same name, who was of Tolosa or
Thoulouse. Thus Chaucer; and Boccaccio, as cited by Lombardi: "E Stazio
di Tolosa ancora caro"; Amorosa Vis. cant. 5.'
Dr. Köppell quotes the last passage, from Boccaccio, Am. Vis. v. 34, in
Anglia, xiv. 237, and shews that other passages in the same resemble other
lines in the Hous of Fame. See notes to ll. 1311, 1342, 1360, 1483, 1487,
and 1499.
1463. 'Cantai di Tebe, e poi del grande Achille'; Dante, Purg. xxi. 92.
1466. Omeer, Homer; see ll. 1477-1480 below.
Page 416
1467. In Chaucer's Troil. i. 146, is the line—'In Omer, or in Dares, or in
Dyte.' Dares means Dares Phrygius; and Tytus is doubtless intended for the
same person as Dyte, i.e. Dictys Cretensis. See the account in Warton, Hist.
E. Poet., ed. Hazlitt, ii. 127, beginning:—'But the Trojan story was still kept
alive in two Latin pieces, which passed under the names of Dares Phrygius
and Dictys Cretensis,' &c.; and further in vol. iii. p. 81. The chief source of
the romantic histories of Troy in the middle ages is the Roman de Troie by
Benoit de Sainte-Maure, which appeared between 1175 and 1185, and has
lately been edited by M. Joly. This was copied by Guido delle Colonne (see
note to l. 1469 below), who pretended, nevertheless, to follow Dares and
Dictys. Chaucer cites Dares and Dictys at second-hand, from Guido.
1468. Lollius; evidently supposed by Chaucer to be a writer on the Trojan
war. See Tyrwhitt's note on the words the boke of Troilus, as occurring at
the end of the Persones Tale. Chaucer twice quotes Lollius in Troilus, viz. in
bk. i. 394 and bk. v. 1653. At the beginning of sect. xiv of his Hist. of Eng.
Poetry, Warton shews that there was a Lollius Urbicus among the Historici
Latini profani of the third century; 'but this could not be Chaucer's Lollius;
... none of his works remain.' The difficulty has never been wholly cleared
up; we know, however, that the Troilus is chiefly taken from Boccaccio's
Filostrato, just as his Knight's Tale is chiefly taken from Boccaccio's
Teseide. My idea of the matter is that, in the usual mode of appealing to old
authorities, Chaucer refers us (not to Boccaccio, whom he does not
mention, but) to the authorities whom he supposed Boccaccio must have
followed. Accordingly, in his Troilus, he mentions Homer, Dares, Dictys,
and Lollius, though he probably knew next to nothing of any one of these
authors. On this account, the suggestion made by Dr. Latham (Athenæum,
Oct. 3, 1868, p. 433) seems quite reasonable, viz. that he got the idea that
Lollius wrote on the Trojan war by misunderstanding the lines of Horace,
Epist. i. 2:—
'Troiani belli scriptorem, maxime
Lolli,
Dum tu declamas Romæ, Præneste
relegi.'
Dyte.' Dares means Dares Phrygius; and Tytus is doubtless intended for the
same person as Dyte, i.e. Dictys Cretensis. See the account in Warton, Hist.
E. Poet., ed. Hazlitt, ii. 127, beginning:—'But the Trojan story was still kept
alive in two Latin pieces, which passed under the names of Dares Phrygius
and Dictys Cretensis,' &c.; and further in vol. iii. p. 81. The chief source of
the romantic histories of Troy in the middle ages is the Roman de Troie by
Benoit de Sainte-Maure, which appeared between 1175 and 1185, and has
lately been edited by M. Joly. This was copied by Guido delle Colonne (see
note to l. 1469 below), who pretended, nevertheless, to follow Dares and
Dictys. Chaucer cites Dares and Dictys at second-hand, from Guido.
1468. Lollius; evidently supposed by Chaucer to be a writer on the Trojan
war. See Tyrwhitt's note on the words the boke of Troilus, as occurring at
the end of the Persones Tale. Chaucer twice quotes Lollius in Troilus, viz. in
bk. i. 394 and bk. v. 1653. At the beginning of sect. xiv of his Hist. of Eng.
Poetry, Warton shews that there was a Lollius Urbicus among the Historici
Latini profani of the third century; 'but this could not be Chaucer's Lollius;
... none of his works remain.' The difficulty has never been wholly cleared
up; we know, however, that the Troilus is chiefly taken from Boccaccio's
Filostrato, just as his Knight's Tale is chiefly taken from Boccaccio's
Teseide. My idea of the matter is that, in the usual mode of appealing to old
authorities, Chaucer refers us (not to Boccaccio, whom he does not
mention, but) to the authorities whom he supposed Boccaccio must have
followed. Accordingly, in his Troilus, he mentions Homer, Dares, Dictys,
and Lollius, though he probably knew next to nothing of any one of these
authors. On this account, the suggestion made by Dr. Latham (Athenæum,
Oct. 3, 1868, p. 433) seems quite reasonable, viz. that he got the idea that
Lollius wrote on the Trojan war by misunderstanding the lines of Horace,
Epist. i. 2:—
'Troiani belli scriptorem, maxime
Lolli,
Dum tu declamas Romæ, Præneste
relegi.'
Page 417
See Ten Brink, Studien, p. 87. This supposition becomes almost a certainty
when we observe how often medieval writers obtained their information
from MSS. containing short extracts. Chaucer clearly never read Horace at
all; he merely stumbled on a very few extracts from him in notebooks. In
this way, he may easily have met with the first line above, apart from its
context. Cf. vol. ii. pp. lii, liii.
1469. Guido delle Colonne, or Guido de Columnis (not da Colonna),
finished his translation or version of Benoit de Sainte-Maure's Roman de
Troie in the year 1287. His work is called Historia Troiana. The 'Geste
Hystoriale' of the Destruction of Troy, edited by Panton and Donaldson for
the Early English Text Society, is a translation of Guido's Historia into
Middle English alliterative verse. See Warton, Hist. E. P., ed. Hazlitt, iii. 81;
and Introd. to vol. ii. pp. liv-lxv.
1470. Gaufride, Geoffrey, viz. Geoffrey of Monmouth, who died A.D. 1154,
and wrote a History of the Britons in Latin, full of extravagant but lively
fictions, which was completed in 1147; see Morley's Hist. E. Writers, i. 496.
He is rightly mentioned among the writers who 'bore up Troy,' because he
makes the Britons the descendants of Æneas. See note below.
1477. Oon seyde, one (of them) said. Guido was one of those who said this;
this appears from the Gest Hystoriale above mentioned, which was
translated from Guido; see ll. 41-47, and 10312-10329 of Panton and
Donaldson's edition. Guido asserts, for example, that Achilles slew Hector
by treachery, and not, as Homer says, in fair fight; and Chaucer asserts the
same, Troil. v. 1560. The fact is, that the Latin races declined to accept an
account which did not sufficiently praise the Trojans, whom they regarded
as their ancestors. Geoffrey of Monmouth ingeniously followed up this
notion, by making the Trojans also the ancestors of the ancient Britons.
Hence English writers followed on the same side; Lydgate, as well as
Chaucer, exclaims against Homer. See Warton, ed. Hazlitt, iii. 82. But
Dante exalts Homer above Horace, Ovid, and Lucan: Inf. iv. 88.
1482. 'Homer's iron is admirably represented as having been by Virgil
covered over with tin'; note in Bell's Chaucer.
when we observe how often medieval writers obtained their information
from MSS. containing short extracts. Chaucer clearly never read Horace at
all; he merely stumbled on a very few extracts from him in notebooks. In
this way, he may easily have met with the first line above, apart from its
context. Cf. vol. ii. pp. lii, liii.
1469. Guido delle Colonne, or Guido de Columnis (not da Colonna),
finished his translation or version of Benoit de Sainte-Maure's Roman de
Troie in the year 1287. His work is called Historia Troiana. The 'Geste
Hystoriale' of the Destruction of Troy, edited by Panton and Donaldson for
the Early English Text Society, is a translation of Guido's Historia into
Middle English alliterative verse. See Warton, Hist. E. P., ed. Hazlitt, iii. 81;
and Introd. to vol. ii. pp. liv-lxv.
1470. Gaufride, Geoffrey, viz. Geoffrey of Monmouth, who died A.D. 1154,
and wrote a History of the Britons in Latin, full of extravagant but lively
fictions, which was completed in 1147; see Morley's Hist. E. Writers, i. 496.
He is rightly mentioned among the writers who 'bore up Troy,' because he
makes the Britons the descendants of Æneas. See note below.
1477. Oon seyde, one (of them) said. Guido was one of those who said this;
this appears from the Gest Hystoriale above mentioned, which was
translated from Guido; see ll. 41-47, and 10312-10329 of Panton and
Donaldson's edition. Guido asserts, for example, that Achilles slew Hector
by treachery, and not, as Homer says, in fair fight; and Chaucer asserts the
same, Troil. v. 1560. The fact is, that the Latin races declined to accept an
account which did not sufficiently praise the Trojans, whom they regarded
as their ancestors. Geoffrey of Monmouth ingeniously followed up this
notion, by making the Trojans also the ancestors of the ancient Britons.
Hence English writers followed on the same side; Lydgate, as well as
Chaucer, exclaims against Homer. See Warton, ed. Hazlitt, iii. 82. But
Dante exalts Homer above Horace, Ovid, and Lucan: Inf. iv. 88.
1482. 'Homer's iron is admirably represented as having been by Virgil
covered over with tin'; note in Bell's Chaucer.
Page 418
1483. There is a similar mention of Vergil in Boccaccio, Amorosa Visione,
v. 7. See note to l. 1460.
1487. Ovide, Ovid; from whom perhaps Chaucer borrows more than from
any other Latin writer. He stands on a pillar of copper, the metal sacred to
Venus. See note to l. 820 of Can. Yeom. Tale. And cf. Boccaccio, Amorosa
Visione, v. 25: 'Eravi Ovidio, lo quale poetando Iscrisse tanti versi per
amore.'
1494. High the (as in F.) is an error for highthe, height; Cx. Th. have heyght.
Read highte, as in l. 744.
1499. Lucan; alluding to Lucan's Pharsalia, which narrates the war between
Cæsar and Pompey. See Man of Lawes Tale, B 401; Monkes Tale, De
Caesare, B 3909 (and note), and a fourth mention of him in Troilus, v. 1792.
There is an English translation by Rowe. Cf. Boccaccio, Amorosa Visione,
v. 19: 'A' quai Lucan seguitava, ne' cui Atti parea ch'ancora la battaglia Di
Cesare narrasse, e di colui Magno Pompeo chiamato.'
1509. Claudius Claudianus, in the fourth century, wrote a poem De Raptu
Proserpinæ, alluded to here and in the Merchant's Tale (C. T., E 2232), and
several other pieces. See note to Parl. Foules, 99.
1512. Imitated from Dante, Inf. ix. 44: 'Della regina dell' eterno pianto.'
1519. Write, wrote; pt. t. pl. Highte, were named.
1521. Perhaps from Dante, Inf. xvi. 1, which Cary translates:—
'Now came I where the water's din
was heard,...
Resounding like the hum of
swarming bees,
When forth together issued from a
troop,' &c.
v. 7. See note to l. 1460.
1487. Ovide, Ovid; from whom perhaps Chaucer borrows more than from
any other Latin writer. He stands on a pillar of copper, the metal sacred to
Venus. See note to l. 820 of Can. Yeom. Tale. And cf. Boccaccio, Amorosa
Visione, v. 25: 'Eravi Ovidio, lo quale poetando Iscrisse tanti versi per
amore.'
1494. High the (as in F.) is an error for highthe, height; Cx. Th. have heyght.
Read highte, as in l. 744.
1499. Lucan; alluding to Lucan's Pharsalia, which narrates the war between
Cæsar and Pompey. See Man of Lawes Tale, B 401; Monkes Tale, De
Caesare, B 3909 (and note), and a fourth mention of him in Troilus, v. 1792.
There is an English translation by Rowe. Cf. Boccaccio, Amorosa Visione,
v. 19: 'A' quai Lucan seguitava, ne' cui Atti parea ch'ancora la battaglia Di
Cesare narrasse, e di colui Magno Pompeo chiamato.'
1509. Claudius Claudianus, in the fourth century, wrote a poem De Raptu
Proserpinæ, alluded to here and in the Merchant's Tale (C. T., E 2232), and
several other pieces. See note to Parl. Foules, 99.
1512. Imitated from Dante, Inf. ix. 44: 'Della regina dell' eterno pianto.'
1519. Write, wrote; pt. t. pl. Highte, were named.
1521. Perhaps from Dante, Inf. xvi. 1, which Cary translates:—
'Now came I where the water's din
was heard,...
Resounding like the hum of
swarming bees,
When forth together issued from a
troop,' &c.
Page 419
1527. Cf. Ovid, Met. xii. 53: 'Atria turba tenent; ueniunt leue uulgus,
euntque.'
1530. Alles-kinnes is in the gen. sing., and Of governs condiciouns; thus the
line is equivalent to—'Of conditions of every kind'; whereas modern
English uses—'Of every kind of condition.' This peculiar idiom was
formerly common; and precisely similar to it is the phrase noskinnes, for
which see note to l. 1794. Observe that the phrase is oddly written alle
skynnes in MS. F., by a misdivision of the words. So in Piers Plowman, A.
ii. 175, we have the phrase for eny kunnes yiftus, for gifts of any kind,
where one MS. has any skynes. In my note to P. Plowman, C. xi. 128, I give
numerous examples, with references, of phrases such as none kynnes riche,
many kynnes maneres, summes kunnes wise, what kyns schape, &c.
1550. 'Those that did pray her for her favour.'
1564. 'Because it does not please me.'
1570. I here alter Vpon peyne to Vp peyne, as the former will not scan, and
the latter is the usual idiom. See up peyne in Kn. Tale, A 1707, 2543; Man
of Lawes Tale, B 795, 884. Cf. vp the toft, upon the toft, P. Plowman, B. i.
12; vp erthe, upon earth, id. B. ix. 99.
1571. Cf. Rom. Rose, 18206—'Car Eolus, li diex des vens.' From Vergil,
Æn. i. 52; cf. Ovid, Met. xiv. 223, where Æolus is said to reign over the
Tuscan sea. The connection of Æolus with Thrace is not obvious; cf. l.
1585. Ovid, however, has 'Threicio Borea'; Art. Am. ii. 431. And see
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 382.
1596. Took to, delivered to. Triton, Triton; imitated from Ovid, Met. i. 333,
where Neptune calls Triton, and bids him sound his 'shell,' the sound of
which resounded everywhere.
1598. We rarely find to used after leet; the usual formula is leet go. But cf.
leet to glyde in Cant. Ta., F 1415. Or read to-go, to-glyde.
euntque.'
1530. Alles-kinnes is in the gen. sing., and Of governs condiciouns; thus the
line is equivalent to—'Of conditions of every kind'; whereas modern
English uses—'Of every kind of condition.' This peculiar idiom was
formerly common; and precisely similar to it is the phrase noskinnes, for
which see note to l. 1794. Observe that the phrase is oddly written alle
skynnes in MS. F., by a misdivision of the words. So in Piers Plowman, A.
ii. 175, we have the phrase for eny kunnes yiftus, for gifts of any kind,
where one MS. has any skynes. In my note to P. Plowman, C. xi. 128, I give
numerous examples, with references, of phrases such as none kynnes riche,
many kynnes maneres, summes kunnes wise, what kyns schape, &c.
1550. 'Those that did pray her for her favour.'
1564. 'Because it does not please me.'
1570. I here alter Vpon peyne to Vp peyne, as the former will not scan, and
the latter is the usual idiom. See up peyne in Kn. Tale, A 1707, 2543; Man
of Lawes Tale, B 795, 884. Cf. vp the toft, upon the toft, P. Plowman, B. i.
12; vp erthe, upon earth, id. B. ix. 99.
1571. Cf. Rom. Rose, 18206—'Car Eolus, li diex des vens.' From Vergil,
Æn. i. 52; cf. Ovid, Met. xiv. 223, where Æolus is said to reign over the
Tuscan sea. The connection of Æolus with Thrace is not obvious; cf. l.
1585. Ovid, however, has 'Threicio Borea'; Art. Am. ii. 431. And see
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 382.
1596. Took to, delivered to. Triton, Triton; imitated from Ovid, Met. i. 333,
where Neptune calls Triton, and bids him sound his 'shell,' the sound of
which resounded everywhere.
1598. We rarely find to used after leet; the usual formula is leet go. But cf.
leet to glyde in Cant. Ta., F 1415. Or read to-go, to-glyde.
Page 420
1618. Wite is badly spelt wete or wote in the MS. copies; but the very phrase
wite ye what occurs in C. T., E 2431. However, Ch. certainly uses the phrase
ye woot instead of ye wite, more than once.
1640. Overthrowe, be overthrown; as in the Tale of Gamelin, 512. Cf.
Melibeus, B 2755.
1643. A pelet was a stone ball, such as used to be fired from the earliest
kind of cannon, of which this is a very early mention. See my glossary to P.
Plowman (Clar. Press).
1670. Lat goon, let go, lay aside.
1702. The word turned, which is dissyllabic, has evidently been substituted
here in the printed editions and in MS. P. for the older and rare word clew,
which does not occur elsewhere in Chaucer. The line means—'With that
(therupon) I rubbed my head all round'; which is a rustic way of expressing
perplexity. The verb clawen, to scratch, stroke, is not uncommon, but the
usual pt. t. is clawed. We find, however, at least one other example of the
strong form of the past tense in the Seven Sages, ed. Weber, l. 925—He
clew the bor on the rigge,' he stroked the boar on the back, and made him go
to sleep; cf. 'thi maister the clawes,' i.e. your master strokes you, to flatter
you, in l. 937 of the same. Chaucer has, 'to clawen [rub] him on his hele'
[heel], Troil. iv. 728; 'he clawed him on the bak,' he stroked him on the
back, to encourage him, Cook's Prol., A 4326 (where clew would suit the
line better). See claw in Jamieson's Scot. Dict.
1708. 'They would not give a leek.' Cf. 'dere ynough a leek'; Can. Yeom.
Tale, Group G, 795.
1740. 'Although no brooch or ring was ever sent us.'
1742-4. 'Nor was it once intended in their heart to make us even friendly
cheer, but they might (i.e. were ready to) bring us to our bier'; i.e. so far
from caring to please us, they would be satisfied to see us dead.
wite ye what occurs in C. T., E 2431. However, Ch. certainly uses the phrase
ye woot instead of ye wite, more than once.
1640. Overthrowe, be overthrown; as in the Tale of Gamelin, 512. Cf.
Melibeus, B 2755.
1643. A pelet was a stone ball, such as used to be fired from the earliest
kind of cannon, of which this is a very early mention. See my glossary to P.
Plowman (Clar. Press).
1670. Lat goon, let go, lay aside.
1702. The word turned, which is dissyllabic, has evidently been substituted
here in the printed editions and in MS. P. for the older and rare word clew,
which does not occur elsewhere in Chaucer. The line means—'With that
(therupon) I rubbed my head all round'; which is a rustic way of expressing
perplexity. The verb clawen, to scratch, stroke, is not uncommon, but the
usual pt. t. is clawed. We find, however, at least one other example of the
strong form of the past tense in the Seven Sages, ed. Weber, l. 925—He
clew the bor on the rigge,' he stroked the boar on the back, and made him go
to sleep; cf. 'thi maister the clawes,' i.e. your master strokes you, to flatter
you, in l. 937 of the same. Chaucer has, 'to clawen [rub] him on his hele'
[heel], Troil. iv. 728; 'he clawed him on the bak,' he stroked him on the
back, to encourage him, Cook's Prol., A 4326 (where clew would suit the
line better). See claw in Jamieson's Scot. Dict.
1708. 'They would not give a leek.' Cf. 'dere ynough a leek'; Can. Yeom.
Tale, Group G, 795.
1740. 'Although no brooch or ring was ever sent us.'
1742-4. 'Nor was it once intended in their heart to make us even friendly
cheer, but they might (i.e. were ready to) bring us to our bier'; i.e. so far
from caring to please us, they would be satisfied to see us dead.
Page 421
The M.E. temen, to produce, to bring, is the same word as mod. E. teem, to
produce. To temen on bere is parallel to the old phrase to bringen on bere;
cf. Gaw. Douglas, tr. of Æneid, bk. x. ch. 10, l. 138 (ed. Small, iii. 326),
where brocht on beyr means 'brought to their grave.' See Bier in the New
Eng. Dictionary.
1747. For wood, as (if) mad, 'like mad.' The same phrase recurs in Leg.
Good Women, Phyllis, l. 27; cf. as it were wood, Kn. Tale, A 2950; and for
pure wood, Rom. Rose, 276.
1759-62. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 9887-90:—
'Si se sunt maint vanté de maintes;
Par paroles fauces et faintes,
Dont les cors avoir ne pooient,
Lor non à grant tort diffamoient.'
1761. The name, the name of it, the credit of it.
1777. Masty (miswritten maisty in F., but masty in the rest) means fat,
fattened up, and hence unwieldy, sluggish. Bell alters it to maisly, and
Moxon's edition to nastie; both being wrong. Palsgrave has: 'Masty, fatte, as
swyne be, gras.' The Promp. Parv. has: 'Mast-hog or swyne, [or] mastid
swyne, Maialis'; and 'Mastyn beestys, sagino, impinguo.' Way rightly
explains masty as 'glutted with acorns or berries'; cf. 'Acorne, mast for
swyne, gland,' in Palsgrave. See The Former Age, l. 37.
1779. Wher, whether, 'is it the case that?'
1782. As the word oughte is never followed by to with a following gerund,
it is certain that to-hangen is all one word, the prefix to- being intensive.
MSS. F. and B. omit to, but the rest have it, and the syllable is wanted. I
know of no other example of to-hangen, to hang thoroughly, but this is of
little moment. The prefix to- was freely added to all sorts of verbs
expressing strong action; Stratmann gives more than a hundred examples.
Cf. note to l. 1598.
produce. To temen on bere is parallel to the old phrase to bringen on bere;
cf. Gaw. Douglas, tr. of Æneid, bk. x. ch. 10, l. 138 (ed. Small, iii. 326),
where brocht on beyr means 'brought to their grave.' See Bier in the New
Eng. Dictionary.
1747. For wood, as (if) mad, 'like mad.' The same phrase recurs in Leg.
Good Women, Phyllis, l. 27; cf. as it were wood, Kn. Tale, A 2950; and for
pure wood, Rom. Rose, 276.
1759-62. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 9887-90:—
'Si se sunt maint vanté de maintes;
Par paroles fauces et faintes,
Dont les cors avoir ne pooient,
Lor non à grant tort diffamoient.'
1761. The name, the name of it, the credit of it.
1777. Masty (miswritten maisty in F., but masty in the rest) means fat,
fattened up, and hence unwieldy, sluggish. Bell alters it to maisly, and
Moxon's edition to nastie; both being wrong. Palsgrave has: 'Masty, fatte, as
swyne be, gras.' The Promp. Parv. has: 'Mast-hog or swyne, [or] mastid
swyne, Maialis'; and 'Mastyn beestys, sagino, impinguo.' Way rightly
explains masty as 'glutted with acorns or berries'; cf. 'Acorne, mast for
swyne, gland,' in Palsgrave. See The Former Age, l. 37.
1779. Wher, whether, 'is it the case that?'
1782. As the word oughte is never followed by to with a following gerund,
it is certain that to-hangen is all one word, the prefix to- being intensive.
MSS. F. and B. omit to, but the rest have it, and the syllable is wanted. I
know of no other example of to-hangen, to hang thoroughly, but this is of
little moment. The prefix to- was freely added to all sorts of verbs
expressing strong action; Stratmann gives more than a hundred examples.
Cf. note to l. 1598.
Page 422
1783. We must read sweynte, the form preserved in MS. B, where the final e
is added to the pp. sweynt, as if it were an adjective used in the definite
form. The reading swynt is false, being an error for sweynte. The reading
slepy is a mere gloss upon this rare word, but fairly expresses the meaning.
Bell's Chaucer has swynt, which the editor supposes to be put for swinkt =
swinked, pp. of swinken, to toil, as in Milton's 'swinkd hedger'; Comus, 293.
He is, however, entirely wrong, for Milton's swink'd is quite a late form; in
Chaucer's time the verb swinken was strong, and the pp. was swunken!
Chaucer has queynt as the pp. of quenchen, Kn. Tale, A 2321; and dreynt as
the pp. of drenchen, Non. Prest. Tale, B 4272. Similarly sweynt is the pp. of
swenchen, to cause to toil, to fatigue, tire out, the causal verb formed from
the aforesaid strong intransitive verb swinken, to toil. For examples, see
swenchen in Stratmann; I may instance, 'Euwer feond eou ne scal ...
swenchen,' your enemies shall not harass you, Old Eng. Homilies, ed.
Morris, i. 13; and 'hi swencten swiðe heom-seolfe,' they sore afflicted
themselves, id. 101. Hence, 'the sweynte cat' means the over-toiled or tired-
out cat; or, secondarily, a cat that will take no trouble, a slothful or sleepy
cat, as the gloss says. Compare Gower, Conf. Amant. ed. Pauli, ii. 39, where
the same cat is brought forward as an example of the deadly sin of Sloth:—
'For he [a knight] ne wol no travail
take
To ride for his ladies sake,
But liveth al upon his wisshes,
And—as a cat wolde ete fisshes
Withoute weting of his clees—
So wolde he do, but netheles
He faileth ofte of that he wolde.'
The 'adage' is referred to in Macbeth, i. 7. 45. It occurs in MS. Harl. 2321,
fol. 146, printed in Reliq. Antiquæ, i. 207, in the form: 'The cat doth love
the fishe, she will not wett her foote.' In Heywood's Proverbs, 1562 (p. 28,
ed. Spenser Soc.): 'The cat would eate fyshe, and would not wet her feete.'
So also in Camden's Remains, 1614, p. 312. Hazlitt gives a rimed
version:—
is added to the pp. sweynt, as if it were an adjective used in the definite
form. The reading swynt is false, being an error for sweynte. The reading
slepy is a mere gloss upon this rare word, but fairly expresses the meaning.
Bell's Chaucer has swynt, which the editor supposes to be put for swinkt =
swinked, pp. of swinken, to toil, as in Milton's 'swinkd hedger'; Comus, 293.
He is, however, entirely wrong, for Milton's swink'd is quite a late form; in
Chaucer's time the verb swinken was strong, and the pp. was swunken!
Chaucer has queynt as the pp. of quenchen, Kn. Tale, A 2321; and dreynt as
the pp. of drenchen, Non. Prest. Tale, B 4272. Similarly sweynt is the pp. of
swenchen, to cause to toil, to fatigue, tire out, the causal verb formed from
the aforesaid strong intransitive verb swinken, to toil. For examples, see
swenchen in Stratmann; I may instance, 'Euwer feond eou ne scal ...
swenchen,' your enemies shall not harass you, Old Eng. Homilies, ed.
Morris, i. 13; and 'hi swencten swiðe heom-seolfe,' they sore afflicted
themselves, id. 101. Hence, 'the sweynte cat' means the over-toiled or tired-
out cat; or, secondarily, a cat that will take no trouble, a slothful or sleepy
cat, as the gloss says. Compare Gower, Conf. Amant. ed. Pauli, ii. 39, where
the same cat is brought forward as an example of the deadly sin of Sloth:—
'For he [a knight] ne wol no travail
take
To ride for his ladies sake,
But liveth al upon his wisshes,
And—as a cat wolde ete fisshes
Withoute weting of his clees—
So wolde he do, but netheles
He faileth ofte of that he wolde.'
The 'adage' is referred to in Macbeth, i. 7. 45. It occurs in MS. Harl. 2321,
fol. 146, printed in Reliq. Antiquæ, i. 207, in the form: 'The cat doth love
the fishe, she will not wett her foote.' In Heywood's Proverbs, 1562 (p. 28,
ed. Spenser Soc.): 'The cat would eate fyshe, and would not wet her feete.'
So also in Camden's Remains, 1614, p. 312. Hazlitt gives a rimed
version:—
Page 423
'Fain would the cat fish eat,
But she's loth to wet her feet.'
In Piers the Plowman's Crede, 405, is the allusion:—
'Thou woldest not weten thy fote,
and woldest fich cacchen.'
In a medieval Latin verse, it appears as: 'Catus amat piscem, sed non vult
tingere plantam'; see Proverbialia Dicteria ... per A. Gartnerum, 1574, 8vo.
Ray quotes the French: 'Le chat aime le poisson, mais il n'aime pas à
mouiller la patte.' The German form is—'Die Katze hätt' der Fische gern;
aber sie will die Füsse nit nass machen'; N. and Q. 4 S. ix. 266.
1794. Noskinnes; miswritten no skynnes in MSS. F. and B.; Th. and Cx. no
kyns. Nos-kinnes is short for noneskinnes, of no kind; noskinnes labour is
'work of no kind'; in mod. E. 'no kind of work.' It also occurs without the
former s; as in no kyne catel, property of no kind, P. Plowm. C. xi. 250;
none kynnes riche, rich men of no kind, id. B. xi. 185. Cf. also of foure
kunne thinges, of things of four kinds, of four kinds of things, where one
MS. has of foure skynnes thinges; P. Plowm. A. x. 2. And see note to l. 1530
above.
1796. Bele Isaude, Isaude (or Isoude, or Isolde) the fair; here a type of a
high form of female beauty. See Parl. Foules, 290; and the note.
1798. 'She that grinds at a hand-mill'; a poor slave.
1810. Hir (their) refers to the 'seventh company.' 'Such amusement they
found in their hoods'; a phrase meaning 'so much did they laugh at them';
see Troil. ii. 1110. Cf. the phrase 'to put an ape in a man's hood,' i.e. to make
him look like an ape, or look foolish; see note to C. T., Group B, 1630.
1823. 'Then a company came running in.'
But she's loth to wet her feet.'
In Piers the Plowman's Crede, 405, is the allusion:—
'Thou woldest not weten thy fote,
and woldest fich cacchen.'
In a medieval Latin verse, it appears as: 'Catus amat piscem, sed non vult
tingere plantam'; see Proverbialia Dicteria ... per A. Gartnerum, 1574, 8vo.
Ray quotes the French: 'Le chat aime le poisson, mais il n'aime pas à
mouiller la patte.' The German form is—'Die Katze hätt' der Fische gern;
aber sie will die Füsse nit nass machen'; N. and Q. 4 S. ix. 266.
1794. Noskinnes; miswritten no skynnes in MSS. F. and B.; Th. and Cx. no
kyns. Nos-kinnes is short for noneskinnes, of no kind; noskinnes labour is
'work of no kind'; in mod. E. 'no kind of work.' It also occurs without the
former s; as in no kyne catel, property of no kind, P. Plowm. C. xi. 250;
none kynnes riche, rich men of no kind, id. B. xi. 185. Cf. also of foure
kunne thinges, of things of four kinds, of four kinds of things, where one
MS. has of foure skynnes thinges; P. Plowm. A. x. 2. And see note to l. 1530
above.
1796. Bele Isaude, Isaude (or Isoude, or Isolde) the fair; here a type of a
high form of female beauty. See Parl. Foules, 290; and the note.
1798. 'She that grinds at a hand-mill'; a poor slave.
1810. Hir (their) refers to the 'seventh company.' 'Such amusement they
found in their hoods'; a phrase meaning 'so much did they laugh at them';
see Troil. ii. 1110. Cf. the phrase 'to put an ape in a man's hood,' i.e. to make
him look like an ape, or look foolish; see note to C. T., Group B, 1630.
1823. 'Then a company came running in.'
Page 424
1824. Choppen, strike downwards. They began hitting people on the head,
regardless of consequences. The same expression occurs in Richard the
Redeless, iii. 230—'And ich man i-charchid to schoppe at his croune';
where i-charchid = i-charged, i.e. was charged, was commanded, and
schoppe = choppe.
1840. Pale, a perpendicular stripe; chiefly used as an heraldic term. The
object of the conspicuous stripe upon the hose was to draw men's attention
to him; for the same reason, he wore a bell on his tippet, and, in fact, his
dress resembled that of the professional fool. Paled or striped hose were
sometimes worn for display.
'Buskins he wore of costliest
cordwayne,
Pinckt upon gold, and paled part
per part,
As then the guize was for each
gentle swayne.'
Spenser,
F
.
Q
.
v
i.
2
.
6
.
I.e. his buskins were adorned with golden dots or eyelets, and regularly
intersected with stripes arranged perpendicularly.
1844. Isidis, Isis; Isidis being a form of the genitive case. Chaucer doubtless
refers to Herostratus, the wretch who set fire to the temple of Diana at
Ephesus, in order to immortalise his name. Why Diana here appears as Isis,
regardless of consequences. The same expression occurs in Richard the
Redeless, iii. 230—'And ich man i-charchid to schoppe at his croune';
where i-charchid = i-charged, i.e. was charged, was commanded, and
schoppe = choppe.
1840. Pale, a perpendicular stripe; chiefly used as an heraldic term. The
object of the conspicuous stripe upon the hose was to draw men's attention
to him; for the same reason, he wore a bell on his tippet, and, in fact, his
dress resembled that of the professional fool. Paled or striped hose were
sometimes worn for display.
'Buskins he wore of costliest
cordwayne,
Pinckt upon gold, and paled part
per part,
As then the guize was for each
gentle swayne.'
Spenser,
F
.
Q
.
v
i.
2
.
6
.
I.e. his buskins were adorned with golden dots or eyelets, and regularly
intersected with stripes arranged perpendicularly.
1844. Isidis, Isis; Isidis being a form of the genitive case. Chaucer doubtless
refers to Herostratus, the wretch who set fire to the temple of Diana at
Ephesus, in order to immortalise his name. Why Diana here appears as Isis,
Page 425
and Ephesus as Athens, I cannot explain. Perhaps it was due to a defect of
memory; we are apt to forget how very largely medieval authors had to trust
to their memories for names and facts. It is almost impossible for us
moderns, with our facilities for reference, to imagine what were the
difficulties of learned men in the olden time. Perhaps Chaucer was thinking
of Ovid's line (ex Ponto, i. 1. 51)—'Uidi ego linigerae numen uiolasse
fatentem Isidis.' The story is in Solinus, Polyhistor, cap. xl. § 3.
'See, Erostratus the second
Fires again Diana's fane.'
Rejected Addresses; Drury's
Dirge, st. 5.
1853. Thynne prints—'(Though it be naught) for shreudness'; but this is
very forced. MS. B. and Caxton both omit noght, rightly.
1857. 'And, in order to get (some) of the meed of fame.'
1880. An allusion to the old proverb—'As I brew, so must I needs drink'; in
Camden's Remains. Gower has it, Conf. Amant. bk. iii, ed. Pauli, ii. 334:—
'And who so wicked ale breweth,
Ful ofte he mot the werse drinke.'
1908. The form bringes, for bringest, though (strictly speaking) a Northern
form, is not uncommon in East Midland. It occurs frequently, for example,
in Havelok the Dane. But, as there is no other clear example in Chaucer,
Koch thinks the passage is corrupt, and proposes to read:—
'Which than be, lo! thise tydinges,
That bringe thee hider, and thise
thinges
That thou wilt here'; &c.
memory; we are apt to forget how very largely medieval authors had to trust
to their memories for names and facts. It is almost impossible for us
moderns, with our facilities for reference, to imagine what were the
difficulties of learned men in the olden time. Perhaps Chaucer was thinking
of Ovid's line (ex Ponto, i. 1. 51)—'Uidi ego linigerae numen uiolasse
fatentem Isidis.' The story is in Solinus, Polyhistor, cap. xl. § 3.
'See, Erostratus the second
Fires again Diana's fane.'
Rejected Addresses; Drury's
Dirge, st. 5.
1853. Thynne prints—'(Though it be naught) for shreudness'; but this is
very forced. MS. B. and Caxton both omit noght, rightly.
1857. 'And, in order to get (some) of the meed of fame.'
1880. An allusion to the old proverb—'As I brew, so must I needs drink'; in
Camden's Remains. Gower has it, Conf. Amant. bk. iii, ed. Pauli, ii. 334:—
'And who so wicked ale breweth,
Ful ofte he mot the werse drinke.'
1908. The form bringes, for bringest, though (strictly speaking) a Northern
form, is not uncommon in East Midland. It occurs frequently, for example,
in Havelok the Dane. But, as there is no other clear example in Chaucer,
Koch thinks the passage is corrupt, and proposes to read:—
'Which than be, lo! thise tydinges,
That bringe thee hider, and thise
thinges
That thou wilt here'; &c.
Page 426
1920. Here that means 'that very.' The description of 'the house of Dædalus'
is in Ovid, Met. viii. 159; and the word labyrinthus, used with reference to
it, is in Vergil, Æn. v. 588. Chaucer again refers to it in the Leg. of Good
Women (Ariadne), 2010; and it is mentioned in his translation of Boethius,
bk. iii. pr. 12. 118 (vol. ii. p. 89). And see Gower, Conf. Amant. ed. Pauli, ii.
304.
1926. This somewhat resembles Dante, Inf. iii. 53, which Cary translates:—
'Which whirling ran about so rapidly
That it no pause obtain'd.'
1928. Oise, a river which flows into the Seine, from the north, not far below
Paris. Chaucer says the sound might have been heard from there to Rome.
From this vague statement, Warton would wish us to infer that the whole
poem was founded on some foreign production now (and probably always)
unknown. There is no need to draw any such conclusion. The English were
fairly familiar with the north of France in days when a good deal of French
soil belonged more or less to the king of England. The Oise, being a
northern affluent of the Seine, must have been a well-known river. I think
the allusion proves just nothing at all.
1933. This is an excellent and picturesque allusion, but in these days can no
longer be appreciated. Compare Barbour's Bruce, xvii. 681:—
'The engynour than deliuerly
Gert bend the gyne in full gret hy,
And the stane smertly swappit out.
It flaw out, quhedirand, with a rout.'
1940. Though the authorities read hattes (Th. hutches), I alter this word to
hottes without hesitation. We do not make hats with twigs or osiers.
Chaucer says that some of the twigs were white, such as men use to make
cages with, or panniers (i.e. baskets), or hottes, or dossers. Now Cotgrave
explains F. Panier by 'a Pannier, or Dosser; also, a Pedlers Pack; also, a
fashion of trunke made of wicker'; and he explains F. Hotte by 'a Scuttle,
is in Ovid, Met. viii. 159; and the word labyrinthus, used with reference to
it, is in Vergil, Æn. v. 588. Chaucer again refers to it in the Leg. of Good
Women (Ariadne), 2010; and it is mentioned in his translation of Boethius,
bk. iii. pr. 12. 118 (vol. ii. p. 89). And see Gower, Conf. Amant. ed. Pauli, ii.
304.
1926. This somewhat resembles Dante, Inf. iii. 53, which Cary translates:—
'Which whirling ran about so rapidly
That it no pause obtain'd.'
1928. Oise, a river which flows into the Seine, from the north, not far below
Paris. Chaucer says the sound might have been heard from there to Rome.
From this vague statement, Warton would wish us to infer that the whole
poem was founded on some foreign production now (and probably always)
unknown. There is no need to draw any such conclusion. The English were
fairly familiar with the north of France in days when a good deal of French
soil belonged more or less to the king of England. The Oise, being a
northern affluent of the Seine, must have been a well-known river. I think
the allusion proves just nothing at all.
1933. This is an excellent and picturesque allusion, but in these days can no
longer be appreciated. Compare Barbour's Bruce, xvii. 681:—
'The engynour than deliuerly
Gert bend the gyne in full gret hy,
And the stane smertly swappit out.
It flaw out, quhedirand, with a rout.'
1940. Though the authorities read hattes (Th. hutches), I alter this word to
hottes without hesitation. We do not make hats with twigs or osiers.
Chaucer says that some of the twigs were white, such as men use to make
cages with, or panniers (i.e. baskets), or hottes, or dossers. Now Cotgrave
explains F. Panier by 'a Pannier, or Dosser; also, a Pedlers Pack; also, a
fashion of trunke made of wicker'; and he explains F. Hotte by 'a Scuttle,
Page 427
Dosser, Basket to carry on the back; the right hotte is wide at the top, and
narrow at the bottom.' Dr. Murray kindly refers me to Cursor Mundi, l.
5524:—
'Apon þer neckes sal þai bere
Hott wit stan and wit morter.'
He also tells me that in Caxton's Golden Legend (1483), fol. cix. col. 2, is
the sentence—'And bare on hys sholdres vij. hottis or baskettis fulle of
erthe.' In a Glossary of North of England Words, printed as Gloss. B. 1, by
the Eng. Dial. Society, I find: 'Hots, s. pl. a sort of panniers to carry turf or
slate in'; and Halliwell gives it as a Cumberland word. Dickenson's
Cumberland Glossary has: 'Muck-hots, panniers for conveying manure on
horseback.' Brockett's Gloss. of Northern Words has: 'Hot, a sort of square
basket, formerly used for taking manure into fields of steep ascent; the
bottom opened by two wooden pins to let out the contents.' Thus the
existence of the word in English is fully proved; and the fitness of it is
evident.
1943. 'Al ful of chirking was that sory place'; Kn. Tale, A 2004.
1946. Again from Ovid, Met. xii. 44-47.
1970. Read—'Of estáts and éek of regióuns.' The e in estat was very light;
hence mod. E. state.
1975. Mis is here an adjective, meaning 'bad' or 'wrong'; cf. 'But to
correcten that is mis I mente'; Can. Yeom. Tale, G 999.
1980. 'Although the timber,' &c.
1982. 'As long as it pleases Chance, who is the mother of news, just as the
sea (is mother) of wells and springs.'
narrow at the bottom.' Dr. Murray kindly refers me to Cursor Mundi, l.
5524:—
'Apon þer neckes sal þai bere
Hott wit stan and wit morter.'
He also tells me that in Caxton's Golden Legend (1483), fol. cix. col. 2, is
the sentence—'And bare on hys sholdres vij. hottis or baskettis fulle of
erthe.' In a Glossary of North of England Words, printed as Gloss. B. 1, by
the Eng. Dial. Society, I find: 'Hots, s. pl. a sort of panniers to carry turf or
slate in'; and Halliwell gives it as a Cumberland word. Dickenson's
Cumberland Glossary has: 'Muck-hots, panniers for conveying manure on
horseback.' Brockett's Gloss. of Northern Words has: 'Hot, a sort of square
basket, formerly used for taking manure into fields of steep ascent; the
bottom opened by two wooden pins to let out the contents.' Thus the
existence of the word in English is fully proved; and the fitness of it is
evident.
1943. 'Al ful of chirking was that sory place'; Kn. Tale, A 2004.
1946. Again from Ovid, Met. xii. 44-47.
1970. Read—'Of estáts and éek of regióuns.' The e in estat was very light;
hence mod. E. state.
1975. Mis is here an adjective, meaning 'bad' or 'wrong'; cf. 'But to
correcten that is mis I mente'; Can. Yeom. Tale, G 999.
1980. 'Although the timber,' &c.
1982. 'As long as it pleases Chance, who is the mother of news, just as the
sea (is mother) of wells and springs.'
Page 428
1997. Paráventure; also spelt paraunter, shewing how rapidly the third
syllable could be slurred over.
2000. Peter! by St Peter; see note to l. 1034.
2004. Cunne ginne, know how to begin. (Gin, a contrivance, is
monosyllabic).
2009. I substitute the dissyllabic swich-e for the monosyllabic these, to
preserve the melody.
2011. 'To drive away thy heaviness with.'
2017. MS. F. has frot, which has no meaning, but may be a misspelling of
froit, which is another form of fruit. As Koch says, we must read The fruit,
remembering that Chaucer uses fruit in the peculiar sense of 'upshot' or
'result.'
'And for it is no fruit but los of
tyme'; Squi. Ta., F 74.
'The fruyt of this matere is that I
telle'; Man of Lawes Ta., B
411.
In the present case, it would be used in a double sense; (1) of result, (2) of a
fruit that withers and is ready to burst open. As to the spelling froit, we find
froyte in the Petworth MS. in the latter of the above quotations, where other
MSS. have fruyt or fruite. The swote (Cx. Th.) means 'the sweetness.'
2019. That, in this line, goes back to Sith that in l. 2007.
2021. I suppress in after yaf, because it is not wanted for the sense, and
spoils the metre.
syllable could be slurred over.
2000. Peter! by St Peter; see note to l. 1034.
2004. Cunne ginne, know how to begin. (Gin, a contrivance, is
monosyllabic).
2009. I substitute the dissyllabic swich-e for the monosyllabic these, to
preserve the melody.
2011. 'To drive away thy heaviness with.'
2017. MS. F. has frot, which has no meaning, but may be a misspelling of
froit, which is another form of fruit. As Koch says, we must read The fruit,
remembering that Chaucer uses fruit in the peculiar sense of 'upshot' or
'result.'
'And for it is no fruit but los of
tyme'; Squi. Ta., F 74.
'The fruyt of this matere is that I
telle'; Man of Lawes Ta., B
411.
In the present case, it would be used in a double sense; (1) of result, (2) of a
fruit that withers and is ready to burst open. As to the spelling froit, we find
froyte in the Petworth MS. in the latter of the above quotations, where other
MSS. have fruyt or fruite. The swote (Cx. Th.) means 'the sweetness.'
2019. That, in this line, goes back to Sith that in l. 2007.
2021. I suppress in after yaf, because it is not wanted for the sense, and
spoils the metre.
Page 429
2034-40. Suggested by Dante, Inf. iii. 55-57, just as ll. 1924-6 above are by
the two preceding lines in Dante; see note to l. 1926. Cary has:—
'and
follow
ing
came
Such a long train of spirits, I should
ne'er
Have thought that death so many
had despoil'd.'
In l. 2038, left means 'left alive.'
2044. I substitute ech for euerych (in Caxton). The two MSS. (F. and B.)
have merely Rouned in others ere, which is of course defective.
2048. I here follow B. (except that it wrongly omits lo).
2059. Wondermost; superl. of wonder, which is very common as an
adjective.
2076. As the reading of the MSS. is obviously wrong (the word mouth
being repeated three times), whilst the reading of the printed editions
(Wente every tydyng) cannot be right on account of the scansion, I put word
for the first of the three mouths. This gives the right sense, and probably
Chaucer actually wrote it.
2089. Again from Ovid, Met. xii. 54, 55. A sad soth-sawe, a sober truth.
2099. With the nones, on the condition; see Leg. of Good Women, 1540;
and the note. So also in the Tale of Gamelyn, 206.
2101. See Kn. Tale, 273, 274 (A 1131).
the two preceding lines in Dante; see note to l. 1926. Cary has:—
'and
follow
ing
came
Such a long train of spirits, I should
ne'er
Have thought that death so many
had despoil'd.'
In l. 2038, left means 'left alive.'
2044. I substitute ech for euerych (in Caxton). The two MSS. (F. and B.)
have merely Rouned in others ere, which is of course defective.
2048. I here follow B. (except that it wrongly omits lo).
2059. Wondermost; superl. of wonder, which is very common as an
adjective.
2076. As the reading of the MSS. is obviously wrong (the word mouth
being repeated three times), whilst the reading of the printed editions
(Wente every tydyng) cannot be right on account of the scansion, I put word
for the first of the three mouths. This gives the right sense, and probably
Chaucer actually wrote it.
2089. Again from Ovid, Met. xii. 54, 55. A sad soth-sawe, a sober truth.
2099. With the nones, on the condition; see Leg. of Good Women, 1540;
and the note. So also in the Tale of Gamelyn, 206.
2101. See Kn. Tale, 273, 274 (A 1131).
Page 430
2105. Beside, without; without asking his leave.
2119. Cf. Cant. Tales, D 1695—'Twenty thousand freres on a route,' where
Tyrwhitt prints A twenty. But the MSS. (at least the seven best ones) all
omit the A. Just as the present line wants its first syllable, and is to be
scanned—'Twénty thoúsand ín a roúte'; so the line in the Cant. Tales wants
its first syllable, and is to be scanned—Twénty thoúsand fréres ón a roúte.
For having called attention to this fact, my name (misspelt) obtained a
mention in Lowell's My Study Windows, in his (otherwise excellent) article
on Chaucer. 'His (Chaucer's) ear would never have tolerated the verses of
nine[63] syllables with a strong accent on the first, attributed to him by Mr.
Skeate and Mr. Morris. Such verses seem to me simply impossible in the
pentameter iambic as Chaucer wrote it.' Surely this is assumption, not
proof. I have only to say that the examples are rather numerous, and nine-
syllable lines are not impossible to a poet with a good ear; for there are
twelve consecutive lines of this character in Tennyson's Vision of Sin. It
may suffice to quote one of them:—
'Pánted hánd in hánd with fáces
pále.'
I will merely add here, that similar lines abound in Lydgate's 'Sege of
Thebes,' and that there are 25 clear examples of such lines in the Legend of
Good Women, as I shew in my Introduction to that Poem.
2123. Cf. P. Plowman; B. prol. 46-52. Bretful, brim-ful, occurs in P. Pl. C. i.
42; also in Chaucer, Prol. 687; Kn. Tale, 1306 (A 2164).
2130. Lyes; F. lies, E. lees. 'Lie, f. the lees, dregs, grounds'; Cotgrave.
2140. Sooner or later, every sheaf in the barn has to come out to be
thrashed.
2152. 'And cast up their noses on high.' I adopt this reading out of deference
to Dr. Koch, who insists upon its correctness. Otherwise, I should prefer the
2119. Cf. Cant. Tales, D 1695—'Twenty thousand freres on a route,' where
Tyrwhitt prints A twenty. But the MSS. (at least the seven best ones) all
omit the A. Just as the present line wants its first syllable, and is to be
scanned—'Twénty thoúsand ín a roúte'; so the line in the Cant. Tales wants
its first syllable, and is to be scanned—Twénty thoúsand fréres ón a roúte.
For having called attention to this fact, my name (misspelt) obtained a
mention in Lowell's My Study Windows, in his (otherwise excellent) article
on Chaucer. 'His (Chaucer's) ear would never have tolerated the verses of
nine[63] syllables with a strong accent on the first, attributed to him by Mr.
Skeate and Mr. Morris. Such verses seem to me simply impossible in the
pentameter iambic as Chaucer wrote it.' Surely this is assumption, not
proof. I have only to say that the examples are rather numerous, and nine-
syllable lines are not impossible to a poet with a good ear; for there are
twelve consecutive lines of this character in Tennyson's Vision of Sin. It
may suffice to quote one of them:—
'Pánted hánd in hánd with fáces
pále.'
I will merely add here, that similar lines abound in Lydgate's 'Sege of
Thebes,' and that there are 25 clear examples of such lines in the Legend of
Good Women, as I shew in my Introduction to that Poem.
2123. Cf. P. Plowman; B. prol. 46-52. Bretful, brim-ful, occurs in P. Pl. C. i.
42; also in Chaucer, Prol. 687; Kn. Tale, 1306 (A 2164).
2130. Lyes; F. lies, E. lees. 'Lie, f. the lees, dregs, grounds'; Cotgrave.
2140. Sooner or later, every sheaf in the barn has to come out to be
thrashed.
2152. 'And cast up their noses on high.' I adopt this reading out of deference
to Dr. Koch, who insists upon its correctness. Otherwise, I should prefer the
Page 431
graphic reading in MS. B.—'And up the nose and yën caste.' Each man is
trying to peer beyond the rest.
2154. 'And stamp, as a man would stamp on a live eel, to try to secure it.'
Already in Plautus, Pseudolus, 2. 4. 56, we have the proverb anguilla est,
elabitur, he is an eel, he slips away from you; said of a sly or slippery
fellow. In the Rom. de la Rose, 9941, we are told that it is as hard to be sure
of a woman's constancy as it is to hold a live eel by the tail. 'To have an eel
by the tail' was an old English proverb; see Eel in Nares' Glossary, ed.
Halliwell and Wright.
2158. The poem ends here, in the middle of a sentence. It seems as if
Chaucer did not quite know how to conclude, and put off finishing the
poem till that more 'convenient season' which never comes. Practically,
nothing is lost.
The copy printed by Caxton broke off still earlier, viz. at l. 2094. In order to
make a sort of ending to it, Caxton added twelve lines of his own, with his
name—Caxton—at the side of the first of them; and subjoined a note in
prose, as follows:—
And wyth the noyse of them
[t]wo[64]
I Sodeynly awoke anon tho[65]
And remembryd what I had seen
And how hye and ferre I had been
In my ghoost / and had grete
wonder
Of that [that?] the god of thonder
Had lete me knowen / and began to
wryte[66]
Lyke as ye haue herd me endyte
Wherfor to studye and rede
alway[67]
I purpose to doo day by day
Thus in dremyng and in game
trying to peer beyond the rest.
2154. 'And stamp, as a man would stamp on a live eel, to try to secure it.'
Already in Plautus, Pseudolus, 2. 4. 56, we have the proverb anguilla est,
elabitur, he is an eel, he slips away from you; said of a sly or slippery
fellow. In the Rom. de la Rose, 9941, we are told that it is as hard to be sure
of a woman's constancy as it is to hold a live eel by the tail. 'To have an eel
by the tail' was an old English proverb; see Eel in Nares' Glossary, ed.
Halliwell and Wright.
2158. The poem ends here, in the middle of a sentence. It seems as if
Chaucer did not quite know how to conclude, and put off finishing the
poem till that more 'convenient season' which never comes. Practically,
nothing is lost.
The copy printed by Caxton broke off still earlier, viz. at l. 2094. In order to
make a sort of ending to it, Caxton added twelve lines of his own, with his
name—Caxton—at the side of the first of them; and subjoined a note in
prose, as follows:—
And wyth the noyse of them
[t]wo[64]
I Sodeynly awoke anon tho[65]
And remembryd what I had seen
And how hye and ferre I had been
In my ghoost / and had grete
wonder
Of that [that?] the god of thonder
Had lete me knowen / and began to
wryte[66]
Lyke as ye haue herd me endyte
Wherfor to studye and rede
alway[67]
I purpose to doo day by day
Thus in dremyng and in game
Page 432
Endeth thys lytyl book of Fame.
I fynde nomore of this werke to-fore sayd. For as fer as I can vnderstonde /
This noble man Gefferey Chaucer fynysshed at the sayd conclusion of the
metyng of lesyng and sothsawe / where as yet they ben chekked and may
nat departe / whyche werke as me semeth is craftyly made'; &c. (The rest is
in praise of Chaucer). But, although Caxton's copy ended at l. 2094, lines
2095-2158 appear in the two MSS., and are obviously genuine. Thynne also
printed them, and must have found them in the MS. which he followed.
After l. 2158, Thynne subjoins Caxton's ending, with an alteration in the
first three lines, as unsuitable to follow l. 2158. Hence Thynne prints them
as follows:—
I fynde nomore of this werke to-fore sayd. For as fer as I can vnderstonde /
This noble man Gefferey Chaucer fynysshed at the sayd conclusion of the
metyng of lesyng and sothsawe / where as yet they ben chekked and may
nat departe / whyche werke as me semeth is craftyly made'; &c. (The rest is
in praise of Chaucer). But, although Caxton's copy ended at l. 2094, lines
2095-2158 appear in the two MSS., and are obviously genuine. Thynne also
printed them, and must have found them in the MS. which he followed.
After l. 2158, Thynne subjoins Caxton's ending, with an alteration in the
first three lines, as unsuitable to follow l. 2158. Hence Thynne prints them
as follows:—
Page 433
And therwithal I abrayde
Out of my slepe halfe a frayde
Remembri[n]g wel what I had sene.
We thus see that it was never pretended that the lines following l. 2158 were
Chaucer's. They are admittedly Caxton's and Thynne's. Even if we had not
been told this, we could easily have detected it by the sudden inferiority in
the style. Caxton's second line will not scan at all comfortably; neither will
the third, nor the fourth. (The seventh can be improved by altering began to
gan). And Thynne's lines are but little better.
NOTES TO THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN.
Out of my slepe halfe a frayde
Remembri[n]g wel what I had sene.
We thus see that it was never pretended that the lines following l. 2158 were
Chaucer's. They are admittedly Caxton's and Thynne's. Even if we had not
been told this, we could easily have detected it by the sudden inferiority in
the style. Caxton's second line will not scan at all comfortably; neither will
the third, nor the fourth. (The seventh can be improved by altering began to
gan). And Thynne's lines are but little better.
NOTES TO THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN.
Page 434
NOTES TO THE PROLOGUE.
*** N.B. The references are to the B-text, except where special
mention of the A-text is made. The latter is denoted by the letter 'A',
preceded by a short line.
2. Compare Chaucer's Troilus, book ii. ll. 894-6.
5. Nis noon = ne is noon, is not none, i.e. is no one. This use of the double
negative, as in modern provincial English, is extremely common, and need
not be again remarked upon. Cf. ll. 7, 15, &c.
9. 'For there may no man prove it by actual trial.'
10. Leve, believe. Notice the numerous senses of leve, viz. (1) believe; (2)
leave, v.; (3) grant; (4) dear; (5) leave, sb.; (6) leaf (dat. case).
11. Wel more thing, many more things. The word thing was originally
neuter, and long remained unchanged in the plural. In l. 23, we have
thinges. The M.E. more usually means 'greater'; it is seldom used (as here)
in the modern sense.
12. Men shal nat, people ought not to. The use of men in the general sense
of 'people' is extremely common in Chaucer, and the student should notice
that it usually takes a singular verb, when thus used. With ll. 12, 13 cf.
Hamlet, i. 5. 166.
13. But-if, unless, except. Great attention should be paid to the exact sense
of these apparently less important words. Frequently the whole sense of a
sentence is missed, even by editors, owing to inattention to their use.
14. 'For, God knoweth, a thing is none the less true, although no one can see
it.'
*** N.B. The references are to the B-text, except where special
mention of the A-text is made. The latter is denoted by the letter 'A',
preceded by a short line.
2. Compare Chaucer's Troilus, book ii. ll. 894-6.
5. Nis noon = ne is noon, is not none, i.e. is no one. This use of the double
negative, as in modern provincial English, is extremely common, and need
not be again remarked upon. Cf. ll. 7, 15, &c.
9. 'For there may no man prove it by actual trial.'
10. Leve, believe. Notice the numerous senses of leve, viz. (1) believe; (2)
leave, v.; (3) grant; (4) dear; (5) leave, sb.; (6) leaf (dat. case).
11. Wel more thing, many more things. The word thing was originally
neuter, and long remained unchanged in the plural. In l. 23, we have
thinges. The M.E. more usually means 'greater'; it is seldom used (as here)
in the modern sense.
12. Men shal nat, people ought not to. The use of men in the general sense
of 'people' is extremely common in Chaucer, and the student should notice
that it usually takes a singular verb, when thus used. With ll. 12, 13 cf.
Hamlet, i. 5. 166.
13. But-if, unless, except. Great attention should be paid to the exact sense
of these apparently less important words. Frequently the whole sense of a
sentence is missed, even by editors, owing to inattention to their use.
14. 'For, God knoweth, a thing is none the less true, although no one can see
it.'
Page 435
16. In the margins of MSS. C. and F. is written the Latin proverb here
referred to, viz. 'Bernardus monachus non uidit omnia'; i.e. Bernard the
monk (even) did not see everything. The reference is to the great learning
and experience of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (born A.D. 1091, died Aug. 20,
1153). This we know from an entry in J. J. Hofmann's Lexicon Universale
(Basileæ, 1677), s.v. Bernardus, where we find: 'Nullos habuit præceptores
præter quercus et fagos. Hinc proverb: Neque enim Bernardus vidit omnia.'
See an account of St. Bernard in Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints, or in
Chambers' Book of Days, under the date of Aug. 20.
18. Minde, remembrance; see l. 26. Cf. 'to bear in mind.'
25. Cf. Le Rom. de la Rose, ed. Méon, 9669-72:—
'Car par l'escript que nous avons,
Les fais des anciens savons;
Si les en devons mercier,
Et loer et regracier.'
26. Rémembráunce; accented on the first and last syllables. The melody of
innumerable lines in Chaucer is only apparent to those who perceive the
difference between the present and the old accentuation, especially in the
case of French words. Besides, such accent is frequently variable; Chaucer
has hónour, rénoun, &c. at one time, and honóur, renóun, &c. at another.
Thus in l. 27 we have honóuren; and in l. 31 credénce.
27. Wel oghte us, it is very necessary for us, it well behoves us. Us is here
the dative case, and oghte is the impersonal verb; in accordance with
Chaucer's usual method. But, in this case, there is a grammatical difficulty;
for the past tense oghte is here used with the sense of the present; the right
form would be expressed, in modern English, by oweth, and in M.E. by ah
(also awe, oȝe). Such use of the right form of the present tense is
exceedingly rare; and (possibly owing to a sense of uncertainty about its
true form) the form of the past tense was used both for past and present,
whether personal or impersonal, precisely as we now use must in place both
of M.E. mot (present) and moste (past). Mätzner only gives three examples
referred to, viz. 'Bernardus monachus non uidit omnia'; i.e. Bernard the
monk (even) did not see everything. The reference is to the great learning
and experience of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (born A.D. 1091, died Aug. 20,
1153). This we know from an entry in J. J. Hofmann's Lexicon Universale
(Basileæ, 1677), s.v. Bernardus, where we find: 'Nullos habuit præceptores
præter quercus et fagos. Hinc proverb: Neque enim Bernardus vidit omnia.'
See an account of St. Bernard in Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints, or in
Chambers' Book of Days, under the date of Aug. 20.
18. Minde, remembrance; see l. 26. Cf. 'to bear in mind.'
25. Cf. Le Rom. de la Rose, ed. Méon, 9669-72:—
'Car par l'escript que nous avons,
Les fais des anciens savons;
Si les en devons mercier,
Et loer et regracier.'
26. Rémembráunce; accented on the first and last syllables. The melody of
innumerable lines in Chaucer is only apparent to those who perceive the
difference between the present and the old accentuation, especially in the
case of French words. Besides, such accent is frequently variable; Chaucer
has hónour, rénoun, &c. at one time, and honóur, renóun, &c. at another.
Thus in l. 27 we have honóuren; and in l. 31 credénce.
27. Wel oghte us, it is very necessary for us, it well behoves us. Us is here
the dative case, and oghte is the impersonal verb; in accordance with
Chaucer's usual method. But, in this case, there is a grammatical difficulty;
for the past tense oghte is here used with the sense of the present; the right
form would be expressed, in modern English, by oweth, and in M.E. by ah
(also awe, oȝe). Such use of the right form of the present tense is
exceedingly rare; and (possibly owing to a sense of uncertainty about its
true form) the form of the past tense was used both for past and present,
whether personal or impersonal, precisely as we now use must in place both
of M.E. mot (present) and moste (past). Mätzner only gives three examples
Page 436
of the present tense of this verb, when used impersonally; viz. 'Hym awe to
rise,' it behoves him to rise, Metrical Homilies, p. 77; 'Vus oȝe,' it behoves
us, Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, i. 552; 'Him owith to mynystre,' Reliquiæ
Antiquæ, ii. 48.
The only right way of thoroughly understanding Chaucer's grammar is by
comparing one passage with another, observing how particular expressions
occur. This is best done by the proper process of reading the text; but even
the usual glossarial indexes will often furnish ready examples. Thus the
glossary to the Prioresses Tale gives the following examples:—
'And ther she was honoured as hir
oughte'; E 1120.
—'wel more us
oughte
Receyven al in gree that god us
sent'; E 1150.
The glossary to the Man of Law's Tale gives:—
'Alla goth to his in, and, as him
oughte,' &c.; B 1097.
'But that they weren as hem oughte
be'; G 1340.
'Wel oughten we to doon al our
entente'; G 6.
'Wel oughte us werche, and ydelnes
withstonde'; G 14.
As to the spelling of the word, it may be remarked that oghte is the more
correct form, because ō answers to A.S. ā, and gh to A.S. h in the A.S. form
āhte. But a confusion between the symbols ogh, ugh, and ough soon arose,
rise,' it behoves him to rise, Metrical Homilies, p. 77; 'Vus oȝe,' it behoves
us, Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, i. 552; 'Him owith to mynystre,' Reliquiæ
Antiquæ, ii. 48.
The only right way of thoroughly understanding Chaucer's grammar is by
comparing one passage with another, observing how particular expressions
occur. This is best done by the proper process of reading the text; but even
the usual glossarial indexes will often furnish ready examples. Thus the
glossary to the Prioresses Tale gives the following examples:—
'And ther she was honoured as hir
oughte'; E 1120.
—'wel more us
oughte
Receyven al in gree that god us
sent'; E 1150.
The glossary to the Man of Law's Tale gives:—
'Alla goth to his in, and, as him
oughte,' &c.; B 1097.
'But that they weren as hem oughte
be'; G 1340.
'Wel oughten we to doon al our
entente'; G 6.
'Wel oughte us werche, and ydelnes
withstonde'; G 14.
As to the spelling of the word, it may be remarked that oghte is the more
correct form, because ō answers to A.S. ā, and gh to A.S. h in the A.S. form
āhte. But a confusion between the symbols ogh, ugh, and ough soon arose,
Page 437
and all three were merged in the form ough; hence neither ogh nor ugh
occurs in modern English. See Skeat, Eng. Etymology, § 333, p. 361.
The full explanation of this and similar phrases would extend these notes to
an inordinate length. Only brief hints can here be given.
28. Ther, where. The sense 'where' is commoner than the sense 'there.'
29. Can but lyte, know but little. Cf. Prior. Tale, B 1726, 1898.
30. For to rede, to read. The use of for to with the gerundial infinitive is
found in Layamon and the Ormulum, and may have been suggested by the
like use of the French pour, O. Fr. por (and even por a). See Mätzner, Engl.
Grammatik, ii. 2. 54. Compare Parl. Foules, 16, 695; Ho. Fame, 657.
36. This connection of 'the month of May' with song and poetry is common
in Mid. Eng. poetry, from the natural association of spring with a time of
joy and hope. We even find something of the kind in A.S. poetry. See The
Phœnix, l. 250; Menologium, l. 75.
The earliest song in Middle English relates to the cuckoo; and, before
Chaucer, we already find, in the Romance of Alexander, l. 2049, such lines
as—
'In tyme of May hot is in boure;
Divers, in medewe, spryngith
floure;
The ladies, knyghtis honourith;
Treowe love in heorte durith'; &c.
See also the poem on Alisoun, in Morris and Skeat, Spec. of Eng., part ii. p.
43. Again, we have a like mention of the May-season and of the singing of
birds in the introduction to the Roman de la Rose; see vol. i. p. 96.
occurs in modern English. See Skeat, Eng. Etymology, § 333, p. 361.
The full explanation of this and similar phrases would extend these notes to
an inordinate length. Only brief hints can here be given.
28. Ther, where. The sense 'where' is commoner than the sense 'there.'
29. Can but lyte, know but little. Cf. Prior. Tale, B 1726, 1898.
30. For to rede, to read. The use of for to with the gerundial infinitive is
found in Layamon and the Ormulum, and may have been suggested by the
like use of the French pour, O. Fr. por (and even por a). See Mätzner, Engl.
Grammatik, ii. 2. 54. Compare Parl. Foules, 16, 695; Ho. Fame, 657.
36. This connection of 'the month of May' with song and poetry is common
in Mid. Eng. poetry, from the natural association of spring with a time of
joy and hope. We even find something of the kind in A.S. poetry. See The
Phœnix, l. 250; Menologium, l. 75.
The earliest song in Middle English relates to the cuckoo; and, before
Chaucer, we already find, in the Romance of Alexander, l. 2049, such lines
as—
'In tyme of May hot is in boure;
Divers, in medewe, spryngith
floure;
The ladies, knyghtis honourith;
Treowe love in heorte durith'; &c.
See also the poem on Alisoun, in Morris and Skeat, Spec. of Eng., part ii. p.
43. Again, we have a like mention of the May-season and of the singing of
birds in the introduction to the Roman de la Rose; see vol. i. p. 96.
Page 438
Nevertheless, the whole of the present passage is highly characteristic of the
author, and extremely interesting. Cf. ll. 108, 176.
40. Condicioun, temperament, character, disposition. Prof. Corson here
refers us to Shakespeare, Merch. Ven. i. 2. 143; Cor. v. 4. 10; Oth. iv. 1.
204; Jul. Cæs. ii. 1. 254, &c.
41. On the scansion, see note to l. 67.
43. Daysyes, daisies; here dissyllabic. But in l. 182 we have the full form
day-es-y-e, of four syllables, answering to the A.S. dæges éage (or ége), lit.
day's eye, or eye of day, as Chaucer himself says in l. 184. And it is worth
adding that his etymology is perfectly correct; for, in the few instances in
which etymologies are suggested in Middle English, they are usually
ludicrously wrong. In l. 184, the word is only trisyllabic (day-es-y'), the last
syllable suffering elision. The A.S. dægesége occurs in a list of plants in
A.S. Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne, iii. 292, l. 8; and we also find in Wright's
A.S. Vocabularies, ed. Wülker, col. 135, l. 22, and col. 322, l. 11, the
following entries:—'Consolda, dægesege,' and 'Consolda, dægeseage.'
The primary meaning of dæges éage is doubtless the sun; the daisy is
named from its supposed likeness to the sun, the white petals being the rays,
and the yellow centre the sun's sphere.
Compare Lydgate's Troy-book, ed. 1555, fol. K 6, back:—
'And next, Appollo, so clere, shene,
and bright,
The dayes eye, and voyder of the
nyght.'
46. 'That, when in my bed, no day dawns upon me on which I am not (at
once) up, and (am soon) walking in the meadow.' Nam = ne am, am not.
49. By the morwe, with the (dawn of the) morning.
author, and extremely interesting. Cf. ll. 108, 176.
40. Condicioun, temperament, character, disposition. Prof. Corson here
refers us to Shakespeare, Merch. Ven. i. 2. 143; Cor. v. 4. 10; Oth. iv. 1.
204; Jul. Cæs. ii. 1. 254, &c.
41. On the scansion, see note to l. 67.
43. Daysyes, daisies; here dissyllabic. But in l. 182 we have the full form
day-es-y-e, of four syllables, answering to the A.S. dæges éage (or ége), lit.
day's eye, or eye of day, as Chaucer himself says in l. 184. And it is worth
adding that his etymology is perfectly correct; for, in the few instances in
which etymologies are suggested in Middle English, they are usually
ludicrously wrong. In l. 184, the word is only trisyllabic (day-es-y'), the last
syllable suffering elision. The A.S. dægesége occurs in a list of plants in
A.S. Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne, iii. 292, l. 8; and we also find in Wright's
A.S. Vocabularies, ed. Wülker, col. 135, l. 22, and col. 322, l. 11, the
following entries:—'Consolda, dægesege,' and 'Consolda, dægeseage.'
The primary meaning of dæges éage is doubtless the sun; the daisy is
named from its supposed likeness to the sun, the white petals being the rays,
and the yellow centre the sun's sphere.
Compare Lydgate's Troy-book, ed. 1555, fol. K 6, back:—
'And next, Appollo, so clere, shene,
and bright,
The dayes eye, and voyder of the
nyght.'
46. 'That, when in my bed, no day dawns upon me on which I am not (at
once) up, and (am soon) walking in the meadow.' Nam = ne am, am not.
49. By the morwe, with the (dawn of the) morning.
Page 439
50. Sight-e is dissyllabic, as the scansion shews. In l. 15, wight is
monosyllabic. It is often difficult to ascertain Chaucer's usage of such
forms, and we have to observe, where we can, any instances that are
helpful. The Rime-Indexes to the Canterbury Tales and to the Minor Poems
are often of great service. We learn from them that wight rimes with the
monosyllables bright, knight, might, night, right, &c., whereas sighte rimes
with the infin. moods light-e, fight-e, &c., as well as with monosyllables,
and is therefore used somewhat capriciously. Another helpful list is that
given in Ellis's Early Eng. Pronunciation, ch. iv. § 5, founded upon Prof.
Child's articles on Chaucer and Gower. This at once refers us to C. T. 2118
(It were a lusty sight-e for to see); 2335 (But sodeinly she saugh a sight-e
queynte); &c.
We should also consider the etymology. Now wight = A.S. wiht, is
monosyllabic, and gives no difficulty. On the other hand, the A.S. for 'sight'
is gesiht or gesihþ; but it is a fem. sb., and makes all its oblique cases with a
final -e, viz. gesiht-e or gesihþ-e. In such instances, the nominative case
often lost its distinctive form, and took the form of the other cases, so that
already in the Ormulum (l. 12670) we find the nom. case sihhþ-e,
dissyllabic. Such usages have received careful attention in the present
edition, and in almost every case the addition of a final e in an unexpected
place can be amply justified by instances of Chaucer's usage in other
passages. If the student will endeavour to verify some of the examples here
given, he will soon come to a clearer knowledge of the matter.
52. Hit, it, i.e. the daisy. But in l. 53 it is referred to as she. We shall see
why this is hereafter. As a mere flower, it is neuter; but as being the type of
Alcestis, it is feminine. Cf. ll. 62, 63.
53. We have come to the first instance in which Chaucer transposed the
order of his material in the course of revision. Line 53 of the B-text
corresponds to A. 55, whilst B. 61 corresponds to A. 51. All such instances
are clearly shewn by printing the transposed passages twice over, once in
their right place, and again in their changed place in a smaller type. By this
arrangement all such transpositions can be understood at a glance.
monosyllabic. It is often difficult to ascertain Chaucer's usage of such
forms, and we have to observe, where we can, any instances that are
helpful. The Rime-Indexes to the Canterbury Tales and to the Minor Poems
are often of great service. We learn from them that wight rimes with the
monosyllables bright, knight, might, night, right, &c., whereas sighte rimes
with the infin. moods light-e, fight-e, &c., as well as with monosyllables,
and is therefore used somewhat capriciously. Another helpful list is that
given in Ellis's Early Eng. Pronunciation, ch. iv. § 5, founded upon Prof.
Child's articles on Chaucer and Gower. This at once refers us to C. T. 2118
(It were a lusty sight-e for to see); 2335 (But sodeinly she saugh a sight-e
queynte); &c.
We should also consider the etymology. Now wight = A.S. wiht, is
monosyllabic, and gives no difficulty. On the other hand, the A.S. for 'sight'
is gesiht or gesihþ; but it is a fem. sb., and makes all its oblique cases with a
final -e, viz. gesiht-e or gesihþ-e. In such instances, the nominative case
often lost its distinctive form, and took the form of the other cases, so that
already in the Ormulum (l. 12670) we find the nom. case sihhþ-e,
dissyllabic. Such usages have received careful attention in the present
edition, and in almost every case the addition of a final e in an unexpected
place can be amply justified by instances of Chaucer's usage in other
passages. If the student will endeavour to verify some of the examples here
given, he will soon come to a clearer knowledge of the matter.
52. Hit, it, i.e. the daisy. But in l. 53 it is referred to as she. We shall see
why this is hereafter. As a mere flower, it is neuter; but as being the type of
Alcestis, it is feminine. Cf. ll. 62, 63.
53. We have come to the first instance in which Chaucer transposed the
order of his material in the course of revision. Line 53 of the B-text
corresponds to A. 55, whilst B. 61 corresponds to A. 51. All such instances
are clearly shewn by printing the transposed passages twice over, once in
their right place, and again in their changed place in a smaller type. By this
arrangement all such transpositions can be understood at a glance.
Page 440
The blank space which here appears in the A-text corresponds to ll. 50-52 in
B, which are marked with an asterisk as being peculiar to the latter text. In
order to save space, a small blank space (of one or two lines only) often
corresponds to an insertion in the other text of some length.
56. 'And I love it, and ever (do so) equally anew,' i.e. unalterably.
57. The word herte is so common that it is worth while to remember that it
is usually dissyllabic; the A.S. form being heorte.
58. Al, although (very common). Of this, in this matter.
61. Weste, is here a verb; 'to turn to the west.' See l. 197.
65. Probably to be scanned thus: Óf | the sónn' | for thér | hit wól | unclós-e.
See note to l. 67, and cf. l. 111.
66. Ne had, pronounced as nad; and often so written.
67. The first syllable of a line is often wanting in Chaucer; so that the first
foot consists of a single emphatic syllable. Such lines are now considered
faulty, though examples may be found in Tennyson's 'Vision of Sin,' which
cannot be called unmelodious; but they were once common, especially in
Lydgate. Some examples from the present poem are the following:—
That | of alle the floures in the
mede; 41.
Suf | fisant this flour to preyse
aright; 67.
Of | this flour, whan that hit shulde
unclose; 111.
Made | hir lyk a daysie for to sene;
224.
B, which are marked with an asterisk as being peculiar to the latter text. In
order to save space, a small blank space (of one or two lines only) often
corresponds to an insertion in the other text of some length.
56. 'And I love it, and ever (do so) equally anew,' i.e. unalterably.
57. The word herte is so common that it is worth while to remember that it
is usually dissyllabic; the A.S. form being heorte.
58. Al, although (very common). Of this, in this matter.
61. Weste, is here a verb; 'to turn to the west.' See l. 197.
65. Probably to be scanned thus: Óf | the sónn' | for thér | hit wól | unclós-e.
See note to l. 67, and cf. l. 111.
66. Ne had, pronounced as nad; and often so written.
67. The first syllable of a line is often wanting in Chaucer; so that the first
foot consists of a single emphatic syllable. Such lines are now considered
faulty, though examples may be found in Tennyson's 'Vision of Sin,' which
cannot be called unmelodious; but they were once common, especially in
Lydgate. Some examples from the present poem are the following:—
That | of alle the floures in the
mede; 41.
Suf | fisant this flour to preyse
aright; 67.
Of | this flour, whan that hit shulde
unclose; 111.
Made | hir lyk a daysie for to sene;
224.
Page 441
So also ll. 245, 303, 722, 783, 797, 859, 863, 901, 911, 1024, 1030, 1076,
1187, 1275, 1324, 1342, 1498, 1551, 1828, 1996, 2471, 2575.
68. Conning, knowledge. Many words now used with a changed
signification are well explained in Trench's Select Glossary, which should
be consulted for them. Thus, in the article upon cunning, Trench quotes the
following from the examination of Wm. Thorpe, as preserved in Foxe's
Book of Martyrs:—'I believe that all these three Persons [in the Godhead]
are even in power and in cunning and in might'.
69. Make, compose poetry; of sentement, concerning your feelings. So in l.
74, making is 'poetry.' See Trench, s.v. make; where it is shewn that the use
of the word arose quite independently of the Gk. use of ποιεῖν and ποιητής.
'One of the earliest instances of the use of makyere in the sense of "author"
occurs in the Kentish Ayenbite of Inwyt, ed. Morris, p. 269; written A.D.
1340. The A.S. scóp and O.H.G. scóf mean "a shaper." The G. Dichter
means an "arranger"; the Fr. trouvère, Provençal troubadour, and Ital.
trovatore means a "finder."'—Skeat, note to P. Plowman, B. xii. 16 (where
makynges means 'poems').
72. Cf. l. 193. There appears to be here some reference to a poem of the
kind called in F. tenson (O.F. tençon) or in O. Provençal tenso, i.e. 'dispute,'
in which the relative merits of two subjects are discussed. An early example
in English is the poem called The Owl and the Nightingale, in which these
birds contend for the superiority. In the present case, the suggestion is to
discuss the value of the Leaf, representing no doubt constancy or any
enduring virtue, as compared with that of the Flower, the representative of
perishable beauty and the freshness of first love. Chaucer probably refers to
some such poem in French, but I cannot point out the exact source.
On the other hand, the present passage doubtless suggested the poem called
'The Flower and the Leaf,' a pretty but somewhat tedious poem of the
fifteenth century, in which Chaucer's style is imitated with no remarkable
exactness or success. This poem was formerly rashly attributed to Chaucer
himself without any evidence, though it was printed for the first time as late
1187, 1275, 1324, 1342, 1498, 1551, 1828, 1996, 2471, 2575.
68. Conning, knowledge. Many words now used with a changed
signification are well explained in Trench's Select Glossary, which should
be consulted for them. Thus, in the article upon cunning, Trench quotes the
following from the examination of Wm. Thorpe, as preserved in Foxe's
Book of Martyrs:—'I believe that all these three Persons [in the Godhead]
are even in power and in cunning and in might'.
69. Make, compose poetry; of sentement, concerning your feelings. So in l.
74, making is 'poetry.' See Trench, s.v. make; where it is shewn that the use
of the word arose quite independently of the Gk. use of ποιεῖν and ποιητής.
'One of the earliest instances of the use of makyere in the sense of "author"
occurs in the Kentish Ayenbite of Inwyt, ed. Morris, p. 269; written A.D.
1340. The A.S. scóp and O.H.G. scóf mean "a shaper." The G. Dichter
means an "arranger"; the Fr. trouvère, Provençal troubadour, and Ital.
trovatore means a "finder."'—Skeat, note to P. Plowman, B. xii. 16 (where
makynges means 'poems').
72. Cf. l. 193. There appears to be here some reference to a poem of the
kind called in F. tenson (O.F. tençon) or in O. Provençal tenso, i.e. 'dispute,'
in which the relative merits of two subjects are discussed. An early example
in English is the poem called The Owl and the Nightingale, in which these
birds contend for the superiority. In the present case, the suggestion is to
discuss the value of the Leaf, representing no doubt constancy or any
enduring virtue, as compared with that of the Flower, the representative of
perishable beauty and the freshness of first love. Chaucer probably refers to
some such poem in French, but I cannot point out the exact source.
On the other hand, the present passage doubtless suggested the poem called
'The Flower and the Leaf,' a pretty but somewhat tedious poem of the
fifteenth century, in which Chaucer's style is imitated with no remarkable
exactness or success. This poem was formerly rashly attributed to Chaucer
himself without any evidence, though it was printed for the first time as late
Page 442
as 1598. See it discussed in vol. i. p. 44. Gower also refers to the present
passage; C. A. iii. 358.
In scanning this line, remember to pronounce Whether as Whe'r, a
monosyllable. This is common also in Shakespeare, as in his 59th Sonnet:
'Whe'r we are mended, or whe'r better they.'
74. Making, poetry; ropen, reaped. 'For I well know, that ye (poets) have
long ere this reaped the field of poetry, and carried away the corn from it;
and I come after you as a gleaner.' See note to l. 69. Compare Parl. Foules,
22-25.
The A.S. rípan, to reap, was a strong verb; pt. t. ráp, pp. ripen. The M.E.
forms are various and corrupt, and not very common. In P. Plowman, B.
xiii. 374, the pt. t. is rope, pl. ropen. The proper form of the pp. is rĭpen; the
form ropen is due to that confusion between the past tense and past
participle which is so extremely common in English. See Morris, Hist.
Outlines of Eng. Accidence, p. 160.
80. Evel apayd, ill pleased, displeased; a common phrase. See Cler. Tale, E
1052; Can. Yem. Tale, G 921, 1049. Apayd, pleased, occurs in the Kn. Tale,
1010 (A 1868).
85. Wynt, windeth, turns (me) about, directs (me). These contracted forms
of the third person singular of the present indicative are almost universal in
Anglo-Saxon, and very common in M.E. Chaucer has fynt = findeth, rit =
rideth, hit = hideth, et = eateth, l. 1389, &c. A much earlier example of wint
for windeth is in the Ancren Riwle, p. 296.
86. In-with, within. This curious form is not very common in Chaucer. Still
it occurs in l. 228 below; in the Prior. Tale, B 1794; Cler. Tale, E 870;
March. Tale, E 1944; Troilus, ii. 508, iii. 1499, &c. See Mätzner.
88. Nothing I, I am not at all (the master of it).
passage; C. A. iii. 358.
In scanning this line, remember to pronounce Whether as Whe'r, a
monosyllable. This is common also in Shakespeare, as in his 59th Sonnet:
'Whe'r we are mended, or whe'r better they.'
74. Making, poetry; ropen, reaped. 'For I well know, that ye (poets) have
long ere this reaped the field of poetry, and carried away the corn from it;
and I come after you as a gleaner.' See note to l. 69. Compare Parl. Foules,
22-25.
The A.S. rípan, to reap, was a strong verb; pt. t. ráp, pp. ripen. The M.E.
forms are various and corrupt, and not very common. In P. Plowman, B.
xiii. 374, the pt. t. is rope, pl. ropen. The proper form of the pp. is rĭpen; the
form ropen is due to that confusion between the past tense and past
participle which is so extremely common in English. See Morris, Hist.
Outlines of Eng. Accidence, p. 160.
80. Evel apayd, ill pleased, displeased; a common phrase. See Cler. Tale, E
1052; Can. Yem. Tale, G 921, 1049. Apayd, pleased, occurs in the Kn. Tale,
1010 (A 1868).
85. Wynt, windeth, turns (me) about, directs (me). These contracted forms
of the third person singular of the present indicative are almost universal in
Anglo-Saxon, and very common in M.E. Chaucer has fynt = findeth, rit =
rideth, hit = hideth, et = eateth, l. 1389, &c. A much earlier example of wint
for windeth is in the Ancren Riwle, p. 296.
86. In-with, within. This curious form is not very common in Chaucer. Still
it occurs in l. 228 below; in the Prior. Tale, B 1794; Cler. Tale, E 870;
March. Tale, E 1944; Troilus, ii. 508, iii. 1499, &c. See Mätzner.
88. Nothing I, I am not at all (the master of it).
Page 443
90. This is a fine simile. His lady sovereign can evoke from him any tone at
will. And maketh = and (the hand) makes. Bell puts That for And, without
authority.
93. Yow list, it pleases you. List = listeth; cf. note to l. 85.
97. 'But why said I that we should give credence?' See ll. 10, 20.
In the A-text (l. 81) But wherfor is used differently, and means—'But the
reason why,' &c.
100. Seen at eye, see evidently. So in the Can. Yem. Tale, G 1059. Cf. fair
at yë, fair to the sight, id. G 964; Cler. Tale, E 1168. The promise made in l.
101 was not fulfilled.
103. Besy gost, active spirit. Thrusteth, thirsteth.
105. Gledy, glowing; an adj. formed from gleed, a glowing coal. I know of
no other example of this word. The compound adj. gled-read, glede-red, i.e.
red as a glowing coal, occurs in O. Eng. Homilies, ed. Morris, i. 249.
108. The first of May was a favourite time for joyful observances. See note
to Kn. Tale, A 1500.
109. Dredful, timid, timorous; as in Kn. Tale, A 1479.
112. Agayn, against, towards, turned towards; as in l. 48.
113. The beste, i.e. the Bull, the sign Taurus. Agenores doghter is Europa,
daughter of Agenor of Phœnicia, who, according to the fable, was carried
off by Jupiter in the form of a bull. Hence Ovid uses the expression
'Agenoreus bos,' Fast. vi. 712; and calls Europa 'Agenore nata,' Met. ii. 858.
For the story, see the latter reference.
will. And maketh = and (the hand) makes. Bell puts That for And, without
authority.
93. Yow list, it pleases you. List = listeth; cf. note to l. 85.
97. 'But why said I that we should give credence?' See ll. 10, 20.
In the A-text (l. 81) But wherfor is used differently, and means—'But the
reason why,' &c.
100. Seen at eye, see evidently. So in the Can. Yem. Tale, G 1059. Cf. fair
at yë, fair to the sight, id. G 964; Cler. Tale, E 1168. The promise made in l.
101 was not fulfilled.
103. Besy gost, active spirit. Thrusteth, thirsteth.
105. Gledy, glowing; an adj. formed from gleed, a glowing coal. I know of
no other example of this word. The compound adj. gled-read, glede-red, i.e.
red as a glowing coal, occurs in O. Eng. Homilies, ed. Morris, i. 249.
108. The first of May was a favourite time for joyful observances. See note
to Kn. Tale, A 1500.
109. Dredful, timid, timorous; as in Kn. Tale, A 1479.
112. Agayn, against, towards, turned towards; as in l. 48.
113. The beste, i.e. the Bull, the sign Taurus. Agenores doghter is Europa,
daughter of Agenor of Phœnicia, who, according to the fable, was carried
off by Jupiter in the form of a bull. Hence Ovid uses the expression
'Agenoreus bos,' Fast. vi. 712; and calls Europa 'Agenore nata,' Met. ii. 858.
For the story, see the latter reference.
Page 444
Chaucer here tells us that the Sun, on the 1st of May, was 'in the breast' of
Taurus, i.e. in the middle of it. It was, in fact, far advanced in the sign, near
the 20th degree. See Fig. 1 in this volume, which shews the back of the
Astrolabe.
118. Cf. Book of the Duchesse, 399.
125. Cf. Book of the Duchesse, ll. 410-2, which is a parallel passage. Both
passages are borrowed from the Roman de la Rose, 55-58; see vol. i. p. 95.
126. Mat, dead; a term borrowed from the game of chess. See Anelida, 176;
Book Duch., 660; and Kn. Tale, A 955.
128. Atempre, temperate, mild. See Book of the Duch., 341, and the note.
This again is from the Rom. de la Rose, 125. Releved, raised up again,
revived. Cotgrave gives: 'Relevé, raised, lift, or set up again; relieved,
revived, fully restored.'
130. 'In the classical and middle ages small birds were a common article of
food, as they are on the continent at the present time; and the season for
catching them with a panter, or bag-net, was winter, when the scarcity of
food made them tame. The poet here represents their songs in the spring, as
the expression of their exultation at having baffled the stratagems, quaintly
called sophistries, by which the fowler had endeavoured to lure them to
their destruction.'—Bell.
The word panter is curiously preserved in the mod. E. painter, a rope for
mooring a boat. I quote the following from my Etym. Dict.: '"Painter, a
rope employed to fasten a boat"; Hawkesworth's Voyages, 1773, vol. i. p.
xxix. Corrupted (by assimilation to the ordinary sb. painter) from M.E.
panter, a noose, esp. for catching birds. See Chaucer, Leg. of Good Women,
131; Prompt. Parv., p. 381; spelt paunter, Polit. Songs, ed. Wright, p. 344.
—O.F. pantiere, a kind of snare for birds, Roquefort; panthiere, "a great
swoop-net"; Cotgrave. Cf. Ital. pantiera, "a kind of tramell or fowling net";
Florio; panthera, "a net or haie to catch conies with, also a kind of fowling-
net"; id.—Lat. panther, a hunting-net for catching wild beasts. Cf.
Taurus, i.e. in the middle of it. It was, in fact, far advanced in the sign, near
the 20th degree. See Fig. 1 in this volume, which shews the back of the
Astrolabe.
118. Cf. Book of the Duchesse, 399.
125. Cf. Book of the Duchesse, ll. 410-2, which is a parallel passage. Both
passages are borrowed from the Roman de la Rose, 55-58; see vol. i. p. 95.
126. Mat, dead; a term borrowed from the game of chess. See Anelida, 176;
Book Duch., 660; and Kn. Tale, A 955.
128. Atempre, temperate, mild. See Book of the Duch., 341, and the note.
This again is from the Rom. de la Rose, 125. Releved, raised up again,
revived. Cotgrave gives: 'Relevé, raised, lift, or set up again; relieved,
revived, fully restored.'
130. 'In the classical and middle ages small birds were a common article of
food, as they are on the continent at the present time; and the season for
catching them with a panter, or bag-net, was winter, when the scarcity of
food made them tame. The poet here represents their songs in the spring, as
the expression of their exultation at having baffled the stratagems, quaintly
called sophistries, by which the fowler had endeavoured to lure them to
their destruction.'—Bell.
The word panter is curiously preserved in the mod. E. painter, a rope for
mooring a boat. I quote the following from my Etym. Dict.: '"Painter, a
rope employed to fasten a boat"; Hawkesworth's Voyages, 1773, vol. i. p.
xxix. Corrupted (by assimilation to the ordinary sb. painter) from M.E.
panter, a noose, esp. for catching birds. See Chaucer, Leg. of Good Women,
131; Prompt. Parv., p. 381; spelt paunter, Polit. Songs, ed. Wright, p. 344.
—O.F. pantiere, a kind of snare for birds, Roquefort; panthiere, "a great
swoop-net"; Cotgrave. Cf. Ital. pantiera, "a kind of tramell or fowling net";
Florio; panthera, "a net or haie to catch conies with, also a kind of fowling-
net"; id.—Lat. panther, a hunting-net for catching wild beasts. Cf.
Page 445
panthera, an entire capture.—Gk. πανθηρός, catching all; cf. πανθήρα, the
whole booty (a very late word).—Gk. πᾶν, neut. of πᾶς, every; and θήρ, a
wild beast.
'The Irish painteir, Gael. painntear, a gin, snare, are forms of the same
word [but were borrowed from English or French]. It is remarkable that, in
America, a panther is also called a painter. See Cooper, The Pioneers, cap.
xxviii.'
132. Upon, against, in scorn of; cf. in his despyt, l. 134. A-whaped, scared.
—A. 127. The A-text is hereabouts very imperfect, and some lines are too
short. I supply words within square brackets, in order to fill out the lines,
and to make sense.
145. See Parl. of Foules, 309, 683, and the note to the former passage in
vol. i. p. 516. Birds were supposed to choose their mates on St. Valentine's
day (Feb. 14).
146. Chees, chose: the past tense; A.S. céas.
154. Tydif, the name of some small bird, guessed by Skinner to be the
titmouse; more probably the tydy mentioned by Drayton, which is supposed
to mean a wren. See Tydy in Nares. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 648; id. 610, 611.
158. 'Provided that their mates would pity them.'
160. Daunger usually means 'power to harm.' These allegorical personages
were suggested by the Roman de la Rose. In the English version (l. 3018)
Daunger is the name of the 'foul churl,' who is set beside the Rose, to
prevent strangers from plucking it. In Chaucer's Complaint unto Pite, he
introduces such personages as Crueltee (corresponding to Daunger), Pite,
Bountee, Gentilesse, and Curtesye. So here, we are told that although
Daunger (i.e. power to harm or to repel) seemed for a time to have the
upper hand, yet at the last Pity induced relenting, and caused Mercy to
whole booty (a very late word).—Gk. πᾶν, neut. of πᾶς, every; and θήρ, a
wild beast.
'The Irish painteir, Gael. painntear, a gin, snare, are forms of the same
word [but were borrowed from English or French]. It is remarkable that, in
America, a panther is also called a painter. See Cooper, The Pioneers, cap.
xxviii.'
132. Upon, against, in scorn of; cf. in his despyt, l. 134. A-whaped, scared.
—A. 127. The A-text is hereabouts very imperfect, and some lines are too
short. I supply words within square brackets, in order to fill out the lines,
and to make sense.
145. See Parl. of Foules, 309, 683, and the note to the former passage in
vol. i. p. 516. Birds were supposed to choose their mates on St. Valentine's
day (Feb. 14).
146. Chees, chose: the past tense; A.S. céas.
154. Tydif, the name of some small bird, guessed by Skinner to be the
titmouse; more probably the tydy mentioned by Drayton, which is supposed
to mean a wren. See Tydy in Nares. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 648; id. 610, 611.
158. 'Provided that their mates would pity them.'
160. Daunger usually means 'power to harm.' These allegorical personages
were suggested by the Roman de la Rose. In the English version (l. 3018)
Daunger is the name of the 'foul churl,' who is set beside the Rose, to
prevent strangers from plucking it. In Chaucer's Complaint unto Pite, he
introduces such personages as Crueltee (corresponding to Daunger), Pite,
Bountee, Gentilesse, and Curtesye. So here, we are told that although
Daunger (i.e. power to harm or to repel) seemed for a time to have the
upper hand, yet at the last Pity induced relenting, and caused Mercy to
Page 446
surpass (or prevail over) Right (or Justice). Just as Pity is opposed to
Danger or Cruelty, so we find, in the old theological allegories, that Mercy
is opposed to Justice. The pleading of Mercy against Justice will be found at
length in Grosteste's Chastel d'Amour, in the Cursor Mundi, p. 550, and in
the Gesta Romanorum, Tale 55. See my note to P. Plowman, C. xxi. 120.
163. 'By means of innocence and well-mannered courtesy.'
164. 'But I do not call folly, or false pity, by the name of innocence'; i.e. the
poet does not approve of immodesty or weakness, because in all things the
chief virtue is moderation, or the 'golden mean.' Beauty should be neither
too yielding nor too pitiless.
166. Etik, Lat. Ethica; alluding to the Ethics of Aristotle, in which
happiness and virtue are discussed, and the nature of virtue is said to shew
itself in its appearing as the medium or mean between two extremes.
Similarly, Gower in his Conf. Amantis (ed. Pauli, iii. 153) refers us to
Aristotle's advice to Alexander, to keep the mean between avarice and
prodigality. See also Gower's remarks on ethique; id. iii. 140. Cf.
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 387.
170. So in the Parl. of Foules, 680, the birds are described as joining in the
roundel—'Now welcom somer, with thy sonne softe.'
171. Here again is a reminiscence of the Roman de la Rose, ll. 8449-51:—
'Zephirus et Flora, sa fame,
Qui des flors est deesse et dame,
Cil dui font les floretes nestre,' &c.
i.e. Zephirus and his wife Flora, who is the goddess and lady of flowers,
these two make the little flowers grow. See Book of the Duchesse, 402; and
the note upon it.
184. 'The daisy, or, otherwise, the eye of day'; see note to l. 43.
Danger or Cruelty, so we find, in the old theological allegories, that Mercy
is opposed to Justice. The pleading of Mercy against Justice will be found at
length in Grosteste's Chastel d'Amour, in the Cursor Mundi, p. 550, and in
the Gesta Romanorum, Tale 55. See my note to P. Plowman, C. xxi. 120.
163. 'By means of innocence and well-mannered courtesy.'
164. 'But I do not call folly, or false pity, by the name of innocence'; i.e. the
poet does not approve of immodesty or weakness, because in all things the
chief virtue is moderation, or the 'golden mean.' Beauty should be neither
too yielding nor too pitiless.
166. Etik, Lat. Ethica; alluding to the Ethics of Aristotle, in which
happiness and virtue are discussed, and the nature of virtue is said to shew
itself in its appearing as the medium or mean between two extremes.
Similarly, Gower in his Conf. Amantis (ed. Pauli, iii. 153) refers us to
Aristotle's advice to Alexander, to keep the mean between avarice and
prodigality. See also Gower's remarks on ethique; id. iii. 140. Cf.
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 387.
170. So in the Parl. of Foules, 680, the birds are described as joining in the
roundel—'Now welcom somer, with thy sonne softe.'
171. Here again is a reminiscence of the Roman de la Rose, ll. 8449-51:—
'Zephirus et Flora, sa fame,
Qui des flors est deesse et dame,
Cil dui font les floretes nestre,' &c.
i.e. Zephirus and his wife Flora, who is the goddess and lady of flowers,
these two make the little flowers grow. See Book of the Duchesse, 402; and
the note upon it.
184. 'The daisy, or, otherwise, the eye of day'; see note to l. 43.
Page 447
186. 'I pray that she may fall fairly,' that she may light upon good fortune.
All the MSS. have she; otherwise we might read her, as such is the more
usual idiom, in which case it would mean—'that it may befall her fairly.' We
have a similar case in the Manciple's Prologue, H 40, where six MSS. have
the usual idiom 'foule mot thee falle,' whilst the Ellesmere MS. alone has
'foule mot thou falle.' For a similar variation, cf. l. 277 below with A. 180,
i.e. with the corresponding line in the earlier text.
191. 'For, as regards me, neither of them is dearer or more hateful than the
other; I am not yet retained on the side of either of them.' The sense with-
holden is detained, kept back, hence reserved to one side, committed to a
particular view.
195. Thing = werk (A. 79), i.e. poem. Of another tonne, out of quite a
different cask. Cf. 'Nay, thou shalt drinken of another tonne Er that I go'; C.
T., D 170. Cf. Rom. Rose (French Text), 6838.
196. Swich thing, such a thing as the strife between the Leaf and the Flower.
The A-text (l. 80) helps us here, as it reads 'swich stryf.'
203. Herber, an arbour. This difficult word is fully explained in the New E.
Dict., s.v. arbour. It is there shewn that the original sense of the M.E.
herber or erber was 'a plot of ground covered with grass or turf; a garden-
lawn or green.' In the Medulla Grammatices, ab. 1460, we find:—'Viretum,
locus pascualis virens, a gres-yerd, or an herber.' Subsequently it meant a
herb-garden or flower-garden; a fruit-garden or orchard; trees or shrubs
trained on frame-work; and then a bower, or 'shady retreat, of which the
sides and roof are formed by trees and shrubs closely planted or
intertwined, or of lattice-work covered with climbing shrubs and plants, as
ivy, vine, &c.' Dr. Murray remarks that 'the original characteristic of the
arbour seems to have been the floor and benches of herbage [as here]; in the
modern idea the leafy covering is the prominent feature.'
The present passage was imitated and amplified by the authoress of The
Flower and the Leaf, beginning at l. 49:—
All the MSS. have she; otherwise we might read her, as such is the more
usual idiom, in which case it would mean—'that it may befall her fairly.' We
have a similar case in the Manciple's Prologue, H 40, where six MSS. have
the usual idiom 'foule mot thee falle,' whilst the Ellesmere MS. alone has
'foule mot thou falle.' For a similar variation, cf. l. 277 below with A. 180,
i.e. with the corresponding line in the earlier text.
191. 'For, as regards me, neither of them is dearer or more hateful than the
other; I am not yet retained on the side of either of them.' The sense with-
holden is detained, kept back, hence reserved to one side, committed to a
particular view.
195. Thing = werk (A. 79), i.e. poem. Of another tonne, out of quite a
different cask. Cf. 'Nay, thou shalt drinken of another tonne Er that I go'; C.
T., D 170. Cf. Rom. Rose (French Text), 6838.
196. Swich thing, such a thing as the strife between the Leaf and the Flower.
The A-text (l. 80) helps us here, as it reads 'swich stryf.'
203. Herber, an arbour. This difficult word is fully explained in the New E.
Dict., s.v. arbour. It is there shewn that the original sense of the M.E.
herber or erber was 'a plot of ground covered with grass or turf; a garden-
lawn or green.' In the Medulla Grammatices, ab. 1460, we find:—'Viretum,
locus pascualis virens, a gres-yerd, or an herber.' Subsequently it meant a
herb-garden or flower-garden; a fruit-garden or orchard; trees or shrubs
trained on frame-work; and then a bower, or 'shady retreat, of which the
sides and roof are formed by trees and shrubs closely planted or
intertwined, or of lattice-work covered with climbing shrubs and plants, as
ivy, vine, &c.' Dr. Murray remarks that 'the original characteristic of the
arbour seems to have been the floor and benches of herbage [as here]; in the
modern idea the leafy covering is the prominent feature.'
The present passage was imitated and amplified by the authoress of The
Flower and the Leaf, beginning at l. 49:—
Page 448
'a pleasaunt herber well
ywrought,
That benched was, and with turfes
new,
Freshly turved, wherof the grene
gras,
So small, so thicke, so short, so
fresh of hew,
That most like unto green woll wot
I it was;
The hegge also, that yede in compas
And closed in all the grene herbere,
With sicamour was set and
eglatere'; &c.
So too, in the Assembly of Ladies, st. 7:—
'Which broght me to an herber fair
and grene
Made with benches ful crafty and
clene.'
208. Hed, hidden. This rare form occurs again in Will. of Palerne, 688. The
usual M.E. forms are hud and hid. Similarly Chaucer uses ken for 'kin' in
Book Duch. 438, the usual M.E. forms being kun and kin; and we find ken
also in Will. of Palerne, 722. These forms are Southern, and mostly Kentish.
213. The god of love, Cupid; cf. Parl. Foules, 212. Cf. the description in the
E. version of the Rom. of the Rose, ll. 890, 1003.
In his hande, i.e. leading by the hand; see l. 241.
A quene, a queen, viz. Alcestis, as we afterwards learn. She is so clothed as
to represent a daisy; hence her green dress, golden hair-ornament or caul,
and white crown; see l. 218, and note to l. 227.
ywrought,
That benched was, and with turfes
new,
Freshly turved, wherof the grene
gras,
So small, so thicke, so short, so
fresh of hew,
That most like unto green woll wot
I it was;
The hegge also, that yede in compas
And closed in all the grene herbere,
With sicamour was set and
eglatere'; &c.
So too, in the Assembly of Ladies, st. 7:—
'Which broght me to an herber fair
and grene
Made with benches ful crafty and
clene.'
208. Hed, hidden. This rare form occurs again in Will. of Palerne, 688. The
usual M.E. forms are hud and hid. Similarly Chaucer uses ken for 'kin' in
Book Duch. 438, the usual M.E. forms being kun and kin; and we find ken
also in Will. of Palerne, 722. These forms are Southern, and mostly Kentish.
213. The god of love, Cupid; cf. Parl. Foules, 212. Cf. the description in the
E. version of the Rom. of the Rose, ll. 890, 1003.
In his hande, i.e. leading by the hand; see l. 241.
A quene, a queen, viz. Alcestis, as we afterwards learn. She is so clothed as
to represent a daisy; hence her green dress, golden hair-ornament or caul,
and white crown; see l. 218, and note to l. 227.
Page 449
215. Fret here means a caul of gold wire. They were sometimes set with
stones. Cf. Rom. Rose, 1108, and The Flower and the Leaf, 152:—'A riche
fret of gold,' &c. See Fairholt, Costume in England.
217. The pause after smale saves the final e from elision. See examples in
the Cant. Tales, B 2153, 3281, 3989; &c. We may translate the phrase and I
shal nat lye by 'if I am not to lie'; see l. 357, and the note.
221. Oriental, eastern; here, of superior quality. 'The precious stones called
by lapidaries oriental ruby, oriental topaz, oriental amethyst, and oriental
emerald are red, yellow, violet, and green sapphires, distinguished from the
other gems of the same name which have not the prefix oriental, by their
greatly superior hardness, and greater specific gravity'; Engl. Cyclopædia,
s.v. Adamantine Spar. Cf. P. Plowman, B. 2. 14.
223. For which, by means of which, whereby.
227. In the Rom. of the Rose the 'god of love' is said to be clothed 'not in
silk, but all in flowers'; his garment was all covered with flowers,
intermingled with rose-leaves; and he had a chaplet of red roses upon his
head. See the E. version, l. 890. In l. 228, fret means merely 'ornament' or
'border' of embroidery, whereas in l. 215 it is used in the sense of a caul or
net worn on the head. The A-text (160) has garlond, and adds that lilies
were stuck about among the rose-leaves. Moreover, a 'rose-leaf' here means
a petal, or it would not be described as red. Greves is properly 'groves or
bushes,' but must here mean sprays or small boughs.
231. For hevinesse, to save him from the heaviness and weight of gold. The
peculiar use of for in the sense of 'against,' or 'to prevent,' should be noticed.
See the note to Sir Thopas, B 2052.
242. Corouned is pronounced as Coróun'd.
—A. 179. Notice this mention of Alcestis in the A-text. This is altered in the
later version, so that the poet does not know who the queen is till l. 511,
stones. Cf. Rom. Rose, 1108, and The Flower and the Leaf, 152:—'A riche
fret of gold,' &c. See Fairholt, Costume in England.
217. The pause after smale saves the final e from elision. See examples in
the Cant. Tales, B 2153, 3281, 3989; &c. We may translate the phrase and I
shal nat lye by 'if I am not to lie'; see l. 357, and the note.
221. Oriental, eastern; here, of superior quality. 'The precious stones called
by lapidaries oriental ruby, oriental topaz, oriental amethyst, and oriental
emerald are red, yellow, violet, and green sapphires, distinguished from the
other gems of the same name which have not the prefix oriental, by their
greatly superior hardness, and greater specific gravity'; Engl. Cyclopædia,
s.v. Adamantine Spar. Cf. P. Plowman, B. 2. 14.
223. For which, by means of which, whereby.
227. In the Rom. of the Rose the 'god of love' is said to be clothed 'not in
silk, but all in flowers'; his garment was all covered with flowers,
intermingled with rose-leaves; and he had a chaplet of red roses upon his
head. See the E. version, l. 890. In l. 228, fret means merely 'ornament' or
'border' of embroidery, whereas in l. 215 it is used in the sense of a caul or
net worn on the head. The A-text (160) has garlond, and adds that lilies
were stuck about among the rose-leaves. Moreover, a 'rose-leaf' here means
a petal, or it would not be described as red. Greves is properly 'groves or
bushes,' but must here mean sprays or small boughs.
231. For hevinesse, to save him from the heaviness and weight of gold. The
peculiar use of for in the sense of 'against,' or 'to prevent,' should be noticed.
See the note to Sir Thopas, B 2052.
242. Corouned is pronounced as Coróun'd.
—A. 179. Notice this mention of Alcestis in the A-text. This is altered in the
later version, so that the poet does not know who the queen is till l. 511,
Page 450
though she actually announces herself in l. 432. See note to l. 255 (B.)
below.
249. Absolon, Absalom; remarkable for the beauty of his hair; see 2 Sam.
xiv. 26. Cf. 'Absalom o ses treces soves'; Rom. de la Rose, 14074. I have
little doubt that the general idea of this Ballade is taken from one quoted
from MS. du Roi, à Paris (fonds de Saint-Victor, no. 275, fol. 45, recto, col.
2), by M. Michel, in his edition of Tristan, i. lxxxviii. It begins as
follows:—
'Hester, Judith, Penelope, Helaine,
Sarre, Tisbe, Rebeque, et Sairy,
Lucresse, Yseult, Genèvre,
chastelaine
La très loial nommée de Vergy,
Rachel, et la dame de Fayel
Onc ne furent si precieulx jouel
D'onneur, bonté, senz, beauté et
valour
Con est ma très doulce dame
d'onnour.
Se d'Absalon la grant beauté
humaine,' &c.
The refrain being, as before, 'Con est ma très doulce dame d'onnour.'
250. Ester, Esther; cited as an example of 'debonairte' in the Book of the
Duch. 986; see also C. T., E 1371, 1744 (Merch. Tale); and the Tale of
Melibeus, B 2291.
251. Ionathas, Jonathan; remarkable for his 'friendliness' towards David; 1
Sam. xix. 2.
252. Penalopee, Penelope, wife of Ulysses; see the note to Book of the
Duch. 1081; and Ovid, Her. i. Marcia Catoun, formerly said to be Marcia,
below.
249. Absolon, Absalom; remarkable for the beauty of his hair; see 2 Sam.
xiv. 26. Cf. 'Absalom o ses treces soves'; Rom. de la Rose, 14074. I have
little doubt that the general idea of this Ballade is taken from one quoted
from MS. du Roi, à Paris (fonds de Saint-Victor, no. 275, fol. 45, recto, col.
2), by M. Michel, in his edition of Tristan, i. lxxxviii. It begins as
follows:—
'Hester, Judith, Penelope, Helaine,
Sarre, Tisbe, Rebeque, et Sairy,
Lucresse, Yseult, Genèvre,
chastelaine
La très loial nommée de Vergy,
Rachel, et la dame de Fayel
Onc ne furent si precieulx jouel
D'onneur, bonté, senz, beauté et
valour
Con est ma très doulce dame
d'onnour.
Se d'Absalon la grant beauté
humaine,' &c.
The refrain being, as before, 'Con est ma très doulce dame d'onnour.'
250. Ester, Esther; cited as an example of 'debonairte' in the Book of the
Duch. 986; see also C. T., E 1371, 1744 (Merch. Tale); and the Tale of
Melibeus, B 2291.
251. Ionathas, Jonathan; remarkable for his 'friendliness' towards David; 1
Sam. xix. 2.
252. Penalopee, Penelope, wife of Ulysses; see the note to Book of the
Duch. 1081; and Ovid, Her. i. Marcia Catoun, formerly said to be Marcia,
Page 451
wife of M. Cato Uticensis [not Cato the Censor, as Bell says]. Bell notes
that 'her complaisance, apparently, in consenting to be lent to Cato's friend,
Hortensius, is the ground of her praise in this place.' Gilman refers us to
Clough's tr. of Plutarch, iv. 394, where the story is given. This, however, is
not the right solution. Prof. Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 294) points
out that the reference is clearly to Marcia, daughter of the same Cato,
because Chaucer got the story from Hieronymus contra Iovinianum (i. 46),
where we find:—'Marcia Catonis filia minor, quum quæreretur ab ea, cur
post amissum maritum, denuo non nuberet, respondit, non se inuenire
uirum, qui se magis vellet quam sua.' A much better example would have
been her sister Porcia, the devoted wife of Marcus Brutus (Jul. Cæsar, ii. 1).
254. Isoude, the heroine of the romance of Sir Tristram; see Parl. of Foules,
288 (and the note on the line); also Ho. Fame, 1796. Eleyne, Helen, heroine
of the Trojan war.
255. Note how the original refrain of this Balade, beginning 'Alceste is
here,' is altered to 'My lady cometh'; in order to prevent the premature
mention of Alcestis' name. See note to A. 179 above, following the note to l.
242. Disteyne, bedim; viz. by outshining them.
257. Lavyne, Lavinia, the heroine of the latter part of the Æneid; cf. Book
of the Duch. 331; Ho. Fame, 458. Lucresse, Lucretia of Rome, whose
'Legend' is related at length below; l. 1680. Cf. Cant. Tales, F 1405.
258. Polixene, Polyxena, daughter of Priam, who, like Lucretia, bought love
too dearly; for she was sacrificed on the tomb of Achilles, according to
Ovid, Met. xiii. 448. But according to Guido delle Colonne, whom Chaucer
probably regarded as a better authority, she was slain by Pyrrhus. Cf. Book
of the Duch. 1071. Note also:—'Alas, your love, I bye hit al to dere';
Anelida, 255.
259. Cleopatre, Cleopatra; whose Legend is the first of the series below: l.
580.
261. Tisbe, Thisbe; whose Legend follows that of Cleopatra; l. 706.
that 'her complaisance, apparently, in consenting to be lent to Cato's friend,
Hortensius, is the ground of her praise in this place.' Gilman refers us to
Clough's tr. of Plutarch, iv. 394, where the story is given. This, however, is
not the right solution. Prof. Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 294) points
out that the reference is clearly to Marcia, daughter of the same Cato,
because Chaucer got the story from Hieronymus contra Iovinianum (i. 46),
where we find:—'Marcia Catonis filia minor, quum quæreretur ab ea, cur
post amissum maritum, denuo non nuberet, respondit, non se inuenire
uirum, qui se magis vellet quam sua.' A much better example would have
been her sister Porcia, the devoted wife of Marcus Brutus (Jul. Cæsar, ii. 1).
254. Isoude, the heroine of the romance of Sir Tristram; see Parl. of Foules,
288 (and the note on the line); also Ho. Fame, 1796. Eleyne, Helen, heroine
of the Trojan war.
255. Note how the original refrain of this Balade, beginning 'Alceste is
here,' is altered to 'My lady cometh'; in order to prevent the premature
mention of Alcestis' name. See note to A. 179 above, following the note to l.
242. Disteyne, bedim; viz. by outshining them.
257. Lavyne, Lavinia, the heroine of the latter part of the Æneid; cf. Book
of the Duch. 331; Ho. Fame, 458. Lucresse, Lucretia of Rome, whose
'Legend' is related at length below; l. 1680. Cf. Cant. Tales, F 1405.
258. Polixene, Polyxena, daughter of Priam, who, like Lucretia, bought love
too dearly; for she was sacrificed on the tomb of Achilles, according to
Ovid, Met. xiii. 448. But according to Guido delle Colonne, whom Chaucer
probably regarded as a better authority, she was slain by Pyrrhus. Cf. Book
of the Duch. 1071. Note also:—'Alas, your love, I bye hit al to dere';
Anelida, 255.
259. Cleopatre, Cleopatra; whose Legend is the first of the series below: l.
580.
261. Tisbe, Thisbe; whose Legend follows that of Cleopatra; l. 706.
Page 452
263. Herro, Hero of Sestos, beloved by Leander; see Ovid, Her. xviii, xix.
Spelt Erro, Pref. to Man of Law, B 69; whence we learn that the Legend of
Hero was intended to be one of the set. Dido; whose Legend occurs below;
l. 924. Laudomia, Laodamia, wife of Protesilaus; see Ovid, Her. xiii. Spelt
Ladomea, and accented (as here) on the o; Pref. to Man of Law, B 71. And
see Cant. Tales, F 1445.
264. Phyllis; whose Legend occurs at l. 2394.
265. Canace, daughter of Æolus, beloved by Macareus; see Ovid, Her. xi.
See Pref. to Man of Law, B 78; whence we learn that Chaucer had no
intention of including her Legend in the set, but expressly rejected it. Chere,
sad countenance.
266. Ysiphile, Hypsipyle; whose Legend occurs at l. 1368.
268. Ypermistre, Hypermnestra; whose Legend occurs at l. 2562.
Adriane, Ariadne; whose Legend occurs at l. 1886.
For further remarks, see my long note to the Man of Law's Tale, B 61.
270. Bell remarks that the above beautiful Balade has been often imitated;
and cites a poem by Surrey with the title 'A Praise of his Love, wherein he
reproveth them that compare their ladies with his,' and beginning—'Geue
place, ye louers, here before That spent your bostes and bragges in vaine.'
See Tottell's Miscellany, ed. Arber, p. 20. Another such poem occurs in the
same collection, at p. 163; beginning—'Geue place, you Ladies, and begon';
this, it appears, was written by John Heywood; Warton, Hist. E. Poet.
(1840), iii. 56 (note). With respect to Surrey's verses, Warton (Hist. E. P.
1840, iii. 33) remarks that 'the leading compliment, which has been used by
later writers, is in the spirit of Italian fiction.' But it is probable that we here
see Surrey's original before us. Among the beautiful songs on this theme,
we should not neglect 'You meaner beauties of the night,' by Sir Henry
Wotton. Cf. ll. 274, 275 below.
Spelt Erro, Pref. to Man of Law, B 69; whence we learn that the Legend of
Hero was intended to be one of the set. Dido; whose Legend occurs below;
l. 924. Laudomia, Laodamia, wife of Protesilaus; see Ovid, Her. xiii. Spelt
Ladomea, and accented (as here) on the o; Pref. to Man of Law, B 71. And
see Cant. Tales, F 1445.
264. Phyllis; whose Legend occurs at l. 2394.
265. Canace, daughter of Æolus, beloved by Macareus; see Ovid, Her. xi.
See Pref. to Man of Law, B 78; whence we learn that Chaucer had no
intention of including her Legend in the set, but expressly rejected it. Chere,
sad countenance.
266. Ysiphile, Hypsipyle; whose Legend occurs at l. 1368.
268. Ypermistre, Hypermnestra; whose Legend occurs at l. 2562.
Adriane, Ariadne; whose Legend occurs at l. 1886.
For further remarks, see my long note to the Man of Law's Tale, B 61.
270. Bell remarks that the above beautiful Balade has been often imitated;
and cites a poem by Surrey with the title 'A Praise of his Love, wherein he
reproveth them that compare their ladies with his,' and beginning—'Geue
place, ye louers, here before That spent your bostes and bragges in vaine.'
See Tottell's Miscellany, ed. Arber, p. 20. Another such poem occurs in the
same collection, at p. 163; beginning—'Geue place, you Ladies, and begon';
this, it appears, was written by John Heywood; Warton, Hist. E. Poet.
(1840), iii. 56 (note). With respect to Surrey's verses, Warton (Hist. E. P.
1840, iii. 33) remarks that 'the leading compliment, which has been used by
later writers, is in the spirit of Italian fiction.' But it is probable that we here
see Surrey's original before us. Among the beautiful songs on this theme,
we should not neglect 'You meaner beauties of the night,' by Sir Henry
Wotton. Cf. ll. 274, 275 below.
Page 453
271. By, with respect to. My lady is the queen Alcestis, whose name
Chaucer is supposed not to know as yet. See l. 432.
277. See note to l. 186 above.
278. Nadde = ne hadde. 'For, had not the comfort of her presence existed.'
We should now say, 'Had it not been for the comfort.' Cf. Spec. Eng.
Literature, pt. iii. note to § xv (b). l. 96.
295. For the nones, for the once, for this special occasion. See the note to
Chaucer's Prologue, l. 379. The phrase was first explained, carefully and
fully, by Price, in a note to Warton's Hist. Eng. Poet. ed. 1840, ii. 74, 75.
298. 'That bears away the prize from us all in external beauty or figure.' Our
alder, of us all; where our = A.S. úre, gen. pl. of the first personal pronoun,
and alder is a more emphatic form of aller (A.S. ealra), gen. pl. of all. See
Chaucer's Prol. 586, 710, 799, 823. Hence alderliefest, dearest of all, in 2
Hen. VI. i. 1. 28; probably borrowed from alderlevest in Chaucer's Troilus,
v. 576 (in vol. ii.). Prof. Corson cites altherbeste, best of all, from Gower,
C. A. ed. Pauli, i. 106; althermest, most of all, from the same, i. 147;
althertrewest, id. i. 176; altherwerst, id. i. 53. In Chaucer's Minor Poems
the reader will find our alder, of us all, ABC, 84; also alderbeste, Book
Duch. 246; alderfaireste, id. 1050; and aldernext, Parl. Foules, 244.
300. A-compas enviroun, in a circle, all round about.
304. By and by, one after another, in order; see the New E. Dict.
307. Furlong-wey, lit. two minutes and a-half; or the time of walking a
furlong, at 3 miles an hour. See Anelida, 328; Ho. Fame, 2064.
314. Hit am I, it is I; the usual M.E. idiom. See Kn. Tale, A 1736; Man of
Law's Tale, B 1109, and note. Him neer, nearer to him: neer is the
comparative of neh or nigh; cf. l. 316.
Chaucer is supposed not to know as yet. See l. 432.
277. See note to l. 186 above.
278. Nadde = ne hadde. 'For, had not the comfort of her presence existed.'
We should now say, 'Had it not been for the comfort.' Cf. Spec. Eng.
Literature, pt. iii. note to § xv (b). l. 96.
295. For the nones, for the once, for this special occasion. See the note to
Chaucer's Prologue, l. 379. The phrase was first explained, carefully and
fully, by Price, in a note to Warton's Hist. Eng. Poet. ed. 1840, ii. 74, 75.
298. 'That bears away the prize from us all in external beauty or figure.' Our
alder, of us all; where our = A.S. úre, gen. pl. of the first personal pronoun,
and alder is a more emphatic form of aller (A.S. ealra), gen. pl. of all. See
Chaucer's Prol. 586, 710, 799, 823. Hence alderliefest, dearest of all, in 2
Hen. VI. i. 1. 28; probably borrowed from alderlevest in Chaucer's Troilus,
v. 576 (in vol. ii.). Prof. Corson cites altherbeste, best of all, from Gower,
C. A. ed. Pauli, i. 106; althermest, most of all, from the same, i. 147;
althertrewest, id. i. 176; altherwerst, id. i. 53. In Chaucer's Minor Poems
the reader will find our alder, of us all, ABC, 84; also alderbeste, Book
Duch. 246; alderfaireste, id. 1050; and aldernext, Parl. Foules, 244.
300. A-compas enviroun, in a circle, all round about.
304. By and by, one after another, in order; see the New E. Dict.
307. Furlong-wey, lit. two minutes and a-half; or the time of walking a
furlong, at 3 miles an hour. See Anelida, 328; Ho. Fame, 2064.
314. Hit am I, it is I; the usual M.E. idiom. See Kn. Tale, A 1736; Man of
Law's Tale, B 1109, and note. Him neer, nearer to him: neer is the
comparative of neh or nigh; cf. l. 316.
Page 454
318. Dante has 'che noi siam vermi'; Purg. x. 124.
323. Servaunt in Chaucer frequently means 'lover'; such is necessarily the
case here.
329. Chaucer here certainly seems to imply that he translated the whole of
the Romance of the Rose, or at any rate that part of it which is especially
directed against women. The existing English version consists of three
fragments, apparently by different authors, and I see little reason for
connecting more than fragment A (ll. 1-1705) with Chaucer. None of the
fragments contain such passages as the God of Love would most have
objected to; but we find some of them practically reproduced in the
Prologue to the Wyf of Bathes Tale. We also find numerous imitations of
passages from that poem scattered up and down throughout Chaucer's
works; and it is remarkable that such passages usually lie outside the
contents of the English fragments. Where they do not, Chaucer frequently
varies from the English version of the Romance. Thus where Chaucer
(Book Duch. 419) has:—
'And every tree stood by himselve
Fro other wel ten foot or twelve.
So grete trees, so huge of
strengthe'—
the Eng. version of the Rom. of the Rose (1391) has:—
'These trees were set, that I devyse,
Oon from another, in assyse,
Five fadome or sixe, I trowe so,
But they were hye and grete also.'
We may here note the variation between ten foot or twelve and five fadom
or six; the original has cinq toises, ou de sis. Other passages in the Book of
the Duchesse which resemble the existing E. version of the Rom. of the
Rose are these. (1) Book Duch. 424; cf. R. R. 1396. (2) Book Duch. 291; cf.
323. Servaunt in Chaucer frequently means 'lover'; such is necessarily the
case here.
329. Chaucer here certainly seems to imply that he translated the whole of
the Romance of the Rose, or at any rate that part of it which is especially
directed against women. The existing English version consists of three
fragments, apparently by different authors, and I see little reason for
connecting more than fragment A (ll. 1-1705) with Chaucer. None of the
fragments contain such passages as the God of Love would most have
objected to; but we find some of them practically reproduced in the
Prologue to the Wyf of Bathes Tale. We also find numerous imitations of
passages from that poem scattered up and down throughout Chaucer's
works; and it is remarkable that such passages usually lie outside the
contents of the English fragments. Where they do not, Chaucer frequently
varies from the English version of the Romance. Thus where Chaucer
(Book Duch. 419) has:—
'And every tree stood by himselve
Fro other wel ten foot or twelve.
So grete trees, so huge of
strengthe'—
the Eng. version of the Rom. of the Rose (1391) has:—
'These trees were set, that I devyse,
Oon from another, in assyse,
Five fadome or sixe, I trowe so,
But they were hye and grete also.'
We may here note the variation between ten foot or twelve and five fadom
or six; the original has cinq toises, ou de sis. Other passages in the Book of
the Duchesse which resemble the existing E. version of the Rom. of the
Rose are these. (1) Book Duch. 424; cf. R. R. 1396. (2) Book Duch. 291; cf.
Page 455
R. R. 49. (3) Book Duch. 410; cf. R. R. 59. (4) Book Duch. 283; R. R. 7. (5)
Book Duch. 340; R. R. 130. (6) Book Duch. 1152; R. R. 2084.
For a fuller discussion of this question, see the Pref. to Ch. Minor Poems, in
vol. i. p. 1.
—A. 260. Paramours seems to be an adverb here, meaning 'with a lover's
affection.' So in the Kn. Tale, A 1155:—
'For par amour I loved hir first er
thow.'
And again, in A 2112:—
'Ye knowen wel, that every lusty
knight
That loveth paramours, and hath
his might.'
So also in Troilus, v. 158, 332, and in Barbour's Bruce, xiii. 485—'he lufit
his [Ross's] sistir paramouris.' Tyrwhitt quotes from Froissart, bk. i. c. 196
—'Il aima adonc par amours, et depuis espousa, Madame Ysabelle de
Juiliers.'
The following phrase 'too hard and hot' merely intensifies the sense of
paramours.
332. Criseyde. The allusion is to Chaucer's long poem entitled Troilus and
Criseyde (or Creseyde). The A-text is more outspoken here, as it alludes to
the inconstancy of the heroine in direct terms.
—A. 280. Valerie, Valerius; see note to A. 281 below.
Titus; Titus Livius; see l. 1683, and the note. Claudian; Claudius
Claudianus, who wrote, amongst other things, a poem De Raptu
Book Duch. 340; R. R. 130. (6) Book Duch. 1152; R. R. 2084.
For a fuller discussion of this question, see the Pref. to Ch. Minor Poems, in
vol. i. p. 1.
—A. 260. Paramours seems to be an adverb here, meaning 'with a lover's
affection.' So in the Kn. Tale, A 1155:—
'For par amour I loved hir first er
thow.'
And again, in A 2112:—
'Ye knowen wel, that every lusty
knight
That loveth paramours, and hath
his might.'
So also in Troilus, v. 158, 332, and in Barbour's Bruce, xiii. 485—'he lufit
his [Ross's] sistir paramouris.' Tyrwhitt quotes from Froissart, bk. i. c. 196
—'Il aima adonc par amours, et depuis espousa, Madame Ysabelle de
Juiliers.'
The following phrase 'too hard and hot' merely intensifies the sense of
paramours.
332. Criseyde. The allusion is to Chaucer's long poem entitled Troilus and
Criseyde (or Creseyde). The A-text is more outspoken here, as it alludes to
the inconstancy of the heroine in direct terms.
—A. 280. Valerie, Valerius; see note to A. 281 below.
Titus; Titus Livius; see l. 1683, and the note. Claudian; Claudius
Claudianus, who wrote, amongst other things, a poem De Raptu
Page 456
Proserpinae, to which Chaucer refers; see Ho. Fame, 449, 1509. He
flourished about A.D. 400.
—A. 281. Ierome; Hieronymus, usually known as St. Jerome, a celebrated
father of the Latin Church; died Sept. 30, 420. In the Wyf of Bathes
Prologue (C. T. 6251, Group D, l. 669) we find:—
'He hadde a book, that gladly, night
and day,
For his desport he wolde rede
alway;
He cleped it Valerie and Theofraste,
At whiche book he lough alwey ful
faste.
And eek ther was somtyme a clerk
at Rome,
A cardinal, that highte Seint Ierome,
That made a book agayn Iovinian';
&c.
In Tyrwhitt's Introductory discourse, he says of this Prologue—'The greatest
part must have been of Chaucer's own invention, though one may plainly
see he had been reading the popular invectives against marriage and women
in general; such as, the Roman de la Rose; Valerius ad Rufinum de non
ducenda uxore; and particularly Hieronymus contra Iovinianum.' He adds,
in a note—'The holy Father, by way of recommending celibacy, has exerted
all his learning and eloquence (and he certainly was not deficient in either)
to collect together and aggravate whatever he could find to the prejudice of
the female sex. Among other things he has inserted his own translation
(probably) of a long extract from what he calls "Liber aureolus Theophrasti
de nuptiis."
'Next to him in order of time was the treatise entitled Epistola Valerii ad
Rufinum de non ducenda uxore (MS. Reg. 12 D. iii.). It has been printed,
for the similarity of its contents, I suppose, among the works of St. Jerome,
though it is evidently of a much later date.... To these two books Jean de
flourished about A.D. 400.
—A. 281. Ierome; Hieronymus, usually known as St. Jerome, a celebrated
father of the Latin Church; died Sept. 30, 420. In the Wyf of Bathes
Prologue (C. T. 6251, Group D, l. 669) we find:—
'He hadde a book, that gladly, night
and day,
For his desport he wolde rede
alway;
He cleped it Valerie and Theofraste,
At whiche book he lough alwey ful
faste.
And eek ther was somtyme a clerk
at Rome,
A cardinal, that highte Seint Ierome,
That made a book agayn Iovinian';
&c.
In Tyrwhitt's Introductory discourse, he says of this Prologue—'The greatest
part must have been of Chaucer's own invention, though one may plainly
see he had been reading the popular invectives against marriage and women
in general; such as, the Roman de la Rose; Valerius ad Rufinum de non
ducenda uxore; and particularly Hieronymus contra Iovinianum.' He adds,
in a note—'The holy Father, by way of recommending celibacy, has exerted
all his learning and eloquence (and he certainly was not deficient in either)
to collect together and aggravate whatever he could find to the prejudice of
the female sex. Among other things he has inserted his own translation
(probably) of a long extract from what he calls "Liber aureolus Theophrasti
de nuptiis."
'Next to him in order of time was the treatise entitled Epistola Valerii ad
Rufinum de non ducenda uxore (MS. Reg. 12 D. iii.). It has been printed,
for the similarity of its contents, I suppose, among the works of St. Jerome,
though it is evidently of a much later date.... To these two books Jean de
Page 457
Meun has been obliged for some of the severest strokes in his [part of the]
Roman de la Rose; and Chaucer has transfused the quintessence of all the
three works, upon the subject of Matrimony, into his Wife of Bathes
Prologue and Merchant's Tale.'
Tyrwhitt further observes that the Epistola Valerii was written, according to
Tanner, by Walter Map; of this there appears to be no doubt. Lounsbury
(Studies, ii. 276) takes Valerie to mean Valerius Maximus, which is here
improbable.
It is, at first, not very clear why the God of Love is here represented as
appealing to books against women; but we are bidden to observe that, even
there, good women are incidentally mentioned; see A. 284. Even Valerius
praises Lucretia and Penelope.
—A. 288. Cf. the long passage in the Franklein's Tale about chaste women;
C. T. 11676-11766 (F 1364-1456). It is nearly all taken from Jerome.
—A. 305. Epistels rather than epistelle in the singular. The reference is to
Ovid's Heroides, which contains twenty-one love-letters. Cf. Chaucer's
Introd. to Man of Law, B 55, where he alludes to Ovid's mention of lovers
'in his Epistelles.'
—A. 307. Vincent is Vincent of Beauvais, who compiled an encyclopædia
of universal knowledge in the 13th century. One portion of this great work,
treating of universal history, is called Speculum Historiale, which Chaucer
has here turned into Storial Mirour. See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii.
375.
338. As Chaucer is pleased to call his poem by the name of 'seintes legende
of Cupyde' in the Introd. to Man of Law, B 61, he here turns Venus into a
saint, to keep up the analogy between his present undertaking and the
Legenda Sanctorum. But John de Meun had previously said much the same
thing. In Le Rom. de la Rose, 10863, Cupid is made to swear 'par sainte
Venus ma mere.' See the Eng. version, l. 5953. (Perhaps read seynte in Text
B.)
Roman de la Rose; and Chaucer has transfused the quintessence of all the
three works, upon the subject of Matrimony, into his Wife of Bathes
Prologue and Merchant's Tale.'
Tyrwhitt further observes that the Epistola Valerii was written, according to
Tanner, by Walter Map; of this there appears to be no doubt. Lounsbury
(Studies, ii. 276) takes Valerie to mean Valerius Maximus, which is here
improbable.
It is, at first, not very clear why the God of Love is here represented as
appealing to books against women; but we are bidden to observe that, even
there, good women are incidentally mentioned; see A. 284. Even Valerius
praises Lucretia and Penelope.
—A. 288. Cf. the long passage in the Franklein's Tale about chaste women;
C. T. 11676-11766 (F 1364-1456). It is nearly all taken from Jerome.
—A. 305. Epistels rather than epistelle in the singular. The reference is to
Ovid's Heroides, which contains twenty-one love-letters. Cf. Chaucer's
Introd. to Man of Law, B 55, where he alludes to Ovid's mention of lovers
'in his Epistelles.'
—A. 307. Vincent is Vincent of Beauvais, who compiled an encyclopædia
of universal knowledge in the 13th century. One portion of this great work,
treating of universal history, is called Speculum Historiale, which Chaucer
has here turned into Storial Mirour. See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii.
375.
338. As Chaucer is pleased to call his poem by the name of 'seintes legende
of Cupyde' in the Introd. to Man of Law, B 61, he here turns Venus into a
saint, to keep up the analogy between his present undertaking and the
Legenda Sanctorum. But John de Meun had previously said much the same
thing. In Le Rom. de la Rose, 10863, Cupid is made to swear 'par sainte
Venus ma mere.' See the Eng. version, l. 5953. (Perhaps read seynte in Text
B.)
Page 458
343. In accordance with the proverb—'Audi alteram partem.' See A. 325.
Cf. Seneca, Medea, 195.
348. 'And even if you were not an omniscient god.'
352. From the Rom. of the Rose; the E. version has (ll. 1050, 1):—
'Hir court hath many a losengere,
And many a traytour envious.'
Again repeated in Cant. Tales, B 4515-8.
353. Totelere (C. totulour), tattling; properly a sb., meaning 'tattler,' but here
used in apposition, and, practically, as an adjective. Tyrwhitt explains it by
'whisperer.' Halliwell quotes 'Be no totiler' from MS. Bibl. Reg. 17 B. xvii.
fol. 141. It clearly means a gossiping tattler, or tale-bearer.
The word is scarce, but we find a helpful passage in P. Plowman, B. xx.
297:—
'Of alle taletellers and tyterers in
ydel.'
Here tyterers means gossipers, or retailers of tittle-tattle; and various
readings give the forms titeleris (as printed by Wright) and tutelers (as
printed by Crowley). The last form tuteler is clearly identical with
Chaucer's totelere, spelt tutelere in MS. Arch. Selden B. 24.
357. 'These are the causes why, if I am not to lie'; &c. See note to l. 217.
358. Lavender, laundress, washerwoman; (Bell's interpretation of 'gutter' is
utter nonsense). See Laundress in my Etym. Dict., where I refer to the
present passage. Laundress is formed by adding -ess to launder or laundre,
the contracted form of lavender as here used. In Barbour's Bruce, ed. Skeat,
xvi. 273, 292, the word for 'washerwoman' is spelt lauender, laynder, and
Cf. Seneca, Medea, 195.
348. 'And even if you were not an omniscient god.'
352. From the Rom. of the Rose; the E. version has (ll. 1050, 1):—
'Hir court hath many a losengere,
And many a traytour envious.'
Again repeated in Cant. Tales, B 4515-8.
353. Totelere (C. totulour), tattling; properly a sb., meaning 'tattler,' but here
used in apposition, and, practically, as an adjective. Tyrwhitt explains it by
'whisperer.' Halliwell quotes 'Be no totiler' from MS. Bibl. Reg. 17 B. xvii.
fol. 141. It clearly means a gossiping tattler, or tale-bearer.
The word is scarce, but we find a helpful passage in P. Plowman, B. xx.
297:—
'Of alle taletellers and tyterers in
ydel.'
Here tyterers means gossipers, or retailers of tittle-tattle; and various
readings give the forms titeleris (as printed by Wright) and tutelers (as
printed by Crowley). The last form tuteler is clearly identical with
Chaucer's totelere, spelt tutelere in MS. Arch. Selden B. 24.
357. 'These are the causes why, if I am not to lie'; &c. See note to l. 217.
358. Lavender, laundress, washerwoman; (Bell's interpretation of 'gutter' is
utter nonsense). See Laundress in my Etym. Dict., where I refer to the
present passage. Laundress is formed by adding -ess to launder or laundre,
the contracted form of lavender as here used. In Barbour's Bruce, ed. Skeat,
xvi. 273, 292, the word for 'washerwoman' is spelt lauender, laynder, and
Page 459
landar. Palsgrave's Eng. and Fr. Dict. gives—'Laundre, that wassheth
clothes; lauendiere'; and Cotgrave explains the Fr. lauandiere by the Eng.
launderesse. Chaucer's presentation to us of Envy as the person who washes
all the dirty linen in the court, is particularly happy. As a matter of fact, he
is here quoting Dante, but he has substituted lavender (perhaps in an ill
sense, though I do not feel sure of this) for the meretrice of the original. The
passage referred to is in the Inferno, xiii. 64:—
'La meretrice, che mai dall' ospizio
Di Cesare non torse gli occhi
putti,
Morte comune, e delle corti vizio,
Infiammò contre me gli animi tutti.'
Cary's translation has:—
'The harlot, who ne'er turned her
gloating eyes
From Cæsar's household, common
vice and pest
Of courts, 'gainst me inflamed the
minds of all.'
Gower (C. A. ed. Pauli, i. 263) says:—
'Senec witnesseth openly
How that envie properly
Is of the court the comun wenche.'
Note that parteth in l. 359 means 'departeth.'
361. 'Whoever goes away, at any rate she will not be wanting.' Men come
and go, but Envy remains. This is the right sense; but Bell, whom Prof.
Corson follows, gives it quite a false twist. He says, 'Whosoever goes, i.e.
falls, she will not be in want'; a desperate and unmeaning solution, due to
not appreciating the force of the verb to want, which here simply means 'to
clothes; lauendiere'; and Cotgrave explains the Fr. lauandiere by the Eng.
launderesse. Chaucer's presentation to us of Envy as the person who washes
all the dirty linen in the court, is particularly happy. As a matter of fact, he
is here quoting Dante, but he has substituted lavender (perhaps in an ill
sense, though I do not feel sure of this) for the meretrice of the original. The
passage referred to is in the Inferno, xiii. 64:—
'La meretrice, che mai dall' ospizio
Di Cesare non torse gli occhi
putti,
Morte comune, e delle corti vizio,
Infiammò contre me gli animi tutti.'
Cary's translation has:—
'The harlot, who ne'er turned her
gloating eyes
From Cæsar's household, common
vice and pest
Of courts, 'gainst me inflamed the
minds of all.'
Gower (C. A. ed. Pauli, i. 263) says:—
'Senec witnesseth openly
How that envie properly
Is of the court the comun wenche.'
Note that parteth in l. 359 means 'departeth.'
361. 'Whoever goes away, at any rate she will not be wanting.' Men come
and go, but Envy remains. This is the right sense; but Bell, whom Prof.
Corson follows, gives it quite a false twist. He says, 'Whosoever goes, i.e.
falls, she will not be in want'; a desperate and unmeaning solution, due to
not appreciating the force of the verb to want, which here simply means 'to
Page 460
be absent,' and can be applied to persons as well as to things. 'There
wanteth but a mean to fill your song'; Two Gent. of Verona, i. 2. 295;
'though bride and bridegroom wants,' i.e. are absent, Tam. Shrew, iii. 2. 248:
'There wanteth now our brother of Gloucester here'; Rich. III. ii. 1. 43.
364. 'But only because he is accustomed to write poems.'
366. 'Or it was enjoined him by some patron to compose those two poems
(the Romaunce of the Rose and Troilus; see A. 344); and he did not dare to
refuse.'
371. As thogh that, as he would have done if.
372. And had, i.e. and had composed it all himself.
374. 'The allusion is to the several successful adventurers, like the Visconti,
who in the 13th and 14th centuries succeeded in seizing upon the
governments of Milan, and other free cities of Lombardy'; Bell. See the
article Visconti in the Eng. Cyclopædia; we are there referred to Verri,
Storia di Milano, and to Muratori, Annali d' Italia. Cf. Dante, Inf. xxviii. 74,
81; and see Chaucer's reference to 'Barnabo Viscounte' in the Monkes Tale,
B 3589.
375. Reward at, regard to. Reward and regard are etymologically identical.
Observe the accent on the former syllable. Cf. l. 399.
378. Fermour, a farmer of taxes; who is naturally exacting and oppressive.
380. Before is supply hit, which, as in l. 379, refers to a suppliant culprit.
His own vassals are a lord's treasures, to be cherished, not oppressed.
381. Bech refers us to Seneca, De Clementia, lib. i. c. 3, § 3; c. 5, § 4. Or
perhaps Aristotle is meant, whose supposed advice to Alexander is fully
given in Gower's Confessio Amantis, bk. vii. See particularly the passage in
Pauli's edition, iii. 176:—
wanteth but a mean to fill your song'; Two Gent. of Verona, i. 2. 295;
'though bride and bridegroom wants,' i.e. are absent, Tam. Shrew, iii. 2. 248:
'There wanteth now our brother of Gloucester here'; Rich. III. ii. 1. 43.
364. 'But only because he is accustomed to write poems.'
366. 'Or it was enjoined him by some patron to compose those two poems
(the Romaunce of the Rose and Troilus; see A. 344); and he did not dare to
refuse.'
371. As thogh that, as he would have done if.
372. And had, i.e. and had composed it all himself.
374. 'The allusion is to the several successful adventurers, like the Visconti,
who in the 13th and 14th centuries succeeded in seizing upon the
governments of Milan, and other free cities of Lombardy'; Bell. See the
article Visconti in the Eng. Cyclopædia; we are there referred to Verri,
Storia di Milano, and to Muratori, Annali d' Italia. Cf. Dante, Inf. xxviii. 74,
81; and see Chaucer's reference to 'Barnabo Viscounte' in the Monkes Tale,
B 3589.
375. Reward at, regard to. Reward and regard are etymologically identical.
Observe the accent on the former syllable. Cf. l. 399.
378. Fermour, a farmer of taxes; who is naturally exacting and oppressive.
380. Before is supply hit, which, as in l. 379, refers to a suppliant culprit.
His own vassals are a lord's treasures, to be cherished, not oppressed.
381. Bech refers us to Seneca, De Clementia, lib. i. c. 3, § 3; c. 5, § 4. Or
perhaps Aristotle is meant, whose supposed advice to Alexander is fully
given in Gower's Confessio Amantis, bk. vii. See particularly the passage in
Pauli's edition, iii. 176:—
Page 461
'What is a king in his legeaunce,
Wher that ther is no law in londe?'
There is a similar long and tedious passage in Lancelot of the Laik, ed.
Skeat, ll. 1463-1998. Gower calls Aristotle 'the philosophre'; C. A. iii. 86.
We may also compare Hoccleve, De Regimine Principum, ed. Wright, pp.
102-3, translated from Ægidius, De Reg. Princ., lib. i. pars 1, cap. xiv;
where the reference to Aristotle is:—'Propter quod V. Ethicorum scribitur,
quod principatus uirum ostendit.'
384. Al, although. 'Although he will preserve their rank for his lords.' Note
that his lordes is in the dative case. It was probably from not observing this
that Thynne's edition and the Pepys MS. have needlessly inserted the word
in before hir. Cf. A. 370.
387. Half-goddes, demi-gods. Cf. 'the demi-god Authority'; Meas. for Meas.
i. 2. 124.
391. So, in his Epitaph on Inigo Jones, Ben Jonson says:—'The Libyan lion
hunts no butterflies'; which he took from Martial, Epig. xii. 61. 6. And see
Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 16.
397. Areste. Bell seems to suggest the sense of 'restraint,' and Prof. Corson,
following him, suggests 'self-command'; but such a sense does not exactly
appear in Murray's Dictionary. Nevertheless, 'self-restraint' suits not only
this passage, but also the passage cited from the Harleian MS. in the foot-
note to the Somnour's Tale, D 2048, in vol. iv. p. 381.
399. Here, as in l. 375, reward means 'regard,' and is accented on the e.
400. Maystrie, masterly act; no maystrie, an easy matter.
405. This is not altogether a metaphorical expression. We remember
something very like it at the siege of Calais in 1347, when, according to
Froissart, Edward III. sent for the six inhabitants of Calais, who were to
Wher that ther is no law in londe?'
There is a similar long and tedious passage in Lancelot of the Laik, ed.
Skeat, ll. 1463-1998. Gower calls Aristotle 'the philosophre'; C. A. iii. 86.
We may also compare Hoccleve, De Regimine Principum, ed. Wright, pp.
102-3, translated from Ægidius, De Reg. Princ., lib. i. pars 1, cap. xiv;
where the reference to Aristotle is:—'Propter quod V. Ethicorum scribitur,
quod principatus uirum ostendit.'
384. Al, although. 'Although he will preserve their rank for his lords.' Note
that his lordes is in the dative case. It was probably from not observing this
that Thynne's edition and the Pepys MS. have needlessly inserted the word
in before hir. Cf. A. 370.
387. Half-goddes, demi-gods. Cf. 'the demi-god Authority'; Meas. for Meas.
i. 2. 124.
391. So, in his Epitaph on Inigo Jones, Ben Jonson says:—'The Libyan lion
hunts no butterflies'; which he took from Martial, Epig. xii. 61. 6. And see
Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 16.
397. Areste. Bell seems to suggest the sense of 'restraint,' and Prof. Corson,
following him, suggests 'self-command'; but such a sense does not exactly
appear in Murray's Dictionary. Nevertheless, 'self-restraint' suits not only
this passage, but also the passage cited from the Harleian MS. in the foot-
note to the Somnour's Tale, D 2048, in vol. iv. p. 381.
399. Here, as in l. 375, reward means 'regard,' and is accented on the e.
400. Maystrie, masterly act; no maystrie, an easy matter.
405. This is not altogether a metaphorical expression. We remember
something very like it at the siege of Calais in 1347, when, according to
Froissart, Edward III. sent for the six inhabitants of Calais, who were to
Page 462
present themselves 'with bare heads and feet, with ropes round their necks';
see Froissart, tr. by Johnes, bk. i. c. 145.
415. In the earlier text (A 403), the word He stands alone in the first foot,
which is less pleasing.
417. See Introd. to the Minor Poems (in vol. i.) for a discussion of some of
the poems here mentioned. He here mentions, first of all, three of his lesser
poems, in the order of their length; viz. the Hous of Fame, the Deeth of
Blaunche, and the Parlement of Foules.
420. The 'Palamoun and Arcyte' here referred to was no doubt a translation
of Boccaccio's Teseide, or of selections from it, in seven-line stanzas.
Though not preserved to us in its entirety, several fragments of it remain.
These are to be found (1) in sixteen stanzas of the Parl. of Foules (ll. 183-
294), translated from the Teseide, bk. vii. st. 51-66; (2) in part of the first
ten stanzas of Anelida, from the same, bk. i. st. 1-3, and bk. ii. st. 10-12; (3)
in three stanzas near the end of Troilus (viz. st. 7, 8, and 9 from the end),
from the same, xi. 1-3; and (4) in a re-written form, in what is now known
as the Knightes Tale. See Notes to Anelida, in vol. i. pp. 529, 530.
421. 'Though the story is little known.' Tyrwhitt remarks that these words
'seem to imply that it [Chaucer's original version of Palamon and Arcite]
had not made itself very popular.' Unfortunately, Tyrwhitt, who so very
seldom goes astray, has here misled nearly all who have consulted him.
Chaucer is not referring to his own version of the story, nor even to
Boccaccio's version, but to the old story itself; and he is merely repeating
Boccaccio's own remark, when (in the Teseide, i. 2) he speaks of it as
'—una storia antica,
Tanto negli anni riposta e nascosa,
Che Latino autor non par ne dica,
Per quel ch'io senta, in libro alcuna
cosa.'
see Froissart, tr. by Johnes, bk. i. c. 145.
415. In the earlier text (A 403), the word He stands alone in the first foot,
which is less pleasing.
417. See Introd. to the Minor Poems (in vol. i.) for a discussion of some of
the poems here mentioned. He here mentions, first of all, three of his lesser
poems, in the order of their length; viz. the Hous of Fame, the Deeth of
Blaunche, and the Parlement of Foules.
420. The 'Palamoun and Arcyte' here referred to was no doubt a translation
of Boccaccio's Teseide, or of selections from it, in seven-line stanzas.
Though not preserved to us in its entirety, several fragments of it remain.
These are to be found (1) in sixteen stanzas of the Parl. of Foules (ll. 183-
294), translated from the Teseide, bk. vii. st. 51-66; (2) in part of the first
ten stanzas of Anelida, from the same, bk. i. st. 1-3, and bk. ii. st. 10-12; (3)
in three stanzas near the end of Troilus (viz. st. 7, 8, and 9 from the end),
from the same, xi. 1-3; and (4) in a re-written form, in what is now known
as the Knightes Tale. See Notes to Anelida, in vol. i. pp. 529, 530.
421. 'Though the story is little known.' Tyrwhitt remarks that these words
'seem to imply that it [Chaucer's original version of Palamon and Arcite]
had not made itself very popular.' Unfortunately, Tyrwhitt, who so very
seldom goes astray, has here misled nearly all who have consulted him.
Chaucer is not referring to his own version of the story, nor even to
Boccaccio's version, but to the old story itself; and he is merely repeating
Boccaccio's own remark, when (in the Teseide, i. 2) he speaks of it as
'—una storia antica,
Tanto negli anni riposta e nascosa,
Che Latino autor non par ne dica,
Per quel ch'io senta, in libro alcuna
cosa.'
Page 463
And, in truth, the story must have been known but to very few, till
Boccaccio rescued it from oblivion. This is all that is meant; and there is no
difficulty. Note further that Chaucer refers to the very same passage in
another poem; see note to Anelida, l. 8.
423. A Balade is, properly, a poem in three stanzas, in which each stanza
ends with the same line, called the refrain. There is also usually a fourth
stanza, called Lenvoy, or the Envoy, which is sometimes shorter than the
other three. Most of Chaucer's Balades have probably perished, as only a
few are now known. These are: Fortune, consisting of 3 Balades, each in 8-
line stanzas, followed by a single Envoy; Truth, a Balade with Envoy, in 7-
line stanzas; Gentilesse, without Envoy; Lak of Stedfastnesse, with Envoy;
(probably) A Balade against women unconstaunt, without Envoy; The
Complaint of Venus, consisting of 3 Balades, with a general Envoy; The
Compleint to his Purse, with Envoy of five lines only; To Rosemounde,
without Envoy; and the Balade included in the present poem, at ll. 249-269
above.
A Roundel is a poem of from nine to fourteen lines, in which only eight
lines are different from each other, the rest being repetitions of lines that
have already occurred. See this fully explained in the note to l. 675 of the
Parl. of Foules. The one certain example is the Roundel included in the Parl.
of Foules, beginning at l. 680. There is also a beautiful example of a Triple
Roundel, which I have included in the Minor Poems, with the title of
Merciless Beauty. No doubt Chaucer wrote many more, but they are lost.
A Virelay is a poem in an unusual metre, of which examples are very rare.
Only one entire poem of this character has been conjecturally assigned to
Chaucer, but it is written in later English, and cannot possibly be his. It is
not a true Virelay (in the French sense), and first appeared in the edition of
1561; see vol. i. p. 33. In this poem, lines 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7 all rime together;
and l. 4 rimes with l. 8. Then comes the 'veer' or 'turn,' which requires that,
in the next stanza, lines 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15 shall rime with lines 4 and 8,
as, in fact, they do; but lines 12 and 16 introduce a new rime, as they should
not do. We find, however, two fair examples of the Virelay in the poem of
Anelida, viz. in lines 256-271 and 317-332. In the former of these, the rime
Boccaccio rescued it from oblivion. This is all that is meant; and there is no
difficulty. Note further that Chaucer refers to the very same passage in
another poem; see note to Anelida, l. 8.
423. A Balade is, properly, a poem in three stanzas, in which each stanza
ends with the same line, called the refrain. There is also usually a fourth
stanza, called Lenvoy, or the Envoy, which is sometimes shorter than the
other three. Most of Chaucer's Balades have probably perished, as only a
few are now known. These are: Fortune, consisting of 3 Balades, each in 8-
line stanzas, followed by a single Envoy; Truth, a Balade with Envoy, in 7-
line stanzas; Gentilesse, without Envoy; Lak of Stedfastnesse, with Envoy;
(probably) A Balade against women unconstaunt, without Envoy; The
Complaint of Venus, consisting of 3 Balades, with a general Envoy; The
Compleint to his Purse, with Envoy of five lines only; To Rosemounde,
without Envoy; and the Balade included in the present poem, at ll. 249-269
above.
A Roundel is a poem of from nine to fourteen lines, in which only eight
lines are different from each other, the rest being repetitions of lines that
have already occurred. See this fully explained in the note to l. 675 of the
Parl. of Foules. The one certain example is the Roundel included in the Parl.
of Foules, beginning at l. 680. There is also a beautiful example of a Triple
Roundel, which I have included in the Minor Poems, with the title of
Merciless Beauty. No doubt Chaucer wrote many more, but they are lost.
A Virelay is a poem in an unusual metre, of which examples are very rare.
Only one entire poem of this character has been conjecturally assigned to
Chaucer, but it is written in later English, and cannot possibly be his. It is
not a true Virelay (in the French sense), and first appeared in the edition of
1561; see vol. i. p. 33. In this poem, lines 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7 all rime together;
and l. 4 rimes with l. 8. Then comes the 'veer' or 'turn,' which requires that,
in the next stanza, lines 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15 shall rime with lines 4 and 8,
as, in fact, they do; but lines 12 and 16 introduce a new rime, as they should
not do. We find, however, two fair examples of the Virelay in the poem of
Anelida, viz. in lines 256-271 and 317-332. In the former of these, the rime
Page 464
in -ee (-e) appears in lines 256-8 and 260-2, and the rime in -yte ends lines
259 and 263; whereas, conversely, the rime in -yte ends lines 264-6 and
268-270, whilst lines 267 and 271 repeat the rime in -ee. Similarly, ll. 317-
332 exhibit veering rimes in -eye and -ure.
In Hoccleve's Poems, ed. Furnivall (Early Eng. Text Soc., Extra Series,
1892), there are several clever and intricate examples of the Virelay. Thus,
in Balade IV, at p. 39, there are five stanzas, but only three rimes, viz. in -al,
-ee, and -ay. The formula of rimes, for the first and third stanzas, is a b a b
b c b c; for the second and fourth stanzas, c b c b b a b a; and for the fifth
stanza, a c a c c b c b. See also the same, pp. 41, 47, 49, 58, 59, 61, 62.
Beyond all doubt, Hoccleve copied the forms of Chaucer's lost virelays.
424. Holynesse, holy employment, religious composition. This is, clearly,
an intentional substitution for the besinesse, i.e. 'laborious employment,' in
the A-text, l. 412.
425. Chaucer made an excellent prose translation of Boethius de
Consolatione Philosophiæ, a Latin treatise much admired in the middle
ages, and still worthy of admiration. For further remarks, see vol. iii.
—A. 414. This is the only notice we possess of a work by Chaucer which is
no longer extant. We gather from it that he made a translation of the Latin
prose treatise by Pope Innocent III., entitled De Miseria Conditionis
Humanæ, a gloomy enumeration of human woes without a single
alleviating touch of hope, fiercely and unrelentingly set forth. It is probable
that it was written in 7-line stanzas; for portions of it appear to be preserved
in the Prologue to the Man of Lawes Tale, B 99-126, and in other stanzas of
the same (B 421-7, 771-7, 925-931, 1135-8).
426. The Lyf of Seynt Cecyle is happily preserved. It was one of Chaucer's
early productions; but he himself rescued it from possible disappearance by
introducing it into the Canterbury Tales, with the title of the Second Nonnes
Tale.
259 and 263; whereas, conversely, the rime in -yte ends lines 264-6 and
268-270, whilst lines 267 and 271 repeat the rime in -ee. Similarly, ll. 317-
332 exhibit veering rimes in -eye and -ure.
In Hoccleve's Poems, ed. Furnivall (Early Eng. Text Soc., Extra Series,
1892), there are several clever and intricate examples of the Virelay. Thus,
in Balade IV, at p. 39, there are five stanzas, but only three rimes, viz. in -al,
-ee, and -ay. The formula of rimes, for the first and third stanzas, is a b a b
b c b c; for the second and fourth stanzas, c b c b b a b a; and for the fifth
stanza, a c a c c b c b. See also the same, pp. 41, 47, 49, 58, 59, 61, 62.
Beyond all doubt, Hoccleve copied the forms of Chaucer's lost virelays.
424. Holynesse, holy employment, religious composition. This is, clearly,
an intentional substitution for the besinesse, i.e. 'laborious employment,' in
the A-text, l. 412.
425. Chaucer made an excellent prose translation of Boethius de
Consolatione Philosophiæ, a Latin treatise much admired in the middle
ages, and still worthy of admiration. For further remarks, see vol. iii.
—A. 414. This is the only notice we possess of a work by Chaucer which is
no longer extant. We gather from it that he made a translation of the Latin
prose treatise by Pope Innocent III., entitled De Miseria Conditionis
Humanæ, a gloomy enumeration of human woes without a single
alleviating touch of hope, fiercely and unrelentingly set forth. It is probable
that it was written in 7-line stanzas; for portions of it appear to be preserved
in the Prologue to the Man of Lawes Tale, B 99-126, and in other stanzas of
the same (B 421-7, 771-7, 925-931, 1135-8).
426. The Lyf of Seynt Cecyle is happily preserved. It was one of Chaucer's
early productions; but he himself rescued it from possible disappearance by
introducing it into the Canterbury Tales, with the title of the Second Nonnes
Tale.
Page 465
428. This is another of the lost works. We gather that he made a translation
from a piece attributed to Origen, one of the most eminent of the early
Christian writers, who was born at Alexandria in 186. Tyrwhitt says the
piece meant is doubtless 'the Homily de Maria Magdalena, which has been
commonly, though falsely, attributed to Origen; see Opp. Origenis, Tom. ii.
p. 291, ed. Paris, 1604.' Tyrwhitt adds, very justly and incontrovertibly—'I
cannot believe that the Poem entitled The Lamentation of Marie
Magdaleine, which is in all the [older] editions of Chaucer, is really that
work of his. It can hardly be considered as a translation, or even as an
imitation, of the Homily; and the composition, in every respect, is infinitely
meaner than the worst of his genuine pieces.'
432. Here, in the B-text, the name of Alcestis is first mentioned; yet strange
to say, Chaucer does not realise who she is till later; see l. 518. She was the
wife of Admetus, not king of Thrace (as here said) but of Pheræ in Thessaly.
Apollo obtained from the Moiræ a promise to grant Admetus deliverance
from death if, at the hour of his death, his father, mother, or wife, would
consent to die for him. Alcestis consented to die in his stead, and is
therefore here taken as the chief type of wifely devotion. The mention of
Alcestis in the Court of Love, st. 15, is merely copied from Chaucer; so also
Lydgate's use of Alceste to mean 'a daisy,' in his Legend of St. Edmund, l.
235 of the additional stanzas found in MS. Ashmole 46, as printed in
Horstmann, Alteng. Legenden, Neue Folge (1881), p. 443. Gower has the
story of Alcestis in his Confessio Amantis; ed. Pauli, iii. 149.
452. An allusion to the common proverb—'Bis dat, qui cito dat'; he who
gives at once, gives twice. Publius Syrus has: 'Bis gratum est, quod dato
opus est, ultro si offeras,' v. 44; and again: 'Inopi beneficium bis dat, qui dat
celeriter'; v. 235.
465. 'Has no participation in the deed of a thief.' Similarly, in the Squi. Tale,
F 537, Chaucer tells us that 'A trew wight and a theef thenken nat oon,' i.e.
do not think alike. Trew means 'honest.'
466. The first foot contains Ne a trew-; e in Ne is elided.
from a piece attributed to Origen, one of the most eminent of the early
Christian writers, who was born at Alexandria in 186. Tyrwhitt says the
piece meant is doubtless 'the Homily de Maria Magdalena, which has been
commonly, though falsely, attributed to Origen; see Opp. Origenis, Tom. ii.
p. 291, ed. Paris, 1604.' Tyrwhitt adds, very justly and incontrovertibly—'I
cannot believe that the Poem entitled The Lamentation of Marie
Magdaleine, which is in all the [older] editions of Chaucer, is really that
work of his. It can hardly be considered as a translation, or even as an
imitation, of the Homily; and the composition, in every respect, is infinitely
meaner than the worst of his genuine pieces.'
432. Here, in the B-text, the name of Alcestis is first mentioned; yet strange
to say, Chaucer does not realise who she is till later; see l. 518. She was the
wife of Admetus, not king of Thrace (as here said) but of Pheræ in Thessaly.
Apollo obtained from the Moiræ a promise to grant Admetus deliverance
from death if, at the hour of his death, his father, mother, or wife, would
consent to die for him. Alcestis consented to die in his stead, and is
therefore here taken as the chief type of wifely devotion. The mention of
Alcestis in the Court of Love, st. 15, is merely copied from Chaucer; so also
Lydgate's use of Alceste to mean 'a daisy,' in his Legend of St. Edmund, l.
235 of the additional stanzas found in MS. Ashmole 46, as printed in
Horstmann, Alteng. Legenden, Neue Folge (1881), p. 443. Gower has the
story of Alcestis in his Confessio Amantis; ed. Pauli, iii. 149.
452. An allusion to the common proverb—'Bis dat, qui cito dat'; he who
gives at once, gives twice. Publius Syrus has: 'Bis gratum est, quod dato
opus est, ultro si offeras,' v. 44; and again: 'Inopi beneficium bis dat, qui dat
celeriter'; v. 235.
465. 'Has no participation in the deed of a thief.' Similarly, in the Squi. Tale,
F 537, Chaucer tells us that 'A trew wight and a theef thenken nat oon,' i.e.
do not think alike. Trew means 'honest.'
466. The first foot contains Ne a trew-; e in Ne is elided.
Page 466
475, 6. Closely imitated in the Court of Love, st. 61:—
'And argue not for reason ne for
skill
Againe thy ladies pleasure ne
entent,
For love will not be counterpleted
indeede.'
The substitution of the dissyllabic indeede for Chaucer's monosyllabic be
just ruins the scansion of the line; but we must not expect always to find
melody in that grossly over-rated poem.
496, 7. Observe that these lines are not in the A-text. They must necessarily
have been added after 1382, when Richard II. married Anne of Bohemia,
and of course long before 1394, when 'the good queen Anne' died, and her
husband at once forsook their favourite residence of Shene, now Richmond;
see Annals of England, p. 201.
499. This is a strange question, seeing that Alcestis has already announced
her name at l. 432; we must suppose that the poet did not realise that she
was the very Alcestis whom he longed to see. But it looks like an oversight,
due to his partially rewriting this Prologue.
503. Literally Chaucer's favorite line; for it reappears three times more, viz.
in the Kn. Ta., A 1761; March. Ta., E 1986; and Squi. Ta., F 479. And, in the
Man of Law's Tale, B 660, we have—'As gentil herte is fulfild of pitee.' It is
admirable.
510. Here Chaucer seems to be imitating Froissart; see the Introduction. I
cannot find any early account of Alcestis that turns her into a daisy[68]. See
notes to ll. 432, 515.
515. Alcestis 'was afterwards brought back from the lower world by
Hercules, and restored to her husband'; Lewis and Short, Lat. Dict. s.v.
Alcestis. And see the Introduction.
'And argue not for reason ne for
skill
Againe thy ladies pleasure ne
entent,
For love will not be counterpleted
indeede.'
The substitution of the dissyllabic indeede for Chaucer's monosyllabic be
just ruins the scansion of the line; but we must not expect always to find
melody in that grossly over-rated poem.
496, 7. Observe that these lines are not in the A-text. They must necessarily
have been added after 1382, when Richard II. married Anne of Bohemia,
and of course long before 1394, when 'the good queen Anne' died, and her
husband at once forsook their favourite residence of Shene, now Richmond;
see Annals of England, p. 201.
499. This is a strange question, seeing that Alcestis has already announced
her name at l. 432; we must suppose that the poet did not realise that she
was the very Alcestis whom he longed to see. But it looks like an oversight,
due to his partially rewriting this Prologue.
503. Literally Chaucer's favorite line; for it reappears three times more, viz.
in the Kn. Ta., A 1761; March. Ta., E 1986; and Squi. Ta., F 479. And, in the
Man of Law's Tale, B 660, we have—'As gentil herte is fulfild of pitee.' It is
admirable.
510. Here Chaucer seems to be imitating Froissart; see the Introduction. I
cannot find any early account of Alcestis that turns her into a daisy[68]. See
notes to ll. 432, 515.
515. Alcestis 'was afterwards brought back from the lower world by
Hercules, and restored to her husband'; Lewis and Short, Lat. Dict. s.v.
Alcestis. And see the Introduction.
Page 467
522. Bountee, goodness. See Clerk. Ta., E 157, 415; and Trench, Sel.
Glossary.
526. Agaton, Agathon or Agatho; Dante's Agatone (Purg. xxii. 107). An
Athenian poet (B.C. 447-400); who wrote a tragedy called 'the Flower.' See
the Introduction.
531. Cibella, Cybela, or more commonly Cybele, a Phrygian goddess, later
worshipped at Rome as Ops or Mater Magna. She was the goddess of the
earth, and especially represented its fertility; hence she is naturally said to
produce flowers. She here answers to the 'Ceres' of Froissart; see the
Introduction.
533. The reference is to the red tips on the white petals of the daisy, the
'wee, modest, crimson-tippèd flower.' This is said to be the gift of Mars, as
he was associated with that colour. He is called 'Mars the rede'; see l. 2589
below; Anelida, l. 1; Kn. Ta., A 1969. The colour of the planet Mars is
reddish.
In the present passage reed is a sb.; 'And Mars gave redness to her crown.'
539. Referring to the Balade at l. 249. In the A-text, Alcestis was actually
mentioned in the refrain; but Chaucer rewrote it so as to exclude her name.
He now writes (in l. 540) as if he had forgotten to put it in. Of course ll.
539-541 are peculiar to the B-text, as marked.
542. Kalender. 'A kalendar is an almanac by which persons are guided in
their computation of time; hence it is used, as here, for a guide or example
generally'; Bell. The New E. Dict. quotes this passage, and explains the
word by 'a guide, directory; an example, model'; and cites Hamlet, v. 2. 114
—'He is the card or calendar of gentry.' Nevertheless, I doubt whether this
sense arose from the mere usefulness of the calendar. I believe that Chaucer
regarded it in quite another aspect, viz. as containing the record or list of the
saints whose lives are worthy of imitation. Hence Schmidt explains the
word in Hamlet as 'note-book' or 'record'; as is certainly the case in All's
Well, i. 3. 4, which Murray duly quotes with the sense of 'record.' So in the
Glossary.
526. Agaton, Agathon or Agatho; Dante's Agatone (Purg. xxii. 107). An
Athenian poet (B.C. 447-400); who wrote a tragedy called 'the Flower.' See
the Introduction.
531. Cibella, Cybela, or more commonly Cybele, a Phrygian goddess, later
worshipped at Rome as Ops or Mater Magna. She was the goddess of the
earth, and especially represented its fertility; hence she is naturally said to
produce flowers. She here answers to the 'Ceres' of Froissart; see the
Introduction.
533. The reference is to the red tips on the white petals of the daisy, the
'wee, modest, crimson-tippèd flower.' This is said to be the gift of Mars, as
he was associated with that colour. He is called 'Mars the rede'; see l. 2589
below; Anelida, l. 1; Kn. Ta., A 1969. The colour of the planet Mars is
reddish.
In the present passage reed is a sb.; 'And Mars gave redness to her crown.'
539. Referring to the Balade at l. 249. In the A-text, Alcestis was actually
mentioned in the refrain; but Chaucer rewrote it so as to exclude her name.
He now writes (in l. 540) as if he had forgotten to put it in. Of course ll.
539-541 are peculiar to the B-text, as marked.
542. Kalender. 'A kalendar is an almanac by which persons are guided in
their computation of time; hence it is used, as here, for a guide or example
generally'; Bell. The New E. Dict. quotes this passage, and explains the
word by 'a guide, directory; an example, model'; and cites Hamlet, v. 2. 114
—'He is the card or calendar of gentry.' Nevertheless, I doubt whether this
sense arose from the mere usefulness of the calendar. I believe that Chaucer
regarded it in quite another aspect, viz. as containing the record or list of the
saints whose lives are worthy of imitation. Hence Schmidt explains the
word in Hamlet as 'note-book' or 'record'; as is certainly the case in All's
Well, i. 3. 4, which Murray duly quotes with the sense of 'record.' So in the
Page 468
present case kalender does not mean 'example' merely, but a whole list or
complete record of examples, which gives the word a much greater force.
Compare Chaucer's ABC, under the letter K, and the note (l. 73).
549. We hence learn that Chaucer's nineteenth[69] and last Legend was to
have been the Legend of Alcestis; but he never wrote more than the former
half of the work. Cf. A-text, 532.
555. Thy balade; see ll. 249-268; F. and Th. read my. We here learn that the
Ladies about whom the Legends were to be written (l. 557) are all
mentioned in the Ballad, which is an important hint. We must of course
remove the names of Absalom and Jonathan; and there is reason for
supposing that we should exclude Esther. Next, we set aside Lucretia,
Cleopatra, Thisbe, Dido, Phyllis, Hypsipyle, Hypermnestra, and Ariadne,
whose Legends we possess; observing at the same time that we also have
the Legend of Philomela (though she is not mentioned), and of Medea, who
shares a Legend with Hypsipyle. The names still left are those of Penelope,
Martia, Isoude, Helen, Lavinia, Polyxena, Hero, Laodamia, Canace, and
Alcestis. But this list only partially agrees with Chaucer's scheme as given
elsewhere, viz. in the Introduction to the Man of Law's Tale. See further in
the Introduction.
574. The grete, the substance; as in Book of the Duch. 1242; Parl. Foules,
35.
575. 'According as these old authors are pleased to treat (them).'
576. Shal telle, has to narrate.
complete record of examples, which gives the word a much greater force.
Compare Chaucer's ABC, under the letter K, and the note (l. 73).
549. We hence learn that Chaucer's nineteenth[69] and last Legend was to
have been the Legend of Alcestis; but he never wrote more than the former
half of the work. Cf. A-text, 532.
555. Thy balade; see ll. 249-268; F. and Th. read my. We here learn that the
Ladies about whom the Legends were to be written (l. 557) are all
mentioned in the Ballad, which is an important hint. We must of course
remove the names of Absalom and Jonathan; and there is reason for
supposing that we should exclude Esther. Next, we set aside Lucretia,
Cleopatra, Thisbe, Dido, Phyllis, Hypsipyle, Hypermnestra, and Ariadne,
whose Legends we possess; observing at the same time that we also have
the Legend of Philomela (though she is not mentioned), and of Medea, who
shares a Legend with Hypsipyle. The names still left are those of Penelope,
Martia, Isoude, Helen, Lavinia, Polyxena, Hero, Laodamia, Canace, and
Alcestis. But this list only partially agrees with Chaucer's scheme as given
elsewhere, viz. in the Introduction to the Man of Law's Tale. See further in
the Introduction.
574. The grete, the substance; as in Book of the Duch. 1242; Parl. Foules,
35.
575. 'According as these old authors are pleased to treat (them).'
576. Shal telle, has to narrate.
Page 469
I. THE LEGEND OF CLEOPATRA.
It is not clear what account Chaucer followed; see the Introduction. The
chief sources for the history are Plutarch, Appian, Dion Cassius, and
Orosius (bk. vi. c. 19). I shall refer to the Life of M. Antonius in my edition
of Shakespeare's Plutarch (denoted below by Sh. Plut.). Bech points out that
one of Chaucer's sources was Florus; see note to l. 655.
581. Ptolemy XI., or Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, died B.C. 51, leaving
two sons, both called Ptolemy, and two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoe.
Cleopatra was then 17 years of age, and was appointed queen of Egypt in
conjunction with her brother, the elder Ptolemy, whom she was to marry;
but she was expelled from the throne by Ptolemy's guardians. In B.C. 47 she
was replaced upon it by Julius Cæsar, but still in conjunction with her
brother. This led to the Alexandrine war, in the course of which this elder
Ptolemy perished. After this, she reigned, nominally, in conjunction with
the younger Ptolemy, to whom also she was nominally married; but he was
still quite a child, and was murdered by her orders in less than four years,
after which she was sole queen, in name as well as in reality.
We thus see that the Ptolemy here mentioned may be either of Cleopatra's
brothers of that name; but it is more likely that Chaucer refers to the elder
of them. Shakespeare also uses the expression 'queen of Ptolemy'; Ant. i. 4.
6.
583. On a tyme; viz. not long after the battle of Philippi, which took place
in B.C. 42. 'Antonius, going to make war with the Parthians, sent to
command Cleopatra to appear personally before him when he came into
Cilicia, to answer unto such accusations as were laid against her, being this:
that she had aided Cassius and Brutus in their war against him ... Cleopatra
on the other side ... guessing by the former access and credit she had with
Julius Cæsar and C. Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great) only for her
beauty, she began to have good hope that she might more easily win
Antonius. For Cæsar and Pompey knew her when she was but a young
thing, and knew not then what the world meant; but now she went to
It is not clear what account Chaucer followed; see the Introduction. The
chief sources for the history are Plutarch, Appian, Dion Cassius, and
Orosius (bk. vi. c. 19). I shall refer to the Life of M. Antonius in my edition
of Shakespeare's Plutarch (denoted below by Sh. Plut.). Bech points out that
one of Chaucer's sources was Florus; see note to l. 655.
581. Ptolemy XI., or Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, died B.C. 51, leaving
two sons, both called Ptolemy, and two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoe.
Cleopatra was then 17 years of age, and was appointed queen of Egypt in
conjunction with her brother, the elder Ptolemy, whom she was to marry;
but she was expelled from the throne by Ptolemy's guardians. In B.C. 47 she
was replaced upon it by Julius Cæsar, but still in conjunction with her
brother. This led to the Alexandrine war, in the course of which this elder
Ptolemy perished. After this, she reigned, nominally, in conjunction with
the younger Ptolemy, to whom also she was nominally married; but he was
still quite a child, and was murdered by her orders in less than four years,
after which she was sole queen, in name as well as in reality.
We thus see that the Ptolemy here mentioned may be either of Cleopatra's
brothers of that name; but it is more likely that Chaucer refers to the elder
of them. Shakespeare also uses the expression 'queen of Ptolemy'; Ant. i. 4.
6.
583. On a tyme; viz. not long after the battle of Philippi, which took place
in B.C. 42. 'Antonius, going to make war with the Parthians, sent to
command Cleopatra to appear personally before him when he came into
Cilicia, to answer unto such accusations as were laid against her, being this:
that she had aided Cassius and Brutus in their war against him ... Cleopatra
on the other side ... guessing by the former access and credit she had with
Julius Cæsar and C. Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great) only for her
beauty, she began to have good hope that she might more easily win
Antonius. For Cæsar and Pompey knew her when she was but a young
thing, and knew not then what the world meant; but now she went to
Page 470
Antonius at the age when a woman's beauty is at the prime, and she also of
best judgment.'—Sh. Plut. p. 174. Almost immediately after this passage
follows the celebrated description of Cleopatra in her barge upon the
Cydnus, familiar to all in the words of Shakespeare; Ant. and Cleop. ii. 2.
196.
591. 'Octavius Cæsar reporting all these things unto the Senate, and
oftentimes accusing him to the whole people and assembly in Rome, he
thereby stirred up all the Romans against him.'—Sh. Plut. p. 202.
592. After the death of his first wife, Fulvia, Antony had married Octavia,
sister of Octavianus (better known to us as Augustus). But in a few years he
deserted her, and surrendered himself wholly to the charms of Cleopatra.
Cf. Ant. and Cleop. iii. 6.
597. Cf. Sh. Plut. p. 192; Ant. and Cleop. i. 4. 55.
605. Sterve, to die. See Starve, in Trench, Sel. Glossary.
624. Octovian, Octavianus. 'Now for Cæsar, he had 250 ships of war,
80,000 footmen, and well near as many horsemen as his enemy Antonius';
Sh. Plut. p. 207.
634. See the account of the battle of Actium, B.C. 31; in Sh. Plut. p. 210. The
vivid description here given by Chaucer resembles the parallel passage in
the Kn. Tale, A 2600-20, which should be compared. 'The soldiers fought
with their pikes, halbards and darts, and threw halbards and darts with fire.
Antonius' ships, on the other side, bestowed among them, with their
crossbows and engines of battery, great store of shot from their high towers
of wood that were set upon their ships.'—Sh. Plut. p. 211. There is some
description of the hostile fleets and of the battle in Florus (see note to l.
655), who tells us that, whilst Octavius had 400 ships against the 200 ships
of Antony, the latter were nearly double the size of the former; so that the
fleets were thus of equal strength.
best judgment.'—Sh. Plut. p. 174. Almost immediately after this passage
follows the celebrated description of Cleopatra in her barge upon the
Cydnus, familiar to all in the words of Shakespeare; Ant. and Cleop. ii. 2.
196.
591. 'Octavius Cæsar reporting all these things unto the Senate, and
oftentimes accusing him to the whole people and assembly in Rome, he
thereby stirred up all the Romans against him.'—Sh. Plut. p. 202.
592. After the death of his first wife, Fulvia, Antony had married Octavia,
sister of Octavianus (better known to us as Augustus). But in a few years he
deserted her, and surrendered himself wholly to the charms of Cleopatra.
Cf. Ant. and Cleop. iii. 6.
597. Cf. Sh. Plut. p. 192; Ant. and Cleop. i. 4. 55.
605. Sterve, to die. See Starve, in Trench, Sel. Glossary.
624. Octovian, Octavianus. 'Now for Cæsar, he had 250 ships of war,
80,000 footmen, and well near as many horsemen as his enemy Antonius';
Sh. Plut. p. 207.
634. See the account of the battle of Actium, B.C. 31; in Sh. Plut. p. 210. The
vivid description here given by Chaucer resembles the parallel passage in
the Kn. Tale, A 2600-20, which should be compared. 'The soldiers fought
with their pikes, halbards and darts, and threw halbards and darts with fire.
Antonius' ships, on the other side, bestowed among them, with their
crossbows and engines of battery, great store of shot from their high towers
of wood that were set upon their ships.'—Sh. Plut. p. 211. There is some
description of the hostile fleets and of the battle in Florus (see note to l.
655), who tells us that, whilst Octavius had 400 ships against the 200 ships
of Antony, the latter were nearly double the size of the former; so that the
fleets were thus of equal strength.
Page 471
637. Bell says this is 'a ludicrous anachronism'; but it is nothing of the kind.
The word gonne is here used in the sense of 'shot' or 'missile'; and the line
means—'with terrible sound out rushes the huge missile,' being hurled from
one of the 'engines of battery' mentioned in the last note. It is the missile,
not the engine, that 'out goth'; as a moment's reflection would have
informed the commentator, whose remark was needless. The use of gonne
in the sense of 'missile' is curious, but not unexampled; for, in the
Avowynge of Arthur, st. 65, we read that 'there come fliand a gunne,' i.e.
there came flying along a missile. I believe it is also used in the sense of
missile in Sir Ferumbras, 5176, though the passage is not decisive.
Even if this were not the case, there is no 'anachronism'; for gonne was
originally used in the sense of 'catapult,' as may be seen by consulting the
Prompt. Parvulorum, where the Latin for it is petraria, and mangonale. The
grisly soun alludes to the whizzing of the ponderous missile through the air;
Barbour says of a great stone, hurled from a catapult, that 'It flaw out,
quhedirand, with a rout,' i.e. it flew out, whirring, with a great noise. See
The Bruce, xvii. 684.
On the other hand, in Ho. Fame, 1643, Chaucer certainly uses gonne in the
sense of 'cannon'; but that does not affect the sense of the present passage.
638. Hurtlen, push, dash, ram one against the other; cf. Kn. Ta., A 2616.
'Somtyme they hurtled to-gyder that they felle grovelyng on the ground';
Morte Arthure; by Sir T. Malory, bk. vii. c. 12. Heterly, vehemently,
fiercely, occurs frequently in the Wars of Alexander, ed. Skeat (E. E. T. S.)
Compare Vergil's description of the battle, in Æn. viii. 689, &c.: 'Una
omnes ruere.'
640. In goth, in there go. Goth is singular in form, because of its position in
the sentence; but it has two nominatives, viz. 'grapnel' and 'shearing-hooks.'
The former was a contrivance for clutching the ropes, and the latter for
severing them.
642. This is wonderfully graphic. A boarder bursts in with a pole-axe; a
sailor, on the defence, flees behind the mast, then dashes forward again, and
The word gonne is here used in the sense of 'shot' or 'missile'; and the line
means—'with terrible sound out rushes the huge missile,' being hurled from
one of the 'engines of battery' mentioned in the last note. It is the missile,
not the engine, that 'out goth'; as a moment's reflection would have
informed the commentator, whose remark was needless. The use of gonne
in the sense of 'missile' is curious, but not unexampled; for, in the
Avowynge of Arthur, st. 65, we read that 'there come fliand a gunne,' i.e.
there came flying along a missile. I believe it is also used in the sense of
missile in Sir Ferumbras, 5176, though the passage is not decisive.
Even if this were not the case, there is no 'anachronism'; for gonne was
originally used in the sense of 'catapult,' as may be seen by consulting the
Prompt. Parvulorum, where the Latin for it is petraria, and mangonale. The
grisly soun alludes to the whizzing of the ponderous missile through the air;
Barbour says of a great stone, hurled from a catapult, that 'It flaw out,
quhedirand, with a rout,' i.e. it flew out, whirring, with a great noise. See
The Bruce, xvii. 684.
On the other hand, in Ho. Fame, 1643, Chaucer certainly uses gonne in the
sense of 'cannon'; but that does not affect the sense of the present passage.
638. Hurtlen, push, dash, ram one against the other; cf. Kn. Ta., A 2616.
'Somtyme they hurtled to-gyder that they felle grovelyng on the ground';
Morte Arthure; by Sir T. Malory, bk. vii. c. 12. Heterly, vehemently,
fiercely, occurs frequently in the Wars of Alexander, ed. Skeat (E. E. T. S.)
Compare Vergil's description of the battle, in Æn. viii. 689, &c.: 'Una
omnes ruere.'
640. In goth, in there go. Goth is singular in form, because of its position in
the sentence; but it has two nominatives, viz. 'grapnel' and 'shearing-hooks.'
The former was a contrivance for clutching the ropes, and the latter for
severing them.
642. This is wonderfully graphic. A boarder bursts in with a pole-axe; a
sailor, on the defence, flees behind the mast, then dashes forward again, and
Page 472
drives the assailant overboard.
646. Rent, rendeth; the present tense.
648. By pouring hard peas upon the hatches, they became so slippery that
the boarders could not stand.
649. Some carried pots full of quicklime, which they threw into the eyes of
their enemies. See Notes and Queries, 5 S. x. 188. The English did this very
thing, when attacking a French fleet, in the time of Henry III. Strutt
(Manners and Customs, 1774, ii. 11) quotes from Matthew Paris to this
effect:—'Calcem quoque vivam et in pulverém subtilem reductam, in altum
projicientes, vento illam ferente, Francorum oculos excaecaverunt.' Cf. Æn.
viii. 694.
652. Put, short for putteth, puts; pres. tense.
653. To-go, disperse themselves; pres. tense. The prefix to has the same
force as the Lat. dis-, i.e. 'in different directions.' We even find to-ga used as
a past tense in Barbour's Bruce (viii. 351, ix. 263, 269, xvii. 104, 575), with
the sense 'fled in different directions,' or 'fled away.' Cf. 'the wlcne to-gað,'
the clouds part asunder; Morris; Spec. of Eng. pt. I. p. 7, l. 169. And again,
'thagh the fourme of brede to-go,' though the form of bread disappear;
Shoreham's Poems, p. 29.
That best go mighte, each in the way he could best go; each made the best
of his way to a safe place. 'Sauve qui peut.'
655. 'Suddenly they saw the threescore ships of Cleopatra busily about their
yard-masts, and hoising sail to fly'; Sh. Plut. p. 212. Cf. Ant. and Cleop. iii.
10. 10; Vergil, Æn. viii. 707-8. The remark about Cleopatra's 'purple sails'
may remind us of Plutarch's description of Cleopatra on the Cydnus,
already referred to above (note to l. 583):—'the poop [of her barge] was of
gold, the sails of purple'; Sh. Plut. p. 174; Ant. and Cleop. ii. 2. 198.
646. Rent, rendeth; the present tense.
648. By pouring hard peas upon the hatches, they became so slippery that
the boarders could not stand.
649. Some carried pots full of quicklime, which they threw into the eyes of
their enemies. See Notes and Queries, 5 S. x. 188. The English did this very
thing, when attacking a French fleet, in the time of Henry III. Strutt
(Manners and Customs, 1774, ii. 11) quotes from Matthew Paris to this
effect:—'Calcem quoque vivam et in pulverém subtilem reductam, in altum
projicientes, vento illam ferente, Francorum oculos excaecaverunt.' Cf. Æn.
viii. 694.
652. Put, short for putteth, puts; pres. tense.
653. To-go, disperse themselves; pres. tense. The prefix to has the same
force as the Lat. dis-, i.e. 'in different directions.' We even find to-ga used as
a past tense in Barbour's Bruce (viii. 351, ix. 263, 269, xvii. 104, 575), with
the sense 'fled in different directions,' or 'fled away.' Cf. 'the wlcne to-gað,'
the clouds part asunder; Morris; Spec. of Eng. pt. I. p. 7, l. 169. And again,
'thagh the fourme of brede to-go,' though the form of bread disappear;
Shoreham's Poems, p. 29.
That best go mighte, each in the way he could best go; each made the best
of his way to a safe place. 'Sauve qui peut.'
655. 'Suddenly they saw the threescore ships of Cleopatra busily about their
yard-masts, and hoising sail to fly'; Sh. Plut. p. 212. Cf. Ant. and Cleop. iii.
10. 10; Vergil, Æn. viii. 707-8. The remark about Cleopatra's 'purple sails'
may remind us of Plutarch's description of Cleopatra on the Cydnus,
already referred to above (note to l. 583):—'the poop [of her barge] was of
gold, the sails of purple'; Sh. Plut. p. 174; Ant. and Cleop. ii. 2. 198.
Page 473
The truth is, however, that (as Bech points out) Chaucer has borrowed this
and a few other incidents from L. Annaeus Florus, who wrote an Epitome
Rerum Romanarum in the second century. In relating the battle of Actium,
he says:—'Prima dux fugae regina, cum aurea puppe ueloque purpureo, in
altum dedit. Mox secutus Antonius: sed instare uestigiis Caesar. Itaque nec
praeparata in Oceanum fuga, nec munita praesidiis utraque Ægypti cornua,
Paraetonium atque Pelusium, profuere: prope manu tenebantur. Prior ferrum
occupauit Antonius. Regina ad pedes Caesaris prouoluta tentauit oculos
ducis: frustra. Nam pulchritudo intra pudicitiam principis fuit. Nec illa de
uita, quae offerebatur, sed de parte regni, laborabat. Quod ubi desperauit a
principe, seruarique se triumpho uidit, incautiorem nacta custodiam, in
Mausoleum se (sepulcra regum sic uocant) recipit: ibi maximos, ut solebat,
induta cultus, in differto odoribus solio, iuxta suum se collocauit Antonium:
admotisque ad uenas serpentibus, sic morte quasi somno, soluta est.'—
Florus, Epit. Rerum Romanarum, lib. iv. c. 11.
662. Chaucer (following Florus) has hastened the catastrophe. Antony
stabbed himself at Alexandria, in the following year, B.C. 30. See Sh. Plut.
221; Ant. and Cleop. iv. 14. 102.
672. Shryne; for 'solio' in Florus; cf. l. 675. Plutarch says only that
Cleopatra 'did sumptuously and royally bury him with her own hands'; Sh.
Plut. p. 224. Afterwards, however, she 'crowned the tomb with garlands and
sundry nosegays, and marvellous lovingly embraced the same'; Sh. Plut. p.
227. But see the account by Florus, in the note to l. 655.
677. Dede cors, dead body; as in l. 876. Chaucer uses cors of the living
body, as, e.g. in Sir Thopas, B 2098.
678. Chaucer seems to think that Florus meant, 'in sepulcrum [suum] se
recipit ... iuxta Antonium.'
679. Shakespeare follows closely the account in Plutarch, except that he
makes mention of two asps, whereas Plutarch mentions but one, called by
Sir Thos. North 'an aspick'; Sh. Plut. p. 227. However, Florus uses the plural
serpentibus. Cf. Cower, C. A., iii. 361.
and a few other incidents from L. Annaeus Florus, who wrote an Epitome
Rerum Romanarum in the second century. In relating the battle of Actium,
he says:—'Prima dux fugae regina, cum aurea puppe ueloque purpureo, in
altum dedit. Mox secutus Antonius: sed instare uestigiis Caesar. Itaque nec
praeparata in Oceanum fuga, nec munita praesidiis utraque Ægypti cornua,
Paraetonium atque Pelusium, profuere: prope manu tenebantur. Prior ferrum
occupauit Antonius. Regina ad pedes Caesaris prouoluta tentauit oculos
ducis: frustra. Nam pulchritudo intra pudicitiam principis fuit. Nec illa de
uita, quae offerebatur, sed de parte regni, laborabat. Quod ubi desperauit a
principe, seruarique se triumpho uidit, incautiorem nacta custodiam, in
Mausoleum se (sepulcra regum sic uocant) recipit: ibi maximos, ut solebat,
induta cultus, in differto odoribus solio, iuxta suum se collocauit Antonium:
admotisque ad uenas serpentibus, sic morte quasi somno, soluta est.'—
Florus, Epit. Rerum Romanarum, lib. iv. c. 11.
662. Chaucer (following Florus) has hastened the catastrophe. Antony
stabbed himself at Alexandria, in the following year, B.C. 30. See Sh. Plut.
221; Ant. and Cleop. iv. 14. 102.
672. Shryne; for 'solio' in Florus; cf. l. 675. Plutarch says only that
Cleopatra 'did sumptuously and royally bury him with her own hands'; Sh.
Plut. p. 224. Afterwards, however, she 'crowned the tomb with garlands and
sundry nosegays, and marvellous lovingly embraced the same'; Sh. Plut. p.
227. But see the account by Florus, in the note to l. 655.
677. Dede cors, dead body; as in l. 876. Chaucer uses cors of the living
body, as, e.g. in Sir Thopas, B 2098.
678. Chaucer seems to think that Florus meant, 'in sepulcrum [suum] se
recipit ... iuxta Antonium.'
679. Shakespeare follows closely the account in Plutarch, except that he
makes mention of two asps, whereas Plutarch mentions but one, called by
Sir Thos. North 'an aspick'; Sh. Plut. p. 227. However, Florus uses the plural
serpentibus. Cf. Cower, C. A., iii. 361.
Page 474
681. Cf. Cleopatra's lament in Sh. Plut. p. 226; Ant. and Cleop. iv. 15. 59; v.
2. 283.
691. Pronounce unreprovable, as unréprovábl'.
694. Sene, evident. Note that this is an adjective (A.S. gesýne), and not the
past participle; cf. l. 2655, and note. See also ll. 340, 741, and my note to
the Balade against Women Inconstaunt, l. 13.
696. Naked. It looks as if Chaucer took induta (note to l. 655) to mean 'not
clothed.' Perhaps he read it as nudata.
702. Storial sooth, historical truth. The old editions actually put the comma
after storial instead of after sooth; and modern editors have followed them.
Surely the editors, in some passages, have never attempted to construe their
own texts.
2. 283.
691. Pronounce unreprovable, as unréprovábl'.
694. Sene, evident. Note that this is an adjective (A.S. gesýne), and not the
past participle; cf. l. 2655, and note. See also ll. 340, 741, and my note to
the Balade against Women Inconstaunt, l. 13.
696. Naked. It looks as if Chaucer took induta (note to l. 655) to mean 'not
clothed.' Perhaps he read it as nudata.
702. Storial sooth, historical truth. The old editions actually put the comma
after storial instead of after sooth; and modern editors have followed them.
Surely the editors, in some passages, have never attempted to construe their
own texts.
Page 475
II. THE LEGEND OF THISBE.
Chaucer follows Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 55-166; and frequently very closely.
The reader should compare the Latin text throughout. For example, Ovid
begins thus:—
'Pyramus et Thisbe, iuuenum
pulcherrimus alter,
altera, quas Oriens habuit, praelata
puellis,
contiguas habuere domos, ubi
dicitur altam
coctilibus muris cinxisse Semiramis
urbem.'
In Golding's translation, fol. 43, back, thus:—
'Within the town (of whose huge
walles so monstrous high
and thicke,
The fame is giuen Semiramis for
making them of bricke)
Dwelt hard together two young
folke in houses ioynde so
nere,
That under all one roofe well nie
both twaine conuayed were.
The name of him was Pyramus, and
Thisbe call'd was she;
So faire a man in all the East was
none aliue as he.
Nor nere a woman, mayde, nor wife
in beautie like to her.'
Chaucer follows Ovid, Metamorph. iv. 55-166; and frequently very closely.
The reader should compare the Latin text throughout. For example, Ovid
begins thus:—
'Pyramus et Thisbe, iuuenum
pulcherrimus alter,
altera, quas Oriens habuit, praelata
puellis,
contiguas habuere domos, ubi
dicitur altam
coctilibus muris cinxisse Semiramis
urbem.'
In Golding's translation, fol. 43, back, thus:—
'Within the town (of whose huge
walles so monstrous high
and thicke,
The fame is giuen Semiramis for
making them of bricke)
Dwelt hard together two young
folke in houses ioynde so
nere,
That under all one roofe well nie
both twaine conuayed were.
The name of him was Pyramus, and
Thisbe call'd was she;
So faire a man in all the East was
none aliue as he.
Nor nere a woman, mayde, nor wife
in beautie like to her.'
Page 476
This at once explains the allusion to Semiramis, the celebrated but mythical
queen who was said to have surrounded Babylon with walls of fabulous
strength, having a deep ditch outside them. See Orosius, as translated by
King Alfred, in Sweet's A.S. Reader, fourth ed. pp. 28, 29. Gower tells the
same story, and likewise follows Ovid; C. A. i. 324.
718. Estward; evidently from Ovid's 'Oriens'; see above.
722. The first foot consists of the single syllable Mai-.
725. Naso, i.e. Ovid; really named Publius Ouidius Naso.
726. Réport; accented on the e. Y-shove, pushed (into notice); cf. l. 1381.
727. 'Tempore creuit amor'; Met. iv. 60.
730. 'Sed uetuere patres'; id. 61.
735. 'As (to quote the proverb) cover up the glowing coal, and the hotter the
fire becomes.' Ovid has—'Quoque magis tegitur, tanto magis aestuat ignis';
64. Wry is in the imperative mood, singular. Cf. Troilus, ii. 538-9.
741. Sene, visible; see note to l. 694. Dere y-nogh a myte, even in a slight
degree; lit. '(to an extent) dear enough at a mite.' A singular use of the
phrase. Cf. 'dere ynogh a leek'; Can. Yem. Ta., G 795; 'not worth a myte';
id., G 633.
742. 'Quid non sentit amor?' Met. iv. 68.
745. 'In a tone as low as if uttering a confession.' A curious medieval touch.
Ovid says, 'murmure ... minimo'; 70.
756. 'Inuide, dicebant, paries, quid amantibus obstas?' 73.
763. Holde, beholden. 'Nec sumus ingrati'; 76.
queen who was said to have surrounded Babylon with walls of fabulous
strength, having a deep ditch outside them. See Orosius, as translated by
King Alfred, in Sweet's A.S. Reader, fourth ed. pp. 28, 29. Gower tells the
same story, and likewise follows Ovid; C. A. i. 324.
718. Estward; evidently from Ovid's 'Oriens'; see above.
722. The first foot consists of the single syllable Mai-.
725. Naso, i.e. Ovid; really named Publius Ouidius Naso.
726. Réport; accented on the e. Y-shove, pushed (into notice); cf. l. 1381.
727. 'Tempore creuit amor'; Met. iv. 60.
730. 'Sed uetuere patres'; id. 61.
735. 'As (to quote the proverb) cover up the glowing coal, and the hotter the
fire becomes.' Ovid has—'Quoque magis tegitur, tanto magis aestuat ignis';
64. Wry is in the imperative mood, singular. Cf. Troilus, ii. 538-9.
741. Sene, visible; see note to l. 694. Dere y-nogh a myte, even in a slight
degree; lit. '(to an extent) dear enough at a mite.' A singular use of the
phrase. Cf. 'dere ynogh a leek'; Can. Yem. Ta., G 795; 'not worth a myte';
id., G 633.
742. 'Quid non sentit amor?' Met. iv. 68.
745. 'In a tone as low as if uttering a confession.' A curious medieval touch.
Ovid says, 'murmure ... minimo'; 70.
756. 'Inuide, dicebant, paries, quid amantibus obstas?' 73.
763. Holde, beholden. 'Nec sumus ingrati'; 76.
Page 477
773. Chaucer practically transposes the offices of Phoebus and Aurora.
'Postera nocturnos Aurora remouerat
ignes,
solque pruinosas radiis siccauerat
herbas'; 82.
782. And for, and because, &c.
783. For stands alone in the first foot. Cf. l. 797.
784. 'Conueniant ad busta Nini, lateantque sub umbra Arboris'; 88. Ll. 786,
787 are explanatory, and added by Chaucer. Ninus, the supposed founder of
Nineveh, was the husband of Semiramis. Cf. Shak. Mid. Nt. Dr. v. 1. 139.
786. Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, i. 403) says that the pt. t. of herien is
heried-e, with final e. But the form is right; héried-e is hardly
pronounceable, and the final e is naturally dropped when the accent is
thrown so far back. The forms of the past tenses of weak verbs are variable;
whether they take a final e or not often depends on the form of the stem.
See Ten Brink, Chaucer's Sprache, § 194.
797. Y-wimpled, covered with a wimple, or cloth covering the neck and
fitting close round the face, chiefly worn by nuns. Another medieval touch.
Ovid has 'adopertaque uultum'; 94. See note to l. 813.
798-801. These four lines are mainly original, and quite in Chaucer's own
manner. Ovid has merely 'fallitque suos.'
803. 'Audacem faciebat amor'; 96.
804. She gan her dresse, she settled herself, lit. directed herself. Lat. 'sedit.'
810. Rist, riseth; pres. tense, as in l. 887. So arist, Man of Law's Tale, B
265.
'Postera nocturnos Aurora remouerat
ignes,
solque pruinosas radiis siccauerat
herbas'; 82.
782. And for, and because, &c.
783. For stands alone in the first foot. Cf. l. 797.
784. 'Conueniant ad busta Nini, lateantque sub umbra Arboris'; 88. Ll. 786,
787 are explanatory, and added by Chaucer. Ninus, the supposed founder of
Nineveh, was the husband of Semiramis. Cf. Shak. Mid. Nt. Dr. v. 1. 139.
786. Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, i. 403) says that the pt. t. of herien is
heried-e, with final e. But the form is right; héried-e is hardly
pronounceable, and the final e is naturally dropped when the accent is
thrown so far back. The forms of the past tenses of weak verbs are variable;
whether they take a final e or not often depends on the form of the stem.
See Ten Brink, Chaucer's Sprache, § 194.
797. Y-wimpled, covered with a wimple, or cloth covering the neck and
fitting close round the face, chiefly worn by nuns. Another medieval touch.
Ovid has 'adopertaque uultum'; 94. See note to l. 813.
798-801. These four lines are mainly original, and quite in Chaucer's own
manner. Ovid has merely 'fallitque suos.'
803. 'Audacem faciebat amor'; 96.
804. She gan her dresse, she settled herself, lit. directed herself. Lat. 'sedit.'
810. Rist, riseth; pres. tense, as in l. 887. So arist, Man of Law's Tale, B
265.
Page 478
811. With dredful foot; so again in Kn. Ta., A 1479. 'Timido pede fugit in
antrum'; 100. See Dreadful in Trench, Select Glossary; and cf. ll. 109, 404
above.
813. 'Dumque fugit, tergo uelamina lapsa reliquit'; 101. 'For fere, and let her
wimple falle.'—Gower, Conf. Amant. i. 326.
814-6. These three lines are original. Sit, sitteth. Darketh, lies close. 'The
child than darked in his den'; Will. of Palerne, 17; 'drawe [drew] him into
his den, and darked ther stille'; id. 44. And again in the same poem, ll. 1834,
2851.
823-31. Considerably expanded from the Latin:—
'Serius egressus uestigia uidit in alto
puluere certa ferae, totoque
expalluit ore
Pyramus'; 105.
830. Agroos, shuddered; and again in l. 2314; and in Troil. ii. 930. The
infin. agryse is in the Man of Law's Tale, B 614.
834. 'Una duos, inquit, nox perdet amantes'; 108.
835. This line is Chaucer's own.
842. What, whatsoever; 'quicunque ... leones'; 114.
847-9. 'Accipe nunc, inquit, nostri quoque sanguinis haustus'; 118.
851-2.
'Cruor emicat alte
non aliter quam quum uitiato fistula
plumbo
antrum'; 100. See Dreadful in Trench, Select Glossary; and cf. ll. 109, 404
above.
813. 'Dumque fugit, tergo uelamina lapsa reliquit'; 101. 'For fere, and let her
wimple falle.'—Gower, Conf. Amant. i. 326.
814-6. These three lines are original. Sit, sitteth. Darketh, lies close. 'The
child than darked in his den'; Will. of Palerne, 17; 'drawe [drew] him into
his den, and darked ther stille'; id. 44. And again in the same poem, ll. 1834,
2851.
823-31. Considerably expanded from the Latin:—
'Serius egressus uestigia uidit in alto
puluere certa ferae, totoque
expalluit ore
Pyramus'; 105.
830. Agroos, shuddered; and again in l. 2314; and in Troil. ii. 930. The
infin. agryse is in the Man of Law's Tale, B 614.
834. 'Una duos, inquit, nox perdet amantes'; 108.
835. This line is Chaucer's own.
842. What, whatsoever; 'quicunque ... leones'; 114.
847-9. 'Accipe nunc, inquit, nostri quoque sanguinis haustus'; 118.
851-2.
'Cruor emicat alte
non aliter quam quum uitiato fistula
plumbo
Page 479
scinditur, et tenues stridente
foramine longe
eiaculatur aquas, atque ictibus aera
rumpit'; 121.
With much good taste, Chaucer omits the next three lines, just as he has
omitted to tell us that the trysting-tree was 'a faire high Mulberie with fruite
as white as snow,' as Golding says. The blood of Pyramus turned this fruit
black, and so it remains to this day! Gower likewise suppresses the
mulberry-tree, but Shakespeare mentions it; see Mid. Nt. Dr. v. 1. 149.
853-61. Admirably expanded out of three lines:—
'Ecce metu nondum posito, ne fallat
amantem,
illa redit; iuuenemque oculis
animoque requirit;
quantaque uitarit narrare pericula
gestit'; 128.
859. The first syllable of Bothe forms a foot by itself. So also in ll. 863,
901, 911, &c.
862-8.
'Dum dubitat, tremebunda uidet
pulsare cruentum
membra solum; retroque pedem
tulit; oraque buxo
pallidiora gerens, exhorruit aequoris
instar,
quod fremit, exigua quum summum
stringitur aura'; 133.
869-82. Fourteen lines where Ovid has eight. Chaucer has greatly improved
l. 882, where Ovid makes Thisbe ask Pyramus to lift up his head:
foramine longe
eiaculatur aquas, atque ictibus aera
rumpit'; 121.
With much good taste, Chaucer omits the next three lines, just as he has
omitted to tell us that the trysting-tree was 'a faire high Mulberie with fruite
as white as snow,' as Golding says. The blood of Pyramus turned this fruit
black, and so it remains to this day! Gower likewise suppresses the
mulberry-tree, but Shakespeare mentions it; see Mid. Nt. Dr. v. 1. 149.
853-61. Admirably expanded out of three lines:—
'Ecce metu nondum posito, ne fallat
amantem,
illa redit; iuuenemque oculis
animoque requirit;
quantaque uitarit narrare pericula
gestit'; 128.
859. The first syllable of Bothe forms a foot by itself. So also in ll. 863,
901, 911, &c.
862-8.
'Dum dubitat, tremebunda uidet
pulsare cruentum
membra solum; retroque pedem
tulit; oraque buxo
pallidiora gerens, exhorruit aequoris
instar,
quod fremit, exigua quum summum
stringitur aura'; 133.
869-82. Fourteen lines where Ovid has eight. Chaucer has greatly improved
l. 882, where Ovid makes Thisbe ask Pyramus to lift up his head:
Page 480
—'uultusque attolle iacentes'; 144.
887. This line is original. Bost, noise, outcry; such is the original sense of
the word now spelt boast, which see in the New E. Dict. Cf. 'Now ariseth
cry and boost'; King Alisaunder, 5290; and see P. Plowman, C. xvii. 89.
Whitaker, writing in 1813, remarks that boost, in the sense of noise, is 'a
provincial word still familiar in the Midland counties.'
894.
'Persequar extinctum; letique
miserrima dicar
caussa comesque tui'; 151.
905-12. Admirably substituted for Thisbe's address to the mulberry-tree,
requesting it to keep its berries always black thenceforth.
913, 14.
'Dixit; et aptato pectus mucrone sub
imum
incubuit ferro, quod adhuc a caede
tepebat'; 162.
916-23. These lines are original. With l. 917 cf. Le Rom. de la Rose, 14345:
—'Mes moult est poi de tex amans.'
887. This line is original. Bost, noise, outcry; such is the original sense of
the word now spelt boast, which see in the New E. Dict. Cf. 'Now ariseth
cry and boost'; King Alisaunder, 5290; and see P. Plowman, C. xvii. 89.
Whitaker, writing in 1813, remarks that boost, in the sense of noise, is 'a
provincial word still familiar in the Midland counties.'
894.
'Persequar extinctum; letique
miserrima dicar
caussa comesque tui'; 151.
905-12. Admirably substituted for Thisbe's address to the mulberry-tree,
requesting it to keep its berries always black thenceforth.
913, 14.
'Dixit; et aptato pectus mucrone sub
imum
incubuit ferro, quod adhuc a caede
tepebat'; 162.
916-23. These lines are original. With l. 917 cf. Le Rom. de la Rose, 14345:
—'Mes moult est poi de tex amans.'
Page 481
III. THE LEGEND OF DIDO.
This Legend purports to be taken from Vergil and Ovid; see l. 928. There is
very little of it from Ovid, viz. only the last 16 lines, which depend on
Ovid's Heroides, vii. 1-8, and ll. 1312-6, which owe something to the same
epistle.
The rest is from the Æneid, bks. i-iv, as will be pointed out.
Note that Chaucer had already given the story of Dido at some length in his
Hous of Fame, 151-382, which should be compared. He mentions Ovid
there also; l. 379.
924. Mantuan, born near Mantua. Publius Vergilius [not Virgilius] Maro
was born on the 15th Oct., B.C. 70, at Andes, now Pietola, a small village
near Mantua in Cisalpine Gaul; and died Sept. 22, B.C. 19. It is said that an
inscription was placed on his tomb, beginning 'Mantua me genuit.'
926. Cf. 'chi vi fu lucerna?' Dante, Purg. i. 43.
927. Eneas, Æneas, hero of the Æneid.
928. The late editions, for some mysterious reason, put a full stop after
Eneid and insert of before Naso. The sense is—'I will take the general
tenour (of the story as I find it) in thine Æneid and in Naso,' i.e. in Ovid;
'and I will versify the chief circumstances.'
Roughly speaking, ll. 930-949 are from the Æneid, bk. ii; ll. 950-957 from
bk. iii; ll. 958-1155 from bk. i; and ll. 1156-1351 from bk. iv.
931. 'By the craft of the Greeks, and especially by Sinon.' Sinon allowed
himself to be taken prisoner by the Trojans, and persuaded them to take in a
wooden horse through the walls, which he said had been made as an
atonement to Minerva for the Palladium carried away by the Greeks. In the
This Legend purports to be taken from Vergil and Ovid; see l. 928. There is
very little of it from Ovid, viz. only the last 16 lines, which depend on
Ovid's Heroides, vii. 1-8, and ll. 1312-6, which owe something to the same
epistle.
The rest is from the Æneid, bks. i-iv, as will be pointed out.
Note that Chaucer had already given the story of Dido at some length in his
Hous of Fame, 151-382, which should be compared. He mentions Ovid
there also; l. 379.
924. Mantuan, born near Mantua. Publius Vergilius [not Virgilius] Maro
was born on the 15th Oct., B.C. 70, at Andes, now Pietola, a small village
near Mantua in Cisalpine Gaul; and died Sept. 22, B.C. 19. It is said that an
inscription was placed on his tomb, beginning 'Mantua me genuit.'
926. Cf. 'chi vi fu lucerna?' Dante, Purg. i. 43.
927. Eneas, Æneas, hero of the Æneid.
928. The late editions, for some mysterious reason, put a full stop after
Eneid and insert of before Naso. The sense is—'I will take the general
tenour (of the story as I find it) in thine Æneid and in Naso,' i.e. in Ovid;
'and I will versify the chief circumstances.'
Roughly speaking, ll. 930-949 are from the Æneid, bk. ii; ll. 950-957 from
bk. iii; ll. 958-1155 from bk. i; and ll. 1156-1351 from bk. iv.
931. 'By the craft of the Greeks, and especially by Sinon.' Sinon allowed
himself to be taken prisoner by the Trojans, and persuaded them to take in a
wooden horse through the walls, which he said had been made as an
atonement to Minerva for the Palladium carried away by the Greeks. In the
Page 482
dead of night Sinon let out the armed men concealed within the horse, and
thus Troy was taken by a stratagem. See Æn. ii. 57-267; and cf. Ho. Fame,
152-6.
934. The ghost of Hector appeared to Æneas, and advised him to flee; Æn.
ii. 268-298.
935. The verb agreeing with fyr is appered. 'And there appeared also so mad
a fire that it could not be controlled.' See Æn. ii. 311.
936. Ilioun, the usual M.E. form of Ilium; Æn. i. 68, ii. 241, 325, 625. Ilium
is only another name for Troy, but the medieval writers invented the
explanation here adopted by Chaucer, viz. that it was the palace of Priam,
and the castle of Troy in particular. Perhaps they interpreted the word
domus in too narrow a sense in the passage—'O patria, O Divum domus
Ilium'; Æn. ii. 241. This use of the word is invariable in Guido delle
Colonne, author of the Historia Destructionis Troie, a work which was
considered of the highest authority in the middle ages, though it was
shamelessly copied from the French Roman de Troie by Benoit de Sainte-
Maure. In fact, a long description of Priam's palace, called Ilion, is given in
the alliterative Troy-book, l. 1629, which is translated from Guido; and in
Lydgate's Troy-book, ed. 1555, fol. F 6, back, and R 5, back. See the notes
to Book Duch. 1070, Ho. Fame, 158, 1467, 1469, 1477.
939. For the death of Priam, killed by Pyrrhus, see Æn. ii. 531-558.
Fordoon, slain. Noght, nothing; this alludes to Vergil's 'sine nomine corpus';
Æn. ii. 558.
940. Venus appears to her son Æneas; Æn. ii. 591. Cf. Ho. Fame, 162.
942. Cf. 'dextrae se paruus Iülus [Ascanius] Implicuit'; Æn. ii. 724. See note
to Ho. Fame, 177.
945. Lees, lost; 'erepta Creüsa'; Æn. ii. 738; Ho. Fame, 183.
thus Troy was taken by a stratagem. See Æn. ii. 57-267; and cf. Ho. Fame,
152-6.
934. The ghost of Hector appeared to Æneas, and advised him to flee; Æn.
ii. 268-298.
935. The verb agreeing with fyr is appered. 'And there appeared also so mad
a fire that it could not be controlled.' See Æn. ii. 311.
936. Ilioun, the usual M.E. form of Ilium; Æn. i. 68, ii. 241, 325, 625. Ilium
is only another name for Troy, but the medieval writers invented the
explanation here adopted by Chaucer, viz. that it was the palace of Priam,
and the castle of Troy in particular. Perhaps they interpreted the word
domus in too narrow a sense in the passage—'O patria, O Divum domus
Ilium'; Æn. ii. 241. This use of the word is invariable in Guido delle
Colonne, author of the Historia Destructionis Troie, a work which was
considered of the highest authority in the middle ages, though it was
shamelessly copied from the French Roman de Troie by Benoit de Sainte-
Maure. In fact, a long description of Priam's palace, called Ilion, is given in
the alliterative Troy-book, l. 1629, which is translated from Guido; and in
Lydgate's Troy-book, ed. 1555, fol. F 6, back, and R 5, back. See the notes
to Book Duch. 1070, Ho. Fame, 158, 1467, 1469, 1477.
939. For the death of Priam, killed by Pyrrhus, see Æn. ii. 531-558.
Fordoon, slain. Noght, nothing; this alludes to Vergil's 'sine nomine corpus';
Æn. ii. 558.
940. Venus appears to her son Æneas; Æn. ii. 591. Cf. Ho. Fame, 162.
942. Cf. 'dextrae se paruus Iülus [Ascanius] Implicuit'; Æn. ii. 724. See note
to Ho. Fame, 177.
945. Lees, lost; 'erepta Creüsa'; Æn. ii. 738; Ho. Fame, 183.
Page 483
947. Felawshippe, company, companions; 'ingentem comitum numerum';
Æn. ii. 796.
949. Stounde, hour, time; usually dissyllabic in M.E.
953. For these adventures, see Æn. bk. iii; which Chaucer passes over. But
see Ho. Fame, 198-221.
959. Libye, Libya, on the N. coast of Africa; Æn. i. 158. For the seven ships
saved, see the same, i. 170.
960, 1. These two lines are in no previous edition, (except my own), being
preserved only in MSS. C. and P. But they are obviously genuine and
necessary; otherwise, the word So (l. 962) is meaningless.
962. Al to-shake, all shaken to pieces, sorely distressed. Cf. l. 820.
964. Æneas and Achates sally forth, Æn. i. 312; Ho. Fame, 226.
971. Hunteresse, huntress; i.e. Venus so disguised; id. i. 319. 'As she had
been an hunteresse'; Ho. Fame, 229.
973. Cutted, cut short; 'nuda genu'; id. i. 320. The same expression occurs
as 'cutted to the kne' in P. Ploughman's Crede, 296. Compare also l. 434 of
the same poem:—
'His wyf walked him with, with a
longe gode [goad],
In a cutted cote, cutted full heyȝe.'
The editions have knytte, which is an erroneous spelling either of knyt or of
knytted; neither of which readings can be right.
978-82. Translated from Æn. i. 321-4.
Æn. ii. 796.
949. Stounde, hour, time; usually dissyllabic in M.E.
953. For these adventures, see Æn. bk. iii; which Chaucer passes over. But
see Ho. Fame, 198-221.
959. Libye, Libya, on the N. coast of Africa; Æn. i. 158. For the seven ships
saved, see the same, i. 170.
960, 1. These two lines are in no previous edition, (except my own), being
preserved only in MSS. C. and P. But they are obviously genuine and
necessary; otherwise, the word So (l. 962) is meaningless.
962. Al to-shake, all shaken to pieces, sorely distressed. Cf. l. 820.
964. Æneas and Achates sally forth, Æn. i. 312; Ho. Fame, 226.
971. Hunteresse, huntress; i.e. Venus so disguised; id. i. 319. 'As she had
been an hunteresse'; Ho. Fame, 229.
973. Cutted, cut short; 'nuda genu'; id. i. 320. The same expression occurs
as 'cutted to the kne' in P. Ploughman's Crede, 296. Compare also l. 434 of
the same poem:—
'His wyf walked him with, with a
longe gode [goad],
In a cutted cote, cutted full heyȝe.'
The editions have knytte, which is an erroneous spelling either of knyt or of
knytted; neither of which readings can be right.
978-82. Translated from Æn. i. 321-4.
Page 484
982. Y-tukked up, with robe tucked up; 'Succinctam.' This settles the
meaning of tukked in Ch. Prol. 621.
983-93. Shortened from Æn. i. 325-340.
986. 'Phoebus' sister'; Vergil has 'Phoebi soror'; 329.
994-1001. Alluding to Æn. i. 341-410.
997. Hit nere but, it would only be; nere = ne were.
998. Al and som, the whole matter; wholly and in particulars.
1005. Sitheo, so in all the copies. Nothing is commoner than a confusion
between c and t in old MSS.; hence Sitheo is for Sichco, i.e. Sichaeus.
Sichaeus (Æn. i. 343) is Vergil's name for Acerbas, a wealthy Tyrian priest,
who married Elissa (Vergil's Dido) sister of Pygmalion. Pygmalion
murdered Acerbas, hoping to appropriate his treasure; but Elissa fled from
Tyre, taking the treasure with her, and founded Carthage. Dante has the
form Sicheo; Inf. v. 62.
1010. Fredom, liberality; the old sense of free being 'liberal.' Of here means
'for'; in l. 1012 it means 'by.'
1016. Maister-temple, chief temple; cf. maistre-strete, chief street (Kn. Ta.,
A 2902), and maistre-tour, chief tower (Squi. Tale, F 226). It was the
temple of Juno; Æn. i. 446.
1022. 'So the book says'; Vergil says that Venus shrouded Æneas and
Achates with a cloud (i. 412, 516).
1024. The first syllable of Hadden forms a foot by itself; cf. l. 1030. Ov'r al
forms the last foot.
1025. 'Uidet Iliacas ex ordine pugnas'; i. 456.
meaning of tukked in Ch. Prol. 621.
983-93. Shortened from Æn. i. 325-340.
986. 'Phoebus' sister'; Vergil has 'Phoebi soror'; 329.
994-1001. Alluding to Æn. i. 341-410.
997. Hit nere but, it would only be; nere = ne were.
998. Al and som, the whole matter; wholly and in particulars.
1005. Sitheo, so in all the copies. Nothing is commoner than a confusion
between c and t in old MSS.; hence Sitheo is for Sichco, i.e. Sichaeus.
Sichaeus (Æn. i. 343) is Vergil's name for Acerbas, a wealthy Tyrian priest,
who married Elissa (Vergil's Dido) sister of Pygmalion. Pygmalion
murdered Acerbas, hoping to appropriate his treasure; but Elissa fled from
Tyre, taking the treasure with her, and founded Carthage. Dante has the
form Sicheo; Inf. v. 62.
1010. Fredom, liberality; the old sense of free being 'liberal.' Of here means
'for'; in l. 1012 it means 'by.'
1016. Maister-temple, chief temple; cf. maistre-strete, chief street (Kn. Ta.,
A 2902), and maistre-tour, chief tower (Squi. Tale, F 226). It was the
temple of Juno; Æn. i. 446.
1022. 'So the book says'; Vergil says that Venus shrouded Æneas and
Achates with a cloud (i. 412, 516).
1024. The first syllable of Hadden forms a foot by itself; cf. l. 1030. Ov'r al
forms the last foot.
1025. 'Uidet Iliacas ex ordine pugnas'; i. 456.
Page 485
1028. 'Bellaque iam fama totum uulgata per orbem'; i. 457.
1032. Kepe, care; usually with a negative; see Kn. Ta., A 2238, 2960.
1035. See Æn. i. 496, &c. Vergil likens Dido to Diana. In l. 1039 Chaucer
uses god in the heathen sense, meaning Jupiter.
1044-6. These lines are original. Fremd, strange; A.S. fremede. In the Squi.
Tale, F 429, it means 'foreign.' 'To frende ne to fremmed,' to friend nor to
stranger; P. Plowm. B. xv. 137. Misspelt frenne (riming with glenne) in
Spenser, Shep. Kal. April, 28, with the sense of 'stranger'; unless he means
it for foreign.
1047-60. Epitomised from Æn. i. 509-612.
1048. Wende han loren, he supposed to have lost, he supposed that he had
lost.
1050. For which, on which account, wherefore.
1059. Meynee, attendants, followers, lit. household; O.F. meisnee, mesnee,
meinee. Very common in Chaucer. The derived adj. menial is still in use.
See l. 1089.
1061-5. From Æn. i. 613, 614. Ll. 1066-1074 are from the same, 588-591.
1075. 'Non ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco'; id. 630.
1076. The first syllable of Lyked forms a foot by itself. God do bote, may
God give (us) help! A parenthetical explanation. All former editions (except
my own) omit the necessary comma after as.
1077-85. Chaucer here gives a general outline of the state of the case,
without following Vergil's words.
1032. Kepe, care; usually with a negative; see Kn. Ta., A 2238, 2960.
1035. See Æn. i. 496, &c. Vergil likens Dido to Diana. In l. 1039 Chaucer
uses god in the heathen sense, meaning Jupiter.
1044-6. These lines are original. Fremd, strange; A.S. fremede. In the Squi.
Tale, F 429, it means 'foreign.' 'To frende ne to fremmed,' to friend nor to
stranger; P. Plowm. B. xv. 137. Misspelt frenne (riming with glenne) in
Spenser, Shep. Kal. April, 28, with the sense of 'stranger'; unless he means
it for foreign.
1047-60. Epitomised from Æn. i. 509-612.
1048. Wende han loren, he supposed to have lost, he supposed that he had
lost.
1050. For which, on which account, wherefore.
1059. Meynee, attendants, followers, lit. household; O.F. meisnee, mesnee,
meinee. Very common in Chaucer. The derived adj. menial is still in use.
See l. 1089.
1061-5. From Æn. i. 613, 614. Ll. 1066-1074 are from the same, 588-591.
1075. 'Non ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco'; id. 630.
1076. The first syllable of Lyked forms a foot by itself. God do bote, may
God give (us) help! A parenthetical explanation. All former editions (except
my own) omit the necessary comma after as.
1077-85. Chaucer here gives a general outline of the state of the case,
without following Vergil's words.
Page 486
1086-90. This answers to Æn. i. 615-630.
1091-1102. From Æn. i 631-642.
1099. His lyve, in his life, during his life.
1103-27. This passage is, practically, original. Chaucer here tells the story
in his own language, and gives it a wholly medieval cast.
1104. The M.E. swolow usually means 'a whirlpool' or 'gulf,' and such is
Tyrwhitt's explanation. See the Catholicon Anglicum, p. 373, note 1, for
examples. Thus, in Wyclif's Works, ed. Matthew, p. 97, we find—'Swolwis
of the see and helle, that resceyuen al that thei may and ȝelden not aȝen.'
Very rarely, it is used of an open mouth; thus in Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, iii.
250, it is said that the whale 'opened his swolȝ' to engulf Jonah. Hence,
probably, arose the suggestion in Bell's note, that the reference is to the
open mouth of hell, as represented in medieval drawings. Nevertheless, I
believe Tyrwhitt is right; though either sense will serve. It is the mod. E.
swallow, used as a sb. Cf. Dante, Inf. xxxiv. 137-9.
1106. Parements, ornaments; probably hangings. Cf. 'chambre of
parementz' in Squi. Ta., F 269, and Tyrwhitt's note, quoted in my note to the
line. In the Kn. Ta., A 2501, paramentz means 'rich clothes.' See Æn. i. 637-
9.
1107. For ornaments, which is preserved in MSS. C. and T. only, the other
MSS. and all the old editions have the odd reading pavements, which is
strangely out of place. I think it clear that this arose from a repetition of the
word parements, which was afterwards turned into pavements by way of
desperate emendation. The letters v and r are often somewhat alike, and
have been mistaken for one another, as shewn in my paper on 'ghost-words'
in the Phil. Soc. Transactions, 1886.
1109. The MSS. (except T.) and the black-letter editions have he. Morris's,
Bell's, and Corson's editions have she, which gives no sense, and will not
suit l. 1111. I do not undertake to notice all the vagaries of the various
1091-1102. From Æn. i 631-642.
1099. His lyve, in his life, during his life.
1103-27. This passage is, practically, original. Chaucer here tells the story
in his own language, and gives it a wholly medieval cast.
1104. The M.E. swolow usually means 'a whirlpool' or 'gulf,' and such is
Tyrwhitt's explanation. See the Catholicon Anglicum, p. 373, note 1, for
examples. Thus, in Wyclif's Works, ed. Matthew, p. 97, we find—'Swolwis
of the see and helle, that resceyuen al that thei may and ȝelden not aȝen.'
Very rarely, it is used of an open mouth; thus in Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, iii.
250, it is said that the whale 'opened his swolȝ' to engulf Jonah. Hence,
probably, arose the suggestion in Bell's note, that the reference is to the
open mouth of hell, as represented in medieval drawings. Nevertheless, I
believe Tyrwhitt is right; though either sense will serve. It is the mod. E.
swallow, used as a sb. Cf. Dante, Inf. xxxiv. 137-9.
1106. Parements, ornaments; probably hangings. Cf. 'chambre of
parementz' in Squi. Ta., F 269, and Tyrwhitt's note, quoted in my note to the
line. In the Kn. Ta., A 2501, paramentz means 'rich clothes.' See Æn. i. 637-
9.
1107. For ornaments, which is preserved in MSS. C. and T. only, the other
MSS. and all the old editions have the odd reading pavements, which is
strangely out of place. I think it clear that this arose from a repetition of the
word parements, which was afterwards turned into pavements by way of
desperate emendation. The letters v and r are often somewhat alike, and
have been mistaken for one another, as shewn in my paper on 'ghost-words'
in the Phil. Soc. Transactions, 1886.
1109. The MSS. (except T.) and the black-letter editions have he. Morris's,
Bell's, and Corson's editions have she, which gives no sense, and will not
suit l. 1111. I do not undertake to notice all the vagaries of the various
Page 487
editions, as the readings of the MSS. are so much more satisfactory. In the
present case, I suppose that she is a mere misprint in Bell, preserved in the
editions that follow him. Sete is short for seten, the usual M.E. pp. of sitten,
to sit; see Kn. Ta., A 1452. It answers to the A.S. pp. seten, with short e. The
e in mete was also short in A.S.; hence the rime is perfect.
1110. Cf. Squi. Ta., F 294—'The spyces and the wyn is come anon.' This
refers to the custom of serving wine mixed with spices to the guests before
going to rest; see a long note in Warton, Hist. E. Poetry, ed. 1840, i. 178 (on
the word piment); Weber's note on King Alisaunder, 4178; and Our English
Home, p. 85.
1114. The first syllable Ther probably constitutes the first foot of the line. I
believe Chaucer accents courser on the former syllable; see Kn. Ta., A
1502, 1704; Squi. Ta., F 195, 310.
1117. Fretted, adorned; not 'fraught,' as in Corson's note.
1119. Shynedè; trisyllabic; in MS. C. only; rest, shyned, shyneth, which will
not scan. Cf. lakkedè, Prol. 756; knokkeden, Compl. Mars, 84. Line 2194
has shinèd, and l. 1428 has shoon. Shynede occurs in both the Wycliffite
versions of Luke ii. 9; and is therefore an old form. We still have shined as a
pt. t. in Ezek. xliii. 2, Acts ix. 3, xii. 7.
1120. 'Nor gentle high-flying falcon for striking herons.' Chaucer has gentil
faucon in his Parl. of Foules, 337. Cotgrave, s.v. haultain, has:—'Faulcon
haultain, a high-flying hawke.' Heronere means 'used for flying at herons';
only the best hawks would serve for this.
1122. Y-bete, in the Knight's Ta., A 979, means 'ornamented with beaten
gold,' or with gold flattened out by the hammer (F. or batu). It might mean
'ornamented by means of the hammer'; but as 'new florins' can hardly be
said to be used for decorating cups, it seems best to take with in the sense of
'as well as'; in which case florins newe y-bete means 'florins newly struck.'
The allusion to florins is curious; see note to P. Plowman, B. iii. 45. Cf. Æn,
i. 640—'Ingens argentum mensis, caelataque in auro Fortia facta patrum.'
present case, I suppose that she is a mere misprint in Bell, preserved in the
editions that follow him. Sete is short for seten, the usual M.E. pp. of sitten,
to sit; see Kn. Ta., A 1452. It answers to the A.S. pp. seten, with short e. The
e in mete was also short in A.S.; hence the rime is perfect.
1110. Cf. Squi. Ta., F 294—'The spyces and the wyn is come anon.' This
refers to the custom of serving wine mixed with spices to the guests before
going to rest; see a long note in Warton, Hist. E. Poetry, ed. 1840, i. 178 (on
the word piment); Weber's note on King Alisaunder, 4178; and Our English
Home, p. 85.
1114. The first syllable Ther probably constitutes the first foot of the line. I
believe Chaucer accents courser on the former syllable; see Kn. Ta., A
1502, 1704; Squi. Ta., F 195, 310.
1117. Fretted, adorned; not 'fraught,' as in Corson's note.
1119. Shynedè; trisyllabic; in MS. C. only; rest, shyned, shyneth, which will
not scan. Cf. lakkedè, Prol. 756; knokkeden, Compl. Mars, 84. Line 2194
has shinèd, and l. 1428 has shoon. Shynede occurs in both the Wycliffite
versions of Luke ii. 9; and is therefore an old form. We still have shined as a
pt. t. in Ezek. xliii. 2, Acts ix. 3, xii. 7.
1120. 'Nor gentle high-flying falcon for striking herons.' Chaucer has gentil
faucon in his Parl. of Foules, 337. Cotgrave, s.v. haultain, has:—'Faulcon
haultain, a high-flying hawke.' Heronere means 'used for flying at herons';
only the best hawks would serve for this.
1122. Y-bete, in the Knight's Ta., A 979, means 'ornamented with beaten
gold,' or with gold flattened out by the hammer (F. or batu). It might mean
'ornamented by means of the hammer'; but as 'new florins' can hardly be
said to be used for decorating cups, it seems best to take with in the sense of
'as well as'; in which case florins newe y-bete means 'florins newly struck.'
The allusion to florins is curious; see note to P. Plowman, B. iii. 45. Cf. Æn,
i. 640—'Ingens argentum mensis, caelataque in auro Fortia facta patrum.'
Page 488
1128-35. From Æn. i. 643-656.
1135. Take, present, offer, deliver. This sense was once common; see Sec.
Non. Ta., G 223; Can. Yem. Ta., G 1030, 1034, 1365; P. Plowman, B. i. 56,
iv. 58, &c.
1136-49. Much abridged from Æn. i. 657-722.
1145. 'Let it be as it may; I care little about it.'
1150-55. Chaucer here comes to the end of Æn. bk. i, and passes over the
second book with the remark in l. 1153.
1155. Entendeden, gave their attention. Corson and Gilman explain it by
'attend,' as if it were the present tense.
1156. Chaucer here passes on to Vergil's fourth book, which he epitomises,
and seldom follows quite exactly.
1157. Sely, simple, unsuspecting; see l. 1254. See Silly in Trench, Select
Glossary.
1161. 'Why I have told the story so far, and must tell the rest.'
1163. The reading his (for her) in MS. C. can be justified, and may be right.
The A.S. móna was masculine, but the Lat. luna was feminine. Hence arose
a confusion, so that the M.E. mone was of either gender. Hence, in
Chaucer's Astrolabe, pt. ii. § 34, l. 12, we find—'And nota, that yif the
mone shewe himself by light of day,' &c.; whereas in the same, pt. ii. § 40, l.
54, we find—'the mone, loke thou rekne wel hir cours houre by houre; for
she,' &c.
1166. Brayd, start, sudden movement. In the Cursor Mundi, 7169, we read
of Samson, that—
1135. Take, present, offer, deliver. This sense was once common; see Sec.
Non. Ta., G 223; Can. Yem. Ta., G 1030, 1034, 1365; P. Plowman, B. i. 56,
iv. 58, &c.
1136-49. Much abridged from Æn. i. 657-722.
1145. 'Let it be as it may; I care little about it.'
1150-55. Chaucer here comes to the end of Æn. bk. i, and passes over the
second book with the remark in l. 1153.
1155. Entendeden, gave their attention. Corson and Gilman explain it by
'attend,' as if it were the present tense.
1156. Chaucer here passes on to Vergil's fourth book, which he epitomises,
and seldom follows quite exactly.
1157. Sely, simple, unsuspecting; see l. 1254. See Silly in Trench, Select
Glossary.
1161. 'Why I have told the story so far, and must tell the rest.'
1163. The reading his (for her) in MS. C. can be justified, and may be right.
The A.S. móna was masculine, but the Lat. luna was feminine. Hence arose
a confusion, so that the M.E. mone was of either gender. Hence, in
Chaucer's Astrolabe, pt. ii. § 34, l. 12, we find—'And nota, that yif the
mone shewe himself by light of day,' &c.; whereas in the same, pt. ii. § 40, l.
54, we find—'the mone, loke thou rekne wel hir cours houre by houre; for
she,' &c.
1166. Brayd, start, sudden movement. In the Cursor Mundi, 7169, we read
of Samson, that—
Page 489
'Vte of thair handes son he stert
And gaue a braid sa fers and fast,
That all the bandes of him brast.'
See Braid in the New E. Dictionary.
1170-81. From Vergil's Æn. iv. 9-29.
1174. 'And eke so likely to be a hero.' Man is here used emphatically; cf.
'quam forti pectore et armis'; iv. 11.
1182, 3. Cf. Æn. iv. 31-53; but Chaucer cuts it short.
1187. Love (A.S. lufu) is here monosyllabic; cf. Kn. Ta., A 1135. 'Love
desires (to have) love; for no one will it desist.' Cf. A.S. wandian, to turn
aside, blench, fear. And see wol, in l. 1191.
1188-1211. From Æn. iv. 129-159.
1191. An hunting, on hunting, a-hunting. Here an is another form of the
prep. on, and hunting is a substantive, like Lat. uenatio. See Skeat,
Principles of Eng. Etymology, Ser. 1, p. 260.
Wol, desires (to go); cf. wol in l. 1187.
1196. Hoven, wait in readiness, hover. Cf. 'where that she hoved and abode';
Gower, C. A. iii. 63; and see P. Plowman, B. prol. 210, xviii. 83. It just
expresses the notion of slight movement, whilst remaining nearly in the
same place. The old editions read heven, which gives no sense; for it never
means 'mount,' as has been suggested. Cf. Vergil's 'expectant'; iv. 134.
1198. Paper-whyt, as white as paper; a curious and rare compound. Printed
paper white (as two words!) in former editions.
And gaue a braid sa fers and fast,
That all the bandes of him brast.'
See Braid in the New E. Dictionary.
1170-81. From Vergil's Æn. iv. 9-29.
1174. 'And eke so likely to be a hero.' Man is here used emphatically; cf.
'quam forti pectore et armis'; iv. 11.
1182, 3. Cf. Æn. iv. 31-53; but Chaucer cuts it short.
1187. Love (A.S. lufu) is here monosyllabic; cf. Kn. Ta., A 1135. 'Love
desires (to have) love; for no one will it desist.' Cf. A.S. wandian, to turn
aside, blench, fear. And see wol, in l. 1191.
1188-1211. From Æn. iv. 129-159.
1191. An hunting, on hunting, a-hunting. Here an is another form of the
prep. on, and hunting is a substantive, like Lat. uenatio. See Skeat,
Principles of Eng. Etymology, Ser. 1, p. 260.
Wol, desires (to go); cf. wol in l. 1187.
1196. Hoven, wait in readiness, hover. Cf. 'where that she hoved and abode';
Gower, C. A. iii. 63; and see P. Plowman, B. prol. 210, xviii. 83. It just
expresses the notion of slight movement, whilst remaining nearly in the
same place. The old editions read heven, which gives no sense; for it never
means 'mount,' as has been suggested. Cf. Vergil's 'expectant'; iv. 134.
1198. Paper-whyt, as white as paper; a curious and rare compound. Printed
paper white (as two words!) in former editions.
Page 490
1200. The 4th sense of Bar in the New E. Dict. is—'An ornamental
transverse band on a girdle, saddle, &c.; subsequently, an ornamental boss
of any shape.'
1201. Sit, sits. Wrye, covered; A.S. wrigen, pp.
1204. Startling, moving suddenly; the frequentative form of starting, which
Chaucer preferred when repeating this same line in his Kn. Tale, A 1502.
1205. A litel wyr, i.e. a small bridle-bit. See l. 1208.
1206. Phebus; Vergil's 'Apollo'; iv. 144. To devyse, to describe (him).
1209. Wold, willed, desired; the pp. of willen. This form is very rare, but we
again find hath wold in l. 11 of the Compl. of Venus; and hadde wold in P.
Plowman, B. xv. 258. Prof. Corson aptly quotes three examples from
Malory's Morte Arthur, ed. T. Wright, with the references 'vol. i. c. 33, vol.
iii. c. 119, and vol. iii. c. 123.' The first of these answers to bk. ii. c. 8, p. 54
in the 'Globe' edition, where we find—'Then said Merlin to Balin, Thou hast
done thyself great hurt, because thou savedst not this lady that slew herself,
that might have saved her and thou wouldest.' Caxton (ed. 1485) also has
woldest; but Wright, following the edition of 1634, has had would. For the
other passages, see bk. xviii. capp. 15 and 19, where Caxton has 'and he had
wold,' and 'and I had wolde.'
1212-31. From Vergil, Æn. iv. 154-170.
1213. Go bet, go more quickly, hasten; a term of encouragement. See Pard.
Tale, C 667, and the note. Prik thou, spur thou, push on; a like term. Lat
goon, let (the dogs) go.
1230. 'Ille dies primus leti, primusque malorum Causa fuit'; iv. 169. It looks
as if Chaucer has translated leti by 'gladnesse,' as if it were letitiae. (Bech
makes a similar remark.)
transverse band on a girdle, saddle, &c.; subsequently, an ornamental boss
of any shape.'
1201. Sit, sits. Wrye, covered; A.S. wrigen, pp.
1204. Startling, moving suddenly; the frequentative form of starting, which
Chaucer preferred when repeating this same line in his Kn. Tale, A 1502.
1205. A litel wyr, i.e. a small bridle-bit. See l. 1208.
1206. Phebus; Vergil's 'Apollo'; iv. 144. To devyse, to describe (him).
1209. Wold, willed, desired; the pp. of willen. This form is very rare, but we
again find hath wold in l. 11 of the Compl. of Venus; and hadde wold in P.
Plowman, B. xv. 258. Prof. Corson aptly quotes three examples from
Malory's Morte Arthur, ed. T. Wright, with the references 'vol. i. c. 33, vol.
iii. c. 119, and vol. iii. c. 123.' The first of these answers to bk. ii. c. 8, p. 54
in the 'Globe' edition, where we find—'Then said Merlin to Balin, Thou hast
done thyself great hurt, because thou savedst not this lady that slew herself,
that might have saved her and thou wouldest.' Caxton (ed. 1485) also has
woldest; but Wright, following the edition of 1634, has had would. For the
other passages, see bk. xviii. capp. 15 and 19, where Caxton has 'and he had
wold,' and 'and I had wolde.'
1212-31. From Vergil, Æn. iv. 154-170.
1213. Go bet, go more quickly, hasten; a term of encouragement. See Pard.
Tale, C 667, and the note. Prik thou, spur thou, push on; a like term. Lat
goon, let (the dogs) go.
1230. 'Ille dies primus leti, primusque malorum Causa fuit'; iv. 169. It looks
as if Chaucer has translated leti by 'gladnesse,' as if it were letitiae. (Bech
makes a similar remark.)
Page 491
1232-41. These lines are original. Cf. Ho. Fame, 253-292.
1242. Here follows, in Vergil, the celebrated description of Fame, which
Chaucer had already introduced into his Hous of Fame, 1368-1392; it is
therefore here omitted. He passes on to Æn. iv. 195.
1245. Yarbas, i.e. Iarbas, son of Ammon; Æn. iv. 196.
1254-84. Original; but see Ho. Fame, 269-292.
1262. Pilled, robbed. 'A knight ... sholde deffenden holy chirche, and nat
robben it ne pilen it'; Persones Tale, De Avaritia, I 767.
1277. Ther-as, whereas. Sterve, to die.
1287. Perhaps copied by the author of fragment B. of the Romaunt of the
Rose. We there find (l. 4838, Glasgow MS.)—'The hoote ernes [ernest?]
they al foryeten'; there being nothing answering to it in the French text.
1288. 'And he secretly causes his ships to be prepared'; lit. 'causes (men) to
prepare his ships.'
1289. Shapeth him, intends, purposes. See Prologue, 772.
1295. 'Me patris Anchisae ... Admonet ... imago'; iv. 351.
1297. Mercurie, Mercury; 'interpres Divûm'; iv. 356.
1305. What womman, what sort of a woman.
1310. Seketh halwes, repairs to saints' shrines; a curious medieval touch.
Vergil only mentions the sacrifice; iv. 453. Cf. Prologue, 14, and the note.
'To go seken halwes'; C. T. (Wyf of Bathes Prol.), D 657.
1242. Here follows, in Vergil, the celebrated description of Fame, which
Chaucer had already introduced into his Hous of Fame, 1368-1392; it is
therefore here omitted. He passes on to Æn. iv. 195.
1245. Yarbas, i.e. Iarbas, son of Ammon; Æn. iv. 196.
1254-84. Original; but see Ho. Fame, 269-292.
1262. Pilled, robbed. 'A knight ... sholde deffenden holy chirche, and nat
robben it ne pilen it'; Persones Tale, De Avaritia, I 767.
1277. Ther-as, whereas. Sterve, to die.
1287. Perhaps copied by the author of fragment B. of the Romaunt of the
Rose. We there find (l. 4838, Glasgow MS.)—'The hoote ernes [ernest?]
they al foryeten'; there being nothing answering to it in the French text.
1288. 'And he secretly causes his ships to be prepared'; lit. 'causes (men) to
prepare his ships.'
1289. Shapeth him, intends, purposes. See Prologue, 772.
1295. 'Me patris Anchisae ... Admonet ... imago'; iv. 351.
1297. Mercurie, Mercury; 'interpres Divûm'; iv. 356.
1305. What womman, what sort of a woman.
1310. Seketh halwes, repairs to saints' shrines; a curious medieval touch.
Vergil only mentions the sacrifice; iv. 453. Cf. Prologue, 14, and the note.
'To go seken halwes'; C. T. (Wyf of Bathes Prol.), D 657.
Page 492
1312, 3. 'Si pudet uxoris, non nupta, sed hospita dicar,' &c.; Ovid, Her. vii.
167.
1316. Cf. 'Sed neque fers tecum'; Her. vii. 79.
1317. Thise lordes; 'Nomadumque tyranni'; Æn. iv. 320. Also Pygmalion
and Iarbas, id. 325, 6.
1324. The former syllable of Mercy forms the first foot in the line; cf. l.
1342. 'Have pitee on my sorwes smerte!' Ho. Fame, 316; which see.
1331. Lavyne, Lavinia, daughter of King Latinus; Æn. vii. 359.
1332. A cloth. This refers to the Trojan garments left behind by Æneas;
'Iliacas uestes'; iv. 648. The sword is mentioned by Vergil just two lines
above; 646.
1338-40. Here the cloth answers to the Lat. exuuiae; and whyl hit leste =
whilst it pleased. These three lines are a close imitation of Vergil, Æn. iv.
651-3:—
'Dulces exuuiae, dum fata Deusque
sinebant;
Accipite hanc animam, meque his
exsoluite curis;
Vixi, et quem dederat cursum
fortuna, peregi.'
We hence see that, in l. 1339, the right reading is unbind me of this unreste,
a close translation from the Latin. Me of are run together; see note to
Complaint to Pitè, l. 11.
1341. Withouten, without any succour from Æneas.
167.
1316. Cf. 'Sed neque fers tecum'; Her. vii. 79.
1317. Thise lordes; 'Nomadumque tyranni'; Æn. iv. 320. Also Pygmalion
and Iarbas, id. 325, 6.
1324. The former syllable of Mercy forms the first foot in the line; cf. l.
1342. 'Have pitee on my sorwes smerte!' Ho. Fame, 316; which see.
1331. Lavyne, Lavinia, daughter of King Latinus; Æn. vii. 359.
1332. A cloth. This refers to the Trojan garments left behind by Æneas;
'Iliacas uestes'; iv. 648. The sword is mentioned by Vergil just two lines
above; 646.
1338-40. Here the cloth answers to the Lat. exuuiae; and whyl hit leste =
whilst it pleased. These three lines are a close imitation of Vergil, Æn. iv.
651-3:—
'Dulces exuuiae, dum fata Deusque
sinebant;
Accipite hanc animam, meque his
exsoluite curis;
Vixi, et quem dederat cursum
fortuna, peregi.'
We hence see that, in l. 1339, the right reading is unbind me of this unreste,
a close translation from the Latin. Me of are run together; see note to
Complaint to Pitè, l. 11.
1341. Withouten, without any succour from Æneas.
Page 493
1346. Her norice, her nurse, or rather the nurse of Sichæus, named Barce;
Æn. iv. 632.
1351. 'She roof hir-selve to the herte'; Ho. Fame, 373.
1352. Here Chaucer, having done with Vergil, takes up Ovid, who is
intended by the words myn autour.
1354. A lettre, i.e. the 7th Epistle in Ovid's Heroides. See l. 1367.
1355-65. From the first 8 lines in the above Epistle.
'Sic, ubi fata uocant, udis abiectus in
herbis,
ad uada Maeandri concinit albus
olor.
Nec, quia te nostra sperem prece
posse moueri,
alloquor. Aduerso mouimus ista
deo.
Sed merita et famam, corpusque
animumque pudicum
quum male perdiderim, perdere
uerba leue est.
Certus es ire tamen, miseramque
relinquere Dido;
atque îdem uenti uela fidemque
ferent.'
Æn. iv. 632.
1351. 'She roof hir-selve to the herte'; Ho. Fame, 373.
1352. Here Chaucer, having done with Vergil, takes up Ovid, who is
intended by the words myn autour.
1354. A lettre, i.e. the 7th Epistle in Ovid's Heroides. See l. 1367.
1355-65. From the first 8 lines in the above Epistle.
'Sic, ubi fata uocant, udis abiectus in
herbis,
ad uada Maeandri concinit albus
olor.
Nec, quia te nostra sperem prece
posse moueri,
alloquor. Aduerso mouimus ista
deo.
Sed merita et famam, corpusque
animumque pudicum
quum male perdiderim, perdere
uerba leue est.
Certus es ire tamen, miseramque
relinquere Dido;
atque îdem uenti uela fidemque
ferent.'
Page 494
IV. (Part I.) THE LEGEND OF HYPSIPYLE.
The chief sources of this fourth Legend are Guido delle Colonne's Historia
Troiana, Ovid's Metamorphoses, bk. vii, and Heroides, letters vi. and xii.
The story of Hypsipyle is also in Statius' Thebaid, bk. v, and in l. 1437 (see
note) there is a reference to the Argonauticon of Valerius Flaccus. See
further in the Preface; and see the notes to ll. 1396, 1467.
1368-95. This is a Prologue to the Legend, and is original.
1371. Reclaiming, enticement, power to subdue; lit. a calling back.
Halliwell has: 'To reclaim a hawk, to make her gentle and familiar, to bring
her to the wrist by a certain call. It is often used metaphorically, to tame.'
Cf. 'since this same wayward girl is so reclaimed'; Romeo, iv. 2. 47.
1373. Of, by means of. Farced, stuffed; as in Prol. to C. T., 233.
1377. 'Where others betray one, thou betrayest two.'
1381. Shove, pushed forward, brought into notice; cf. l. 726.
1383. Have at thee! let me attack (or pursue) thee. Thyn horn is blowe, the
horn is blown that summons all to pursue thee; a metaphor taken from the
chase.
1387. Aboght, bought; pp. of abye, which was corrupted into abide; whence
'thou shalt dearly abide it.'
1388. Box, blow, buffet; now only used of 'a box on the ear.'
1389. Et, eateth; pres. tense. So in the Ayenbite of Inwyt, p. 135, l. 10, and
in Ælfric's Grammar, ed. Zupitza, p. 200.
The chief sources of this fourth Legend are Guido delle Colonne's Historia
Troiana, Ovid's Metamorphoses, bk. vii, and Heroides, letters vi. and xii.
The story of Hypsipyle is also in Statius' Thebaid, bk. v, and in l. 1437 (see
note) there is a reference to the Argonauticon of Valerius Flaccus. See
further in the Preface; and see the notes to ll. 1396, 1467.
1368-95. This is a Prologue to the Legend, and is original.
1371. Reclaiming, enticement, power to subdue; lit. a calling back.
Halliwell has: 'To reclaim a hawk, to make her gentle and familiar, to bring
her to the wrist by a certain call. It is often used metaphorically, to tame.'
Cf. 'since this same wayward girl is so reclaimed'; Romeo, iv. 2. 47.
1373. Of, by means of. Farced, stuffed; as in Prol. to C. T., 233.
1377. 'Where others betray one, thou betrayest two.'
1381. Shove, pushed forward, brought into notice; cf. l. 726.
1383. Have at thee! let me attack (or pursue) thee. Thyn horn is blowe, the
horn is blown that summons all to pursue thee; a metaphor taken from the
chase.
1387. Aboght, bought; pp. of abye, which was corrupted into abide; whence
'thou shalt dearly abide it.'
1388. Box, blow, buffet; now only used of 'a box on the ear.'
1389. Et, eateth; pres. tense. So in the Ayenbite of Inwyt, p. 135, l. 10, and
in Ælfric's Grammar, ed. Zupitza, p. 200.
Page 495
1391. Prof. Lounsbury would read 'the goodë man that ther-for payede,' and
remarks that this gives a false rime, because the preterite form payede will
not rime with the pp. betrayed. He adds—'in order to follow the reading of
the one MS. that makes payed a participial form, the adj. goode, of the
definite declension, has to be shorn of its final e in pronunciation.'—Studies
in Chaucer, i. 405. I take good-man to be, practically, one word, as in the A.
V., Matt. xx. 11, so that the def. form of the adj. is not really required. And I
prefer the reading hath payed, though it rests on the authority of one (the
best) MS. only. If, however, we adopt the proposed reading, it makes no
difference at all to the rime. For the pt. t. of verbs of F. origin, as payen,
serven, is usually payed, served, the full ending -ede (with both syllables
sounded) being extremely rare in Chaucer; cf. note to l. 1119. We even have
shined, not shinede, in l. 2194, in a word of E. origin. Hence there is really
no fault to be found, whichever reading be taken; and the cricitism, which is
quite superfluous, comes to nothing.
1394, 5. On, in the case of. Y-sene, evident; as in l. 2655. By, with reference
to.
1396. The reading Guido (in MSS. C., T., A.) where the other MSS. and the
editions have Ouyde, is important; especially as it is correct, and gives us a
new clue. The Historia Troiana of Guido delle Colonne begins with the
story of Jason, and it is evident that Chaucer follows him, at least as far as l.
1461. This can easily be seen by comparing the present passage with the
beginning of Book I. of the alliterative Troy-book, ed. Panton and
Donaldson, otherwise called the Gest Historiale of the Destruction of Troy,
which is closely translated from Guido; or else with Lydgate's Troy-book,
bk. i. capp. 1-3. Gower also tells the story of Jason (C. A. ii. 236), and says
that the tale 'is in the boke of Troie write.'
1397. Pelleus; so spelt in the allit. Troy-book, l. 104; Gower has Peleus.
Medieval names are strangely confused. The right form is not Peleus, but
Pelias. He was king of Thessaly, half-brother of Æson, and guardian of
Jason. The reading king gives him his title in anticipation, but is right. So
also, in the allit. Troy-book, l. 103: 'There was a kyng in that coste,' &c.;
and Guido has 'rex' here.
remarks that this gives a false rime, because the preterite form payede will
not rime with the pp. betrayed. He adds—'in order to follow the reading of
the one MS. that makes payed a participial form, the adj. goode, of the
definite declension, has to be shorn of its final e in pronunciation.'—Studies
in Chaucer, i. 405. I take good-man to be, practically, one word, as in the A.
V., Matt. xx. 11, so that the def. form of the adj. is not really required. And I
prefer the reading hath payed, though it rests on the authority of one (the
best) MS. only. If, however, we adopt the proposed reading, it makes no
difference at all to the rime. For the pt. t. of verbs of F. origin, as payen,
serven, is usually payed, served, the full ending -ede (with both syllables
sounded) being extremely rare in Chaucer; cf. note to l. 1119. We even have
shined, not shinede, in l. 2194, in a word of E. origin. Hence there is really
no fault to be found, whichever reading be taken; and the cricitism, which is
quite superfluous, comes to nothing.
1394, 5. On, in the case of. Y-sene, evident; as in l. 2655. By, with reference
to.
1396. The reading Guido (in MSS. C., T., A.) where the other MSS. and the
editions have Ouyde, is important; especially as it is correct, and gives us a
new clue. The Historia Troiana of Guido delle Colonne begins with the
story of Jason, and it is evident that Chaucer follows him, at least as far as l.
1461. This can easily be seen by comparing the present passage with the
beginning of Book I. of the alliterative Troy-book, ed. Panton and
Donaldson, otherwise called the Gest Historiale of the Destruction of Troy,
which is closely translated from Guido; or else with Lydgate's Troy-book,
bk. i. capp. 1-3. Gower also tells the story of Jason (C. A. ii. 236), and says
that the tale 'is in the boke of Troie write.'
1397. Pelleus; so spelt in the allit. Troy-book, l. 104; Gower has Peleus.
Medieval names are strangely confused. The right form is not Peleus, but
Pelias. He was king of Thessaly, half-brother of Æson, and guardian of
Jason. The reading king gives him his title in anticipation, but is right. So
also, in the allit. Troy-book, l. 103: 'There was a kyng in that coste,' &c.;
and Guido has 'rex' here.
Page 496
1398. Eson (as in Gower); Æson, the aged father of Jason.
1420. Al made he, although he made.
1425. Colcos, properly Colchis, now Mingrelia; between the Caucasus and
the Eastern shore of the Black Sea. In the allit. Troy-book, it is called
Colchos, l. 152; and so in Gower. It is not really an island, but Chaucer
follows the Latin text, which has 'insula'; see note to l. 1590.
1430. Kept, guarded; with, by. Compare the Troy-book, l. 164:—
'Thus coyntly it kept was, all with
clene art,
By too oxen, oribull on for to loke,
And a derfe dragon, drede to
behold.'
1438. Oëtes (as in Guido); properly Aeëtes, Ovid, Her. xii. 51. He was king
of Colchis, and father of Medea.
1447. 'Then should I be bound to requite thy toil.'
1453. Argus, the builder of the ship Argo, in which Jason undertook the
voyage. The name is given by Guido (see the E. Troy-book, l. 273), by
Valerius Flaccus, in his Argonauticon, lib. i. 314, and in the Argonautics of
Apollonius Rhodius.
1457. As Bech points out, Chaucer here copies the remark in Dares:
—'Demonstrare cos qui cum Iasone profecti sunt non uidetur nostrum esse:
sed qui uolunt eos cognoscere, Argonautas legant.'—De excidio Troiae
historia, ed. Meister, 1873; cap. 1. The reference is to the Argonauticon of
Valerius Flaccus, lib. i., where the list of the Argonauts may be found. It
also occurs in bk. i. of the Argonautics of Apollonius Rhodius. It is a dreary
catalogue; or, as Chaucer says, a sufficiently long tale. There is a shorter list
in Statius, Thebaid, bk. v. All the lists make much of Hercules (see l. 1454).
1420. Al made he, although he made.
1425. Colcos, properly Colchis, now Mingrelia; between the Caucasus and
the Eastern shore of the Black Sea. In the allit. Troy-book, it is called
Colchos, l. 152; and so in Gower. It is not really an island, but Chaucer
follows the Latin text, which has 'insula'; see note to l. 1590.
1430. Kept, guarded; with, by. Compare the Troy-book, l. 164:—
'Thus coyntly it kept was, all with
clene art,
By too oxen, oribull on for to loke,
And a derfe dragon, drede to
behold.'
1438. Oëtes (as in Guido); properly Aeëtes, Ovid, Her. xii. 51. He was king
of Colchis, and father of Medea.
1447. 'Then should I be bound to requite thy toil.'
1453. Argus, the builder of the ship Argo, in which Jason undertook the
voyage. The name is given by Guido (see the E. Troy-book, l. 273), by
Valerius Flaccus, in his Argonauticon, lib. i. 314, and in the Argonautics of
Apollonius Rhodius.
1457. As Bech points out, Chaucer here copies the remark in Dares:
—'Demonstrare cos qui cum Iasone profecti sunt non uidetur nostrum esse:
sed qui uolunt eos cognoscere, Argonautas legant.'—De excidio Troiae
historia, ed. Meister, 1873; cap. 1. The reference is to the Argonauticon of
Valerius Flaccus, lib. i., where the list of the Argonauts may be found. It
also occurs in bk. i. of the Argonautics of Apollonius Rhodius. It is a dreary
catalogue; or, as Chaucer says, a sufficiently long tale. There is a shorter list
in Statius, Thebaid, bk. v. All the lists make much of Hercules (see l. 1454).
Page 497
1459. Philotetes (so spelt by Guido, see the Eng. version, p. 12, ll. 6 and 10,
where the passage from Guido is quoted) was the name of the pilot to the
expedition. Valerius Flaccus identifies him with Philoctetes, son of Pœas or
Pæas; as he introduces him by the name of Pœantius; Argon, i. 391.
1463. Lemnoun, Lemnos; it is very common to quote proper names in forms
resembling the accusative case. This, as Chaucer says, is not in Guido, but
in Ovid; see Ovid's Heroid. vi. 50, 117, 136. At the same time it would be
interesting to know what version of Guido Chaucer followed; for it is a very
singular fact, that whilst the story of Hypsipyle is neither in the alliterative
Eng. version, nor in Lydgate, it does occur, at this point, in a Spanish
version, printed at Medina in 1587. There the heading of bk. ii. c. x. is
—'Como Iason aporto con tormenta a la Isla de Lemos, y caso con la
infanta Hisifile.'
1467. Isiphilee, Hypsipyle, daughter of Thoas, and queen of Lemnos; she
saved her father when the women of Lemnos killed all the other men in the
island, and subsequently entertained Jason. As the letter in Ovid does not
give all the circumstances, perhaps Chaucer consulted Valerius Flaccus,
Argonauticon, lib. ii., and Statius, Thebais, lib. v., or, perhaps, the Fables of
Hyginus, cap. xv.; but he makes more of Hercules than do these authorities,
and seems to be inventing.
1468. Thoas doghter the king, the daughter of king Thoas. This is the usual
idiom; see my note to Squi. Tale, F 209.
1469. Cf. Valerius Flaccus, Argon. ii. 311:—
'Ecce procul ualidis Lemnon
tendentia remis
Arma notant: rapitur subito regina
tumultu,
Conciliumque uocat: non illis obuia
tela
Ferre, nec infestos deerat furor
improbus ignes,
where the passage from Guido is quoted) was the name of the pilot to the
expedition. Valerius Flaccus identifies him with Philoctetes, son of Pœas or
Pæas; as he introduces him by the name of Pœantius; Argon, i. 391.
1463. Lemnoun, Lemnos; it is very common to quote proper names in forms
resembling the accusative case. This, as Chaucer says, is not in Guido, but
in Ovid; see Ovid's Heroid. vi. 50, 117, 136. At the same time it would be
interesting to know what version of Guido Chaucer followed; for it is a very
singular fact, that whilst the story of Hypsipyle is neither in the alliterative
Eng. version, nor in Lydgate, it does occur, at this point, in a Spanish
version, printed at Medina in 1587. There the heading of bk. ii. c. x. is
—'Como Iason aporto con tormenta a la Isla de Lemos, y caso con la
infanta Hisifile.'
1467. Isiphilee, Hypsipyle, daughter of Thoas, and queen of Lemnos; she
saved her father when the women of Lemnos killed all the other men in the
island, and subsequently entertained Jason. As the letter in Ovid does not
give all the circumstances, perhaps Chaucer consulted Valerius Flaccus,
Argonauticon, lib. ii., and Statius, Thebais, lib. v., or, perhaps, the Fables of
Hyginus, cap. xv.; but he makes more of Hercules than do these authorities,
and seems to be inventing.
1468. Thoas doghter the king, the daughter of king Thoas. This is the usual
idiom; see my note to Squi. Tale, F 209.
1469. Cf. Valerius Flaccus, Argon. ii. 311:—
'Ecce procul ualidis Lemnon
tendentia remis
Arma notant: rapitur subito regina
tumultu,
Conciliumque uocat: non illis obuia
tela
Ferre, nec infestos deerat furor
improbus ignes,
Page 498
Ni Ueneris saeuas fregisset
Mulciber iras.'
In Statius, Theb. v., the Lemnian women receive the Argonauts with
hostility at first, and attack them with missiles.
1476. Socour; cf. 'succurrere disco'; Verg. Æn. i. 630.
1479. This is a curious error; him should be her. As the Lemnian women
had just killed every man in the island, the messenger must needs have been
a woman. In fact, her name was Iphinoë; Val. Flacc. Argon. ii. 327. The
account in Apollonius Rhodius is somewhat fuller; but I find no mention of
the cogge.
1481. Cogge, a cock-boat; from the O. Fr. coque, also spelt cogue, a kind of
vessel, sometimes a ship of war, but also a merchant-vessel, and here a
small boat. See coque or cogue in Godefroy's O. Fr. Dict. Cogge occurs in
the Morte Arthure, 476, 738; Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, iii. 152; &c.
'Cogboote, cokbote, scafa'; Prompt. Parv.
1487. Broken, ship-wrecked. 'The ships were broken' 1 Kings xxii. 48; cf.
Jonah i. 4. Oght wo begoon, in any way distressed. Note resemblances to
the tale of Dido.
1488. Lodesmen, pilots; see note to Ch. Prol. 403. 'Lodesman of a shippe,
pilotte'; Palsgrave.
1509. Cf. Valerius Flaccus, Arg. ii. 351:—
'Praecipueque ducis casus mirata
requirit
Hypsipyle; quae fata trahant, quae
regis agat uis.'
Mulciber iras.'
In Statius, Theb. v., the Lemnian women receive the Argonauts with
hostility at first, and attack them with missiles.
1476. Socour; cf. 'succurrere disco'; Verg. Æn. i. 630.
1479. This is a curious error; him should be her. As the Lemnian women
had just killed every man in the island, the messenger must needs have been
a woman. In fact, her name was Iphinoë; Val. Flacc. Argon. ii. 327. The
account in Apollonius Rhodius is somewhat fuller; but I find no mention of
the cogge.
1481. Cogge, a cock-boat; from the O. Fr. coque, also spelt cogue, a kind of
vessel, sometimes a ship of war, but also a merchant-vessel, and here a
small boat. See coque or cogue in Godefroy's O. Fr. Dict. Cogge occurs in
the Morte Arthure, 476, 738; Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, iii. 152; &c.
'Cogboote, cokbote, scafa'; Prompt. Parv.
1487. Broken, ship-wrecked. 'The ships were broken' 1 Kings xxii. 48; cf.
Jonah i. 4. Oght wo begoon, in any way distressed. Note resemblances to
the tale of Dido.
1488. Lodesmen, pilots; see note to Ch. Prol. 403. 'Lodesman of a shippe,
pilotte'; Palsgrave.
1509. Cf. Valerius Flaccus, Arg. ii. 351:—
'Praecipueque ducis casus mirata
requirit
Hypsipyle; quae fata trahant, quae
regis agat uis.'
Page 499
1514. Los; spelt loos in MS. Tn.; for the o is long. It means 'praise' or
'renown,' and occurs six times in Ho. Fame (1620, 1621, 1626, 1722, 1817,
1900). Los, with short o, means 'loss.'
1515. Read th'áventúres, in four syllables.
1528. Prof. Corson cites some parallel passages, viz:—
'And therto he was hardy, wys, and
riche'; Squi. Ta., F 19.
'Hardy, and wyse, and riche, and
therto free'; Ship. Ta., B
1366.
'We alle desyren, if hit mighte be,
To have housbondes hardy, wyse,
and free,
And secree'; Non. Pr. Ta., B 4103.
1529. Three pointes. The reference is not to l. 1528, which mentions four
points, but to ll. 1530-3 following. I.e. the three points are fredom,
lustihede, and being a greet gentil-man; or otherwise, liberality, youthful
vigour, and high birth. Cf. l. 1405.
1533. Accent Tessálie on the second syllable.
1535. Shamefast (from A.S. sceamu) is here trisyllabic. On the corrupt
modern spelling shamefaced see Trench, Eng. Past and Present.
1536. He hadde lever, he would have it dearer, he would rather.
1538-40. In order to scan l. 1538, the word almighty is necessary, though
found in MS. A. only. Or else we must insert him, and read—'As wolde God
that I hadde him i-yive.' The sense is—'As (I pray) that God would permit
'renown,' and occurs six times in Ho. Fame (1620, 1621, 1626, 1722, 1817,
1900). Los, with short o, means 'loss.'
1515. Read th'áventúres, in four syllables.
1528. Prof. Corson cites some parallel passages, viz:—
'And therto he was hardy, wys, and
riche'; Squi. Ta., F 19.
'Hardy, and wyse, and riche, and
therto free'; Ship. Ta., B
1366.
'We alle desyren, if hit mighte be,
To have housbondes hardy, wyse,
and free,
And secree'; Non. Pr. Ta., B 4103.
1529. Three pointes. The reference is not to l. 1528, which mentions four
points, but to ll. 1530-3 following. I.e. the three points are fredom,
lustihede, and being a greet gentil-man; or otherwise, liberality, youthful
vigour, and high birth. Cf. l. 1405.
1533. Accent Tessálie on the second syllable.
1535. Shamefast (from A.S. sceamu) is here trisyllabic. On the corrupt
modern spelling shamefaced see Trench, Eng. Past and Present.
1536. He hadde lever, he would have it dearer, he would rather.
1538-40. In order to scan l. 1538, the word almighty is necessary, though
found in MS. A. only. Or else we must insert him, and read—'As wolde God
that I hadde him i-yive.' The sense is—'As (I pray) that God would permit
Page 500
that I might have given [him] my blood and flesh, provided that I might still
live (to see the result), on the condition that he had anywhere a wife
(suitable) to his rank.' So that means 'provided that'; as in 'so that ye be not
wroth,' C. T., D 2248 (Sompnoures Tale), in the Harleian MS.; and in the
following:—
'Sche saide, sire, ich wille help the,
So that thou wille spousi me.'—
Seven Sages, ed. Weber,
2663.
As to the expression with the nones, we may compare it with such
expressions as with-than, with-thon-that, with-tho-the, with-that, all
meaning 'provided that,' and all occurring in the Glossary to Spec. of Eng.,
Part I. And since for the nones means 'for the occasion' (see Prologue to C.
T., 379), so with the nones is 'with the occasion,' and hence 'provided that.' I
cannot at all agree with what seems to me the ludicrous emendation in some
late editions, which change nones into bones, and delete the comma after
live; 'provided that I might live with the bones.' At any rate, there is no
authority for this. The old editions and MSS. all alike read nones; and we
have the phrase again (pronounced with th' non-es), in the Ho. Fame, 2099.
1546. To come to hous upon, to become at home with, to become familiar
with.
1551. The former syllable in Yiftes forms a foot by itself.
1552. As wolde god, as (I wish) that God might will or permit; as in l. 1538.
1558. Thoriginal, the original. As this 'tells all the case,' i.e. all Jason's
subtlety, he is probably referring to Ovid, Her. Ep. vi. Flaccus says that
Hercules induced Jason to quit Lemnos, and proceed on his voyage. Statius
mentions Hypsipyle's twin sons, and relates some of her later history.
1564. Chaucer here follows the sixth letter of Ovid's Heroides. Lines 1569-
1575 follow four lines of the Latin text, viz. 123-4, and 159-60, which refer
live (to see the result), on the condition that he had anywhere a wife
(suitable) to his rank.' So that means 'provided that'; as in 'so that ye be not
wroth,' C. T., D 2248 (Sompnoures Tale), in the Harleian MS.; and in the
following:—
'Sche saide, sire, ich wille help the,
So that thou wille spousi me.'—
Seven Sages, ed. Weber,
2663.
As to the expression with the nones, we may compare it with such
expressions as with-than, with-thon-that, with-tho-the, with-that, all
meaning 'provided that,' and all occurring in the Glossary to Spec. of Eng.,
Part I. And since for the nones means 'for the occasion' (see Prologue to C.
T., 379), so with the nones is 'with the occasion,' and hence 'provided that.' I
cannot at all agree with what seems to me the ludicrous emendation in some
late editions, which change nones into bones, and delete the comma after
live; 'provided that I might live with the bones.' At any rate, there is no
authority for this. The old editions and MSS. all alike read nones; and we
have the phrase again (pronounced with th' non-es), in the Ho. Fame, 2099.
1546. To come to hous upon, to become at home with, to become familiar
with.
1551. The former syllable in Yiftes forms a foot by itself.
1552. As wolde god, as (I wish) that God might will or permit; as in l. 1538.
1558. Thoriginal, the original. As this 'tells all the case,' i.e. all Jason's
subtlety, he is probably referring to Ovid, Her. Ep. vi. Flaccus says that
Hercules induced Jason to quit Lemnos, and proceed on his voyage. Statius
mentions Hypsipyle's twin sons, and relates some of her later history.
1564. Chaucer here follows the sixth letter of Ovid's Heroides. Lines 1569-
1575 follow four lines of the Latin text, viz. 123-4, and 159-60, which refer
Page 501
to the twins and Medea:—
'Si quaeris, cui sunt similes;
cognosceris illis.
Fallere non norunt; caetera patris
habent....
Quam fratri germana fuit,
miseroque parenti
filia; tam natis, tam sit acerba
uiro.'
'Si quaeris, cui sunt similes;
cognosceris illis.
Fallere non norunt; caetera patris
habent....
Quam fratri germana fuit,
miseroque parenti
filia; tam natis, tam sit acerba
uiro.'
Page 502
Part II. THE LEGEND OF MEDEA.
1580. From this line to l. 1655 Chaucer mainly follows the second book of
Guido delle Colonne's Historia Troiana, which he epitomises. See Gower,
C. A. ii. 236-258.
1581. 'Who is a devourer of love, and a very dragon'; with reference to the
supposed insatiability of dragons.
1582. 'As matter always seeks to have a definite form, and may pass from
one form into another.' Mr. Archer Hind refers me to Aristotle, Metaphysica,
Λ. vii. 1072 b. 3:—κινεῖ δὲ ὡς ἐρώμενον, κινούμενον δὲ τἆλλα κινεῖ. Bech
shews that this is all from Guido, who has: 'Scimus enim mulieris animum
semper uirum appetere, sicut appetit materia semper formam.... Sed sicut ad
formam de forma procedere materiam notum est, sic mulieris
concupiscentia dissoluta procedere de uiro ad uirum ... sine fine, cum sit
quaedam profunditas sine fundo,' &c. Hence Lydgate, in his Troy-book, bk.
i. c. 5 (fol. C 6, back) has:—
'For as nature by kyndly appetyte
Kyndly seketh to sewen after
fourme,' &c.
1590. Iaconitos, Iaconites. This is a clear proof that Chaucer follows Guido.
At p. 12* of the alliterative Troy-book, ed. Panton and Donaldson, the
following passage is quoted from Guido, lib. ii.: 'In insula igitur Colcos erat
tunc temporis quaedam ciuitas nomine Iaconites, caput regni pro sua
magnitudine constituta.' Further extracts from this Latin text are given by
Horstmann, in his edition entitled 'Barbours Legendensammlung,' vol. ii.
(Heilbronn, 1882), p. 221; where will also be found a parallel passage in a
fifteenth-century poem which has wrongly been ascribed to Barbour. Hence
Lydgate, in his Troy-book, bk. i. c. 5 (fol. C 3, back), says of the chief city
of Colchos:—'And Iaconites tho it bare the name.'
1594. Read Preyíng; and drop the final e of moste.
1580. From this line to l. 1655 Chaucer mainly follows the second book of
Guido delle Colonne's Historia Troiana, which he epitomises. See Gower,
C. A. ii. 236-258.
1581. 'Who is a devourer of love, and a very dragon'; with reference to the
supposed insatiability of dragons.
1582. 'As matter always seeks to have a definite form, and may pass from
one form into another.' Mr. Archer Hind refers me to Aristotle, Metaphysica,
Λ. vii. 1072 b. 3:—κινεῖ δὲ ὡς ἐρώμενον, κινούμενον δὲ τἆλλα κινεῖ. Bech
shews that this is all from Guido, who has: 'Scimus enim mulieris animum
semper uirum appetere, sicut appetit materia semper formam.... Sed sicut ad
formam de forma procedere materiam notum est, sic mulieris
concupiscentia dissoluta procedere de uiro ad uirum ... sine fine, cum sit
quaedam profunditas sine fundo,' &c. Hence Lydgate, in his Troy-book, bk.
i. c. 5 (fol. C 6, back) has:—
'For as nature by kyndly appetyte
Kyndly seketh to sewen after
fourme,' &c.
1590. Iaconitos, Iaconites. This is a clear proof that Chaucer follows Guido.
At p. 12* of the alliterative Troy-book, ed. Panton and Donaldson, the
following passage is quoted from Guido, lib. ii.: 'In insula igitur Colcos erat
tunc temporis quaedam ciuitas nomine Iaconites, caput regni pro sua
magnitudine constituta.' Further extracts from this Latin text are given by
Horstmann, in his edition entitled 'Barbours Legendensammlung,' vol. ii.
(Heilbronn, 1882), p. 221; where will also be found a parallel passage in a
fifteenth-century poem which has wrongly been ascribed to Barbour. Hence
Lydgate, in his Troy-book, bk. i. c. 5 (fol. C 3, back), says of the chief city
of Colchos:—'And Iaconites tho it bare the name.'
1594. Read Preyíng; and drop the final e of moste.
Page 503
1597. Compare the allit. Troy-book, ll. 388-391:—
'The kyng was full curtais, calt on a
maiden,
Bede his doughter come downe,
and his dere heire,
To sit by that semely, and solas to
make.
This mayden full mylde Medea was
callid.'
1605. 'And in his mien as royal as a lion.'
1606. Famulere, familiar, affable. See Ch. Prol. 215.
1609. 'And, as Fortune owed her an evil mishap.'
1617. Cf. the Troy-book, l. 544:—
'That causes me with counsell to
caste for your helpe,
And put you in plite your purpos to
wyn,
In sound for to saile home, and your
sute all.'
1620. Cf. the same, l. 554:—
'Now louely and leell, for your lefe
speche
I thanke you a thowsande tymes in
my thro hert,
That ye kythe me suche kyndnes
withouten cause why;
'The kyng was full curtais, calt on a
maiden,
Bede his doughter come downe,
and his dere heire,
To sit by that semely, and solas to
make.
This mayden full mylde Medea was
callid.'
1605. 'And in his mien as royal as a lion.'
1606. Famulere, familiar, affable. See Ch. Prol. 215.
1609. 'And, as Fortune owed her an evil mishap.'
1617. Cf. the Troy-book, l. 544:—
'That causes me with counsell to
caste for your helpe,
And put you in plite your purpos to
wyn,
In sound for to saile home, and your
sute all.'
1620. Cf. the same, l. 554:—
'Now louely and leell, for your lefe
speche
I thanke you a thowsande tymes in
my thro hert,
That ye kythe me suche kyndnes
withouten cause why;
Page 504
And here I put me full plainly in
your pure wille,
To do with me, damsell, as your
desyre thynke.'
1631. Disioint, perilous situation, peril. Cf. Kn. Ta., A 2962. 'But sith I see I
stonde in this disioint'; Shipman's Tale, B 1601.
1639. Cf. the Troy-book, 942; and 711:—
'Yow swiftly shall sweire vppon
swete goddes,
This couenaunt to kepe and for no
case chaunge.'
'And swiftly he sware on that
swete[70] god,
All tho couenaundes to kepe, and
for no cause let,
Whill hym lastes the lyffe; he laid
on his hond.'
1653. Unwist of, unknown to. Cf. Troy-book, 987:—
'Then leuyt thai the lond, and no
leue toke,
Stale from the styth king stylle by
night;
With the maiden Medea and myche
other goodes,
Thai turne into Tessaile with-outen
tale more.'
Here Chaucer ceases to follow Guido, except in ll. 1662-6.
your pure wille,
To do with me, damsell, as your
desyre thynke.'
1631. Disioint, perilous situation, peril. Cf. Kn. Ta., A 2962. 'But sith I see I
stonde in this disioint'; Shipman's Tale, B 1601.
1639. Cf. the Troy-book, 942; and 711:—
'Yow swiftly shall sweire vppon
swete goddes,
This couenaunt to kepe and for no
case chaunge.'
'And swiftly he sware on that
swete[70] god,
All tho couenaundes to kepe, and
for no cause let,
Whill hym lastes the lyffe; he laid
on his hond.'
1653. Unwist of, unknown to. Cf. Troy-book, 987:—
'Then leuyt thai the lond, and no
leue toke,
Stale from the styth king stylle by
night;
With the maiden Medea and myche
other goodes,
Thai turne into Tessaile with-outen
tale more.'
Here Chaucer ceases to follow Guido, except in ll. 1662-6.
Page 505
1661. Her name was Creusa; cf. Ovid, Met. vii. 391-6; Horace, Epod. v. 64.
1662. Cf. the Troy-book, l. 718:—
'And thou hedis not the harme of
that hend lady,
Ne tentes not thy trouth that thou
tynt has;
Soche a maiden to mar that the
most louet,
That forsec hir fader and hir fre
londe.'
1667. Vassalage, prowess; cf. Kn. Ta., A 3054. It is here used ironically.
Trench refers us to Lydgate's Minor Poems, ed. Halliwell, p. 176:—
'And Catoun seith, is noon so greet
encress
Of wordly tresour, as for to live in
pees,
Which among vertues hath the
vasselage.'
1670. Lettre, letter; i.e. the 12th letter in Ovid's Heroides; see l. 1678. Lines
1672-7 answer to lines 13, 14, and 19 in Ovid:—
'Cur mihi plus aequo flaui placuere
capilli,
et decor, et linguae gratia ficta
tuae?...
Quantum perfidiae tecum, scelerate,
perîsset!'
1672. Why lyked me, why did it please me? But, in l. 1674, lyked is a
personal verb.
1662. Cf. the Troy-book, l. 718:—
'And thou hedis not the harme of
that hend lady,
Ne tentes not thy trouth that thou
tynt has;
Soche a maiden to mar that the
most louet,
That forsec hir fader and hir fre
londe.'
1667. Vassalage, prowess; cf. Kn. Ta., A 3054. It is here used ironically.
Trench refers us to Lydgate's Minor Poems, ed. Halliwell, p. 176:—
'And Catoun seith, is noon so greet
encress
Of wordly tresour, as for to live in
pees,
Which among vertues hath the
vasselage.'
1670. Lettre, letter; i.e. the 12th letter in Ovid's Heroides; see l. 1678. Lines
1672-7 answer to lines 13, 14, and 19 in Ovid:—
'Cur mihi plus aequo flaui placuere
capilli,
et decor, et linguae gratia ficta
tuae?...
Quantum perfidiae tecum, scelerate,
perîsset!'
1672. Why lyked me, why did it please me? But, in l. 1674, lyked is a
personal verb.
Page 506
V. THE LEGEND OF LUCRETIA.
Chaucer cites Ovid and Livy, and in l. 1873 again appeals to Livy as the
authority. The story is in Livy, bk. i. c. 57-59; and in Ovid, Fasti, ii. 721-
852. Chaucer doubtless appeals to Livy as being a professed historian, but
the reader will find that, as a matter of fact, he follows mainly the account
in Ovid from beginning to end, and sometimes almost word for word. Livy
and Ovid were contemporary; the former was born B.C. 59, and died A.D. 17;
the latter was born B.C. 43, and died A.D. 18. Gower also tells this story, and
likewise follows Ovid and (near the end) Livy; C. A. iii. 251.
1680. Ovid tells the story of Lucretia under the date Feb. 22 (viii Kal.
Martii), which was commemorated as 'Fuga Tarquinii Superbi,' and begins
his account in the Fasti, ii. 685. Chaucer here borrows from Ovid's first line,
viz.:—'Nunc mihi dicenda est regis fuga.'
Ll. 1680-1693 form Chaucer's own Prologue to the story.
1682. The 'last king' of Rome was Tarquinius Superbus, father of the
Tarquinius Sextus whom Chaucer calls in l. 1698 'Tarquinius the yonge.'
The word And, at the beginning of the line, though absolutely necessary to
the sense, is preserved only in MS. Addit. 12524, a bad copy from a good
type. It reads:—'And specially off the last king Tarquinius'; but no other
MS. retains specially, and of course it makes the line too long.
1684. 'I do not tell the story for the sake of Tarquin's exile.'
1690. 'St. Augustin, commenting on the story in the milder and more
rational spirit of Christian morality, while he admires the purity of Lucrece,
blames her folly in committing the crime of self-murder as a punishment on
herself for that of which she was really innocent. "Si adultera," he asks, "cur
laudata? Si pudica, cur occisa?" See August. De Civitate Dei, c. xix.'—Bell.
1694. Here Chaucer begins his close copy of Ovid, Fast. ii. 721:—'Cingitur
interea Romanis Ardea signis.' The original should be compared throughout.
Chaucer cites Ovid and Livy, and in l. 1873 again appeals to Livy as the
authority. The story is in Livy, bk. i. c. 57-59; and in Ovid, Fasti, ii. 721-
852. Chaucer doubtless appeals to Livy as being a professed historian, but
the reader will find that, as a matter of fact, he follows mainly the account
in Ovid from beginning to end, and sometimes almost word for word. Livy
and Ovid were contemporary; the former was born B.C. 59, and died A.D. 17;
the latter was born B.C. 43, and died A.D. 18. Gower also tells this story, and
likewise follows Ovid and (near the end) Livy; C. A. iii. 251.
1680. Ovid tells the story of Lucretia under the date Feb. 22 (viii Kal.
Martii), which was commemorated as 'Fuga Tarquinii Superbi,' and begins
his account in the Fasti, ii. 685. Chaucer here borrows from Ovid's first line,
viz.:—'Nunc mihi dicenda est regis fuga.'
Ll. 1680-1693 form Chaucer's own Prologue to the story.
1682. The 'last king' of Rome was Tarquinius Superbus, father of the
Tarquinius Sextus whom Chaucer calls in l. 1698 'Tarquinius the yonge.'
The word And, at the beginning of the line, though absolutely necessary to
the sense, is preserved only in MS. Addit. 12524, a bad copy from a good
type. It reads:—'And specially off the last king Tarquinius'; but no other
MS. retains specially, and of course it makes the line too long.
1684. 'I do not tell the story for the sake of Tarquin's exile.'
1690. 'St. Augustin, commenting on the story in the milder and more
rational spirit of Christian morality, while he admires the purity of Lucrece,
blames her folly in committing the crime of self-murder as a punishment on
herself for that of which she was really innocent. "Si adultera," he asks, "cur
laudata? Si pudica, cur occisa?" See August. De Civitate Dei, c. xix.'—Bell.
1694. Here Chaucer begins his close copy of Ovid, Fast. ii. 721:—'Cingitur
interea Romanis Ardea signis.' The original should be compared throughout.
Page 507
Ardea, capital of the Rutuli; in Latium.
1696. Wroghte, pt. t. 'The siege (or the besiegers) lay before the city long,
and accomplished little'; G. L. Kittredge, Harvard Studies, p. 7.
1698. 'Tarquinius iuuenis'; i.e. Tarquinius Sextus.
1705. Colatyne. Chaucer found the name in Livy (or Augustine). Ovid
merely has: 'cui dederat clarum Collatia nomen.' Livy has: 'ubi et Collatinus
cenebat Tarquinius, Egerii filius.' Collatinus was the cousin of Sextus, and
took his name from Collatia, an ancient town of the Sabines, in the
neighbourhood of Rome.
1707. From Ovid: 'Non opus est uerbis, credite rebus, ait.'
1708. From Livy: 'paucis id quidem horis posse sciri, quantum ceteris
praestet Lucretia sua.'
1711. 'That pleases me.' Ovid: 'Dicta placent'; l. 736.
1715. Cf. 'And knew the estres bet than dide this John'; C. T., A 4295
(Reves Tale); and see Kn. Ta., A 1971; also, in particular, the Romaunt of
the Rose, 1448, where the F. text has l'estre (shewing where Ch. found the
word); see vol. i. p. 153.
We may explain estres by 'inner premises' of a house or building.
Godefroy's O. Fr. Dict. gives numerous examples. Cotgrave gives the verb
estre, to be; whence the sb. estre, a being, substance, state; and then cites:
'les estres d'une maison, the inward conveyances, private windings and
turnings within, entries into, issues out of, a house.' The word is very
common in Old French, and not uncommon in Middle English. Gower even
has the sing. estre in the sense of 'state'; C. A. i. 272. Cf. F. 'il sait tous les
êtres de cette maison.'
1696. Wroghte, pt. t. 'The siege (or the besiegers) lay before the city long,
and accomplished little'; G. L. Kittredge, Harvard Studies, p. 7.
1698. 'Tarquinius iuuenis'; i.e. Tarquinius Sextus.
1705. Colatyne. Chaucer found the name in Livy (or Augustine). Ovid
merely has: 'cui dederat clarum Collatia nomen.' Livy has: 'ubi et Collatinus
cenebat Tarquinius, Egerii filius.' Collatinus was the cousin of Sextus, and
took his name from Collatia, an ancient town of the Sabines, in the
neighbourhood of Rome.
1707. From Ovid: 'Non opus est uerbis, credite rebus, ait.'
1708. From Livy: 'paucis id quidem horis posse sciri, quantum ceteris
praestet Lucretia sua.'
1711. 'That pleases me.' Ovid: 'Dicta placent'; l. 736.
1715. Cf. 'And knew the estres bet than dide this John'; C. T., A 4295
(Reves Tale); and see Kn. Ta., A 1971; also, in particular, the Romaunt of
the Rose, 1448, where the F. text has l'estre (shewing where Ch. found the
word); see vol. i. p. 153.
We may explain estres by 'inner premises' of a house or building.
Godefroy's O. Fr. Dict. gives numerous examples. Cotgrave gives the verb
estre, to be; whence the sb. estre, a being, substance, state; and then cites:
'les estres d'une maison, the inward conveyances, private windings and
turnings within, entries into, issues out of, a house.' The word is very
common in Old French, and not uncommon in Middle English. Gower even
has the sing. estre in the sense of 'state'; C. A. i. 272. Cf. F. 'il sait tous les
êtres de cette maison.'
Page 508
For all this, the old editions turned the form into efters, and Bell follows
them! Moreover, eftures is gravely quoted in Halliwell's Dictionary, with a
reference to Sir T. Malory. The passage is:—'Pleaseth it you to see the
eftures of this castle?' bk. xix. c. 7 (p. 444 in the Globe edition). Here
eftures is a mere misprint (in Caxton's original edition) for estres, due to
reading the long s (ſ) as an f. Efters and Eftures are mere 'ghost-words,' the
products of ignorance.
1716, 7. 'Tecta petunt; custos in fore nullus erat'; l. 738.
1720. Dischevele, with hair hanging loose. Malice, evil.
1721. 'Ante torum calathi lanaque mollis erat'; l. 742. Of course 'our book'
means Ovid; yet Thynne reads 'saith Liui.'
1729. A fine line; but I think Chaucer has wholly misunderstood l. 752 of
the original.
1732-9.
'Desinit in lacrimas, intentaque fila
remittit,
in gremium uultum deposuitque
suum.
Hoc ipsum decuit: lacrimae decuere
pudicae,
et facies animo dignaque parque
fuit'; l. 755.
1740-3. 'Pone metum, ueni, coniux ait. Illa reuixit.'
1745-55. Six lines in Ovid; ll. 761-6.
1757. 'Iam dederat cantus lucis praenuntius ales'; l. 767.
them! Moreover, eftures is gravely quoted in Halliwell's Dictionary, with a
reference to Sir T. Malory. The passage is:—'Pleaseth it you to see the
eftures of this castle?' bk. xix. c. 7 (p. 444 in the Globe edition). Here
eftures is a mere misprint (in Caxton's original edition) for estres, due to
reading the long s (ſ) as an f. Efters and Eftures are mere 'ghost-words,' the
products of ignorance.
1716, 7. 'Tecta petunt; custos in fore nullus erat'; l. 738.
1720. Dischevele, with hair hanging loose. Malice, evil.
1721. 'Ante torum calathi lanaque mollis erat'; l. 742. Of course 'our book'
means Ovid; yet Thynne reads 'saith Liui.'
1729. A fine line; but I think Chaucer has wholly misunderstood l. 752 of
the original.
1732-9.
'Desinit in lacrimas, intentaque fila
remittit,
in gremium uultum deposuitque
suum.
Hoc ipsum decuit: lacrimae decuere
pudicae,
et facies animo dignaque parque
fuit'; l. 755.
1740-3. 'Pone metum, ueni, coniux ait. Illa reuixit.'
1745-55. Six lines in Ovid; ll. 761-6.
1757. 'Iam dederat cantus lucis praenuntius ales'; l. 767.
Page 509
1759-71. Twelve lines in Ovid; ll. 769-80.
1765. Al to-shake, wholly tossed about; see l. 962.
1771. 'Or a wicked inclination, with malice.' 'The original meaning (as of
talento in Italian, talante in Spanish) was will, inclination, from talentum
(τάλαντον), balance, scales, and then inclination of balance.'—Trench,
Select Glossary, s.v. Talent.
1773. 'Audentes Forsque deusque iuuant.' We say, 'Fortune favours the
bold.' Cf. 'Audentes fortuna iuuat'; Verg. Æn. x. 284; 'Audentes deus ipse
iuuat'; Ovid, Met. x. 586.
1774. 'Whatever the event may be, my resolve is taken.' Audebimus ultima,
dixit'; l. 781.
1775. Girt, girdeth; pr. t. So rit, rideth, in l. 1776.
1780. Halke, corner, hiding-place; as in Sec. Non. Ta. G 311.
1781. Gan he stalke, he moved stealthily; as in Clerk. Ta. E 525. It is
remarkable that Shakespeare uses the same word in his Lucrece, l. 365:
—'Into the chamber wickedly he stalks.' Prof. Corson notices its use by
Gower; see Pauli's edition, vol. i. pp. 72, 187; ii. 256, 346, 347, 353, 360.
1798. 'Parua sub infesto quum iacet agna lupo'; l. 800.
1800-3. Cf. Fast. ii. 801, 2:—
'Quid faciat? Pugnet? uincetur
femina pugna;
Clamet? at in dextra, qui uetet,
ensis erat.'
1812-26. These lines are original, and breathe the spirit of chivalry.
1765. Al to-shake, wholly tossed about; see l. 962.
1771. 'Or a wicked inclination, with malice.' 'The original meaning (as of
talento in Italian, talante in Spanish) was will, inclination, from talentum
(τάλαντον), balance, scales, and then inclination of balance.'—Trench,
Select Glossary, s.v. Talent.
1773. 'Audentes Forsque deusque iuuant.' We say, 'Fortune favours the
bold.' Cf. 'Audentes fortuna iuuat'; Verg. Æn. x. 284; 'Audentes deus ipse
iuuat'; Ovid, Met. x. 586.
1774. 'Whatever the event may be, my resolve is taken.' Audebimus ultima,
dixit'; l. 781.
1775. Girt, girdeth; pr. t. So rit, rideth, in l. 1776.
1780. Halke, corner, hiding-place; as in Sec. Non. Ta. G 311.
1781. Gan he stalke, he moved stealthily; as in Clerk. Ta. E 525. It is
remarkable that Shakespeare uses the same word in his Lucrece, l. 365:
—'Into the chamber wickedly he stalks.' Prof. Corson notices its use by
Gower; see Pauli's edition, vol. i. pp. 72, 187; ii. 256, 346, 347, 353, 360.
1798. 'Parua sub infesto quum iacet agna lupo'; l. 800.
1800-3. Cf. Fast. ii. 801, 2:—
'Quid faciat? Pugnet? uincetur
femina pugna;
Clamet? at in dextra, qui uetet,
ensis erat.'
1812-26. These lines are original, and breathe the spirit of chivalry.
Page 510
1827-36. Eight lines in Ovid; 815, 816; 813, 814; 817-20.
1838-46. This passage is original.
1847-53. Compare Ovid, 829, 830. But Chaucer here follows Livy, who
has: 'Dant ordine omnes fidem; consolantur aegram animi, auertendo
noxam ab coacta in auctorem delicti; mentem peccare, non corpus; et unde
consilium afuerit, culpam abesse.' Cf. Gower, C. A. iii. 261.
1856-60. Two lines in Ovid; 833, 834:—
'Tunc quoque, iam moriens, ne non
procumbat honeste,
respicit. Haec etiam cura cadentis
erat.'
1861. Chaucer here tells the tale more succinctly. Ll. 1864-5 answer to ll.
849, 850 in Ovid; l. 1866 answers to l. 847 and l. 1869 to l. 852. The rest is,
practically, all Chaucer's own.
1871. This canonisation of Lucretia is strikingly medieval. It was evidently
suggested by the fact that Ovid gives her story under a particular date, so
that she seemed to have her own day, like a saint. Cf. note to l. 1680.
1880. Probably the syllables That in Is- form the first foot of the line.
Otherwise, Israel is dissyllabic.
1881. The reference must be to the Syro-phenician woman; Matt. xv. 28;
Mark, vii. 29. But it may be feared that Chaucer was really thinking of the
centurion; Matt. viii. 10; Luke, vii. 9. Read he ne as he n'.
1883, 4. As of, in the case of. Alday, always; F. toujours. 'Let whoever
wishes (it) test them.'
1838-46. This passage is original.
1847-53. Compare Ovid, 829, 830. But Chaucer here follows Livy, who
has: 'Dant ordine omnes fidem; consolantur aegram animi, auertendo
noxam ab coacta in auctorem delicti; mentem peccare, non corpus; et unde
consilium afuerit, culpam abesse.' Cf. Gower, C. A. iii. 261.
1856-60. Two lines in Ovid; 833, 834:—
'Tunc quoque, iam moriens, ne non
procumbat honeste,
respicit. Haec etiam cura cadentis
erat.'
1861. Chaucer here tells the tale more succinctly. Ll. 1864-5 answer to ll.
849, 850 in Ovid; l. 1866 answers to l. 847 and l. 1869 to l. 852. The rest is,
practically, all Chaucer's own.
1871. This canonisation of Lucretia is strikingly medieval. It was evidently
suggested by the fact that Ovid gives her story under a particular date, so
that she seemed to have her own day, like a saint. Cf. note to l. 1680.
1880. Probably the syllables That in Is- form the first foot of the line.
Otherwise, Israel is dissyllabic.
1881. The reference must be to the Syro-phenician woman; Matt. xv. 28;
Mark, vii. 29. But it may be feared that Chaucer was really thinking of the
centurion; Matt. viii. 10; Luke, vii. 9. Read he ne as he n'.
1883, 4. As of, in the case of. Alday, always; F. toujours. 'Let whoever
wishes (it) test them.'
Page 511
VI. THE LEGEND OF ARIADNE.
For a remark upon the title, see note to l. 1966.
It is difficult to say whence Chaucer derived all of this Legend. The
beginning is from Ovid, Metam. vii. 456-8, viii. 6-176; the main part of the
story is like Plutarch's Life of Theseus, or some similar source; and the
conclusion from Ovid's Heroides, epist. x. Further, ll. 2222-4 refer to Met.
viii. 176-182. See also Hyginus, Fabulae, capp. xli-xliii; Æneid, vi. 20-30;
and cf. Gower, C. A. ii. 302-311.
1886. 'O Minos, king of Crete, judge in the infernal regions, now comes thy
lot, now comest thou into the ring (concourse).' In l. 1894 we again have
mention of Minos, king of Crete; which looks as if Chaucer has confused
the two kings of this name. The 'infernal judge' was, however, the
grandfather of the second Minos; at least, such is the usual account. The
mention of 'the lot' in connection with Minos looks as if Chaucer was
thinking of Vergil's lines, Æn. vi. 431, 2:—
'Nec uero hae sine sorte datae, sine
iudice sedes.
Quaesitor Minos urnam mouet.'
Cf. also Æn. vi. 22:—'stat ductis sortibus urna.'
1889. Memóri-e has four syllables, and is accented on the second.
1895. Hadde, had, possessed; referring to Crete. This seems better than the
reading wan (i.e. won), referring to Minos. Cf. Ovid, Her. x. 67:—'Non ego
te, Crete, centum digesta per urbes.'
1896. Cf. Ovid, Met. vii. 456-8:—
'Bella parat Minos ...
For a remark upon the title, see note to l. 1966.
It is difficult to say whence Chaucer derived all of this Legend. The
beginning is from Ovid, Metam. vii. 456-8, viii. 6-176; the main part of the
story is like Plutarch's Life of Theseus, or some similar source; and the
conclusion from Ovid's Heroides, epist. x. Further, ll. 2222-4 refer to Met.
viii. 176-182. See also Hyginus, Fabulae, capp. xli-xliii; Æneid, vi. 20-30;
and cf. Gower, C. A. ii. 302-311.
1886. 'O Minos, king of Crete, judge in the infernal regions, now comes thy
lot, now comest thou into the ring (concourse).' In l. 1894 we again have
mention of Minos, king of Crete; which looks as if Chaucer has confused
the two kings of this name. The 'infernal judge' was, however, the
grandfather of the second Minos; at least, such is the usual account. The
mention of 'the lot' in connection with Minos looks as if Chaucer was
thinking of Vergil's lines, Æn. vi. 431, 2:—
'Nec uero hae sine sorte datae, sine
iudice sedes.
Quaesitor Minos urnam mouet.'
Cf. also Æn. vi. 22:—'stat ductis sortibus urna.'
1889. Memóri-e has four syllables, and is accented on the second.
1895. Hadde, had, possessed; referring to Crete. This seems better than the
reading wan (i.e. won), referring to Minos. Cf. Ovid, Her. x. 67:—'Non ego
te, Crete, centum digesta per urbes.'
1896. Cf. Ovid, Met. vii. 456-8:—
'Bella parat Minos ...
Page 512
Androgeique necem iustis ulciscitur
armis.'
Androgeus is again mentioned in Ovid, Her. x. 99; and in Vergil, Æn. vi. 20.
'There came certain of king Minos' ambassadors out of Creta, to ask a
tribute, being now the third time that it was demanded; which the Athenians
paid for this cause. Androgeus, the eldest son of king Minos, was slain by
treason within the country of Attica: for which cause Minos, pursuing the
revenge of his death, made very hot and sharp wars upon the Athenians, and
did them great hurt.'—Shakespeare's Plutarch, p. 280.
1900. From this point to l. 1921 Chaucer follows Ovid, Met. viii. 6-176, but
gives a mere outline of the story of Scylla. See note to l. 1908.
1902. Alcathoe, the citadel of Megara, and hence a name for Megara. It was
named after Alcathous, founder of Megara; indeed, in Ovid, Met. viii. 8, it
is called Alcathoi urbs; but Chaucer found the right form in Met. vii. 443.
1904. Nisus, Nisus, king of Megara; Met. viii. 8.
1908. Nisus' daughter was named Scylla. In order to gain the love of Minos,
she cut off her father's purple hair, on which the safety of his kingdom
depended; whereupon Nisus was changed into a sparrow-hawk, and Scylla
into the bird ciris; Met. viii. 9-151. But Chaucer omits these details. Cf.
Parl. of Foules, 292, and the note.
1922. Chaucer here leaves Ovid; this part of the story is partly given in
Plutarch and Hyginus, but Chaucer seems to have filled in details from
some source unknown to me.
1925. 'Whereupon the Athenians sent immediately unto him, and intreated
him for peace: which he granted them, with condition that they should be
bound to send him yearly, into Creta, seven young boys and as many young
girls. Now thus far all the historiographers do very well agree, but in the
armis.'
Androgeus is again mentioned in Ovid, Her. x. 99; and in Vergil, Æn. vi. 20.
'There came certain of king Minos' ambassadors out of Creta, to ask a
tribute, being now the third time that it was demanded; which the Athenians
paid for this cause. Androgeus, the eldest son of king Minos, was slain by
treason within the country of Attica: for which cause Minos, pursuing the
revenge of his death, made very hot and sharp wars upon the Athenians, and
did them great hurt.'—Shakespeare's Plutarch, p. 280.
1900. From this point to l. 1921 Chaucer follows Ovid, Met. viii. 6-176, but
gives a mere outline of the story of Scylla. See note to l. 1908.
1902. Alcathoe, the citadel of Megara, and hence a name for Megara. It was
named after Alcathous, founder of Megara; indeed, in Ovid, Met. viii. 8, it
is called Alcathoi urbs; but Chaucer found the right form in Met. vii. 443.
1904. Nisus, Nisus, king of Megara; Met. viii. 8.
1908. Nisus' daughter was named Scylla. In order to gain the love of Minos,
she cut off her father's purple hair, on which the safety of his kingdom
depended; whereupon Nisus was changed into a sparrow-hawk, and Scylla
into the bird ciris; Met. viii. 9-151. But Chaucer omits these details. Cf.
Parl. of Foules, 292, and the note.
1922. Chaucer here leaves Ovid; this part of the story is partly given in
Plutarch and Hyginus, but Chaucer seems to have filled in details from
some source unknown to me.
1925. 'Whereupon the Athenians sent immediately unto him, and intreated
him for peace: which he granted them, with condition that they should be
bound to send him yearly, into Creta, seven young boys and as many young
girls. Now thus far all the historiographers do very well agree, but in the
Page 513
rest not. And they which seem furthest off from the troth [including
Chaucer] do declare, that when these young boys were delivered in Creta,
they caused them to be devoured by the Minotaur within the labyrinth.'—
Shakespeare's Plutarch, p. 280.
1928. The Minotaur was a monster, half bull and half man, dwelling in a
labyrinth at Crete, constructed by Dædalus. He annually devoured the
fourteen Athenian young people, as above said, till slain by Theseus. Cf.
Ovid, Met. viii. 155.
1932. Every thridde yeer, every third year. This is due to Ovid's expression
—'tertia sors annis domuit repetita nouenis' (Met. viii. 171), which Golding
translates by—'The third time at the ninth yeares end the lot did chance to
light On Theseus,' &c. But Hyginus (Fab. xli) says:—'Instituit autem ut
anno unoquoque septenos liberos suos Minotauro ad epulandum mitterent.'
1944. Egeus, Ægeus, king of Athens; Met. vii. 402, 404.
1954. 'That thou wouldst be deeply indebted to any one who,' &c.
1960. 'Furthermore, after he [Theseus] was arrived in Creta, he slew there
the Minotaur ... by the means and help of Ariadne: who being fallen in
fancy with him, did give him a clue of thread, by the help wherof she taught
him, how he might easily wind out of the turnings and crancks of the
labyrinth.'—Shak. Plutarch, p. 283. Cf. Ovid, Met. viii. 172; Hyginus, Fab.
xlii.
1962. Foreyne, outer chamber; belonging to the chambres grete, or set of
larger rooms occupied by the daughters of the king. It seems to answer to
the A.S. búr, mod. E. bower, explained in Murray's Dict. as 'an inner
apartment, esp. as distinguished from the "hall," or large public room; also,
esp. applied to a lady's private apartment; boudoir.' It is merely a peculiar
use of our word foreign; the O. Fr. forain (fem. foraine) often meant 'outer,'
as in the phrases une foraine rue, an outer (more retired) street; es tenebres
forennes, into outer darkness; see Godefroy's F. Dict. I agree with Mätzner,
Chaucer] do declare, that when these young boys were delivered in Creta,
they caused them to be devoured by the Minotaur within the labyrinth.'—
Shakespeare's Plutarch, p. 280.
1928. The Minotaur was a monster, half bull and half man, dwelling in a
labyrinth at Crete, constructed by Dædalus. He annually devoured the
fourteen Athenian young people, as above said, till slain by Theseus. Cf.
Ovid, Met. viii. 155.
1932. Every thridde yeer, every third year. This is due to Ovid's expression
—'tertia sors annis domuit repetita nouenis' (Met. viii. 171), which Golding
translates by—'The third time at the ninth yeares end the lot did chance to
light On Theseus,' &c. But Hyginus (Fab. xli) says:—'Instituit autem ut
anno unoquoque septenos liberos suos Minotauro ad epulandum mitterent.'
1944. Egeus, Ægeus, king of Athens; Met. vii. 402, 404.
1954. 'That thou wouldst be deeply indebted to any one who,' &c.
1960. 'Furthermore, after he [Theseus] was arrived in Creta, he slew there
the Minotaur ... by the means and help of Ariadne: who being fallen in
fancy with him, did give him a clue of thread, by the help wherof she taught
him, how he might easily wind out of the turnings and crancks of the
labyrinth.'—Shak. Plutarch, p. 283. Cf. Ovid, Met. viii. 172; Hyginus, Fab.
xlii.
1962. Foreyne, outer chamber; belonging to the chambres grete, or set of
larger rooms occupied by the daughters of the king. It seems to answer to
the A.S. búr, mod. E. bower, explained in Murray's Dict. as 'an inner
apartment, esp. as distinguished from the "hall," or large public room; also,
esp. applied to a lady's private apartment; boudoir.' It is merely a peculiar
use of our word foreign; the O. Fr. forain (fem. foraine) often meant 'outer,'
as in the phrases une foraine rue, an outer (more retired) street; es tenebres
forennes, into outer darkness; see Godefroy's F. Dict. I agree with Mätzner,
Page 514
that there is no sufficient reason for explaining the word in this passage by
'privy,' though it admittedly has that meaning also (as given in Levins).
1965. Maister-strete, principal street; as in Kn. Ta., A 2902.
1966. Most MSS. begin the line with Of Athenes, as in l. 2306. This would
be a most extraordinary oversight, as the scene is laid in Crete, in the town
of Gnossus. MS. T. substitutes 'In mochell myrthe'; and the old printed
editions have 'Of the towne,' which scans badly, though 'Of thilke toune'
would do well enough. We seem justified in rejecting the reading Of
Athenes, because Chaucer distinctly mentions Athenes in ll. 1940, 1944, as
being the place whence Theseus was sent 'unto the court of Minos'; l. 1949.
Besides this, in l. 2122 Theseus calls Ariadne by the prospective title of
'duchess of Athens'; on which Ariadne playfully remarks that she and her
sister are now 'assured to royal positions in Athens'; l. 2128. From all which
it does not seem fair to charge the error upon Chaucer himself; and I
therefore make the bold alteration suggested by MS. T., and supported by
MS. Addit. 9832, which has 'In moche myrth.' In the title of the poem,
Ariadne is called 'Adriane de Athenes,' but this is another matter, and has
reference to l. 2122. She became 'duchess of Athens' in the right of her
husband Theseus.
1969. Adrian or Adriane, the M.E. spellings of Ariadne: see Ho. Fame, 407;
Prol. to Man of Law, B 67. Ariadne and Phædra were the daughters of
Minos; Theseus took both of them away from Crete; and, on the voyage,
deserted Ariadne for her sister.
1990. 'And make this sorrowful man come with him.'
1992. Quit, free, delivered. It seems to have been an understood thing, that
if a captive Athenian should succeed in slaying the Minotaur, he should go
free, and the tribute paid by the Athenians should be remitted. One account
in Plutarch says that Minos himself 'chose Theseus, upon condition agreed
between them; ... and that after the death of the Minotaur this tribute should
cease.'—Sh. Plut. p. 282. One condition was, that the captives should be
'privy,' though it admittedly has that meaning also (as given in Levins).
1965. Maister-strete, principal street; as in Kn. Ta., A 2902.
1966. Most MSS. begin the line with Of Athenes, as in l. 2306. This would
be a most extraordinary oversight, as the scene is laid in Crete, in the town
of Gnossus. MS. T. substitutes 'In mochell myrthe'; and the old printed
editions have 'Of the towne,' which scans badly, though 'Of thilke toune'
would do well enough. We seem justified in rejecting the reading Of
Athenes, because Chaucer distinctly mentions Athenes in ll. 1940, 1944, as
being the place whence Theseus was sent 'unto the court of Minos'; l. 1949.
Besides this, in l. 2122 Theseus calls Ariadne by the prospective title of
'duchess of Athens'; on which Ariadne playfully remarks that she and her
sister are now 'assured to royal positions in Athens'; l. 2128. From all which
it does not seem fair to charge the error upon Chaucer himself; and I
therefore make the bold alteration suggested by MS. T., and supported by
MS. Addit. 9832, which has 'In moche myrth.' In the title of the poem,
Ariadne is called 'Adriane de Athenes,' but this is another matter, and has
reference to l. 2122. She became 'duchess of Athens' in the right of her
husband Theseus.
1969. Adrian or Adriane, the M.E. spellings of Ariadne: see Ho. Fame, 407;
Prol. to Man of Law, B 67. Ariadne and Phædra were the daughters of
Minos; Theseus took both of them away from Crete; and, on the voyage,
deserted Ariadne for her sister.
1990. 'And make this sorrowful man come with him.'
1992. Quit, free, delivered. It seems to have been an understood thing, that
if a captive Athenian should succeed in slaying the Minotaur, he should go
free, and the tribute paid by the Athenians should be remitted. One account
in Plutarch says that Minos himself 'chose Theseus, upon condition agreed
between them; ... and that after the death of the Minotaur this tribute should
cease.'—Sh. Plut. p. 282. One condition was, that the captives should be
Page 515
unarmed. This explains Phædra's plan, in l. 1994, for arming Theseus
surreptitiously; cf. l. 2011.
1993. Taste, test. The word test was formerly used only as a sb., of a vessel
in which gold or silver was tested; the place of the mod. E. verb to test was
supplied by the M.E. tasten, and there can be little doubt that the words
taste and test have been partially confused; see these words in my Etym.
Dict., whence I quote the following: 'The M.E. tasten meant both to feel and
to taste. "I rede thee, lat thyn hand upon it falle, And taste it wel, and stoon
thou shalt it finde"; Ch. C. T. 15970 (G 502). "Every thyng Himseolf
schewith in tastyng;" King Alisaunder, 4042.—F. taster, to taste or take an
assay of; also to handle, feel, touch; Cotgrave. Cf. mod. F. tâter; Ital.
tastare, "to taste, to assaie, to feele, to grope, to trye, to proofe, to touch";
Florio.'
1996. The former syllable of Fighten forms a foot by itself.
1997. 'Where he will have to descend.'
2002. Shal do, will be sure to do.
2004. Bell remarks that this resembles the stratagem by which Daniel
destroyed the dragon at Babylon. 'Tulit igitur Daniel picem, et adipem, et
pilos, et coxit pariter: fecitque massas, et dedit in os draconis, et diruptus est
draco'; Dan. xiv. 26 (Vulgate).
2009. To-hepe, together; i.e. 'before they come to closer quarters.' Bell alters
this, the reading of all the MSS. and old editions, to to kepe, which gives no
sense; and Morris and Corson follow suit. Yet to-hepe, lit. 'to a heap,' but
used adverbially in the precise sense of 'together,' is not a recondite
expression. Morris explains it rightly elsewhere, viz. in Chaucer's tr. of
Boethius, bk. iv. pr. 6, l. 182, where 'y-medled to-hepe' means 'mixed
together.' It is also in Troil. iii. 1764:—'that Love halt now to-hepe,' which
Love now holds together. And yet again, in Ch. Astrolabe, pt. i. § 14. 5. See
also P. Plowm. Crede, 727.
surreptitiously; cf. l. 2011.
1993. Taste, test. The word test was formerly used only as a sb., of a vessel
in which gold or silver was tested; the place of the mod. E. verb to test was
supplied by the M.E. tasten, and there can be little doubt that the words
taste and test have been partially confused; see these words in my Etym.
Dict., whence I quote the following: 'The M.E. tasten meant both to feel and
to taste. "I rede thee, lat thyn hand upon it falle, And taste it wel, and stoon
thou shalt it finde"; Ch. C. T. 15970 (G 502). "Every thyng Himseolf
schewith in tastyng;" King Alisaunder, 4042.—F. taster, to taste or take an
assay of; also to handle, feel, touch; Cotgrave. Cf. mod. F. tâter; Ital.
tastare, "to taste, to assaie, to feele, to grope, to trye, to proofe, to touch";
Florio.'
1996. The former syllable of Fighten forms a foot by itself.
1997. 'Where he will have to descend.'
2002. Shal do, will be sure to do.
2004. Bell remarks that this resembles the stratagem by which Daniel
destroyed the dragon at Babylon. 'Tulit igitur Daniel picem, et adipem, et
pilos, et coxit pariter: fecitque massas, et dedit in os draconis, et diruptus est
draco'; Dan. xiv. 26 (Vulgate).
2009. To-hepe, together; i.e. 'before they come to closer quarters.' Bell alters
this, the reading of all the MSS. and old editions, to to kepe, which gives no
sense; and Morris and Corson follow suit. Yet to-hepe, lit. 'to a heap,' but
used adverbially in the precise sense of 'together,' is not a recondite
expression. Morris explains it rightly elsewhere, viz. in Chaucer's tr. of
Boethius, bk. iv. pr. 6, l. 182, where 'y-medled to-hepe' means 'mixed
together.' It is also in Troil. iii. 1764:—'that Love halt now to-hepe,' which
Love now holds together. And yet again, in Ch. Astrolabe, pt. i. § 14. 5. See
also P. Plowm. Crede, 727.
Page 516
2012. The hous, i.e. the famous labyrinth. Crinkled, full of turns or 'cranks';
see note to l. 1960. Cf. Mid. Du. krunckel-winckel, or krinckel-winckel,
'crooked here and there'; Hexham (A.D. 1658); Du. krinkel, a winding,
krinkelen or kronkelen, to wind about; all allied to E. crank, a twist, hence a
twisted handle. Cf. Ovid, Met. viii. 173; Æn. vi. 27. And see Trevisa, tr. of
Higden, i. 9.
2020. Read drede, dread; not stede, place. The Rime-indexes shew that, in
the ending -ede in Chaucer, the former e is usually long (-ēde, -eede).
However, stĕde, in the sense of 'stead' (A.S. stĕde), rimes once with drēde,
in Ho. Fame, 829.
2028. Sit on his knee, kneels down. We also find to setten him on knees, to
fallen on knees, to knelen on knees, he lay on kne, &c. See Mätzner, s.v.
cneo, p. 442. 'On knes she sat adoun'; Lay le Freine, 159. Cf. Man of Lawes
Tale, B 638.
2029. The righte; here used as a vocative case.
2037. Cf. Arcite's service as a page; Kn. Ta., A 1427.
2040. Nat but, only, merely; the familiar Northern E. nob-but. See l. 2091.
2041. Swinke, toil, labour hard. It is curious that this word should be
obsolete. Perhaps no word that is now obsolete was once more common. It
occurs in Chaucer, Langland, Gower, Spenser, &c.; but not in Shakespeare.
2044. 'Nor any one else, shall be able to espy me.'
2048. 'In order to have my life, and to retain your presence.' The sense is
quite clear. The note in Corson—'presence seems to mean here presentiment
or suspicion'—is due to some mistake.
2051. Only MS. C. retains now; and it would be better before is than after it.
see note to l. 1960. Cf. Mid. Du. krunckel-winckel, or krinckel-winckel,
'crooked here and there'; Hexham (A.D. 1658); Du. krinkel, a winding,
krinkelen or kronkelen, to wind about; all allied to E. crank, a twist, hence a
twisted handle. Cf. Ovid, Met. viii. 173; Æn. vi. 27. And see Trevisa, tr. of
Higden, i. 9.
2020. Read drede, dread; not stede, place. The Rime-indexes shew that, in
the ending -ede in Chaucer, the former e is usually long (-ēde, -eede).
However, stĕde, in the sense of 'stead' (A.S. stĕde), rimes once with drēde,
in Ho. Fame, 829.
2028. Sit on his knee, kneels down. We also find to setten him on knees, to
fallen on knees, to knelen on knees, he lay on kne, &c. See Mätzner, s.v.
cneo, p. 442. 'On knes she sat adoun'; Lay le Freine, 159. Cf. Man of Lawes
Tale, B 638.
2029. The righte; here used as a vocative case.
2037. Cf. Arcite's service as a page; Kn. Ta., A 1427.
2040. Nat but, only, merely; the familiar Northern E. nob-but. See l. 2091.
2041. Swinke, toil, labour hard. It is curious that this word should be
obsolete. Perhaps no word that is now obsolete was once more common. It
occurs in Chaucer, Langland, Gower, Spenser, &c.; but not in Shakespeare.
2044. 'Nor any one else, shall be able to espy me.'
2048. 'In order to have my life, and to retain your presence.' The sense is
quite clear. The note in Corson—'presence seems to mean here presentiment
or suspicion'—is due to some mistake.
2051. Only MS. C. retains now; and it would be better before is than after it.
Page 517
2056. Yif, if; answering to than, then, in l. 2059.
2063. 'I pray Mars to do me such a favour.'
2064. Shames deeth, a death of shame; see l. 2072.
2065. Póvert occurs as a dissyllable, in Cant. Ta., C 441.
2066. Pronounce spirit nearly as spir't.
Go, walk about, roam. He prays that he may be punished by being made to
walk as a ghost after death. A reference to the supposed restlessness of the
spirits of wicked men; see Parl. of Foules, 80. But good spirits also 'walked'
sometimes; Wint. Tale, iii. 3. 17.
2069. For which, for which cause, on which account. Go, may walk; the
subjunctive mood.
2070. Other degree, i.e. a higher degree than that of page. He professes not
to aspire to this, unless she vouchsafes to give it him.
2072. 'May I die by a death of shame.' The of depends on deye; cf. Man of
Lawes Tale, B 819.
2075. A twenty, about twenty. A is here used as expressly an approximative
result; as in 'an eight days,' Luke ix. 28; so 'a ten,' Squi. Tale, F 383. Only
MS. C. retains a, but it is wanted for the metre.
2082. God shilde hit, God defend or forbid it.
2083. Leve, grant. We also find lene, to grant, give, but it is only used with a
following case; whilst leve is only used with a following clause. Me is
governed by befalle. 'And grant that such a case may never befall me,' i.e.
for Theseus to be merely her page.
2063. 'I pray Mars to do me such a favour.'
2064. Shames deeth, a death of shame; see l. 2072.
2065. Póvert occurs as a dissyllable, in Cant. Ta., C 441.
2066. Pronounce spirit nearly as spir't.
Go, walk about, roam. He prays that he may be punished by being made to
walk as a ghost after death. A reference to the supposed restlessness of the
spirits of wicked men; see Parl. of Foules, 80. But good spirits also 'walked'
sometimes; Wint. Tale, iii. 3. 17.
2069. For which, for which cause, on which account. Go, may walk; the
subjunctive mood.
2070. Other degree, i.e. a higher degree than that of page. He professes not
to aspire to this, unless she vouchsafes to give it him.
2072. 'May I die by a death of shame.' The of depends on deye; cf. Man of
Lawes Tale, B 819.
2075. A twenty, about twenty. A is here used as expressly an approximative
result; as in 'an eight days,' Luke ix. 28; so 'a ten,' Squi. Tale, F 383. Only
MS. C. retains a, but it is wanted for the metre.
2082. God shilde hit, God defend or forbid it.
2083. Leve, grant. We also find lene, to grant, give, but it is only used with a
following case; whilst leve is only used with a following clause. Me is
governed by befalle. 'And grant that such a case may never befall me,' i.e.
for Theseus to be merely her page.
Page 518
2086. And leve, and may He also grant.
2089. 'Yet it would be better'; followed by Then (= than) in l. 2092.
2094. The latter syllable of profit comes at the caesura, and is easily read
quickly. We need not change unto into to, as in MS. A. only.
2096. To my, as for my.
2099. That, (I propose) that. Sone, Hippolytus. Yet, in l. 2075, Theseus was
only 23 years old! Perhaps she proposes, in banter, a purely whimsical
condition; cf. ll. 2102, 2120, 2127.
2100. Hoom-coming, arrival at home; cf. Kn. Tale, 26 (A 884).
2101. Fynal ende, definite settlement.
2105. To borwe, as a pledge; cf. Squi. Ta., F 596.
2107. To draw blood on oneself was a frequent mode of attestation. Cf.
Wright's note on K. Lear, ii. I. 34; and note how Faustus stabs his arm in
Marlowe's play; Act ii. sc. 1.
2120. Servant, devoted lover; the usual phrase. This asseveration of
Theseus shews that he thought Ariadne immeasurably credulous.
2122. Of Athenes duchesse, (whom I hail as) duchess of Athens. That is, he
promises her marriage. In l. 2127 Ariadne grows pleasant on the subject.
2128. 'And assured to the royalties (or regal attributes) of Athens'; i.e. we
are secure of our future royal rank.
2130. And saved, and we have saved. Chaucer has be just above; so that he
has changed the idiom.
2089. 'Yet it would be better'; followed by Then (= than) in l. 2092.
2094. The latter syllable of profit comes at the caesura, and is easily read
quickly. We need not change unto into to, as in MS. A. only.
2096. To my, as for my.
2099. That, (I propose) that. Sone, Hippolytus. Yet, in l. 2075, Theseus was
only 23 years old! Perhaps she proposes, in banter, a purely whimsical
condition; cf. ll. 2102, 2120, 2127.
2100. Hoom-coming, arrival at home; cf. Kn. Tale, 26 (A 884).
2101. Fynal ende, definite settlement.
2105. To borwe, as a pledge; cf. Squi. Ta., F 596.
2107. To draw blood on oneself was a frequent mode of attestation. Cf.
Wright's note on K. Lear, ii. I. 34; and note how Faustus stabs his arm in
Marlowe's play; Act ii. sc. 1.
2120. Servant, devoted lover; the usual phrase. This asseveration of
Theseus shews that he thought Ariadne immeasurably credulous.
2122. Of Athenes duchesse, (whom I hail as) duchess of Athens. That is, he
promises her marriage. In l. 2127 Ariadne grows pleasant on the subject.
2128. 'And assured to the royalties (or regal attributes) of Athens'; i.e. we
are secure of our future royal rank.
2130. And saved, and we have saved. Chaucer has be just above; so that he
has changed the idiom.
Page 519
2132. Emforth hir might, even-forth with her might, to the extent of her
power; cf. Kn. Ta., 1377 (A 2235).
2134. 'It seems to me, no one ought to blame us for this; nor give us an evil
name on this account.'
2145. Geeth, goeth, goes; A.S. gǽð. For two more examples, see geð in
Gloss. to Spec. of English, Part I.
2150. By, by help of, with the help of.
2151. Of, with. Gan hit charge, did load it. 'And they say, that having killed
this Minotaur, he returned back again the same way he went, bringing with
him those other young children of Athens [whom Chaucer forgets to
mention], whom with Ariadne also he carried afterwards away.'—Sh.
Plutarch, p. 283.
2155. Ennopye, Œnopia, another name for Ægina; which was on their way
from Crete to Athens. Chaucer got the name from Ovid, Met. vii. 472, 473,
490; and introduces it naturally enough, because Æacus, then dwelling
there, was an old ally of the Athenians; id. 485; cf. l. 2156 in our poem.
Gilman suggests that Enope (i.e. Gerenia in Messenia) is meant, which is
merely a wild guess.
2161. Woon, number. Originally, a hope; also, a resource, a store, a quantity;
and hence gret woon = a great number. For examples, see wān in
Stratmann; and cf. note to Troil. iv. 1181.
2163. Yle, island; usually said to be Naxos, on the supposition that it is not
much out of the way in sailing from Gnossus in Crete to Attica. Chaucer has
inadvertently brought Theseus to Ægina already; but we need not trouble
about the geographical conditions. The description of the island is from
Ovid, Her. x. 59:—'Uacat insula cultu'; &c.
power; cf. Kn. Ta., 1377 (A 2235).
2134. 'It seems to me, no one ought to blame us for this; nor give us an evil
name on this account.'
2145. Geeth, goeth, goes; A.S. gǽð. For two more examples, see geð in
Gloss. to Spec. of English, Part I.
2150. By, by help of, with the help of.
2151. Of, with. Gan hit charge, did load it. 'And they say, that having killed
this Minotaur, he returned back again the same way he went, bringing with
him those other young children of Athens [whom Chaucer forgets to
mention], whom with Ariadne also he carried afterwards away.'—Sh.
Plutarch, p. 283.
2155. Ennopye, Œnopia, another name for Ægina; which was on their way
from Crete to Athens. Chaucer got the name from Ovid, Met. vii. 472, 473,
490; and introduces it naturally enough, because Æacus, then dwelling
there, was an old ally of the Athenians; id. 485; cf. l. 2156 in our poem.
Gilman suggests that Enope (i.e. Gerenia in Messenia) is meant, which is
merely a wild guess.
2161. Woon, number. Originally, a hope; also, a resource, a store, a quantity;
and hence gret woon = a great number. For examples, see wān in
Stratmann; and cf. note to Troil. iv. 1181.
2163. Yle, island; usually said to be Naxos, on the supposition that it is not
much out of the way in sailing from Gnossus in Crete to Attica. Chaucer has
inadvertently brought Theseus to Ægina already; but we need not trouble
about the geographical conditions. The description of the island is from
Ovid, Her. x. 59:—'Uacat insula cultu'; &c.
Page 520
2167. Lette, tarried; pt. t. of the weak verb letten; quite distinct from leet or
lēt (pt. t. of leten), which would not rime with set-te. This latter part of the
story is nearly all from Ovid, Her. x.
Compare, e.g. ll. 4-6:—
'unde tuam sine me uela tulere
ratem;
In quo me somnusque meus male
prodidit, et tu,
pro facinus! somnis insidiate
meis.'
2176. To his contre-ward, i.e. toward his country. Cf. 'To Thebes-ward'; Kn.
Ta. 109 (A 967).
2177. A twenty devil way, in the way of twenty devils; i.e. in all sorts of evil
ways or directions; cf. Can. Yem. Ta., G 782.
2178. His fader, king Ægeus (l. 1944). The story is that Theseus went to
Crete in a ship with a black sail, in token of his unhappy fate. He had
agreed to exchange this for a white sail, if his expedition was successful;
but this he omitted to do. Hence Ægeus, 'seeing the black sail afar off, being
out of all hope ever more to see his son again, took such a grief at his heart,
that he threw himself headlong from the top of a cliff, and killed himself.'—
Shak. Plutarch, p. 284.
2182. Atake, overtaken with sleep; cf. C. T. 6966 (D 1384).
2186. 'Perque torum moueo brachia; nullus erat'; Her. x. 12.
2189, 90.
'Alta puellares tardat arena pedes.
lēt (pt. t. of leten), which would not rime with set-te. This latter part of the
story is nearly all from Ovid, Her. x.
Compare, e.g. ll. 4-6:—
'unde tuam sine me uela tulere
ratem;
In quo me somnusque meus male
prodidit, et tu,
pro facinus! somnis insidiate
meis.'
2176. To his contre-ward, i.e. toward his country. Cf. 'To Thebes-ward'; Kn.
Ta. 109 (A 967).
2177. A twenty devil way, in the way of twenty devils; i.e. in all sorts of evil
ways or directions; cf. Can. Yem. Ta., G 782.
2178. His fader, king Ægeus (l. 1944). The story is that Theseus went to
Crete in a ship with a black sail, in token of his unhappy fate. He had
agreed to exchange this for a white sail, if his expedition was successful;
but this he omitted to do. Hence Ægeus, 'seeing the black sail afar off, being
out of all hope ever more to see his son again, took such a grief at his heart,
that he threw himself headlong from the top of a cliff, and killed himself.'—
Shak. Plutarch, p. 284.
2182. Atake, overtaken with sleep; cf. C. T. 6966 (D 1384).
2186. 'Perque torum moueo brachia; nullus erat'; Her. x. 12.
2189, 90.
'Alta puellares tardat arena pedes.
Page 521
Interea toto clamanti littore,
Theseu!' id. 20.
2192. Suggested by Ovid; ll. 81-6.
2193. 'Reddebant nomen concaua saxa tuum'; id. 22. The Latin and English
lines are alike beautiful.
2194. 'Luna fuit; specto, si quid, nisi littora, cernam'; id. 17.
2195-7. These three lines represent eight in Ovid; 25-32.
2198. This line answers to the first line in Ovid, Epist. x.
2200, 1. His meiny, its (complete) crew. Inne, within; A.S. innan.
'Quo fugis, exclamo, scelerate?
Reuertere, Theseu;
flecte ratem; numerum non habet
illa suum'; id. 35.
2202.
'Candidaque imposui longae
uelamina uirgae,
scilicet oblitos admonitura mei';
id. 41.
2208-17. Paraphrased from Ovid; Her. x. 51-64.
2212. Answere of, answer for; 'redde duos.'
2214. Wher shal I become? Where shall I go to? the old idiom. We now say,
'what will become of me?' On this expression, see Bicome in my Gloss. to P.
Plowman (Clar. Press Series).
Theseu!' id. 20.
2192. Suggested by Ovid; ll. 81-6.
2193. 'Reddebant nomen concaua saxa tuum'; id. 22. The Latin and English
lines are alike beautiful.
2194. 'Luna fuit; specto, si quid, nisi littora, cernam'; id. 17.
2195-7. These three lines represent eight in Ovid; 25-32.
2198. This line answers to the first line in Ovid, Epist. x.
2200, 1. His meiny, its (complete) crew. Inne, within; A.S. innan.
'Quo fugis, exclamo, scelerate?
Reuertere, Theseu;
flecte ratem; numerum non habet
illa suum'; id. 35.
2202.
'Candidaque imposui longae
uelamina uirgae,
scilicet oblitos admonitura mei';
id. 41.
2208-17. Paraphrased from Ovid; Her. x. 51-64.
2212. Answere of, answer for; 'redde duos.'
2214. Wher shal I become? Where shall I go to? the old idiom. We now say,
'what will become of me?' On this expression, see Bicome in my Gloss. to P.
Plowman (Clar. Press Series).
Page 522
2215. 'For even if a ship or boat were to come this way, I dare not go home
to my country, for fear (of my father).'
The reading that bote none here come is nonsense, and expresses the
converse of what is meant. The corresponding line in Ovid is—'Finge dari
comitesque mihi, uentosque, ratemque'; 63.
2218. What, for what, why? See Cant. Ta., B 56, &c.
2220. Naso, Ouidius Naso. Her epistle, the epistle above quoted, the title of
which is—'Ariadne Theseo.'
2223, 4. The story is that Bacchus took compassion on Ariadne, and finally
placed her crown as a constellation in the heavens; see Ovid, Fasti, iii. 461-
516; Met. viii. 178-182. This constellation is the Northern Crown, or
Corona Borealis, which is just in the opposite side of the sky from Taurus.
Ovid says—'qui medius nixique genu est anguemque tenentis,' Met. viii.
182. Here the holder of the snake is Ophiuchus; and Nixus genu or
Engonasin (ἐν γόνασιν) was a name for Hercules; see Hyginus, Poet. Ast.
lib. ii. c. 6; lib. iii. c. 5; Ausonius, Eclog. iii. 2. The Northern Crown comes
to the meridian with the sign Scorpio, not Taurus. We can only bring the
sense right by supposing that in the signe of Taurus means when the sun is
in that sign, viz. in April. In the nights of April, in our latitude, the Northern
Crown is very conspicuous.
2227. Quyte him his whyle, repay him for his time, i.e. for the way in which
he had spent his time; cf. Man of Law's Ta., B 584.
to my country, for fear (of my father).'
The reading that bote none here come is nonsense, and expresses the
converse of what is meant. The corresponding line in Ovid is—'Finge dari
comitesque mihi, uentosque, ratemque'; 63.
2218. What, for what, why? See Cant. Ta., B 56, &c.
2220. Naso, Ouidius Naso. Her epistle, the epistle above quoted, the title of
which is—'Ariadne Theseo.'
2223, 4. The story is that Bacchus took compassion on Ariadne, and finally
placed her crown as a constellation in the heavens; see Ovid, Fasti, iii. 461-
516; Met. viii. 178-182. This constellation is the Northern Crown, or
Corona Borealis, which is just in the opposite side of the sky from Taurus.
Ovid says—'qui medius nixique genu est anguemque tenentis,' Met. viii.
182. Here the holder of the snake is Ophiuchus; and Nixus genu or
Engonasin (ἐν γόνασιν) was a name for Hercules; see Hyginus, Poet. Ast.
lib. ii. c. 6; lib. iii. c. 5; Ausonius, Eclog. iii. 2. The Northern Crown comes
to the meridian with the sign Scorpio, not Taurus. We can only bring the
sense right by supposing that in the signe of Taurus means when the sun is
in that sign, viz. in April. In the nights of April, in our latitude, the Northern
Crown is very conspicuous.
2227. Quyte him his whyle, repay him for his time, i.e. for the way in which
he had spent his time; cf. Man of Law's Ta., B 584.
Page 523
VII. THE LEGEND OF PHILOMELA.
Chaucer's Prologue ends at l. 2243. The tale is from Ovid, Met. vi. 424-605,
with some omissions, and ends at l. 2382. Gower has the same story; C. A.
bk. v. ed. Pauli, ii. 313.
2228. The words 'Deus dator formarum' are written after the title in MS. B.;
and part of the first line corresponds to this expression. In MS. F. it appears
as 'Deus dator formatorum[71],' which can hardly be right.
Corson has the following note:—'In these verses (2228-30) the Platonic
doctrine of forms or ideas is expressed. For whatever knowledge Chaucer
may have had of the philosophy of Plato, he was probably indebted to the
Italian poets, with whom, especially Petrarch, Plato was a favourite.' Corson
also quotes the following from Sir Wm. Hamilton:—'Plato agreed with the
rest of the ancient philosophers in this—that all things consist of matter and
form; and that matter of which all things were made, existed from eternity,
without form; but he likewise believed that there are external forms of all
possible things which exist, without matter; and to these eternal and
immaterial forms he gave the name of ideas. In the Platonic sense, then,
ideas were the patterns to which the Deity fashioned the phenomenal or
ectypal world.' See also Spenser, Hymne in honour of Beautie, st. 5. And cf.
l. 1582 above.
However, Chaucer here follows Boethius, De Consolatione Philosophiae,
lib. iii. met. 9:—
... 'Tu cuncta
superno
ducis ab exemplo, pulcrum
pulcerrimus ipse
mundum mente gerens, similique in
imagine formans.'
Chaucer's Prologue ends at l. 2243. The tale is from Ovid, Met. vi. 424-605,
with some omissions, and ends at l. 2382. Gower has the same story; C. A.
bk. v. ed. Pauli, ii. 313.
2228. The words 'Deus dator formarum' are written after the title in MS. B.;
and part of the first line corresponds to this expression. In MS. F. it appears
as 'Deus dator formatorum[71],' which can hardly be right.
Corson has the following note:—'In these verses (2228-30) the Platonic
doctrine of forms or ideas is expressed. For whatever knowledge Chaucer
may have had of the philosophy of Plato, he was probably indebted to the
Italian poets, with whom, especially Petrarch, Plato was a favourite.' Corson
also quotes the following from Sir Wm. Hamilton:—'Plato agreed with the
rest of the ancient philosophers in this—that all things consist of matter and
form; and that matter of which all things were made, existed from eternity,
without form; but he likewise believed that there are external forms of all
possible things which exist, without matter; and to these eternal and
immaterial forms he gave the name of ideas. In the Platonic sense, then,
ideas were the patterns to which the Deity fashioned the phenomenal or
ectypal world.' See also Spenser, Hymne in honour of Beautie, st. 5. And cf.
l. 1582 above.
However, Chaucer here follows Boethius, De Consolatione Philosophiae,
lib. iii. met. 9:—
... 'Tu cuncta
superno
ducis ab exemplo, pulcrum
pulcerrimus ipse
mundum mente gerens, similique in
imagine formans.'
Page 524
See Chaucer's version of the same, ll. 1-12. Cf. Le Rom. de la Rose, 16931-
8, also copied from Boethius, who follows Plato.
2233. As for that fyn, with that particular object.
2236. Fro this world, i.e. from the centre of the universe; according to the
old Ptolemaic system which made the earth the fixed centre of all things.
The firste hevene, the first or outermost sphere, that of Saturn; see note to
Complaint of Mars, 29.
2237. Understand al (everything) as the nom. case to corrumpeth; i.e.
everything becomes corrupt, is infected.
2238. As to me, as for me, in my opinion.
2241. Yit last, still lasts, still endures.
2243. Read—The stóry of Térë-ús, &c.; the -y in story being rapidly slurred
over.
2244. Here begins Ovid, Met. vi. 424:—'Threïcius Tereus.' Tereus was king
of Thrace; and Ovid says he could trace his descent from Gradivus, i.e.
Mars (l. 427).
Marte, Mars. Corson here notes that 'Marte is the ablative case of Mars, as
Jove is of Jupiter.' It is worth while to say that this view is quite erroneous;
for these forms did not arise in that way. Marte was formed from Martem,
the accusative case, by dropping the final m; and, generally, the Romance
languages formed most of their substantives from accusative cases, owing
to the frequent use of that case, especially in the construction of the accus.
with the infinitive, which in medieval Latin was very common. See Sir G.
Cornewall Lewis' Essay on the Romance Languages, and Diez, Grammatik
der Romanischen Sprachen, vol. ii. Thus the F. corps represents the Lat.
acc. corpus, not the abl. corpore; as is sufficiently obvious.
8, also copied from Boethius, who follows Plato.
2233. As for that fyn, with that particular object.
2236. Fro this world, i.e. from the centre of the universe; according to the
old Ptolemaic system which made the earth the fixed centre of all things.
The firste hevene, the first or outermost sphere, that of Saturn; see note to
Complaint of Mars, 29.
2237. Understand al (everything) as the nom. case to corrumpeth; i.e.
everything becomes corrupt, is infected.
2238. As to me, as for me, in my opinion.
2241. Yit last, still lasts, still endures.
2243. Read—The stóry of Térë-ús, &c.; the -y in story being rapidly slurred
over.
2244. Here begins Ovid, Met. vi. 424:—'Threïcius Tereus.' Tereus was king
of Thrace; and Ovid says he could trace his descent from Gradivus, i.e.
Mars (l. 427).
Marte, Mars. Corson here notes that 'Marte is the ablative case of Mars, as
Jove is of Jupiter.' It is worth while to say that this view is quite erroneous;
for these forms did not arise in that way. Marte was formed from Martem,
the accusative case, by dropping the final m; and, generally, the Romance
languages formed most of their substantives from accusative cases, owing
to the frequent use of that case, especially in the construction of the accus.
with the infinitive, which in medieval Latin was very common. See Sir G.
Cornewall Lewis' Essay on the Romance Languages, and Diez, Grammatik
der Romanischen Sprachen, vol. ii. Thus the F. corps represents the Lat.
acc. corpus, not the abl. corpore; as is sufficiently obvious.
Page 525
2247. Read—Pán-di-ón-es. Pandion, a king of Athens, was father of Progne
and Philomela. Cf. The Passionate Pilgrim, xxi. 395.
2249. The original Latin should be consulted, as Chaucer sometimes copies
Ovid literally, and sometimes goes his own way.
'Non pronuba Iuno,
non Hymenaeus adest illi, non
Gratia lecto.
Eumenides tenuere faces de funere
raptas:
Eumenides strauere torum: tectoque
profanus
incubuit bubo, thalamique in
culmine sedit.'—428.
2253. Wond, wound; aboute the balkes wond, kept winding (flying in
circular wise) round about the balks (or transverse beams beneath the roof).
Three good MSS. read wond, which is the past tense of winden, to wind.
Bell and others read wonde, explained by 'dwelt'; but this is open to two
objections, viz. (1) the pt. t. of wonien to dwell, is woned or wonede, not
wonde; and (2) an owl cannot dwell about a balk, but only on it. The pt. pl.
woneden (three syllables) occurs in the Kn. Ta. 2069 (A 2927); and we learn
from the Clerkes Tale, E 339, that the pp. woned rimes with astoned. Ovid,
indeed, has incubuit and sedit; but that does not prove much; for Chaucer
expresses things in his own manner at will.
2256. This original line refers to the medieval wedding-feasts, which
sometimes lasted even forty days. See Havelok, l. 2344; and the note.
2259-68. From Ovid, Met. vi. 438-442.
2261. Saw not longe, had not seen for a long time.
2264. Moste, might. Ones, for once; lit. once.
and Philomela. Cf. The Passionate Pilgrim, xxi. 395.
2249. The original Latin should be consulted, as Chaucer sometimes copies
Ovid literally, and sometimes goes his own way.
'Non pronuba Iuno,
non Hymenaeus adest illi, non
Gratia lecto.
Eumenides tenuere faces de funere
raptas:
Eumenides strauere torum: tectoque
profanus
incubuit bubo, thalamique in
culmine sedit.'—428.
2253. Wond, wound; aboute the balkes wond, kept winding (flying in
circular wise) round about the balks (or transverse beams beneath the roof).
Three good MSS. read wond, which is the past tense of winden, to wind.
Bell and others read wonde, explained by 'dwelt'; but this is open to two
objections, viz. (1) the pt. t. of wonien to dwell, is woned or wonede, not
wonde; and (2) an owl cannot dwell about a balk, but only on it. The pt. pl.
woneden (three syllables) occurs in the Kn. Ta. 2069 (A 2927); and we learn
from the Clerkes Tale, E 339, that the pp. woned rimes with astoned. Ovid,
indeed, has incubuit and sedit; but that does not prove much; for Chaucer
expresses things in his own manner at will.
2256. This original line refers to the medieval wedding-feasts, which
sometimes lasted even forty days. See Havelok, l. 2344; and the note.
2259-68. From Ovid, Met. vi. 438-442.
2261. Saw not longe, had not seen for a long time.
2264. Moste, might. Ones, for once; lit. once.
Page 526
2265. And come anoon, and return again soon.
2266. 'Or else, unless she might go to see her.'
2270. 'Caused his ships to be made ready.'
2270-8. From Ovid, Met. vi. 444-450. Chaucer next passes on to ll. 475,
483. Ll. 2288-2294 are abridged from ll. 451-471 of the Latin. Ll. 2295-
2301 answer to ll. 495-501; ll. 2302-2307 to ll. 488, 489; but many touches
are Chaucer's own, and he is seldom literal.
2282. Read lovede as lov'de; cf. preyde, 2294. This line is imitated in Kn.
Ta. 338 (A 1196)—'For in this world he lovede no man so.'
2290, 1. 'And that there was none like her in (royal) array'; Met. vi. 451.
Two so riche, twice as rich; cf. ten so wood, in l. 736.
2308. Cf. Ovid, Met. vi. 512.
2312, 3. 'If it might please her, or (even) if it might not please her.'
2318-22. Ovid has these images of the lamb (l. 527) and of the dove (529).
2335. This 'castle' answers to Ovid's 'custodia' (572).
2340. 'God avenge thee, and grant thee thy petition (for vengeance).'
2342-9. Cf. Ovid, Met. vi. 563-570.
2352. Stole, stool, frame for tapestry work. Hexham's Du. Dict. (1658)
gives: 'Stoel-doeck, Tapistrie, or Hangings'; lit. stool-cloth. Cf. G.
Weberstuhl, a loom; lit. weaver-stool. Radevore, a kind of serge; here, the
material on which tapestry-work was executed. The only other example I
have met with is in a poem beginning—'As ofte as syghes ben in herte
trewe,' in the Tanner MS. 346, fol. 73. One stanza begins thus:—
2266. 'Or else, unless she might go to see her.'
2270. 'Caused his ships to be made ready.'
2270-8. From Ovid, Met. vi. 444-450. Chaucer next passes on to ll. 475,
483. Ll. 2288-2294 are abridged from ll. 451-471 of the Latin. Ll. 2295-
2301 answer to ll. 495-501; ll. 2302-2307 to ll. 488, 489; but many touches
are Chaucer's own, and he is seldom literal.
2282. Read lovede as lov'de; cf. preyde, 2294. This line is imitated in Kn.
Ta. 338 (A 1196)—'For in this world he lovede no man so.'
2290, 1. 'And that there was none like her in (royal) array'; Met. vi. 451.
Two so riche, twice as rich; cf. ten so wood, in l. 736.
2308. Cf. Ovid, Met. vi. 512.
2312, 3. 'If it might please her, or (even) if it might not please her.'
2318-22. Ovid has these images of the lamb (l. 527) and of the dove (529).
2335. This 'castle' answers to Ovid's 'custodia' (572).
2340. 'God avenge thee, and grant thee thy petition (for vengeance).'
2342-9. Cf. Ovid, Met. vi. 563-570.
2352. Stole, stool, frame for tapestry work. Hexham's Du. Dict. (1658)
gives: 'Stoel-doeck, Tapistrie, or Hangings'; lit. stool-cloth. Cf. G.
Weberstuhl, a loom; lit. weaver-stool. Radevore, a kind of serge; here, the
material on which tapestry-work was executed. The only other example I
have met with is in a poem beginning—'As ofte as syghes ben in herte
trewe,' in the Tanner MS. 346, fol. 73. One stanza begins thus:—
Page 527
'As ofte tymes as Penelapye
Renewed her werk in the raduore,
To saue her-selfe onely in honeste
Vnto Vlixes, that she louyd so sore.'
(Another copy of these lines is in MS. Ff. 1. 6 in the Cambridge Univ.
Library, fol. 11.)
Here raduore is clearly an error for radeuore or radevore, as the scansion
shews. Urry's Glossary gives the following explanation: 'Ras in French
means any stuff [it means serge or satin], as Ras de Chalons, Ras de
Gennes; Ras de Vore or Vaur may be a stuff made at such a place.' On which
Tyrwhitt remarks—'There is a town in Languedoc called La Vaur; but I
know not that it was ever famous for tapestry.' Cotgrave gives: 'Ras, serge';
also 'Ras de Milain, the finest kind of bare serge, or a silke serge.' Littré
cites ras de Châlons from Scarron, Virg. iv.; also 'bas de soye, raz de Millan
et d'estame.' Ras, in fact, is the same as the Tudor-English word rash. The
loss of the s in ras de Vore is regular, because s drops before d in Anglo-
French, though it is preserved in ras when used alone. I find, on consulting
the English Cyclopædia, that La Vaur, in the department of Tarn, produces
silk and serge to this day; so that Urry is certainly right. The whole account
in ll. 2350-72 is expanded from five lines in the Latin text, 576-580:—
'Stamina barbarica suspendit
candida tela:
purpureasque notas filis intexuit
albis'; &c.
Observe that, in l. 2360, the stuff is called 'a stamin.'
2359. By that, by the time that.
2360. A stamin large, a large piece of stamine. Stamin or stamine is usually
explained as a kind of woollen cloth. Cotgrave gives: 'Estamine, the stuffe
tamine.' Godefroy gives both estamin, masc. and estamine, fem. explained
by 'tissu léger de laine ou de coton.' Palsgrave has:—'Stamell, fyne
Renewed her werk in the raduore,
To saue her-selfe onely in honeste
Vnto Vlixes, that she louyd so sore.'
(Another copy of these lines is in MS. Ff. 1. 6 in the Cambridge Univ.
Library, fol. 11.)
Here raduore is clearly an error for radeuore or radevore, as the scansion
shews. Urry's Glossary gives the following explanation: 'Ras in French
means any stuff [it means serge or satin], as Ras de Chalons, Ras de
Gennes; Ras de Vore or Vaur may be a stuff made at such a place.' On which
Tyrwhitt remarks—'There is a town in Languedoc called La Vaur; but I
know not that it was ever famous for tapestry.' Cotgrave gives: 'Ras, serge';
also 'Ras de Milain, the finest kind of bare serge, or a silke serge.' Littré
cites ras de Châlons from Scarron, Virg. iv.; also 'bas de soye, raz de Millan
et d'estame.' Ras, in fact, is the same as the Tudor-English word rash. The
loss of the s in ras de Vore is regular, because s drops before d in Anglo-
French, though it is preserved in ras when used alone. I find, on consulting
the English Cyclopædia, that La Vaur, in the department of Tarn, produces
silk and serge to this day; so that Urry is certainly right. The whole account
in ll. 2350-72 is expanded from five lines in the Latin text, 576-580:—
'Stamina barbarica suspendit
candida tela:
purpureasque notas filis intexuit
albis'; &c.
Observe that, in l. 2360, the stuff is called 'a stamin.'
2359. By that, by the time that.
2360. A stamin large, a large piece of stamine. Stamin or stamine is usually
explained as a kind of woollen cloth. Cotgrave gives: 'Estamine, the stuffe
tamine.' Godefroy gives both estamin, masc. and estamine, fem. explained
by 'tissu léger de laine ou de coton.' Palsgrave has:—'Stamell, fyne
Page 528
worstede, estamine'; and—'Stamyne, estamine.' The Prompt. Parv. has:
—'Stamyn, clothe, stamina.' Stamin was used as a material for shirts, and
was worn by way of penance; Fosbrooke explains it as 'a shirt made of
woollen and linen, used instead of a penitentiary hair-shirt.' 'Stamin habbe
whoso wule,' whoso will may have a stamin; Ancren Riwle, p. 418. Chaucer
uses it thus near the end of the Persones Tale (I 1052); 'Also in weringe of
heyres or of stamin or of haubergeons on hir naked flesh for Cristes sake,
and swiche manere penances.'
MSS. C. T. A. have stamyn, which seems the better form; the rest (like the
printed editions) have stames, which may be an error for stamel, O.F.
estamel, used in the same sense as O.F. estamine. Else it may answer to O.F.
estame, 'laine peignée, tricot de laine' in Godefroy. The fact that Ovid's
word is stamina is in favour of the spelling stamin. (Bell remarks that 'the
printed copies read flames, which is nonsense.' He seems to have misread
stames (with long s) as flames. The editions of 1532, 1550, and 1561
certainly have stames.)
2373-82. Abridged from Met. vi. 581-605. Ovid mentions the triennial
festival to Bacchus.
2379. Compleint is a much better reading than the constreynte of the old
editions.
2383. No charge, of no consequence; Squi. Ta., F 359.
2383-93. All Chaucer's own. The last line is characteristic: 'unless it
happens to be the case that he cannot get another,' i.e. a new love. For non
other, old editions have another!
2385. Here deserved is the usual Chaucerian form of the pt. tense. Prof.
Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, i. 403) calls this a false form. But cf.
wyped, lipsed (in -ed, not -ede); Prol. to C. T., 133, 264.
—'Stamyn, clothe, stamina.' Stamin was used as a material for shirts, and
was worn by way of penance; Fosbrooke explains it as 'a shirt made of
woollen and linen, used instead of a penitentiary hair-shirt.' 'Stamin habbe
whoso wule,' whoso will may have a stamin; Ancren Riwle, p. 418. Chaucer
uses it thus near the end of the Persones Tale (I 1052); 'Also in weringe of
heyres or of stamin or of haubergeons on hir naked flesh for Cristes sake,
and swiche manere penances.'
MSS. C. T. A. have stamyn, which seems the better form; the rest (like the
printed editions) have stames, which may be an error for stamel, O.F.
estamel, used in the same sense as O.F. estamine. Else it may answer to O.F.
estame, 'laine peignée, tricot de laine' in Godefroy. The fact that Ovid's
word is stamina is in favour of the spelling stamin. (Bell remarks that 'the
printed copies read flames, which is nonsense.' He seems to have misread
stames (with long s) as flames. The editions of 1532, 1550, and 1561
certainly have stames.)
2373-82. Abridged from Met. vi. 581-605. Ovid mentions the triennial
festival to Bacchus.
2379. Compleint is a much better reading than the constreynte of the old
editions.
2383. No charge, of no consequence; Squi. Ta., F 359.
2383-93. All Chaucer's own. The last line is characteristic: 'unless it
happens to be the case that he cannot get another,' i.e. a new love. For non
other, old editions have another!
2385. Here deserved is the usual Chaucerian form of the pt. tense. Prof.
Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, i. 403) calls this a false form. But cf.
wyped, lipsed (in -ed, not -ede); Prol. to C. T., 133, 264.
Page 529
VIII. THE LEGEND OF PHYLLIS.
Gower tells the same story in his Confessio Amantis, bk. iv. (ed. Pauli, ii.
26); and it is likely that he and Chaucer derived it from the same source,
whatever that may have been. A portion of the latter part, from l. 2496, is
taken from Ovid, Heroides, Ep. ii. And see note to l. 2423.
2395. An allusion to Matt. vii. 16, and to Legend VI, above.
2398. Demophon, usually Demophoön, son of Theseus and Phædra, who,
on his return from Troy, gained the love of Phyllis, daughter of Sithon, king
of Thrace. Observe that Gower says that Demophoön was on his way
towards Troy.
2400. 'Unless it were.'
2401. Observe that grac-e is dissyllabic, as in l. 2433.
2403. 'Now I turn to the effect (the pith) of what I have to say.'
2413. Him seems to stand alone in the first foot; for were, in this phrase, is
usually monosyllabic; cf. Mancip. Prol., H 23. But it also occurs as a
dissyllable, in which case the line is normal. Or else the -er in lever is dwelt
on.
2416. 'And his rudder was broken by a wave.'
2420. For wood, as (if) mad, 'like mad.' For is not a prefix, but a separate
word; as shewn by 'for pure wood,' Rom. Rose, 276; and see Ho. Fame,
1747. Posseth, pusheth, tosseth. Bech observes that ll. 2411-21 are from
Vergil, Æn. i. 85-90, 102, 142.
2422. Chorus; so in Thynne's edition; the MSS. have Thorus (except T.,
which has Thora). Both Chorus and Thorus are unknown as sea-divinities;
Gower tells the same story in his Confessio Amantis, bk. iv. (ed. Pauli, ii.
26); and it is likely that he and Chaucer derived it from the same source,
whatever that may have been. A portion of the latter part, from l. 2496, is
taken from Ovid, Heroides, Ep. ii. And see note to l. 2423.
2395. An allusion to Matt. vii. 16, and to Legend VI, above.
2398. Demophon, usually Demophoön, son of Theseus and Phædra, who,
on his return from Troy, gained the love of Phyllis, daughter of Sithon, king
of Thrace. Observe that Gower says that Demophoön was on his way
towards Troy.
2400. 'Unless it were.'
2401. Observe that grac-e is dissyllabic, as in l. 2433.
2403. 'Now I turn to the effect (the pith) of what I have to say.'
2413. Him seems to stand alone in the first foot; for were, in this phrase, is
usually monosyllabic; cf. Mancip. Prol., H 23. But it also occurs as a
dissyllable, in which case the line is normal. Or else the -er in lever is dwelt
on.
2416. 'And his rudder was broken by a wave.'
2420. For wood, as (if) mad, 'like mad.' For is not a prefix, but a separate
word; as shewn by 'for pure wood,' Rom. Rose, 276; and see Ho. Fame,
1747. Posseth, pusheth, tosseth. Bech observes that ll. 2411-21 are from
Vergil, Æn. i. 85-90, 102, 142.
2422. Chorus; so in Thynne's edition; the MSS. have Thorus (except T.,
which has Thora). Both Chorus and Thorus are unknown as sea-divinities;
Page 530
but I think I can guess Chaucer's authority, viz. Verg. Æn. v. 823-5:—
'Et senior Glauci chorus, Inousque
Palaemon,
Tritonesque citi, Phoreique
exercitus omnis.
Laeua tenent Thetis et Melite,
Panopeaque uirgo.'
Here we find Thetis, chorus, Triton; whilst 'and they alle' answers to
exercitus omnis. (So also Bech.) Chorus is used for Caurus, the north-east
wind, in Chaucer's Boethius, bk. iv. met. 5. 17; but this is not the purpose.
2423. Lond, i.e. Thrace. Phyllis, as said above, was the daughter of Sithon,
king of Thrace; but both Chaucer and Gower make her father's name to be
'Ligurgus,' i.e. Lycurgus. This substitution may have been suggested by
Ovid, Her. ii. 111—'quae tibi subieci latissima regna Lycurgi.' He is the
same as the Lycurgus in Statius, Theb. iv. 386; in Ovid, Met. iv. 22, and in
Homer, vi. 130; and was king of the Edoni, a people of Thrace. This
accounts also for the introduction into the Knight's Tale of 'Ligurge himself,
the grete king of Thrace'; l. 1271 (A 2129). Prof. Lounsbury (Studies in
Chaucer, ii. 232) has usefully pointed out that the immediate authority for
making Lycurgus the father of Phyllis was Boccaccio's De Genealogia
Deorum, lib. xi. c. 25, headed—'De Phyllidi Lycurgi filia.'
2425. On to sene, to look upon; cf. the parallel line, Kn. Ta., 177 (A 1035).
2427. Is y-wonne, is arrived. Cf. Æn. i. 173.
2434. Chevisaunce, borrowing; properly an agreement for borrowing
money. See C. T. 13259, 13277, 13321 (B 1519, 1537, 1581); P. Plowman,
B. 5. 249, and the note; and the Gloss. to Spenser.
2438. Rodopeya, the country near Rhodope, which was a mountain-range of
Thrace, now a part of the Hæmus range. See l. 2498.
'Et senior Glauci chorus, Inousque
Palaemon,
Tritonesque citi, Phoreique
exercitus omnis.
Laeua tenent Thetis et Melite,
Panopeaque uirgo.'
Here we find Thetis, chorus, Triton; whilst 'and they alle' answers to
exercitus omnis. (So also Bech.) Chorus is used for Caurus, the north-east
wind, in Chaucer's Boethius, bk. iv. met. 5. 17; but this is not the purpose.
2423. Lond, i.e. Thrace. Phyllis, as said above, was the daughter of Sithon,
king of Thrace; but both Chaucer and Gower make her father's name to be
'Ligurgus,' i.e. Lycurgus. This substitution may have been suggested by
Ovid, Her. ii. 111—'quae tibi subieci latissima regna Lycurgi.' He is the
same as the Lycurgus in Statius, Theb. iv. 386; in Ovid, Met. iv. 22, and in
Homer, vi. 130; and was king of the Edoni, a people of Thrace. This
accounts also for the introduction into the Knight's Tale of 'Ligurge himself,
the grete king of Thrace'; l. 1271 (A 2129). Prof. Lounsbury (Studies in
Chaucer, ii. 232) has usefully pointed out that the immediate authority for
making Lycurgus the father of Phyllis was Boccaccio's De Genealogia
Deorum, lib. xi. c. 25, headed—'De Phyllidi Lycurgi filia.'
2425. On to sene, to look upon; cf. the parallel line, Kn. Ta., 177 (A 1035).
2427. Is y-wonne, is arrived. Cf. Æn. i. 173.
2434. Chevisaunce, borrowing; properly an agreement for borrowing
money. See C. T. 13259, 13277, 13321 (B 1519, 1537, 1581); P. Plowman,
B. 5. 249, and the note; and the Gloss. to Spenser.
2438. Rodopeya, the country near Rhodope, which was a mountain-range of
Thrace, now a part of the Hæmus range. See l. 2498.
Page 531
2448. 'As Reynard the fox doth, so (doth) the fox's son.' The line is
incomplete, but the sense is clear. 'Reynard, which with us is a duplicate for
fox, while in the French renard has quite excluded the older volpils, was
originally not the name of a kind, but the proper name of the fox-hero, the
vulpine Ulysses, in that famous beast-epic of the middle ages, Reineke
Fuchs; the immense popularity of which we gather from many evidences,
from none more clearly than this. Chanticleer is in like manner the name of
the cock, and Bruin of the bear in the same poem.'—Trench, Eng. Past and
Present. Reynard is from M.H.G. ragin-hart, strong in counsel; from ragin,
counsel, and hart, strong.
2454. Agroted, surfeited, cloyed. A rare word; used also by Lydgate. See the
New E. Dict.
2456. This is a hint that Chaucer was already getting tired of his task.
2477. In a month. So in Ovid; see l. 2503.
2485. With a corde, i.e. by hanging. Cf. Ovid, Her. ii. 141:—
'Colla quoque, infidis quae se
nectenda lacertis
praebuerant, laqueis implicuisse
libet.'
2493. Hir soules, their souls; of Theseus and Demophoön.
2495. 'Although it be but a small part of the whole letter.' In fact, Chaucer
gives us ll. 1-8 of Ovid's second Epistle (in the Heroides); and, from l. 2518
onward, sentences made up from ll. 26, 27, 43, 44, 49-52, 63-68, 73-78, and
134-137 of the same.
2496. Compare these lines with Ovid, Her. ii. 1-8:—
incomplete, but the sense is clear. 'Reynard, which with us is a duplicate for
fox, while in the French renard has quite excluded the older volpils, was
originally not the name of a kind, but the proper name of the fox-hero, the
vulpine Ulysses, in that famous beast-epic of the middle ages, Reineke
Fuchs; the immense popularity of which we gather from many evidences,
from none more clearly than this. Chanticleer is in like manner the name of
the cock, and Bruin of the bear in the same poem.'—Trench, Eng. Past and
Present. Reynard is from M.H.G. ragin-hart, strong in counsel; from ragin,
counsel, and hart, strong.
2454. Agroted, surfeited, cloyed. A rare word; used also by Lydgate. See the
New E. Dict.
2456. This is a hint that Chaucer was already getting tired of his task.
2477. In a month. So in Ovid; see l. 2503.
2485. With a corde, i.e. by hanging. Cf. Ovid, Her. ii. 141:—
'Colla quoque, infidis quae se
nectenda lacertis
praebuerant, laqueis implicuisse
libet.'
2493. Hir soules, their souls; of Theseus and Demophoön.
2495. 'Although it be but a small part of the whole letter.' In fact, Chaucer
gives us ll. 1-8 of Ovid's second Epistle (in the Heroides); and, from l. 2518
onward, sentences made up from ll. 26, 27, 43, 44, 49-52, 63-68, 73-78, and
134-137 of the same.
2496. Compare these lines with Ovid, Her. ii. 1-8:—
Page 532
'Hospita, Demophoon, tua te
Rhodopeïa Phyllis
ultra promissum tempus abesse
queror.
Cornua quum Lunae pleno semel
orbe coissent,
litoribus nostris ancora pacta tua
est.
Luna quater latuit, toto quater orbe
recrevit,
nec uehit Actæas Sithonis unda
rates.
Tempora si numeres, bene quae
numeramus amantes,
non uenit ante suum nostra
querela diem.'
Hostess-e is trisyllabic; MS. C. has—'Ostess-e thyn.'
2502. Highte, promised. But Chaucer seems to have mistaken the sense of
Ovid's fourth line (in the note to l. 2496).
2508. 'Sithonis unda'; see note to l. 2496. Here Sithonis is an adj. (gen.
Sithonidis), and means 'Sithonian,' i.e. Thracian; because Sithon or Sitho,
her father, was king of Thrace. I substitute Sitho for the MS. spellings.
2518. See note to l. 2495 for references.
2521. For, because: 'quid feci, nisi non sapienter amaui?'
2529. May occupies the first foot of the line.
2534. She prays that the glory of having betrayed her will be the greatest
glory he will ever attain to. 'Di faciant, laudis summa sit ista tuae!' (66).
Rhodopeïa Phyllis
ultra promissum tempus abesse
queror.
Cornua quum Lunae pleno semel
orbe coissent,
litoribus nostris ancora pacta tua
est.
Luna quater latuit, toto quater orbe
recrevit,
nec uehit Actæas Sithonis unda
rates.
Tempora si numeres, bene quae
numeramus amantes,
non uenit ante suum nostra
querela diem.'
Hostess-e is trisyllabic; MS. C. has—'Ostess-e thyn.'
2502. Highte, promised. But Chaucer seems to have mistaken the sense of
Ovid's fourth line (in the note to l. 2496).
2508. 'Sithonis unda'; see note to l. 2496. Here Sithonis is an adj. (gen.
Sithonidis), and means 'Sithonian,' i.e. Thracian; because Sithon or Sitho,
her father, was king of Thrace. I substitute Sitho for the MS. spellings.
2518. See note to l. 2495 for references.
2521. For, because: 'quid feci, nisi non sapienter amaui?'
2529. May occupies the first foot of the line.
2534. She prays that the glory of having betrayed her will be the greatest
glory he will ever attain to. 'Di faciant, laudis summa sit ista tuae!' (66).
Page 533
2551. Mote ye, may ye. 'Ad tua me fluctus proiectam littora portent'; (135).
2556. And knew, i.e. and she knew.
2558. Read—'Such sórw' hath shé,' &c. Bell altered the second she in this
line to he, without authority, and unnecessarily. The word besette does not
mean 'served' or 'treated,' as those who keep this reading have to assert, but
'bestowed' or 'gave up,' and her means 'herself.' The sense is therefore
—'Such sorrow hath she, because she so disposed of herself.' See Beset in
the New E. Dict. § 7. Caxton has: 'Orgarus thought his doughter shol wel be
maryed, and wel beset upon hym'; Chron. Eng. cxii.
2561. Trusteth, imp. pl. As in love, in the matter of love. This playful line is
in the same spirit as l. 2393 above.
2556. And knew, i.e. and she knew.
2558. Read—'Such sórw' hath shé,' &c. Bell altered the second she in this
line to he, without authority, and unnecessarily. The word besette does not
mean 'served' or 'treated,' as those who keep this reading have to assert, but
'bestowed' or 'gave up,' and her means 'herself.' The sense is therefore
—'Such sorrow hath she, because she so disposed of herself.' See Beset in
the New E. Dict. § 7. Caxton has: 'Orgarus thought his doughter shol wel be
maryed, and wel beset upon hym'; Chron. Eng. cxii.
2561. Trusteth, imp. pl. As in love, in the matter of love. This playful line is
in the same spirit as l. 2393 above.
Page 534
IX. THE LEGEND OF HYPERMNESTRA.
The story is told in Ovid, Her. xiv. But Chaucer has taken some of the
details from Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, lib. ii. c. 22. Cf. Hyginus,
Fab. 168. See the Introduction.
2563. Danao, Danaus. Danaus and Ægyptus were twin brothers. Ægyptus
had 50 sons, and Danaus 50 daughters. Danaus had reason to fear his
nephews, and fled with his daughters to Argos. Thither he was followed by
the sons of Ægyptus, who demanded his daughters in marriage, and
promised faithful alliance. Danaus distributed his daughters amongst them,
but to each of them gave a dagger, with which they were to kill their
husbands on the bridal night. They all did so, except Hypermnestra, who
saved her husband Lynceus. Thus the attempt of Danaus failed, and he was
slain by Lynceus, in accordance with the destiny predicted for him.
It must be particularly noted that Chaucer makes Ægyptus and Danaus
change places. According to him, Ægyptus was the father of the daughters,
and consequently attempted the life of Lynceus; whilst Danaus was the
father of the sons, and therefore of Lynceus.
2569. Lino; by which perverted name Lynceus is meant; Boccaccio has
'Lino seu Linceo' (dat. case).
2570. Egiste represents Boccaccio's Ægistus, i.e. Ægyptus.
2574. 'And caused (men) to call her,' i.e. had her named.
2575. Ypermistra, i.e. Hypermestra, a corrupter form of Hypermnestra; see
the account in the Introduction. Note that the first syllable Y- forms the first
foot in the line.
2576. Of her nativitee, by her horoscope; see l. 2584.
The story is told in Ovid, Her. xiv. But Chaucer has taken some of the
details from Boccaccio, De Genealogia Deorum, lib. ii. c. 22. Cf. Hyginus,
Fab. 168. See the Introduction.
2563. Danao, Danaus. Danaus and Ægyptus were twin brothers. Ægyptus
had 50 sons, and Danaus 50 daughters. Danaus had reason to fear his
nephews, and fled with his daughters to Argos. Thither he was followed by
the sons of Ægyptus, who demanded his daughters in marriage, and
promised faithful alliance. Danaus distributed his daughters amongst them,
but to each of them gave a dagger, with which they were to kill their
husbands on the bridal night. They all did so, except Hypermnestra, who
saved her husband Lynceus. Thus the attempt of Danaus failed, and he was
slain by Lynceus, in accordance with the destiny predicted for him.
It must be particularly noted that Chaucer makes Ægyptus and Danaus
change places. According to him, Ægyptus was the father of the daughters,
and consequently attempted the life of Lynceus; whilst Danaus was the
father of the sons, and therefore of Lynceus.
2569. Lino; by which perverted name Lynceus is meant; Boccaccio has
'Lino seu Linceo' (dat. case).
2570. Egiste represents Boccaccio's Ægistus, i.e. Ægyptus.
2574. 'And caused (men) to call her,' i.e. had her named.
2575. Ypermistra, i.e. Hypermestra, a corrupter form of Hypermnestra; see
the account in the Introduction. Note that the first syllable Y- forms the first
foot in the line.
2576. Of her nativitee, by her horoscope; see l. 2584.
Page 535
2577. Thewes, qualities. Craik has a long note on this word in his edition of
Julius Cæsar. It merely comes to this, that thew must have meant strength or
some excellent bodily quality in the first instance, and some excellent
mental quality afterwards. Nevertheless it is remarkable that (with one
exception in Layamon, 6361) the usual old sense is the latter; and the usual
modern sense (notably in Jul. Cæs. i. 3. 81, 2 Hen. IV. iii. 2. 276) is the
former. The A.S. form is þéaw. Craik's notion that this word was confused
with A.S. þéoh, the thigh, is entirely out of the question, and gives no help.
2580. Wirdes, Fates; Lat. Parcæ; Gk. Moiræ. Corson shews that G. Douglas
translates the Lat. fata by werdes in Æn. i. 18, and Parcæ by werd sisteris in
the same, iii. 379. He also quotes from Holinshed's Hist. of Scotland—'the
weird sisters, that is, as ye would say, the goddesses of destinie'; reproduced
by Shakespeare in Macb. iv. 1. 136.
2582. The scansion suggests that Pitous-e, sad-de, are treated like French
adjectives, the final e denoting the feminine gender. This is natural in the
case of pitous-e, fem. of pitous, just as we have dispitous-e, Book of the
Duch. 624; but the distinction is not often made in M.E. Sweet's A.S.
grammar gives til-u as an occasional fem. form of the nom. of the indef.
adjective; so that sæd-u might have been used. Wys-e is likewise dissyllabic,
though the A.S. form was wís even in the feminine. But the definite forms
of the M.E. adj. were sad-de, wys-e; and there may have been consequent
confusion. In fact, Prof. Child gives a list of adjectives of this kind, being
monosyllabic in A.S., but dissyllabic in Chaucer. He includes wise, but not
sad, his examples being taken from the Canterbury Tales only, and thence
only in clear cases. Dispitous-e occurs as a vocative case, in Troil. ii. 435.
2584. Here comes in the old belief in astrology. Venus, Jupiter, Mars, and
Saturn, as here mentioned, are not the gods, but the planets; and each planet
had (it was thought) its peculiar influence, which was stronger or weaker
according to its position in the heavens at the time of birth of the person
whom it affected. The influences of Venus and Jupiter were for good (see
note to Troil. iii. 1417); whilst the influences of Mars and Saturn were evil.
See further below.
Julius Cæsar. It merely comes to this, that thew must have meant strength or
some excellent bodily quality in the first instance, and some excellent
mental quality afterwards. Nevertheless it is remarkable that (with one
exception in Layamon, 6361) the usual old sense is the latter; and the usual
modern sense (notably in Jul. Cæs. i. 3. 81, 2 Hen. IV. iii. 2. 276) is the
former. The A.S. form is þéaw. Craik's notion that this word was confused
with A.S. þéoh, the thigh, is entirely out of the question, and gives no help.
2580. Wirdes, Fates; Lat. Parcæ; Gk. Moiræ. Corson shews that G. Douglas
translates the Lat. fata by werdes in Æn. i. 18, and Parcæ by werd sisteris in
the same, iii. 379. He also quotes from Holinshed's Hist. of Scotland—'the
weird sisters, that is, as ye would say, the goddesses of destinie'; reproduced
by Shakespeare in Macb. iv. 1. 136.
2582. The scansion suggests that Pitous-e, sad-de, are treated like French
adjectives, the final e denoting the feminine gender. This is natural in the
case of pitous-e, fem. of pitous, just as we have dispitous-e, Book of the
Duch. 624; but the distinction is not often made in M.E. Sweet's A.S.
grammar gives til-u as an occasional fem. form of the nom. of the indef.
adjective; so that sæd-u might have been used. Wys-e is likewise dissyllabic,
though the A.S. form was wís even in the feminine. But the definite forms
of the M.E. adj. were sad-de, wys-e; and there may have been consequent
confusion. In fact, Prof. Child gives a list of adjectives of this kind, being
monosyllabic in A.S., but dissyllabic in Chaucer. He includes wise, but not
sad, his examples being taken from the Canterbury Tales only, and thence
only in clear cases. Dispitous-e occurs as a vocative case, in Troil. ii. 435.
2584. Here comes in the old belief in astrology. Venus, Jupiter, Mars, and
Saturn, as here mentioned, are not the gods, but the planets; and each planet
had (it was thought) its peculiar influence, which was stronger or weaker
according to its position in the heavens at the time of birth of the person
whom it affected. The influences of Venus and Jupiter were for good (see
note to Troil. iii. 1417); whilst the influences of Mars and Saturn were evil.
See further below.
Page 536
2585. With is explained by Corson to mean 'by'; and such a sense is, of
course, usual and common. For all that, it may here mean 'with.' The sense
seems to me to be—'For, though the influence of the planet Venus gave her
great beauty, she was (also) so compounded with a share of Jupiter,' &c. It
does not make much difference, and the reader can choose.
2588. Thoughte her, it seemed to her.
2589. Rede Mars, red Mars, because the planet is reddish; see note to l. 533.
Cf. Kn. Ta., 1111 (A 1969). As to the bad influence of Mars, compare the
following:—
'Allas! thou felle Mars!' Kn. Ta. 701
(A 1559).
'Noght was foryeten by the infortune
of Marte'; id. 1163 (A 2021).
'By manasyng of Mars'; id. 1177 (A
2035).
... 'that no wykkid planete, as
Saturne or Mars'
Treatise on the
Astrolabe, ii. 4.
22 (p. 192,
above).
2592. Venus was supposed to have much influence in repressing the evil
influence of Mars, on account of their connection in mythology. See the
Compleint of Mars. Moreover Mars is here said to be suppressed by 'the
oppression of houses'; i.e. by the fact that he was in a 'house' or 'mansion,'
which had such effect. The terms 'house' and 'mansion' are equivalent, and
are names given to the signs of the zodiac. Every sign had a planet assigned
to it, and was called the 'house' of that planet. When a planet was in its own
house, its influence would be felt. The mansions of Mars were Aries and
Scorpio. Besides this, each planet had a sign called its 'exaltation,' in which
it had the greatest power of all. The 'exaltation' of Mars was Capricornus.
Mars had also his positions of least influence; two of these, called his 'fall,'
course, usual and common. For all that, it may here mean 'with.' The sense
seems to me to be—'For, though the influence of the planet Venus gave her
great beauty, she was (also) so compounded with a share of Jupiter,' &c. It
does not make much difference, and the reader can choose.
2588. Thoughte her, it seemed to her.
2589. Rede Mars, red Mars, because the planet is reddish; see note to l. 533.
Cf. Kn. Ta., 1111 (A 1969). As to the bad influence of Mars, compare the
following:—
'Allas! thou felle Mars!' Kn. Ta. 701
(A 1559).
'Noght was foryeten by the infortune
of Marte'; id. 1163 (A 2021).
'By manasyng of Mars'; id. 1177 (A
2035).
... 'that no wykkid planete, as
Saturne or Mars'
Treatise on the
Astrolabe, ii. 4.
22 (p. 192,
above).
2592. Venus was supposed to have much influence in repressing the evil
influence of Mars, on account of their connection in mythology. See the
Compleint of Mars. Moreover Mars is here said to be suppressed by 'the
oppression of houses'; i.e. by the fact that he was in a 'house' or 'mansion,'
which had such effect. The terms 'house' and 'mansion' are equivalent, and
are names given to the signs of the zodiac. Every sign had a planet assigned
to it, and was called the 'house' of that planet. When a planet was in its own
house, its influence would be felt. The mansions of Mars were Aries and
Scorpio. Besides this, each planet had a sign called its 'exaltation,' in which
it had the greatest power of all. The 'exaltation' of Mars was Capricornus.
Mars had also his positions of least influence; two of these, called his 'fall,'
Page 537
were the signs opposite to his mansions, viz. Libra and Taurus, and the
third, called his 'depression,' was the sign opposite his exaltation, viz.
Cancer. We may conclude that, at the period of taking Hypermnestra's
horoscope, Mars was in Cancer, or else in Taurus or in Libra. Both Taurus
and Libra were mansions of Venus; and, if Mars was in either of these, his
evil influence would be kept under by her.
2594. Probably the whole of Chaucer's astrological talk was intended to
shew why Hypermnestra disliked handling a knife in malice. He has made
much of the weak influence of Mars, precisely because those who were
born under his influence were very ready with a knife. See the note to the
Kn. Ta., 1163 (A 2021), where the Compost of Ptolemeus is quoted to shew
that a man born under Mars is apt to be 'a maker of swordes and knyves,
and a sheder of mannes blode, ... and good to be a barboure and a blode-
letter, and to draw tethe, and is peryllous of his handes.'
2597. 'She had too evil aspects of Saturn, which caused her to die in prison.'
All the MSS. have To (= too, excessively), except T., which has Ryght bad.
Thynne has Two, but there is no authority for this, nor does it give any
sense. The evil influence of Saturn is spoken of at length in the Kn. Tale,
1596-1611 (A 2454-69). Note especially l. 1599, where Saturn says:—
'Myn is the prison in the derke cote,
Myn is the strangling and hanging
by the throte.'
2600. Here Egiste (see l. 2570) is turned into Egistes.
2602. 'For, at that time, no lineage was spared'; i.e. no consanguinity was
considered as being a bar to marriage.
2603. Hem is in apposition with Danao and Egistes; 'it pleased these two.'
2604. Note the shifted accentuation—Ypérmistrá. Chaucer (except in l.
2660) entirely drops all mention of Hypermnestra's 49 sisters, and of
third, called his 'depression,' was the sign opposite his exaltation, viz.
Cancer. We may conclude that, at the period of taking Hypermnestra's
horoscope, Mars was in Cancer, or else in Taurus or in Libra. Both Taurus
and Libra were mansions of Venus; and, if Mars was in either of these, his
evil influence would be kept under by her.
2594. Probably the whole of Chaucer's astrological talk was intended to
shew why Hypermnestra disliked handling a knife in malice. He has made
much of the weak influence of Mars, precisely because those who were
born under his influence were very ready with a knife. See the note to the
Kn. Ta., 1163 (A 2021), where the Compost of Ptolemeus is quoted to shew
that a man born under Mars is apt to be 'a maker of swordes and knyves,
and a sheder of mannes blode, ... and good to be a barboure and a blode-
letter, and to draw tethe, and is peryllous of his handes.'
2597. 'She had too evil aspects of Saturn, which caused her to die in prison.'
All the MSS. have To (= too, excessively), except T., which has Ryght bad.
Thynne has Two, but there is no authority for this, nor does it give any
sense. The evil influence of Saturn is spoken of at length in the Kn. Tale,
1596-1611 (A 2454-69). Note especially l. 1599, where Saturn says:—
'Myn is the prison in the derke cote,
Myn is the strangling and hanging
by the throte.'
2600. Here Egiste (see l. 2570) is turned into Egistes.
2602. 'For, at that time, no lineage was spared'; i.e. no consanguinity was
considered as being a bar to marriage.
2603. Hem is in apposition with Danao and Egistes; 'it pleased these two.'
2604. Note the shifted accentuation—Ypérmistrá. Chaucer (except in l.
2660) entirely drops all mention of Hypermnestra's 49 sisters, and of
Page 538
Lynceus' 49 brothers. This is extremely judicious, as it concentrates the
interest on the heroine.
2610. Chaucer is here thinking of Ovid, Her. xiv. 25:—
'Undique collucent praecinctae
lampades auro.
Dantur in inuitos impia tura focos.
Uulgus "Hymen, Hymenaee"
uocant.'
2624. 'He caused men to call his daughter'; he had his daughter called to
him.
2629. 'Ever since the day when my shirt was first shaped for me.' The sense
is—'ever since the day of my birth.' The shirt here refers, as Tyrwhitt
remarks, to the linen in which a new-born babe is wrapped. See Kn. Ta.,
708 (A 1566); and cf. Troil. iii. 733:—
'O fatal sustren, which, er any cloth
Me shapen was, my destenee me
sponne.'
2630. Supply I before had. Cf. note to l. 2580.
2634. After thy wyser, according to the advice of thy superior in wisdom.'
Cf. 'Thenne doth we as the wise'; O. English Miscellany, ed. Morris, p. 79,
l. 228. 'And gif yow list nocht wirk eftir the wise'; G. Douglas, tr. of Vergil,
Prol. to bk. vi. l. 15.
2637. Read Ne I as N'I. 'Nor would I advise thee to thy harm.'
2640. 'And, at the same time, I make protestation in this manner, viz. that,
unless thou do as I shall direct thee.'
interest on the heroine.
2610. Chaucer is here thinking of Ovid, Her. xiv. 25:—
'Undique collucent praecinctae
lampades auro.
Dantur in inuitos impia tura focos.
Uulgus "Hymen, Hymenaee"
uocant.'
2624. 'He caused men to call his daughter'; he had his daughter called to
him.
2629. 'Ever since the day when my shirt was first shaped for me.' The sense
is—'ever since the day of my birth.' The shirt here refers, as Tyrwhitt
remarks, to the linen in which a new-born babe is wrapped. See Kn. Ta.,
708 (A 1566); and cf. Troil. iii. 733:—
'O fatal sustren, which, er any cloth
Me shapen was, my destenee me
sponne.'
2630. Supply I before had. Cf. note to l. 2580.
2634. After thy wyser, according to the advice of thy superior in wisdom.'
Cf. 'Thenne doth we as the wise'; O. English Miscellany, ed. Morris, p. 79,
l. 228. 'And gif yow list nocht wirk eftir the wise'; G. Douglas, tr. of Vergil,
Prol. to bk. vi. l. 15.
2637. Read Ne I as N'I. 'Nor would I advise thee to thy harm.'
2640. 'And, at the same time, I make protestation in this manner, viz. that,
unless thou do as I shall direct thee.'
Page 539
2653. 'I will not have any reservation.'
2655. Y-sene, visible; an adj., not a pp. See l. 1394; and Prol. to Cant. Tales,
592.
2660. Siker, secure. The use of the word is precisely like that in the well-
known anecdote of Kirkpatrick of Closeburn. Meeting Bruce at the door of
the Greyfriars' Church in Dumfries, he asked what tidings. 'Bad tidings,'
answered Bruce, 'I doubt I have slain Comyn.' 'Doubtest thou?' said
Kirkpatrick; 'I make sicker.' With these words, he and Lindsay rushed into
the church and despatched the wounded Comyn. See Note K to Scott's Lord
of the Isles, c. 1. st. 27, c. 2. st. 13.
2661. Biker, quarrel, altercation; also a skirmish, encounter.
2662. 'By him that I have (already) sworn by.' See l. 2642.
2666. Costrel, a flask, a kind of bottle. 'Costred, or costrelle, grete botelle,
Onopherum, aristophorum'; Prompt. Parv.; see Way's note. 'A Costrelle,
oneferum, &c., vbi a flakett'; Cath. Angl. p. 77; see Herrtage's note. See
costa, costarez, costarium, costrelli, in Ducange; and coste, costeret,
costerel, in Godefroy. In the Craven dialect, a costril is the little wooden
barrel carried by reapers.
2671. 'Lest that the time may seem long to him.' Ovid alludes to the narcotic
drink; Her. xiv. 42:—'quaeque tibi dederam uina, soporis erant.' Cf. Kn.
Tale, 614 (A 1472).
2676. The line is too short in most MSS. Unless sone be supplied from MS.
T., we shall have to scan the line by putting This (with a strong accent)
alone in the first foot. Cf. l. 2711, and slur over the o in Lino before and.
2680. Cf. Her. xiv. 44:—'Erigor, et capio tela tremente manu.'
2681. Accent Zephírus on the i. From Her. xiv. 39:—
2655. Y-sene, visible; an adj., not a pp. See l. 1394; and Prol. to Cant. Tales,
592.
2660. Siker, secure. The use of the word is precisely like that in the well-
known anecdote of Kirkpatrick of Closeburn. Meeting Bruce at the door of
the Greyfriars' Church in Dumfries, he asked what tidings. 'Bad tidings,'
answered Bruce, 'I doubt I have slain Comyn.' 'Doubtest thou?' said
Kirkpatrick; 'I make sicker.' With these words, he and Lindsay rushed into
the church and despatched the wounded Comyn. See Note K to Scott's Lord
of the Isles, c. 1. st. 27, c. 2. st. 13.
2661. Biker, quarrel, altercation; also a skirmish, encounter.
2662. 'By him that I have (already) sworn by.' See l. 2642.
2666. Costrel, a flask, a kind of bottle. 'Costred, or costrelle, grete botelle,
Onopherum, aristophorum'; Prompt. Parv.; see Way's note. 'A Costrelle,
oneferum, &c., vbi a flakett'; Cath. Angl. p. 77; see Herrtage's note. See
costa, costarez, costarium, costrelli, in Ducange; and coste, costeret,
costerel, in Godefroy. In the Craven dialect, a costril is the little wooden
barrel carried by reapers.
2671. 'Lest that the time may seem long to him.' Ovid alludes to the narcotic
drink; Her. xiv. 42:—'quaeque tibi dederam uina, soporis erant.' Cf. Kn.
Tale, 614 (A 1472).
2676. The line is too short in most MSS. Unless sone be supplied from MS.
T., we shall have to scan the line by putting This (with a strong accent)
alone in the first foot. Cf. l. 2711, and slur over the o in Lino before and.
2680. Cf. Her. xiv. 44:—'Erigor, et capio tela tremente manu.'
2681. Accent Zephírus on the i. From Her. xiv. 39:—
Page 540
'Utque leui Zephyro graciles
uibrantur aristae,
frigida populeas ut quatit aura
comas.'
2682. From Her. xiv. 34:—'Securumque quies alta per Argos erat.'
2683. 'Sanguis abit; mentemque calor corpusque reliquit'; Her. xiv. 37. And,
in the next line—'frigida facta.'
2686. 'Ter male sublato decidit ense manus'; 46.
2690. From Her. xiv. 55, &c.:—
'Femina sum et uirgo, natura mitis et
annis.
Non faciunt molles ad fera tela
manus....
Quid mihi cum ferro? Quo bellica
tela puellae?'
2696. And me beshende, and bring myself to ruin, and perish. I know of
only one other example of this rare word, viz. the example given by Murray
from Cursor Mundi, l. 14838, where the Trinity MS. has: 'Allas! nu has he
ȝu bischent'; alas! now has he ruined you. But it is a perfectly legitimate
compound from the M.E. shenden. All former editions give this line
wrongly; they omit me, and read 'and be shende,' explained by 'and be
destroyed.' Now, in the first place, this will not scan; and secondly, the idea
of adding a final e to the pp. beshend (more correctly beshent) is a
characteristic commentary on that ignorance of M.E. grammar which is
only too common. Yet the final e must needs be added, for ende (in l. 2697)
is essentially dissyllabic. Hence it follows, irresistibly, that shende is not a
past participle; and we are driven to see that beshende is the infinitive mood
of a compound verb.
uibrantur aristae,
frigida populeas ut quatit aura
comas.'
2682. From Her. xiv. 34:—'Securumque quies alta per Argos erat.'
2683. 'Sanguis abit; mentemque calor corpusque reliquit'; Her. xiv. 37. And,
in the next line—'frigida facta.'
2686. 'Ter male sublato decidit ense manus'; 46.
2690. From Her. xiv. 55, &c.:—
'Femina sum et uirgo, natura mitis et
annis.
Non faciunt molles ad fera tela
manus....
Quid mihi cum ferro? Quo bellica
tela puellae?'
2696. And me beshende, and bring myself to ruin, and perish. I know of
only one other example of this rare word, viz. the example given by Murray
from Cursor Mundi, l. 14838, where the Trinity MS. has: 'Allas! nu has he
ȝu bischent'; alas! now has he ruined you. But it is a perfectly legitimate
compound from the M.E. shenden. All former editions give this line
wrongly; they omit me, and read 'and be shende,' explained by 'and be
destroyed.' Now, in the first place, this will not scan; and secondly, the idea
of adding a final e to the pp. beshend (more correctly beshent) is a
characteristic commentary on that ignorance of M.E. grammar which is
only too common. Yet the final e must needs be added, for ende (in l. 2697)
is essentially dissyllabic. Hence it follows, irresistibly, that shende is not a
past participle; and we are driven to see that beshende is the infinitive mood
of a compound verb.
Page 541
2697. Nedes cost, by condition of necessity, i.e. necessarily; see Kn. Ta.,
619 (A 1477), and the note.
2700. Supply he before hath; cf. note to l. 2630.
2705. Goter, gutter, channel for water. This is an addition. The original
merely has (ll. 77, 78):—
619 (A 1477), and the note.
2700. Supply he before hath; cf. note to l. 2630.
2705. Goter, gutter, channel for water. This is an addition. The original
merely has (ll. 77, 78):—
Page 542
'Quaerenti caussam, "Dum nox sinit,
effuge," dixi;
"dum nox atra sinit, tu fugis, ipsa
moror."'
2708. Roggeth, shaketh. 'Roggyn, or mevyn, or scogghyn, rokkyn. Agito';
Prompt. Parv. See P. Plowman, B. xvi. 78; and ruggen in Stratmann. Cf.
Icel. rugga, to rock a cradle. Prof. Napier tells me that the A.S. roccan, to
rock, has been found in a gloss. Bell's edition has the singular and
unauthorised reading jeggeth (sic).
2709. The rest of the story seems to be Chaucer's addition. Ovid merely has
(ll. 83, 84):—
'Abstrahor a patriis pedibus;
raptamque capillis
(haec meruit pietas praemia)
carcer habet.'
2710. Doon him bote, given him assistance.
2715. 'Her cruel father caused her to be seized,' lit. caused (men) to seize
her.
2723. 'This tale is told for the following reason.' And here the MSS. break
off, in the middle of the sentence.
NOTES TO THE TREATISE ON THE
ASTROLABE.
The title 'Tractatus de Conclusionibus Astrolabii' is suggested by the
wording of the colophon on p. 223. But a better title is, simply, 'Tractatus de
effuge," dixi;
"dum nox atra sinit, tu fugis, ipsa
moror."'
2708. Roggeth, shaketh. 'Roggyn, or mevyn, or scogghyn, rokkyn. Agito';
Prompt. Parv. See P. Plowman, B. xvi. 78; and ruggen in Stratmann. Cf.
Icel. rugga, to rock a cradle. Prof. Napier tells me that the A.S. roccan, to
rock, has been found in a gloss. Bell's edition has the singular and
unauthorised reading jeggeth (sic).
2709. The rest of the story seems to be Chaucer's addition. Ovid merely has
(ll. 83, 84):—
'Abstrahor a patriis pedibus;
raptamque capillis
(haec meruit pietas praemia)
carcer habet.'
2710. Doon him bote, given him assistance.
2715. 'Her cruel father caused her to be seized,' lit. caused (men) to seize
her.
2723. 'This tale is told for the following reason.' And here the MSS. break
off, in the middle of the sentence.
NOTES TO THE TREATISE ON THE
ASTROLABE.
The title 'Tractatus de Conclusionibus Astrolabii' is suggested by the
wording of the colophon on p. 223. But a better title is, simply, 'Tractatus de
Page 543
Astrolabio,' or 'Treatise on the Astrolabe,' as the 'Conclusiones' only occupy
the Second Part of the work; see p. 188. Indeed MS. F. has 'Tractatus
Astrolabii'; see p. 233. MSS. B. and E. have the singular title—'Bred and
mylk for childeren.'
Prologue, l. 1. Lowis was at this time (1391) ten years old (see l. 18); he
was therefore born in 1381, whence it is possible that his mother was the
Cecilia de Chaumpaigne who, on May 1, 1380, released the poet from all
liability de raptu meo. This is, of course, a mere conjecture. Probably Lowis
died young, as nothing more is known concerning him.
5. philosofre; possibly Cicero. 'Haec igitur prima lex amicitiae sanciatur, ut
... amicorum causâ honesta faciamus'; Lælius, cap. xiii.
7. suffisaunt, sufficiently good. In the best instruments, the Almicanteras, or
circles of altitude, were drawn at distances of one degree only; in less-
carefully made instruments, they were drawn at distances of two degrees.
The one given to his son by Chaucer was one of the latter; see Part I, sect.
18, l. 8.
10. a certein, i.e. a certain number; but the word nombre need not be
repeated; cf. a certein holes, Pt. I. sect. 13, l. 2, and see the very expression
in the Milleres Tale, l. 7 (A 3193).
21. suffyse, let them suffice.
32. Repeated from Ho. Fame, 861-2, q.v.
62. 'Nicolaus de Lynna, i.e. of Lynn, in Norfolk, was a noted astrologer in
the reign of Edward III., and was himself a writer of a treatise on the
Astrolabe. See Bale—who mentions "Joannes Sombe" as the collaborateur
of Nicolaus—"Istos ob eruditionem multiplicem, non vulgaribus in suo
Astrolabio celebrat laudibus Galfridus Chaucer poeta lepidissimus;" Bale
(edit. 1548), p. 152.'—Note by Mr. Brae, p. 21 of his edition of the
Astrolabe.
the Second Part of the work; see p. 188. Indeed MS. F. has 'Tractatus
Astrolabii'; see p. 233. MSS. B. and E. have the singular title—'Bred and
mylk for childeren.'
Prologue, l. 1. Lowis was at this time (1391) ten years old (see l. 18); he
was therefore born in 1381, whence it is possible that his mother was the
Cecilia de Chaumpaigne who, on May 1, 1380, released the poet from all
liability de raptu meo. This is, of course, a mere conjecture. Probably Lowis
died young, as nothing more is known concerning him.
5. philosofre; possibly Cicero. 'Haec igitur prima lex amicitiae sanciatur, ut
... amicorum causâ honesta faciamus'; Lælius, cap. xiii.
7. suffisaunt, sufficiently good. In the best instruments, the Almicanteras, or
circles of altitude, were drawn at distances of one degree only; in less-
carefully made instruments, they were drawn at distances of two degrees.
The one given to his son by Chaucer was one of the latter; see Part I, sect.
18, l. 8.
10. a certein, i.e. a certain number; but the word nombre need not be
repeated; cf. a certein holes, Pt. I. sect. 13, l. 2, and see the very expression
in the Milleres Tale, l. 7 (A 3193).
21. suffyse, let them suffice.
32. Repeated from Ho. Fame, 861-2, q.v.
62. 'Nicolaus de Lynna, i.e. of Lynn, in Norfolk, was a noted astrologer in
the reign of Edward III., and was himself a writer of a treatise on the
Astrolabe. See Bale—who mentions "Joannes Sombe" as the collaborateur
of Nicolaus—"Istos ob eruditionem multiplicem, non vulgaribus in suo
Astrolabio celebrat laudibus Galfridus Chaucer poeta lepidissimus;" Bale
(edit. 1548), p. 152.'—Note by Mr. Brae, p. 21 of his edition of the
Astrolabe.
Page 544
Warton says that 'John Some and Nicholas Lynne' were both Carmelite
friars, and wrote calendars constructed for the meridian of Oxford. He adds
that Nicholas Lynne is said to have made several voyages to the most
northerly parts of the world, charts of which he presented to Edward III.
These charts are, however, lost. See Hakluyt's Voyages, i. 121, ed. 1598;
Warton, Hist. E. P. ii. 357; ed. 1871.
Tyrwhitt, in his Glossary to Chaucer, s.v. Somer, has the following. 'The
Kalendar of John Somer is extant in MS. Cotton, Vesp. E. vii. It is
calculated for 140 years from 1367, the year of the birth of Richard II., and
is said, in the introduction, to have been published in 1380, at the instance
of Joan, mother to the king. The Kalendar of Nicholas Lenne, or Lynne, was
calculated for 76 years from 1387. Tanner in v. Nicolans Linensis. The story
there quoted from Hakluit of a voyage made by this Nicholas in 1360 ad
insulas septentrionales antehac Europæis incognitas, and of a book written
by him to describe these countries a gradu .54. usque ad polum, is a mere
fable: as appears from the very authorities which Hakluit has produced in
support of it.' It seems probable, therefore, that the 'charts' which Warton
says are 'lost' were never in existence at all. The false spelling 'Some' no
doubt arose from neglecting the curl of contraction in Somere.
Part I. § 5, l. 5. the remenant, &c. i.e. the rest of this line (drawn, as I said,)
from the foresaid cross to the border. This appears awkward, and we should
have expected 'fro the forseide centre,' as Mr. Brae suggests; but there is no
authority for making the alteration. As the reading stands, we must put no
comma after 'this lyne,' but read right on without a pause.
8. principals. It it not unusual to find adjectives of French origin retaining s
in the plural; only they commonly follow their nouns when thus spelt. Cf.
lettres capitals, i. 16. 8; sterres fixes, i. 21. 4. On the other hand, we find
principal cercles, i. 17. 34.
§ 7. 4. noumbres of augrim; Arabic numerals. The degrees of the border are
said to contain 4 minutes of time, whilst the degrees of the signs are divided
into minutes and seconds of angular measurement, the degrees in each case
friars, and wrote calendars constructed for the meridian of Oxford. He adds
that Nicholas Lynne is said to have made several voyages to the most
northerly parts of the world, charts of which he presented to Edward III.
These charts are, however, lost. See Hakluyt's Voyages, i. 121, ed. 1598;
Warton, Hist. E. P. ii. 357; ed. 1871.
Tyrwhitt, in his Glossary to Chaucer, s.v. Somer, has the following. 'The
Kalendar of John Somer is extant in MS. Cotton, Vesp. E. vii. It is
calculated for 140 years from 1367, the year of the birth of Richard II., and
is said, in the introduction, to have been published in 1380, at the instance
of Joan, mother to the king. The Kalendar of Nicholas Lenne, or Lynne, was
calculated for 76 years from 1387. Tanner in v. Nicolans Linensis. The story
there quoted from Hakluit of a voyage made by this Nicholas in 1360 ad
insulas septentrionales antehac Europæis incognitas, and of a book written
by him to describe these countries a gradu .54. usque ad polum, is a mere
fable: as appears from the very authorities which Hakluit has produced in
support of it.' It seems probable, therefore, that the 'charts' which Warton
says are 'lost' were never in existence at all. The false spelling 'Some' no
doubt arose from neglecting the curl of contraction in Somere.
Part I. § 5, l. 5. the remenant, &c. i.e. the rest of this line (drawn, as I said,)
from the foresaid cross to the border. This appears awkward, and we should
have expected 'fro the forseide centre,' as Mr. Brae suggests; but there is no
authority for making the alteration. As the reading stands, we must put no
comma after 'this lyne,' but read right on without a pause.
8. principals. It it not unusual to find adjectives of French origin retaining s
in the plural; only they commonly follow their nouns when thus spelt. Cf.
lettres capitals, i. 16. 8; sterres fixes, i. 21. 4. On the other hand, we find
principal cercles, i. 17. 34.
§ 7. 4. noumbres of augrim; Arabic numerals. The degrees of the border are
said to contain 4 minutes of time, whilst the degrees of the signs are divided
into minutes and seconds of angular measurement, the degrees in each case
Page 545
being the same. There is no confusion in practice between these, because
the former are used in measuring time, the latter in measuring angles.
§ 8. 9. Alkabucius; i.e. (says Warton, Hist. E. P. ii. 357, ed. 1871) Abdilazi
Alchabitius, whose Introductiorium ad scientiam judicialem astronomæ was
printed in 1473, and afterwards. Mr. Brae quotes the very passage to which
Chaucer refers, which I here quote from the edition of 1482, as described in
my note to l. 119 of The Compleint of Mars (see vol. i. p. 500); viz.
'Unumquodque istorum signorum diuiditur in 30 partes equales, que gradus
vocantur. Et gradus diuiditur in 60 minuta; et minutum in 60 secunda; et
secundum in 60 tertia. Similiterque sequuntur quarta, scilicet et quinta,
ascendendo usque ad infinita'; Alchabitii Differentia Prima.
These minute subdivisions were never used; it was a mere affectation of
accuracy, the like of which was never attained.
§ 10. 5. in Arabiens, amongst the Arabians. But he goes on to speak only of
the Roman names of the months. Yet I may observe that in MS. Ii. 3. 3, at
fol. 97, the Arabian, Syrian, and Egyptian names of the months are given as
well as the Roman.
§ 16. 12. & every minut 60 secoundes; i.e. every minute contains 60
seconds. The sentence, in fact, merely comes to this. 'Every degree of the
border contains four minutes (of time), and every minute (of time) contains
sixty seconds (of time).' This is consistent and intelligible. Mr. Brae
proposes to read 'four seconds'; this would mean that 'every degree of the
border contains four minutes (of time), and every minute (of the border)
contains four seconds (of time).' Both statements are true; but, in the latter
case, Chaucer should have repeated the words 'of the bordure.' However
this may be, the proposed emendation lacks authority, although the reprint
of Speght changed 'lx' into 'fourtie,' which comes near to 'four.' But the
reprint of Speght is of no value at all. See Mr. Brae's preface, p. 4, for the
defence of his proposed emendation, which is entirely needless.
§ 17. 6. Ptholome. The St. John's MS. has ptolomeys almagest. 'Almagest, a
name given by the Arabs to the μεγάλη σύνταξις, or great collection, the
the former are used in measuring time, the latter in measuring angles.
§ 8. 9. Alkabucius; i.e. (says Warton, Hist. E. P. ii. 357, ed. 1871) Abdilazi
Alchabitius, whose Introductiorium ad scientiam judicialem astronomæ was
printed in 1473, and afterwards. Mr. Brae quotes the very passage to which
Chaucer refers, which I here quote from the edition of 1482, as described in
my note to l. 119 of The Compleint of Mars (see vol. i. p. 500); viz.
'Unumquodque istorum signorum diuiditur in 30 partes equales, que gradus
vocantur. Et gradus diuiditur in 60 minuta; et minutum in 60 secunda; et
secundum in 60 tertia. Similiterque sequuntur quarta, scilicet et quinta,
ascendendo usque ad infinita'; Alchabitii Differentia Prima.
These minute subdivisions were never used; it was a mere affectation of
accuracy, the like of which was never attained.
§ 10. 5. in Arabiens, amongst the Arabians. But he goes on to speak only of
the Roman names of the months. Yet I may observe that in MS. Ii. 3. 3, at
fol. 97, the Arabian, Syrian, and Egyptian names of the months are given as
well as the Roman.
§ 16. 12. & every minut 60 secoundes; i.e. every minute contains 60
seconds. The sentence, in fact, merely comes to this. 'Every degree of the
border contains four minutes (of time), and every minute (of time) contains
sixty seconds (of time).' This is consistent and intelligible. Mr. Brae
proposes to read 'four seconds'; this would mean that 'every degree of the
border contains four minutes (of time), and every minute (of the border)
contains four seconds (of time).' Both statements are true; but, in the latter
case, Chaucer should have repeated the words 'of the bordure.' However
this may be, the proposed emendation lacks authority, although the reprint
of Speght changed 'lx' into 'fourtie,' which comes near to 'four.' But the
reprint of Speght is of no value at all. See Mr. Brae's preface, p. 4, for the
defence of his proposed emendation, which is entirely needless.
§ 17. 6. Ptholome. The St. John's MS. has ptolomeys almagest. 'Almagest, a
name given by the Arabs to the μεγάλη σύνταξις, or great collection, the
Page 546
celebrated work of Ptolemy, the astronomer of Alexandria [floruit A.D. 140-
160]. It was translated into Arabic about the year A.D. 827, under the
patronage of the Caliph Al Mamun, by the Jew Alhazen ben Joseph, and the
Christian Sergius. The word is the Arabic article al prefixed to the Greek
megistus, "greatest," a name probably derived from the title of the work
itself, or, as we may judge from the superlative adjective, partly from the
estimation in which it was held.'—English Cyclopædia; Arts and Sciences,
i. 223. The Almagest 'was in thirteen books. Ptolemy wrote also four books
of judicial astrology. He was an Egyptian astrologist, and flourished under
Marcus Antoninus. He is mentioned in the Sompnour's Tale [D 2289], and
the Wif of Bathes Prologue, ll. 182, 324.'—Warton, Hist. E. P. ii. 356, ed.
1871. The word almagest occurs in the Milleres Tale, near the beginning (A
3208), and twice in the Wif of Bathes Prologue (D 183, 325).
Chaucer says the obliquity of the ecliptic, according to Ptolemy, was 23°
50′. The exact value, according to Ptolemy, was 23° 51′ 20″; Almagest, lib.
i. c. 13. But Chaucer did not care about the odd degree, and gives it nearly
enough. See note to ii. 25. 19.
8. tropos, a turning; Chaucer gives it the sense of agaynward, i.e. in a
returning direction.
14. The equinoctial was supposed to revolve, because it was the 'girdle' of
the primum mobile, and turned with it. See note below to l. 28.
14, 15. 'As I have shewed thee in the solid sphere.' This is interesting, as
shewing that Chaucer had already given his son some lessons on the
motions of the heavenly bodies, before writing this treatise.
27. angulus. We should rather have expected the word spera or sphera; cf.
'the sper solide' above, l. 15.
28. 'And observe, that this first moving (primus motus) is so called from the
first movable (primum mobile) of the eighth sphere, which moving or
motion is from East to West,' &c. There is an apparent confusion in this,
because the primum mobile was the ninth sphere (see Plate V, fig. 10); but it
160]. It was translated into Arabic about the year A.D. 827, under the
patronage of the Caliph Al Mamun, by the Jew Alhazen ben Joseph, and the
Christian Sergius. The word is the Arabic article al prefixed to the Greek
megistus, "greatest," a name probably derived from the title of the work
itself, or, as we may judge from the superlative adjective, partly from the
estimation in which it was held.'—English Cyclopædia; Arts and Sciences,
i. 223. The Almagest 'was in thirteen books. Ptolemy wrote also four books
of judicial astrology. He was an Egyptian astrologist, and flourished under
Marcus Antoninus. He is mentioned in the Sompnour's Tale [D 2289], and
the Wif of Bathes Prologue, ll. 182, 324.'—Warton, Hist. E. P. ii. 356, ed.
1871. The word almagest occurs in the Milleres Tale, near the beginning (A
3208), and twice in the Wif of Bathes Prologue (D 183, 325).
Chaucer says the obliquity of the ecliptic, according to Ptolemy, was 23°
50′. The exact value, according to Ptolemy, was 23° 51′ 20″; Almagest, lib.
i. c. 13. But Chaucer did not care about the odd degree, and gives it nearly
enough. See note to ii. 25. 19.
8. tropos, a turning; Chaucer gives it the sense of agaynward, i.e. in a
returning direction.
14. The equinoctial was supposed to revolve, because it was the 'girdle' of
the primum mobile, and turned with it. See note below to l. 28.
14, 15. 'As I have shewed thee in the solid sphere.' This is interesting, as
shewing that Chaucer had already given his son some lessons on the
motions of the heavenly bodies, before writing this treatise.
27. angulus. We should rather have expected the word spera or sphera; cf.
'the sper solide' above, l. 15.
28. 'And observe, that this first moving (primus motus) is so called from the
first movable (primum mobile) of the eighth sphere, which moving or
motion is from East to West,' &c. There is an apparent confusion in this,
because the primum mobile was the ninth sphere (see Plate V, fig. 10); but it
Page 547
may be called the movable of the eighth, as giving motion to it. An attempt
was made to explain the movements of the heavenly bodies by imagining
the earth to be in the centre, surrounded by a series of concentric spheres, or
rather shells, like the coats of an onion. Of these the seven innermost, all
revolving with different velocities, each carried with it a planet. Beyond
these was an eighth sphere, which was at first supposed to be divided into
two parts, the inner part being the firmamentum, and the outer part the
primum mobile; hence the primum mobile might have been called 'the first
moving of the eighth sphere,' as accounting for the more important part of
the motion of the said sphere. It is simpler, however, to make these distinct,
in which case the eighth sphere is firmamentum or sphæra stellarum
fixarum, which was supposed to have a very slow motion from West to East
round the poles of the zodiac to account for the precession of the equinoxes,
whilst the ninth sphere, or primum mobile, whirled round from East to West
once in 24 hours, carrying all the inner spheres with it, by which means the
ancients accounted for the diurnal revolution. This ninth sphere had for its
poles the north and south poles of the heavens, and its 'girdle' (or great
circle equidistant from the poles) was the equator itself. Hence the equator
is here called the 'girdle of the first moving.' As the planetary spheres
revolved in an opposite direction, thus accounting for the forward motion of
the sun and planets in the ecliptic or near it, the primum mobile was
considered to revolve in a backward or unnatural direction, and hence
Chaucer's apostrophe to it (Man of Lawes Tale, B 295):—
'O firste moevyng cruel firmament,
With thy diurnal sweigh that
crowdest ay
And hurlest all from Est til
Occident,
That naturelly wolde holde another
way.'
That is—'O thou primum mobile, thou cruel firmament, that with thy
diurnal revolution (or revolution once in 24 hours round the axis of the
equator) continually forcest along and whirlest all the celestial bodies from
East to West, which naturally would wish to follow the course of the sun in
the zodiac from West to East.' This is well illustrated by a sidenote in the
was made to explain the movements of the heavenly bodies by imagining
the earth to be in the centre, surrounded by a series of concentric spheres, or
rather shells, like the coats of an onion. Of these the seven innermost, all
revolving with different velocities, each carried with it a planet. Beyond
these was an eighth sphere, which was at first supposed to be divided into
two parts, the inner part being the firmamentum, and the outer part the
primum mobile; hence the primum mobile might have been called 'the first
moving of the eighth sphere,' as accounting for the more important part of
the motion of the said sphere. It is simpler, however, to make these distinct,
in which case the eighth sphere is firmamentum or sphæra stellarum
fixarum, which was supposed to have a very slow motion from West to East
round the poles of the zodiac to account for the precession of the equinoxes,
whilst the ninth sphere, or primum mobile, whirled round from East to West
once in 24 hours, carrying all the inner spheres with it, by which means the
ancients accounted for the diurnal revolution. This ninth sphere had for its
poles the north and south poles of the heavens, and its 'girdle' (or great
circle equidistant from the poles) was the equator itself. Hence the equator
is here called the 'girdle of the first moving.' As the planetary spheres
revolved in an opposite direction, thus accounting for the forward motion of
the sun and planets in the ecliptic or near it, the primum mobile was
considered to revolve in a backward or unnatural direction, and hence
Chaucer's apostrophe to it (Man of Lawes Tale, B 295):—
'O firste moevyng cruel firmament,
With thy diurnal sweigh that
crowdest ay
And hurlest all from Est til
Occident,
That naturelly wolde holde another
way.'
That is—'O thou primum mobile, thou cruel firmament, that with thy
diurnal revolution (or revolution once in 24 hours round the axis of the
equator) continually forcest along and whirlest all the celestial bodies from
East to West, which naturally would wish to follow the course of the sun in
the zodiac from West to East.' This is well illustrated by a sidenote in the
Page 548
Ellesmere MS. to the passage in question, to this effect:—'Vnde
Ptholomeus, libro i. cap. 8. Primi motus celi duo sunt, quorum vnus est qui
mouet totum semper ab Oriente in Occidentem vno modo super orbes, &c.
Item aliter vero motus est qui mouet orbem stellarum currencium contra
motum primum, videlicet, ab Occidente in Orientum super alios duos
polos[72].' That is, the two chief motions are that of the primum mobile,
which carries everything round from East to West, and that of the fixed
stars, which is a slow motion from West to East round the axis of the
zodiac, to account for precession. This exactly explains the well-known
passage in the Frankeleines Tale (C. T., F 1280):—
'And by his eighte spere in his
werking,
He knew ful wel how fer Alnath
was shove
Fro the heed of thilke fixe Aries
above
That in the ninthe spere considered
is.'
Here the eight spheres are the eight inner spheres which revolve round the
axis of the zodiac in an easterly direction, whilst the ninth sphere, or
primum mobile, contained both the theoretical or fixed first point of Aries
from which measurements were made, and also the signs of the zodiac as
distinct from the constellations. But Alnath, being an actual star, viz, α
Arietis[73], was in the eighth sphere; and the distance between its position
and that of the first point of Aries at any time afforded a measure of the
amount of precession. Mr. Brae rightly remarks that Tyrwhitt's readings in
this passage are correct (except that eighte speres should be eightespere),
and those of Mr. Wright and Dr. Morris (from the Harleian MS.) are
incorrect.
It may be as well to add that a later refinement was to insert a crystalline
sphere, to account for the precession; so that the order stood thus: seven
spheres of planets; the eighth, of fixed stars; the ninth, or crystalline; the
tenth, or primum mobile; and, beyond these, an empyræan or theological
Ptholomeus, libro i. cap. 8. Primi motus celi duo sunt, quorum vnus est qui
mouet totum semper ab Oriente in Occidentem vno modo super orbes, &c.
Item aliter vero motus est qui mouet orbem stellarum currencium contra
motum primum, videlicet, ab Occidente in Orientum super alios duos
polos[72].' That is, the two chief motions are that of the primum mobile,
which carries everything round from East to West, and that of the fixed
stars, which is a slow motion from West to East round the axis of the
zodiac, to account for precession. This exactly explains the well-known
passage in the Frankeleines Tale (C. T., F 1280):—
'And by his eighte spere in his
werking,
He knew ful wel how fer Alnath
was shove
Fro the heed of thilke fixe Aries
above
That in the ninthe spere considered
is.'
Here the eight spheres are the eight inner spheres which revolve round the
axis of the zodiac in an easterly direction, whilst the ninth sphere, or
primum mobile, contained both the theoretical or fixed first point of Aries
from which measurements were made, and also the signs of the zodiac as
distinct from the constellations. But Alnath, being an actual star, viz, α
Arietis[73], was in the eighth sphere; and the distance between its position
and that of the first point of Aries at any time afforded a measure of the
amount of precession. Mr. Brae rightly remarks that Tyrwhitt's readings in
this passage are correct (except that eighte speres should be eightespere),
and those of Mr. Wright and Dr. Morris (from the Harleian MS.) are
incorrect.
It may be as well to add that a later refinement was to insert a crystalline
sphere, to account for the precession; so that the order stood thus: seven
spheres of planets; the eighth, of fixed stars; the ninth, or crystalline; the
tenth, or primum mobile; and, beyond these, an empyræan or theological
Page 549
heaven, so to speak, due to no astronomical wants, but used to express the
place of residence of celestial beings[74]. Hence the passage in Milton, P. L.
iii. 481:—
'They pass the planets seven, and
pass the fix'd,
And that crystalline sphere whose
balance weighs
The trepidation talk'd, and that first
mov'd.'
i.e. They pass the seven planetary spheres; then the sphere of fixed stars;
then the crystalline or transparent one, whose swaying motion or libration
measures the amount of the precession and nutation so often talked of; and
then, the sphere of the primum mobile itself. But Milton clearly himself
believed in the Copernican system; see Paradise Lost, viii. 121-140, where
the primum mobile is described in the lines—
'that swift
Nocturnal and diurnal rhomb
supposed,
Invisible else above all stars, the
wheel
Of day and night.'
§ 18. 8. compowned by 2 & 2. This means that in the best astrolabes, every
almicantarath for every degree of latitude was marked; as may be seen in
Metius. In others, including the one given by Chaucer to his son, they were
marked only for every other degree. See Part II. sect. 5, l. 2.
§ 19. 7. cenith, as here used, has a totally different meaning from that of
senith, in l. 1 above. The senith in l. 1 is what we still call the zenith; but the
cenith in l. 7 means the point of the horizon denoting the sun's place in
azimuth. Contrary to what one might expect, the latter is the true original
meaning, as the word zenith is corrupted from the root of the word which
we now spell azimuth. The Arabic as-sant is a way or path; al-samt, a point
place of residence of celestial beings[74]. Hence the passage in Milton, P. L.
iii. 481:—
'They pass the planets seven, and
pass the fix'd,
And that crystalline sphere whose
balance weighs
The trepidation talk'd, and that first
mov'd.'
i.e. They pass the seven planetary spheres; then the sphere of fixed stars;
then the crystalline or transparent one, whose swaying motion or libration
measures the amount of the precession and nutation so often talked of; and
then, the sphere of the primum mobile itself. But Milton clearly himself
believed in the Copernican system; see Paradise Lost, viii. 121-140, where
the primum mobile is described in the lines—
'that swift
Nocturnal and diurnal rhomb
supposed,
Invisible else above all stars, the
wheel
Of day and night.'
§ 18. 8. compowned by 2 & 2. This means that in the best astrolabes, every
almicantarath for every degree of latitude was marked; as may be seen in
Metius. In others, including the one given by Chaucer to his son, they were
marked only for every other degree. See Part II. sect. 5, l. 2.
§ 19. 7. cenith, as here used, has a totally different meaning from that of
senith, in l. 1 above. The senith in l. 1 is what we still call the zenith; but the
cenith in l. 7 means the point of the horizon denoting the sun's place in
azimuth. Contrary to what one might expect, the latter is the true original
meaning, as the word zenith is corrupted from the root of the word which
we now spell azimuth. The Arabic as-sant is a way or path; al-samt, a point
Page 550
of the horizon, and, secondly, an azimuthal circle. The plural of al-samt is
assumūt, whence azimuth. But zenith is a corruption of semt, from samt al-
rās, the Arabic name of the vertex of heaven (rās meaning a head); and the
qualifying al-rās, the most important part of the phrase, has been
improperly dropped. So far from the reading cenith being wrong here, it is
most entirely right, and may be found (better spelt cenit) in the same sense
in Messahala. See p. 213, second footnote. For cenith, some late copies
have signet, evidently taken from the Latin word signum. They make the
same mistake even in l. 12 of section 18.
§ 21. 4. sterres fixes, fixed stars; here the s again appears in a plural
adjective of French derivation; see note above, to § 5. 8. In MSS. Ii. 3. 3
and Ii. 1. 13 in the Cambridge University Library, is an interesting list of the
49 stars most usually placed upon the Astrolabe. The stars which are
represented by the points of the tongues in Fig. 2 are the same as those in
the diagram from which Fig. 2 is copied, the original of which is in MS. A.
I have slightly altered the positions of the points of the tongues, to make
them somewhat more correct. The following is the list of the stars there
shewn; most of their names are written in the MS. Cf. footnote on p. 186.
Within the Zodiac. In Aries, Mirach, or β Andromedæ, shewn by a short
tongue above Aries; in Taurus, Algol, or β Persei, as marked; in Libra, Aliot
or Alioth, i.e. ε Ursæ Majoris (the third horse, next the cart, in Charles's
Wain), as marked; also Alramech, Arcturus, or α Boötis, shewn by the
tongue projecting above Libra; in Scorpio, Alpheta, Alphecca, or α Coronæ
Borealis, as marked; in Sagittarius, Raz Alhagus, or α Ophiuchi, near
Alpheta; in Capricornus, Altair or α Aquilæ and Vega or α Lyræ, as marked,
whilst near Vega is the unmarked Arided, or α Cygni; and in Pisces, Markab
or α Pegasi.
Without the Zodiac. In Aries, under Oriens, the slight projection marks β
Ceti or Deneb Kaitos, the Whale's Tail, and the next curiously shaped
projection (with side-tongues probably referring to other stars) means
Batnkaitos, the Whale's Belly, apparently ζ Ceti; next come the long tongue
for Menkar or α Ceti, the Whale's Nose; the star Aldebaran or Bull's Eye, α
Tauri; Rigel or β Orionis, Orion's Foot; Alhabor or Sirius, the Dog-star,
assumūt, whence azimuth. But zenith is a corruption of semt, from samt al-
rās, the Arabic name of the vertex of heaven (rās meaning a head); and the
qualifying al-rās, the most important part of the phrase, has been
improperly dropped. So far from the reading cenith being wrong here, it is
most entirely right, and may be found (better spelt cenit) in the same sense
in Messahala. See p. 213, second footnote. For cenith, some late copies
have signet, evidently taken from the Latin word signum. They make the
same mistake even in l. 12 of section 18.
§ 21. 4. sterres fixes, fixed stars; here the s again appears in a plural
adjective of French derivation; see note above, to § 5. 8. In MSS. Ii. 3. 3
and Ii. 1. 13 in the Cambridge University Library, is an interesting list of the
49 stars most usually placed upon the Astrolabe. The stars which are
represented by the points of the tongues in Fig. 2 are the same as those in
the diagram from which Fig. 2 is copied, the original of which is in MS. A.
I have slightly altered the positions of the points of the tongues, to make
them somewhat more correct. The following is the list of the stars there
shewn; most of their names are written in the MS. Cf. footnote on p. 186.
Within the Zodiac. In Aries, Mirach, or β Andromedæ, shewn by a short
tongue above Aries; in Taurus, Algol, or β Persei, as marked; in Libra, Aliot
or Alioth, i.e. ε Ursæ Majoris (the third horse, next the cart, in Charles's
Wain), as marked; also Alramech, Arcturus, or α Boötis, shewn by the
tongue projecting above Libra; in Scorpio, Alpheta, Alphecca, or α Coronæ
Borealis, as marked; in Sagittarius, Raz Alhagus, or α Ophiuchi, near
Alpheta; in Capricornus, Altair or α Aquilæ and Vega or α Lyræ, as marked,
whilst near Vega is the unmarked Arided, or α Cygni; and in Pisces, Markab
or α Pegasi.
Without the Zodiac. In Aries, under Oriens, the slight projection marks β
Ceti or Deneb Kaitos, the Whale's Tail, and the next curiously shaped
projection (with side-tongues probably referring to other stars) means
Batnkaitos, the Whale's Belly, apparently ζ Ceti; next come the long tongue
for Menkar or α Ceti, the Whale's Nose; the star Aldebaran or Bull's Eye, α
Tauri; Rigel or β Orionis, Orion's Foot; Alhabor or Sirius, the Dog-star,
Page 551
marked by a rude drawing of a dog's head, the star itself being at the tip of
his tongue; then Algomeisa, Procyon, or α Canis Minoris, marked by a
tongue pointing to the left, whilst the long broad tongue pointing upwards is
Regulus, Kalbalased, or α Leonis; the small tongue above the letter I in the
border is Alphard or Cor Hydræ. Above Occidens, in Libra, the first tongue
is Algorab or δ Corvi, and the next Spica Virginis or Azimech; close to the
8th degree of Scorpio is α Libræ, and close to the beginning of Sagittarius is
a small head, denoting the Scorpion, at the tip of the tongue of which is the
bright Kalbalacrab or Antares. The last, a projection below the letter X, is
Deneb Algebi or the Goat's Tail, i.e. δ Capricorni.
7. That is, the little point at the end of each tongue of metal is technically
called the 'centre' of the star, and denotes its exact position.
9. The stars of the North are those to the North of the zodiac, not of the
equator.
12. Aldeberan, &c.; the stars Aldebaran (α Tauri) and Algomeisa (α Canis
Minoris) are called stars of the south, because they are to the south of the
ecliptic; but as they are meanwhile (see Fig. 2) also to the north of the
equator, they of course rise to the N. of the Eastern point of the horizon.
The longitude of stars was always measured along the ecliptic, which is
denoted in Fig. 2 by the outermost circle of the metal ring on which the
names of the signs are written.
In one of the tracts in MS. G (dated A.D. 1486), p. 30, we find 'Aldebaran, in
the first gre of geminis (sic), of the nature of Mars and Venus'; and
'Algomeisa, canis minor, in the xvij gre of Cancer, of the nature of Mars
and Mercury.'
29. Amiddes, &c. Observe that the Ecliptic line in the midst of the celestial
zodiac, a belt 12° broad, is on the outer edge of the zodiac as shewn in the
astrolabe, which is only 6° broad and shews only the northern half of that
belt. The 'way of the sun' is elsewhere used of the sun's apparent diurnal
path (see Part ii. sect. 30); but it here refers, as is more usual, to the annual
path.
his tongue; then Algomeisa, Procyon, or α Canis Minoris, marked by a
tongue pointing to the left, whilst the long broad tongue pointing upwards is
Regulus, Kalbalased, or α Leonis; the small tongue above the letter I in the
border is Alphard or Cor Hydræ. Above Occidens, in Libra, the first tongue
is Algorab or δ Corvi, and the next Spica Virginis or Azimech; close to the
8th degree of Scorpio is α Libræ, and close to the beginning of Sagittarius is
a small head, denoting the Scorpion, at the tip of the tongue of which is the
bright Kalbalacrab or Antares. The last, a projection below the letter X, is
Deneb Algebi or the Goat's Tail, i.e. δ Capricorni.
7. That is, the little point at the end of each tongue of metal is technically
called the 'centre' of the star, and denotes its exact position.
9. The stars of the North are those to the North of the zodiac, not of the
equator.
12. Aldeberan, &c.; the stars Aldebaran (α Tauri) and Algomeisa (α Canis
Minoris) are called stars of the south, because they are to the south of the
ecliptic; but as they are meanwhile (see Fig. 2) also to the north of the
equator, they of course rise to the N. of the Eastern point of the horizon.
The longitude of stars was always measured along the ecliptic, which is
denoted in Fig. 2 by the outermost circle of the metal ring on which the
names of the signs are written.
In one of the tracts in MS. G (dated A.D. 1486), p. 30, we find 'Aldebaran, in
the first gre of geminis (sic), of the nature of Mars and Venus'; and
'Algomeisa, canis minor, in the xvij gre of Cancer, of the nature of Mars
and Mercury.'
29. Amiddes, &c. Observe that the Ecliptic line in the midst of the celestial
zodiac, a belt 12° broad, is on the outer edge of the zodiac as shewn in the
astrolabe, which is only 6° broad and shews only the northern half of that
belt. The 'way of the sun' is elsewhere used of the sun's apparent diurnal
path (see Part ii. sect. 30); but it here refers, as is more usual, to the annual
path.
Page 552
34. streitnes, narrowness, closeness, smallness of size. In Fig. 2, I have
marked every degree in the southern half of the zodiac, but only every fifth
degree in the northern, in order to avoid an appearance of crowding in so
small a figure. In Chaucer's own Astrolabe, every other degree was marked
all round.
40. Here Chaucer gives at least three reasons for the name of 'zodiac.' The
true one is the second, 'for that the sterres that ben there fixed ben disposed
in signes of bestes, or shape like bestes.' But these imaginary shapes are
very absurd and arbitrary.
50. Not only the influences here assigned to the signs, but others due to
planets, may be found in 'Porphyrii Philosophi introductio in Claudii
Ptolomæi opus de affectibus astrorum,' fol. Basileæ, n.d. p. 198. I here add
a few extracts from the MS. in Trinity College, Cambridge (marked R. 15.
18), to shew the nature of the old astrology. I choose them with especial
reference to Aries. The other signs are spoken of in a similar manner. 'It is
principally to be considered that the signes of hevyn haue theire strenght
and propre significacioun vpon the membris of eny man; as, Aries hath
respect to the hed, taurus to the neck, geminis (sic) the Armys, Cancer the
brest, leo the hert, virgo the bowels, &c.; as it shall shew in the Chapiters
folowyng. Secundarily it is to be noted that plotholomee (sic) saith, that to
touche with instrument of yroun while the mone is in the signe of the same
membre, is for to be dred; let the surgen beware, and the letter of blode, let
hym be aferd to touche that membre with yrene, in the which the mone shal
be.'—MS. G; Trad C. p. 12.
'Thenne Aries hath respect to the hed; And this signe is hote and dry, fiery
& colerik. Saturne hath ij witnes in Ariete, a triplicitate and a terme. Jubiter
also hath ij, a triplicitate and a terme. Mars hath iij testimonials or iij
fortitudis in Ariete, A hows, A face, and A terme. The sonne hath iij
fortitudis in Ariete, scilicet, an exaltacioun, a triplicite, and a face. Venus
hath ij testimonials, A terme and a face. Mercury hath one testymony, that is
to sey, a terme. And luna in Ariete hath no testimoniall. For the which it is
to know, that the influens of the planetis may be fortyfied v maner of
wayes. And these v maner be called v fortitudis of planetis, or testimonials,
marked every degree in the southern half of the zodiac, but only every fifth
degree in the northern, in order to avoid an appearance of crowding in so
small a figure. In Chaucer's own Astrolabe, every other degree was marked
all round.
40. Here Chaucer gives at least three reasons for the name of 'zodiac.' The
true one is the second, 'for that the sterres that ben there fixed ben disposed
in signes of bestes, or shape like bestes.' But these imaginary shapes are
very absurd and arbitrary.
50. Not only the influences here assigned to the signs, but others due to
planets, may be found in 'Porphyrii Philosophi introductio in Claudii
Ptolomæi opus de affectibus astrorum,' fol. Basileæ, n.d. p. 198. I here add
a few extracts from the MS. in Trinity College, Cambridge (marked R. 15.
18), to shew the nature of the old astrology. I choose them with especial
reference to Aries. The other signs are spoken of in a similar manner. 'It is
principally to be considered that the signes of hevyn haue theire strenght
and propre significacioun vpon the membris of eny man; as, Aries hath
respect to the hed, taurus to the neck, geminis (sic) the Armys, Cancer the
brest, leo the hert, virgo the bowels, &c.; as it shall shew in the Chapiters
folowyng. Secundarily it is to be noted that plotholomee (sic) saith, that to
touche with instrument of yroun while the mone is in the signe of the same
membre, is for to be dred; let the surgen beware, and the letter of blode, let
hym be aferd to touche that membre with yrene, in the which the mone shal
be.'—MS. G; Trad C. p. 12.
'Thenne Aries hath respect to the hed; And this signe is hote and dry, fiery
& colerik. Saturne hath ij witnes in Ariete, a triplicitate and a terme. Jubiter
also hath ij, a triplicitate and a terme. Mars hath iij testimonials or iij
fortitudis in Ariete, A hows, A face, and A terme. The sonne hath iij
fortitudis in Ariete, scilicet, an exaltacioun, a triplicite, and a face. Venus
hath ij testimonials, A terme and a face. Mercury hath one testymony, that is
to sey, a terme. And luna in Ariete hath no testimoniall. For the which it is
to know, that the influens of the planetis may be fortyfied v maner of
wayes. And these v maner be called v fortitudis of planetis, or testimonials,
Page 553
which be these: domus, exaltacio, triplicitas, terminus, and facies. Domus
gevith to a planet v fortitudis; And a planet in his hows is lyke a kynge in
his hall, And in the high trone of his glorie. A planet in his exaltacioun is
lyke a kynge when he is crowned. A planet in his triplicite is like a kynge in
honour, Amonge his sencible people. A planet in his terme is As a mann
amonges his kynnesmenn And fryndis. Facies gyvith to a planet that thyng
the which rowme gyvith to a maistre. Wherfore facies gyvith only on
fortitude, Terminus ij, Triplicitas iij, Exaltacio iiij, And domus v. And for
the more clere declaracioun, the dignytes of planetis in signes be
comprehendid in this figure ensuynge, &c.[75]'—Same MS., Tract C. p. 13.
'The dygnytes of planetis in the signes, most speciall they be to be noted in
iudicials. When the mone is in Ariete, it is not gode, but vtterly to be
exshewed, both for seke And disesid, for to shafe theire hede or to boist in
the eris or in the nek; nor loke þou let no blode in the vayn of the hede.
How-be-it, benyficiall it is to begynne euery worke that þou woldest bryng
aboute sone. But that thynge that is stabill ought to be eschewed. In this
signe it is necessary to dele with noble estatis And rich men, And for to go
in-to A bayne [bath][76].'—Same MS., Tract C. p. 14.
54, 5. See Prologue, l. 73. As the zodiak is here called a part of the eighth
sphere, so we have been before told that the equinoctial is the girdle of the
ninth sphere; see note above to sect 17. l. 28.
57. evene parties, equal parts. That is, the equinoctial bisects the zodiac.
But the northern half looks much smaller than the southern on the
Astrolabe, owing to the manner in which the zodiac is there represented,
viz. by projection on the plane of the equator.
Part II. § 1. Rubric, hir cours. The gender of the sun was feminine in
Anglo-Saxon, and that of the moon masculine; but in Chaucer's time, the
gender was very variable, owing to the influence of Latin and French.
§ 3. Between sections 2 and 3, a section is inserted in the late copies, which
merely repeats section 1, and is clearly spurious. It does not appear at all in
gevith to a planet v fortitudis; And a planet in his hows is lyke a kynge in
his hall, And in the high trone of his glorie. A planet in his exaltacioun is
lyke a kynge when he is crowned. A planet in his triplicite is like a kynge in
honour, Amonge his sencible people. A planet in his terme is As a mann
amonges his kynnesmenn And fryndis. Facies gyvith to a planet that thyng
the which rowme gyvith to a maistre. Wherfore facies gyvith only on
fortitude, Terminus ij, Triplicitas iij, Exaltacio iiij, And domus v. And for
the more clere declaracioun, the dignytes of planetis in signes be
comprehendid in this figure ensuynge, &c.[75]'—Same MS., Tract C. p. 13.
'The dygnytes of planetis in the signes, most speciall they be to be noted in
iudicials. When the mone is in Ariete, it is not gode, but vtterly to be
exshewed, both for seke And disesid, for to shafe theire hede or to boist in
the eris or in the nek; nor loke þou let no blode in the vayn of the hede.
How-be-it, benyficiall it is to begynne euery worke that þou woldest bryng
aboute sone. But that thynge that is stabill ought to be eschewed. In this
signe it is necessary to dele with noble estatis And rich men, And for to go
in-to A bayne [bath][76].'—Same MS., Tract C. p. 14.
54, 5. See Prologue, l. 73. As the zodiak is here called a part of the eighth
sphere, so we have been before told that the equinoctial is the girdle of the
ninth sphere; see note above to sect 17. l. 28.
57. evene parties, equal parts. That is, the equinoctial bisects the zodiac.
But the northern half looks much smaller than the southern on the
Astrolabe, owing to the manner in which the zodiac is there represented,
viz. by projection on the plane of the equator.
Part II. § 1. Rubric, hir cours. The gender of the sun was feminine in
Anglo-Saxon, and that of the moon masculine; but in Chaucer's time, the
gender was very variable, owing to the influence of Latin and French.
§ 3. Between sections 2 and 3, a section is inserted in the late copies, which
merely repeats section 1, and is clearly spurious. It does not appear at all in
Page 554
the best MSS.; though it is found in the black-letter editions. I quote it here
from MS. L.
'To knowe the degre of thyn sonne in thyn zodiak by the days in the
baksyde off the Astrolabye.
'[T]hanne iff þou wylte wete thatt / rekyn & knowe / qwych is the day off
the monyth thatt thow arte ynne, & ley thy rewle of thy astrolabye, that is to
sey, the allydatha, vpon þe day in the kalendre off the Astrolabye, & he
schall schewe the thy degree of the sonne.'
26, 7. After 'assendent,' the following additional paragraph occurs in MS.
Bodley 619; fol. 21. It is worthy of notice, because the original of it appears
in Messahala's treatise, with the title 'De noticia stellarum incognitarum
positarum in astrolabio.' The paragraph runs thus:—
'Nota. þat by þis conclusion þou may knowe also where ben at þat same
tyme alle oþir sterres fixed þat ben sette in thin Astrelabie, and in what
place of þe firmament; And also her arising in thy orizonte, and how longe
þat thei wol ben aboue þe erthe wiþ þe Arke of þe nyght / And loke
euermore hov many degrees þou fynde eny sterre at þat tyme sitting vpon
þin Almycanteras, and vp-on as many degrees sette þou þe reule vpon þe
altitude in þe bordere; And by the mediacioun of þy eye through þe .2.
smale holes shalt thou se þe same sterre by the same altitude aforseid, And
so by this conclusioun may þou redely knowe whiche is oo sterre from a-
noþer in the firmament / for as many as ben in the Astrelabie. For by þat
same altitude shal thou se that same sterre, & non othir / for þere ne wolle
non othir altitude accorde þerto.'
30. Alhabor; i.e. Sirius or the Dog-star, as is evident from the fact of its
being represented by a dog's head on the Astrolabe; see also the table of
stars marked on the Astrolabe (in MS. Camb. Univ. Lib. li. 3. 3, fol. 70,
back), which gives the declination 15° S, the latitude 39° S, and places the
star in Cancer. It is also plainly described in the same table as being 'in ore
canis', so that it is difficult to resist the conclusion of the identity of Alhabor
and Sirius. Mr. Brae, following later copies that have different readings of
from MS. L.
'To knowe the degre of thyn sonne in thyn zodiak by the days in the
baksyde off the Astrolabye.
'[T]hanne iff þou wylte wete thatt / rekyn & knowe / qwych is the day off
the monyth thatt thow arte ynne, & ley thy rewle of thy astrolabye, that is to
sey, the allydatha, vpon þe day in the kalendre off the Astrolabye, & he
schall schewe the thy degree of the sonne.'
26, 7. After 'assendent,' the following additional paragraph occurs in MS.
Bodley 619; fol. 21. It is worthy of notice, because the original of it appears
in Messahala's treatise, with the title 'De noticia stellarum incognitarum
positarum in astrolabio.' The paragraph runs thus:—
'Nota. þat by þis conclusion þou may knowe also where ben at þat same
tyme alle oþir sterres fixed þat ben sette in thin Astrelabie, and in what
place of þe firmament; And also her arising in thy orizonte, and how longe
þat thei wol ben aboue þe erthe wiþ þe Arke of þe nyght / And loke
euermore hov many degrees þou fynde eny sterre at þat tyme sitting vpon
þin Almycanteras, and vp-on as many degrees sette þou þe reule vpon þe
altitude in þe bordere; And by the mediacioun of þy eye through þe .2.
smale holes shalt thou se þe same sterre by the same altitude aforseid, And
so by this conclusioun may þou redely knowe whiche is oo sterre from a-
noþer in the firmament / for as many as ben in the Astrelabie. For by þat
same altitude shal thou se that same sterre, & non othir / for þere ne wolle
non othir altitude accorde þerto.'
30. Alhabor; i.e. Sirius or the Dog-star, as is evident from the fact of its
being represented by a dog's head on the Astrolabe; see also the table of
stars marked on the Astrolabe (in MS. Camb. Univ. Lib. li. 3. 3, fol. 70,
back), which gives the declination 15° S, the latitude 39° S, and places the
star in Cancer. It is also plainly described in the same table as being 'in ore
canis', so that it is difficult to resist the conclusion of the identity of Alhabor
and Sirius. Mr. Brae, following later copies that have different readings of
Page 555
the numbers employed, identifies Alhabor with Rigel or β Orionis. This is
impossible, from the fact that Rigel and Alhabor both occur in the diagrams
and tables; see, for instance, Fig. 2. It is true that Rigel was sometimes
called Algebar, but Alhabor stands rather for the Arabic Al-’abūr. The
Arabic name for the constellation Canis Major was Al-kalb al-akbar,
'greater dog,' as distinguished from Al-kalb al-asghar, or 'lesser dog'; and
the star α Canis Majoris was called Al-shi’ra al-’abūr, the former of which
terms represented the Greek σείριος (Sirius), whilst from the latter
(al-’abūr) we have our Alhabor. See Ideler, Über den Ursprung und die
Bedeutung der Sternnamen, pp. 237, 256.
§ 4. 'The houses [in astrology] have different powers. The strongest of all
these is the first, which contains the part of the heaven about to rise: this is
called the ascendant; and the point of the ecliptic which is just rising is
called the horoscope.'—English Encyclopædia; art. Astrology.
21. In the English Cyclopædia, art. Astrology, a quotation is given from an
astrological work, in reply to the question whether the 'querent' should
succeed as a cattle-dealer. It contains some words very similar to Chaucer's.
'If the lord of the sixth be in quartile, or in opposition to the dispositor of
the part of Fortune, or the Moon, the querent cannot thrive by dealing in
small cattle. The same if the lord of the sixth be afflicted either by Saturn,
Mars, or the Dragon's Tail; or be found either retrograde, combust, cadent,
or peregrine. [See l. 33.] The Dragon's Tail and Mars shew much loss
therein by knaves and thieves, and ill bargains, &c.; and Saturn denotes
much damage by the rot or murrain.' The evil influence of the Dragon's Tail
is treated of in the last chapter of 'Hermetis Philosophi de revolutionibus
nativitatum', fol. Basileæ; n.d.
32. 'May seen the ascendant.' Cf. 'Cum dominator ascendens viderit, res
quæ occulta est secundum ascendentis naturam erit; quod si non videt, illud
erit secundum naturam loci in quo ipse est dominator'; Cl. Ptolemæi
Centiloquium; sect. 90.
33. combust, said of a planet when its light is quenched by being too near
the sun. Tyrwhitt, in his Glossary, says that it is used when the planet is not
impossible, from the fact that Rigel and Alhabor both occur in the diagrams
and tables; see, for instance, Fig. 2. It is true that Rigel was sometimes
called Algebar, but Alhabor stands rather for the Arabic Al-’abūr. The
Arabic name for the constellation Canis Major was Al-kalb al-akbar,
'greater dog,' as distinguished from Al-kalb al-asghar, or 'lesser dog'; and
the star α Canis Majoris was called Al-shi’ra al-’abūr, the former of which
terms represented the Greek σείριος (Sirius), whilst from the latter
(al-’abūr) we have our Alhabor. See Ideler, Über den Ursprung und die
Bedeutung der Sternnamen, pp. 237, 256.
§ 4. 'The houses [in astrology] have different powers. The strongest of all
these is the first, which contains the part of the heaven about to rise: this is
called the ascendant; and the point of the ecliptic which is just rising is
called the horoscope.'—English Encyclopædia; art. Astrology.
21. In the English Cyclopædia, art. Astrology, a quotation is given from an
astrological work, in reply to the question whether the 'querent' should
succeed as a cattle-dealer. It contains some words very similar to Chaucer's.
'If the lord of the sixth be in quartile, or in opposition to the dispositor of
the part of Fortune, or the Moon, the querent cannot thrive by dealing in
small cattle. The same if the lord of the sixth be afflicted either by Saturn,
Mars, or the Dragon's Tail; or be found either retrograde, combust, cadent,
or peregrine. [See l. 33.] The Dragon's Tail and Mars shew much loss
therein by knaves and thieves, and ill bargains, &c.; and Saturn denotes
much damage by the rot or murrain.' The evil influence of the Dragon's Tail
is treated of in the last chapter of 'Hermetis Philosophi de revolutionibus
nativitatum', fol. Basileæ; n.d.
32. 'May seen the ascendant.' Cf. 'Cum dominator ascendens viderit, res
quæ occulta est secundum ascendentis naturam erit; quod si non videt, illud
erit secundum naturam loci in quo ipse est dominator'; Cl. Ptolemæi
Centiloquium; sect. 90.
33. combust, said of a planet when its light is quenched by being too near
the sun. Tyrwhitt, in his Glossary, says that it is used when the planet is not
Page 556
more than 8½ degrees distant from the sun. Cf. Troilus, iii. 717, and the
note.
40. Face. See note to Part I. sect. 21. l. 50 (p. 359). The late copies are very
incorrect hereabouts.
§ 6. 9. Mr. Brae well calls attention here to the absurd errors in the printed
copies. Thynne has 'in the 320 signe,' and Speght 'in the xxiii signe.' The
signs of the zodiac are only twelve, and the one opposite to the 1st is the
7th.
§ 8. I see no reason for supposing this proposition to be an interpolation, as
Mr. Brae suggests. Though similar to § 11, it is not identical with it.
Moreover, it occurs in Messahala.
§ 9. 2. the chapitre beforn, i.e. a previous chapter, viz. in sect. 6. The
expression supplies no argument for altering the order of the 'conclusions.'
4. same manere, i.e. a like manner. The 'vulgar night' clearly means that the
quantity of the 'crepuscules' must be subtracted from the 'arch of the night.'
§ 13. 5. cours, course; heyest cours, highest point of the path. Late copies
have lyne; for which Mr. Brae suggested degre.
§ 14. 6. but 2 degrees. Suppose the sun's midday altitude is 49°, in latitude
52°. Then the co-latitude is 38°, and the sun's declination 11° North. This
corresponds nearly (roughly speaking) to the 1st degrees of Taurus and
Virgo. Which is right can 'lightly' be known by the time of year, for the sun
cannot be in Virgo if the month be April. Compare sect. 15.
§ 17. This conclusion, as pointed out in the footnote, is not correct in theory,
but can be made nearly so in practice, by taking the two altitudes very near
the meridian. This is directly implied in the words 'passeth any-thing the
sowth westward,' i.e. passes ever so little westward of the south line; cf.
note.
40. Face. See note to Part I. sect. 21. l. 50 (p. 359). The late copies are very
incorrect hereabouts.
§ 6. 9. Mr. Brae well calls attention here to the absurd errors in the printed
copies. Thynne has 'in the 320 signe,' and Speght 'in the xxiii signe.' The
signs of the zodiac are only twelve, and the one opposite to the 1st is the
7th.
§ 8. I see no reason for supposing this proposition to be an interpolation, as
Mr. Brae suggests. Though similar to § 11, it is not identical with it.
Moreover, it occurs in Messahala.
§ 9. 2. the chapitre beforn, i.e. a previous chapter, viz. in sect. 6. The
expression supplies no argument for altering the order of the 'conclusions.'
4. same manere, i.e. a like manner. The 'vulgar night' clearly means that the
quantity of the 'crepuscules' must be subtracted from the 'arch of the night.'
§ 13. 5. cours, course; heyest cours, highest point of the path. Late copies
have lyne; for which Mr. Brae suggested degre.
§ 14. 6. but 2 degrees. Suppose the sun's midday altitude is 49°, in latitude
52°. Then the co-latitude is 38°, and the sun's declination 11° North. This
corresponds nearly (roughly speaking) to the 1st degrees of Taurus and
Virgo. Which is right can 'lightly' be known by the time of year, for the sun
cannot be in Virgo if the month be April. Compare sect. 15.
§ 17. This conclusion, as pointed out in the footnote, is not correct in theory,
but can be made nearly so in practice, by taking the two altitudes very near
the meridian. This is directly implied in the words 'passeth any-thing the
sowth westward,' i.e. passes ever so little westward of the south line; cf.
Page 557
note below to 38. 10. Consequently, the first observation must also be taken
very near the meridian.
25. site, situation. Late copies, sight. This proves that the word site is
Chaucerian, and clears up the reading in Ho. Fame, 1114.
§ 18. Instead of reckoning a star's right ascension by referring it to the
equator, it was reckoned by observing the degree of the zodiac which
southed along with it. This is expressed in the first 'Table of fixed stars' in
MS. Camb. Univ. Lib. Ii. 3. 3 (fol. 70, back) by the phrase 'cum gradibus,
quibus celum mediant'; the other co-ordinate of position was the star's
declination from the equator, as in the modern method. The ancients also
used the co-ordinates of longitude and latitude of a star, the longitude being
reckoned along the ecliptic, and the latitude along great circles through the
poles of the ecliptic; as appears from the second Table in the same MS.
§ 19. 6. equinoxial. This, as explained in the footnote, should be 'ecliptik';
but I can find no MS. authority for the alteration, though the correction is
practically made in l. 13.
§ 22. 13. place. Late copies and old editions, planet; absurdly. Latitudes of
several places are given in old Latin MSS. They are frequently incorrect.
§ 23. 3. The star A is shewn by the numbers to be the Pole-star, and is
obviously the one to be observed in order to find the altitude of the Pole.
What the star F is, is of no consequence. The numbers used in other copies
are different, and much less satisfactory. That the star A is the Pole-star or
some star near the pole in this 'conclusion' is rendered probable also by the
wording of the next 'conclusion'; which extends the working of it to the case
of any other star, provided it be a star that never sets.
§ 25. 19. When Chaucer says that the latitude of Oxford is 'certain minutes
less,' he probably means no more than that the latitude of Oxford was 51
degrees and 50 minutes, as in the text. For I suspect the original reading of
the passage made the sun's altitude 38 degrees only, and the latitude 52
degrees; indeed, the passage stands so in MSS. C and P, both good
very near the meridian.
25. site, situation. Late copies, sight. This proves that the word site is
Chaucerian, and clears up the reading in Ho. Fame, 1114.
§ 18. Instead of reckoning a star's right ascension by referring it to the
equator, it was reckoned by observing the degree of the zodiac which
southed along with it. This is expressed in the first 'Table of fixed stars' in
MS. Camb. Univ. Lib. Ii. 3. 3 (fol. 70, back) by the phrase 'cum gradibus,
quibus celum mediant'; the other co-ordinate of position was the star's
declination from the equator, as in the modern method. The ancients also
used the co-ordinates of longitude and latitude of a star, the longitude being
reckoned along the ecliptic, and the latitude along great circles through the
poles of the ecliptic; as appears from the second Table in the same MS.
§ 19. 6. equinoxial. This, as explained in the footnote, should be 'ecliptik';
but I can find no MS. authority for the alteration, though the correction is
practically made in l. 13.
§ 22. 13. place. Late copies and old editions, planet; absurdly. Latitudes of
several places are given in old Latin MSS. They are frequently incorrect.
§ 23. 3. The star A is shewn by the numbers to be the Pole-star, and is
obviously the one to be observed in order to find the altitude of the Pole.
What the star F is, is of no consequence. The numbers used in other copies
are different, and much less satisfactory. That the star A is the Pole-star or
some star near the pole in this 'conclusion' is rendered probable also by the
wording of the next 'conclusion'; which extends the working of it to the case
of any other star, provided it be a star that never sets.
§ 25. 19. When Chaucer says that the latitude of Oxford is 'certain minutes
less,' he probably means no more than that the latitude of Oxford was 51
degrees and 50 minutes, as in the text. For I suspect the original reading of
the passage made the sun's altitude 38 degrees only, and the latitude 52
degrees; indeed, the passage stands so in MSS. C and P, both good
Page 558
authorities. But he added the statement that the latitude of Oxford was less
than 52 degrees. It is probable that, on second thoughts, he put in the
number of minutes, and forgot to strike out the clause 'I sey nat this,' &c.,
which was no longer necessary. Minutes were seldom reckoned otherwise
than by tens; 'a few minutes less than 50' (say 47) is a refinement to which
the ancients seldom attained. Hence the amount of 10 minutes is vaguely
spoken of in l. 31 as 'odde Minutes.' Minutes were clearly not much
considered. In the present case, we are assisted by Chaucer's express
statement in sect. 22. l. 6. The true latitude of Oxford is between 51° 45′
and 51° 46′.
§ 26. 8-11. It is singular that this sentence, obviously wanted, should appear
only in one MS., and has, accordingly, been omitted in all previous editions.
There can be no doubt about the genuineness of it, as it so exactly gives the
right sense, and happily supplies the words 'right orisonte' in l. 11; thus
enabling the author to say, as in l. 21 he does say—'this forseid righte
orisonte.'
16. this figure. Here occurs, in some of the MSS., a diagram representing a
circle, i.e, a disc of the astrolabe, with straight lines drawn across it from
left to right.
17. assensiouns in the righte cercle. This exactly answers to our modern
'right ascension.' We hence obtain the true origin of the phrase. 'Right
ascension' was, originally, the ascension of stars at places situate on the
equator, and was most conveniently measured along the equatorial circle,
by observation of the times of transit of the various stars across the
meridian. In other latitudes, the ascension of every degree of the zodiac
could be easily tabulated by observing what degree of the equator came to
the meridian with the said degree of the zodiac; see l. 20. It hence appears
that, whilst persisting in using 'longitudes' and reckoning along the zodiac,
the ancients were obliged, in practice, to refer the degrees of longitude to
the equator. The modern method of recognizing this necessity, and
registering right ascensions as of more importance than longitudes, is a
great improvement. The ancients were restrained from it by their
unnecessary reverence for the zodiac. Cf. Ptolemy's Almagest, lib. i. c. xiii.
than 52 degrees. It is probable that, on second thoughts, he put in the
number of minutes, and forgot to strike out the clause 'I sey nat this,' &c.,
which was no longer necessary. Minutes were seldom reckoned otherwise
than by tens; 'a few minutes less than 50' (say 47) is a refinement to which
the ancients seldom attained. Hence the amount of 10 minutes is vaguely
spoken of in l. 31 as 'odde Minutes.' Minutes were clearly not much
considered. In the present case, we are assisted by Chaucer's express
statement in sect. 22. l. 6. The true latitude of Oxford is between 51° 45′
and 51° 46′.
§ 26. 8-11. It is singular that this sentence, obviously wanted, should appear
only in one MS., and has, accordingly, been omitted in all previous editions.
There can be no doubt about the genuineness of it, as it so exactly gives the
right sense, and happily supplies the words 'right orisonte' in l. 11; thus
enabling the author to say, as in l. 21 he does say—'this forseid righte
orisonte.'
16. this figure. Here occurs, in some of the MSS., a diagram representing a
circle, i.e, a disc of the astrolabe, with straight lines drawn across it from
left to right.
17. assensiouns in the righte cercle. This exactly answers to our modern
'right ascension.' We hence obtain the true origin of the phrase. 'Right
ascension' was, originally, the ascension of stars at places situate on the
equator, and was most conveniently measured along the equatorial circle,
by observation of the times of transit of the various stars across the
meridian. In other latitudes, the ascension of every degree of the zodiac
could be easily tabulated by observing what degree of the equator came to
the meridian with the said degree of the zodiac; see l. 20. It hence appears
that, whilst persisting in using 'longitudes' and reckoning along the zodiac,
the ancients were obliged, in practice, to refer the degrees of longitude to
the equator. The modern method of recognizing this necessity, and
registering right ascensions as of more importance than longitudes, is a
great improvement. The ancients were restrained from it by their
unnecessary reverence for the zodiac. Cf. Ptolemy's Almagest, lib. i. c. xiii.
Page 559
§ 29. Chaucer omits to say that the experiment should be made when the
sun is very nearly on the meridian. Otherwise, the confusion of the azimuth
with the hour-angle might cause a considerable error.
§ 30. 3. That the phrase 'wey of the sonne' really means the sun's apparent
diurnal course in this conclusion, may be further seen by consulting the
Latin of Messahala. Cf. the Critical Note on p. 236.
§ 31. In my footnote, I have used the expression 'it does not mean, as it
should, the zenith point.' I mean—'as, according to our modern ideas, it
should';—for the derivation of zenith shews that the meaning used in this
proposition is the older meaning of the two. See note above to i. 19. 7 (p.
357).
6. 24 parties. These 24 parts were suggested by the 24 hours of the day. The
'32 parts' used by 'shipmen' are due to the continual halving of angles. Thus,
the four cardinal points have points half-way between them, making eight
points; between which, we can insert eight more, making sixteen; and
between these, sixteen more, making thirty-two. Hence the 32 points of the
compass.
§ 33. 5. We should probably insert or south after the word north. Such an
insertion is authorised by MSS. B. and C.
§ 34. 3. That 'upon the mones syde' means nearly in the same azimuth as the
moon, is apparent from l. 11 below, where Chaucer says that some treatises
make no exception even if the star is not quite in the same azimuth. This
was certainly a rough mode of observation.
§ 35. 9. right side, East side. See i. 6. 1 (p. 179).
18. episicle, epicycle. To account for the planetary motions, epicycles were
invented. The moon, for instance, was supposed to revolve round a moving
centre, which centre itself moved round the earth in a perfect circle. This
came a little nearer to the true motion in some instances, but was hopelessly
wrong, and nothing could be made of it, even when a second epicycle,
sun is very nearly on the meridian. Otherwise, the confusion of the azimuth
with the hour-angle might cause a considerable error.
§ 30. 3. That the phrase 'wey of the sonne' really means the sun's apparent
diurnal course in this conclusion, may be further seen by consulting the
Latin of Messahala. Cf. the Critical Note on p. 236.
§ 31. In my footnote, I have used the expression 'it does not mean, as it
should, the zenith point.' I mean—'as, according to our modern ideas, it
should';—for the derivation of zenith shews that the meaning used in this
proposition is the older meaning of the two. See note above to i. 19. 7 (p.
357).
6. 24 parties. These 24 parts were suggested by the 24 hours of the day. The
'32 parts' used by 'shipmen' are due to the continual halving of angles. Thus,
the four cardinal points have points half-way between them, making eight
points; between which, we can insert eight more, making sixteen; and
between these, sixteen more, making thirty-two. Hence the 32 points of the
compass.
§ 33. 5. We should probably insert or south after the word north. Such an
insertion is authorised by MSS. B. and C.
§ 34. 3. That 'upon the mones syde' means nearly in the same azimuth as the
moon, is apparent from l. 11 below, where Chaucer says that some treatises
make no exception even if the star is not quite in the same azimuth. This
was certainly a rough mode of observation.
§ 35. 9. right side, East side. See i. 6. 1 (p. 179).
18. episicle, epicycle. To account for the planetary motions, epicycles were
invented. The moon, for instance, was supposed to revolve round a moving
centre, which centre itself moved round the earth in a perfect circle. This
came a little nearer to the true motion in some instances, but was hopelessly
wrong, and nothing could be made of it, even when a second epicycle,
Page 560
revolving about a centre which moved in the first epicycle, was superadded.
All that Chaucer says here is, that, whilst the centre of the moon's epicycle
had a direct motion, the moon's motion in the epicycle itself was a reverse
one, unlike that of the other planetary bodies. The subject is hardly worth
further discussion, so I merely refer the reader to the Almagest, lib. iv. c. 5;
and lib. ix. c. 5.
§ 36. The 'equations of houses' means the dividing of the sphere into equal
portions, and the right numbering of those portions or houses. The most
important house was the first, or ascendent, just rising; the next in
importance was the tenth, which was just coming on the meridian; then
come the seventh or descendent, just about to set, and the fourth, just
coming to the line of midnight. The next in importance were the succedents,
or houses immediately following these, viz. the second, the eleventh, the
eighth, and the fifth. The least important were the third, twelfth, ninth, and
sixth. See Fig. 14.
§ 37. 18. thise 3 howsez. That is, the nadirs of the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th houses
give the houses that 'follow,' i.e. the 8th, 9th, and 10th. The word 'follow'
here seems to refer, not to position, but to the order in which the houses
may most conveniently be found. Chaucer omits to add that the beginnings
of the 5th and 6th houses can be found in a similar way, because it is
sufficiently evident. It is all from Messahala.
§ 38. 1. for warping, the brodere the bettre. This may mean, either (1) to
prevent warping, the thicker the better; or (2) to prevent the errors arising
from warping (for fear of warping), the larger the better. I believe the latter
to be the true interpretation; for it is better thus to guard against possible
errors than to make the plate very thick and, at the same time, small.
Besides which, the usual meaning of brodere is wider, larger, more ample.
Indeed, we find the very expression 'non sit tamen nimis parvus' in the 4th
section of the Practica Chilindri of John Hoveden, published by the Chaucer
Society; which see.
8. fro the centre, i.e. sticking up above the centre, the length of the wire
being equal to a fourth of the diameter, or half the radius, of the circle. This
All that Chaucer says here is, that, whilst the centre of the moon's epicycle
had a direct motion, the moon's motion in the epicycle itself was a reverse
one, unlike that of the other planetary bodies. The subject is hardly worth
further discussion, so I merely refer the reader to the Almagest, lib. iv. c. 5;
and lib. ix. c. 5.
§ 36. The 'equations of houses' means the dividing of the sphere into equal
portions, and the right numbering of those portions or houses. The most
important house was the first, or ascendent, just rising; the next in
importance was the tenth, which was just coming on the meridian; then
come the seventh or descendent, just about to set, and the fourth, just
coming to the line of midnight. The next in importance were the succedents,
or houses immediately following these, viz. the second, the eleventh, the
eighth, and the fifth. The least important were the third, twelfth, ninth, and
sixth. See Fig. 14.
§ 37. 18. thise 3 howsez. That is, the nadirs of the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th houses
give the houses that 'follow,' i.e. the 8th, 9th, and 10th. The word 'follow'
here seems to refer, not to position, but to the order in which the houses
may most conveniently be found. Chaucer omits to add that the beginnings
of the 5th and 6th houses can be found in a similar way, because it is
sufficiently evident. It is all from Messahala.
§ 38. 1. for warping, the brodere the bettre. This may mean, either (1) to
prevent warping, the thicker the better; or (2) to prevent the errors arising
from warping (for fear of warping), the larger the better. I believe the latter
to be the true interpretation; for it is better thus to guard against possible
errors than to make the plate very thick and, at the same time, small.
Besides which, the usual meaning of brodere is wider, larger, more ample.
Indeed, we find the very expression 'non sit tamen nimis parvus' in the 4th
section of the Practica Chilindri of John Hoveden, published by the Chaucer
Society; which see.
8. fro the centre, i.e. sticking up above the centre, the length of the wire
being equal to a fourth of the diameter, or half the radius, of the circle. This
Page 561
proportion would do for many days in the year; but in the summer time, the
pin would bear to be rather longer. Still, we need not alter the text. Cf. the
Critical Note on p. 237.
10. any-thing, i.e. ever so little; so ony-thyng in l. 13; cf. § 17. 6.
§ 39. Though MS. A is rather corrupt here, there is little doubt about the
corrections to be made. See the Critical Notes, p. 237.
19. That is, the latitude, or breadth, of a climate, or belt, is measured along a
line which goes from North to South as far as the earth extends; so that the
latitude of the first climate, for example, is measured from the beginning of
it to the end of the same, in a due northerly direction. Other authors, he
explains, reckoned the latitude of a climate always from the equinoxial line,
instead of from the parallel of latitude which terminated the climate
immediately to the south of it. Thus the latitude of the fourth climate might
mean, either the breadth of that belt itself, or the whole breadth from the
equator to the Northern limit of that climate. The MS. E. 2 in St. John's
College, Cambridge, contains (besides Chaucer's 'Astrolabe') a Latin
treatise entitled 'De septem climatibus expositio.' We find mention of the
'climates' also in MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3, fol. 33 b, where a diagram appears
representing a hemisphere, divided by parallels of latitude into 9 climates or
belts, which, beginning from the equator, are as follows. 1. Inhabitabile
propter Calorem. 2. Primum clima dia Meroes. 3. Secundum clima dya
cienes. 4. Tertium clima di' alexandrios. 5. Quartum clima dia rodos. 6.
Quintum clima dia romes. 7. Sextum clima dia boristenes. 8. Septimum
clima dia rifeos. 9. Inhabitabile. This agrees with the list in the footnote on
p. 221.
There is a passage in Mandeville which well illustrates Chaucer; I quote the
part of it which more immediately relates to the Climates. 'For the
Superficialtee of the Erthe is departed in 7 parties, for the 7 Planetes; and
the parties ben clept Clymates. And oure parties be not of the 7 Clymates:
for they ben descendynge toward the West. And also these yles of Ynde,
which beth evene aȝenst us, beth noght reckned in the Climates: for thei ben
aȝenst us, that ben in the lowe Contree. And the 7 Clymates strecchen hem,
pin would bear to be rather longer. Still, we need not alter the text. Cf. the
Critical Note on p. 237.
10. any-thing, i.e. ever so little; so ony-thyng in l. 13; cf. § 17. 6.
§ 39. Though MS. A is rather corrupt here, there is little doubt about the
corrections to be made. See the Critical Notes, p. 237.
19. That is, the latitude, or breadth, of a climate, or belt, is measured along a
line which goes from North to South as far as the earth extends; so that the
latitude of the first climate, for example, is measured from the beginning of
it to the end of the same, in a due northerly direction. Other authors, he
explains, reckoned the latitude of a climate always from the equinoxial line,
instead of from the parallel of latitude which terminated the climate
immediately to the south of it. Thus the latitude of the fourth climate might
mean, either the breadth of that belt itself, or the whole breadth from the
equator to the Northern limit of that climate. The MS. E. 2 in St. John's
College, Cambridge, contains (besides Chaucer's 'Astrolabe') a Latin
treatise entitled 'De septem climatibus expositio.' We find mention of the
'climates' also in MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 3, fol. 33 b, where a diagram appears
representing a hemisphere, divided by parallels of latitude into 9 climates or
belts, which, beginning from the equator, are as follows. 1. Inhabitabile
propter Calorem. 2. Primum clima dia Meroes. 3. Secundum clima dya
cienes. 4. Tertium clima di' alexandrios. 5. Quartum clima dia rodos. 6.
Quintum clima dia romes. 7. Sextum clima dia boristenes. 8. Septimum
clima dia rifeos. 9. Inhabitabile. This agrees with the list in the footnote on
p. 221.
There is a passage in Mandeville which well illustrates Chaucer; I quote the
part of it which more immediately relates to the Climates. 'For the
Superficialtee of the Erthe is departed in 7 parties, for the 7 Planetes; and
the parties ben clept Clymates. And oure parties be not of the 7 Clymates:
for they ben descendynge toward the West. And also these yles of Ynde,
which beth evene aȝenst us, beth noght reckned in the Climates: for thei ben
aȝenst us, that ben in the lowe Contree. And the 7 Clymates strecchen hem,
Page 562
envyrounynge the World,' &c. Mandeville's Voiage, ed. Halliwell, p. 186.
See also Ptolemy's Almagest, lib. ii.
As regards the longitudes of towns, it may be observed that in MS. F. 25 in
St. John's College, Cambridge, the longitudes of Rome, Cordova, London,
Paris, and Malta, are said to be 34° 24′, 9° 30′, 19°, 20°, and 38°
respectively. These do not well agree together, but they suggest a reckoning
from a meridian situated some 20° W. from that of Greenwich. Chaucer
says nothing as to what meridian was used for reckoning longitudes from;
and Messahala says, vaguely enough, that longitudes were reckoned 'a
meridiano circulo ultime regionis habitabilis in occidente,' i.e. from the
most westward habitable place, which possibly once meant Madeira.
§ 40. It is possible that this conclusion was really intended to belong to the
Fourth Part of the treatise, and was written by way of instalment. See the
Prologue, ll. 67-72. It is curious that in all the best MSS. (P. excepted) the
last sentence should be incomplete.
13. This sentence is very awkward. It seems to mean—'and then set I the
point of F upward in the same sign, because that the latitude was north,
upon the latitude of Venus; that is to say, (I set it upward) keeping it in the
6th degree of Capricorn.' Upward means inward, i.e. towards the centre or
towards the north; the opposite being expressed by southward, or outward,
or toward the border, as in l. 48 below. Upon the latitude of Venus means
that the point F of the compass was set above the second degree of latitude,
so that the space between the legs of the compass became equal to 2
degrees, as said in l. 16. Lastly, the words that is to seyn, in the 6 degree,
&c., are an explanation of the vaguer expression in the same signe. The
repetition of the words that is to seyn, &c. (ll. 12 and 14), is intended to
draw attention to the necessity of keeping both legs of the compass in the
same degree of longitude (A on the zodiac, and F to the north of it).
57. Possibly Chaucer left the sentence incomplete. The words 'thou shalt do
well enough' may easily have been added by another hand to bring the
sentence to an apparent, though not wholly satisfactory, conclusion. The
See also Ptolemy's Almagest, lib. ii.
As regards the longitudes of towns, it may be observed that in MS. F. 25 in
St. John's College, Cambridge, the longitudes of Rome, Cordova, London,
Paris, and Malta, are said to be 34° 24′, 9° 30′, 19°, 20°, and 38°
respectively. These do not well agree together, but they suggest a reckoning
from a meridian situated some 20° W. from that of Greenwich. Chaucer
says nothing as to what meridian was used for reckoning longitudes from;
and Messahala says, vaguely enough, that longitudes were reckoned 'a
meridiano circulo ultime regionis habitabilis in occidente,' i.e. from the
most westward habitable place, which possibly once meant Madeira.
§ 40. It is possible that this conclusion was really intended to belong to the
Fourth Part of the treatise, and was written by way of instalment. See the
Prologue, ll. 67-72. It is curious that in all the best MSS. (P. excepted) the
last sentence should be incomplete.
13. This sentence is very awkward. It seems to mean—'and then set I the
point of F upward in the same sign, because that the latitude was north,
upon the latitude of Venus; that is to say, (I set it upward) keeping it in the
6th degree of Capricorn.' Upward means inward, i.e. towards the centre or
towards the north; the opposite being expressed by southward, or outward,
or toward the border, as in l. 48 below. Upon the latitude of Venus means
that the point F of the compass was set above the second degree of latitude,
so that the space between the legs of the compass became equal to 2
degrees, as said in l. 16. Lastly, the words that is to seyn, in the 6 degree,
&c., are an explanation of the vaguer expression in the same signe. The
repetition of the words that is to seyn, &c. (ll. 12 and 14), is intended to
draw attention to the necessity of keeping both legs of the compass in the
same degree of longitude (A on the zodiac, and F to the north of it).
57. Possibly Chaucer left the sentence incomplete. The words 'thou shalt do
well enough' may easily have been added by another hand to bring the
sentence to an apparent, though not wholly satisfactory, conclusion. The
Page 563
colophon is written (in a later hand) in MS. A. at the bottom of the page, a
part of which, after the words 'howre after howre,' is left blank.
41-43. I have mended the text as well as I could by inserting words, and
adopting different readings. Nearly all the emendations rest on authority;
see the Critical Notes. The text is not a good one, but I do not see why these
sections may not have been written by Chaucer. For a definition of the
terms 'Umbra Extensa' and 'Umbra Versa' see sections 5 and 6 of the
Practica Chilindri of John Hoveden, published by the Chaucer Society. The
umbra extensa or recta is the shadow cast on a plain by any perfectly
upright object; but the restriction is commonly introduced, that the altitude
of the sun shall exceed 45º. The umbra versa is the shadow cast
perpendicularly downwards along a wall by a style which projects from the
wall at right angles to it; the restriction is commonly introduced, that the
sun's altitude shall be less than 45°. The umbra versa is the one which
appeared on the 'chylindre'; hence John de Hoveden explains how to
calculate the altitude of an object by it.
44. This article and the next may possibly be Chaucer's. It is well known
that he speaks of 'collect' and 'expans yeres' and 'rotes' in the Frankeleines
Tale; Cant. Ta., F 1275, 6, the note upon which in the glossary to Urry's
Chaucer may be found also in Tyrwhitt's Glossary, s.v. Expans; but it is
worth while to repeat it here. 'In this and the following verses, the Poet
describes the Alphonsine Astronomical Tables by the several parts of them,
wherein some technical terms occur, which were used by the old
astronomers, and continued by the compilers of those tables. Collect years
are certain sums of years, with the motions of the heavenly bodies
corresponding to them, as of 20, 40, 60, &c., disposed into tables; and
Expans years are the single years, with the motions of the heavenly bodies
answering to them, beginning at 1, and continued on to the smallest Collect
sum, as 20. A Root, or Radix, is any certain time taken at pleasure, from
which, as an era, the celestial motions are to be computed. By
'proporcionels convenientes' [C. T., F 1278] are meant the Tables of
Proportional parts.' To which Moxon adds, from Chamber's Encyclopædia,
with reference to C. T., F 1277, that 'Argument in astronomy is an arc
whereby we seek another unknown arc proportional to [or rather, dependent
upon] the first.'
part of which, after the words 'howre after howre,' is left blank.
41-43. I have mended the text as well as I could by inserting words, and
adopting different readings. Nearly all the emendations rest on authority;
see the Critical Notes. The text is not a good one, but I do not see why these
sections may not have been written by Chaucer. For a definition of the
terms 'Umbra Extensa' and 'Umbra Versa' see sections 5 and 6 of the
Practica Chilindri of John Hoveden, published by the Chaucer Society. The
umbra extensa or recta is the shadow cast on a plain by any perfectly
upright object; but the restriction is commonly introduced, that the altitude
of the sun shall exceed 45º. The umbra versa is the shadow cast
perpendicularly downwards along a wall by a style which projects from the
wall at right angles to it; the restriction is commonly introduced, that the
sun's altitude shall be less than 45°. The umbra versa is the one which
appeared on the 'chylindre'; hence John de Hoveden explains how to
calculate the altitude of an object by it.
44. This article and the next may possibly be Chaucer's. It is well known
that he speaks of 'collect' and 'expans yeres' and 'rotes' in the Frankeleines
Tale; Cant. Ta., F 1275, 6, the note upon which in the glossary to Urry's
Chaucer may be found also in Tyrwhitt's Glossary, s.v. Expans; but it is
worth while to repeat it here. 'In this and the following verses, the Poet
describes the Alphonsine Astronomical Tables by the several parts of them,
wherein some technical terms occur, which were used by the old
astronomers, and continued by the compilers of those tables. Collect years
are certain sums of years, with the motions of the heavenly bodies
corresponding to them, as of 20, 40, 60, &c., disposed into tables; and
Expans years are the single years, with the motions of the heavenly bodies
answering to them, beginning at 1, and continued on to the smallest Collect
sum, as 20. A Root, or Radix, is any certain time taken at pleasure, from
which, as an era, the celestial motions are to be computed. By
'proporcionels convenientes' [C. T., F 1278] are meant the Tables of
Proportional parts.' To which Moxon adds, from Chamber's Encyclopædia,
with reference to C. T., F 1277, that 'Argument in astronomy is an arc
whereby we seek another unknown arc proportional to [or rather, dependent
upon] the first.'
Page 564
Tables of mean motions of the Sun are given in Ptolemy's Almagest, lib. iii.
c. 2; of the Moon, lib. iv. c. 3; of the Planets, lib. viii. c. 3; also in MS. Ii. 3.
3, fol. 88b, &c.
41a-42b. The fact that these articles are mere repetitions of sections 41-43
is almost conclusive against their genuineness. I do not suppose that sect 46
(at p. 229) is Chaucer's either, but it is added for the sake of completeness.
THE CANTERBURY TALES.
SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY TALES.
CONTENTS.
§ 1. The series of Tales. § 2. The Prologues to Piers the Plowman and to the
Canterbury Tales compared. § 3. Date of the Tales; from 1386 onwards. § 4.
Number of the Tales. § 5. Old and new material. § 6. Days of the month for
the various Groups. § 7. Arrangement of the Groups. § 8. Group A nearly
finished. § 9. The Tale of Gamelyn. § 10. The Plowman's Tale. § 11. Early
and late Tales. § 12. The test of rhythm. § 13. Origin of the heroic couplet. §
14. Modification of Chaucer's original scheme. § 15. The Tale of Beryn. §
16. Lydgate's Storie of Thebes. § 17. Group A. The Prologue. § 18. The
Knightes Tale: Palamon and Arcite. § 19. Boccaccio's Teseide. § 20.
Tyrwhitt's analysis of the Teseide. § 21. Resemblances to Troilus. § 22.
Later versions of the Knightes Tale. § 23. The Miller's Prologue. § 24. The
Milleres Tale. § 25. The Reeve's Prologue. § 26. The Reves Tale. § 27. The
Cook's Prologue. § 28. The Cokes Tale. §§ 29-34. The Tale of Gamelyn. §
35. Group B. The Words of the Host to the Company. § 36. The Man of
Law's Prologue. § 37. The Man of Lawes Tale. § 38. The same Tale, as told
by Gower. § 39. The Shipman's Prologue. § 40. The Shipmannes Tale. § 41.
The Prioress's Prologue. § 42. The Prioresses Tale. § 43. Prologue to Sir
Thopas. § 44. Sir Thopas. § 45. Prologue to Melibeus. § 46. The Tale of
Melibeus. § 47. The Monk's Prologue. § 48. The Monkes Tale. § 49. The
c. 2; of the Moon, lib. iv. c. 3; of the Planets, lib. viii. c. 3; also in MS. Ii. 3.
3, fol. 88b, &c.
41a-42b. The fact that these articles are mere repetitions of sections 41-43
is almost conclusive against their genuineness. I do not suppose that sect 46
(at p. 229) is Chaucer's either, but it is added for the sake of completeness.
THE CANTERBURY TALES.
SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY TALES.
CONTENTS.
§ 1. The series of Tales. § 2. The Prologues to Piers the Plowman and to the
Canterbury Tales compared. § 3. Date of the Tales; from 1386 onwards. § 4.
Number of the Tales. § 5. Old and new material. § 6. Days of the month for
the various Groups. § 7. Arrangement of the Groups. § 8. Group A nearly
finished. § 9. The Tale of Gamelyn. § 10. The Plowman's Tale. § 11. Early
and late Tales. § 12. The test of rhythm. § 13. Origin of the heroic couplet. §
14. Modification of Chaucer's original scheme. § 15. The Tale of Beryn. §
16. Lydgate's Storie of Thebes. § 17. Group A. The Prologue. § 18. The
Knightes Tale: Palamon and Arcite. § 19. Boccaccio's Teseide. § 20.
Tyrwhitt's analysis of the Teseide. § 21. Resemblances to Troilus. § 22.
Later versions of the Knightes Tale. § 23. The Miller's Prologue. § 24. The
Milleres Tale. § 25. The Reeve's Prologue. § 26. The Reves Tale. § 27. The
Cook's Prologue. § 28. The Cokes Tale. §§ 29-34. The Tale of Gamelyn. §
35. Group B. The Words of the Host to the Company. § 36. The Man of
Law's Prologue. § 37. The Man of Lawes Tale. § 38. The same Tale, as told
by Gower. § 39. The Shipman's Prologue. § 40. The Shipmannes Tale. § 41.
The Prioress's Prologue. § 42. The Prioresses Tale. § 43. Prologue to Sir
Thopas. § 44. Sir Thopas. § 45. Prologue to Melibeus. § 46. The Tale of
Melibeus. § 47. The Monk's Prologue. § 48. The Monkes Tale. § 49. The
Page 565
Prologue of the Nonne Preestes Tale. § 50. The Nonne Preestes Tale. § 51.
Epilogue to the Nonne Preestes Tale. § 52. Group C. The Spurious
Prologues to the Phisiciens Tale. § 53. The Phisiciens Tale. § 54. Words of
the Host to the Phisicien and the Pardoner. § 55. Prologue of the Pardoneres
Tale. § 56. The Pardoneres Tale. § 57. Group D. The Wife of Bath's
Prologue. § 58. The Wyf of Bathes Tale. § 59. The Friar's Prologue. § 60.
The Freres Tale. § 61. The Somnour's Prologue. § 62. The Somnours Tale. §
63. Group E. The Clerk's Prologue. § 64. The Clerkes Tale. § 65. The
Merchant's Prologue. § 66. The Marchantes Tale. § 67. Group F. The
Squire's Prologue. § 68. The Squieres Tale. § 69. Words of the Frankeleyn.
§ 70. The Franklin's Prologue. § 71. The Frankeleyns Tale. § 72. Group G.
The Seconde Nonnes Tale. § 73. The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue and Tale.
§ 74. Group H. The Manciple's Prologue. § 75. The Manciples Tale. § 76.
Group I. The Parson's Prologue. § 77. The Persones Tale.
ACCOUNT OF THE SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY
TALES.
The Nine Groups.
§ 1. The idea of joining together a series of Tales by means of fitting them
into a common frame-work is a very old one, and doubtless originated in
the East. There is an English collection of this character known as 'The
Seven Sages,' of which various versions have come down to us. The earliest
of these, as published in the second volume of Weber's Metrical Romances,
has been dated about 1320; and is, at any rate, older than any of Chaucer's
poems. Another collection, of a similar character, and likewise of Eastern
origin, is a Latin work by Petrus Alphonsus, a converted Spanish Jew,
entitled De Clericali Disciplina. See Dunlop's History of Fiction, chap. vii.
From one of these Chaucer may have taken the general idea of arranging his
tales in a connected series; and we must not forget that his Legend of Good
Women, which was the immediate forerunner of his greater work, is
likewise, practically, a collection of Tales, though sadly lacking in variety,
as he discovered for himself in the course of writing it. It is highly
improbable that he was indebted for the idea to Boccaccio's Decamerone, as
Epilogue to the Nonne Preestes Tale. § 52. Group C. The Spurious
Prologues to the Phisiciens Tale. § 53. The Phisiciens Tale. § 54. Words of
the Host to the Phisicien and the Pardoner. § 55. Prologue of the Pardoneres
Tale. § 56. The Pardoneres Tale. § 57. Group D. The Wife of Bath's
Prologue. § 58. The Wyf of Bathes Tale. § 59. The Friar's Prologue. § 60.
The Freres Tale. § 61. The Somnour's Prologue. § 62. The Somnours Tale. §
63. Group E. The Clerk's Prologue. § 64. The Clerkes Tale. § 65. The
Merchant's Prologue. § 66. The Marchantes Tale. § 67. Group F. The
Squire's Prologue. § 68. The Squieres Tale. § 69. Words of the Frankeleyn.
§ 70. The Franklin's Prologue. § 71. The Frankeleyns Tale. § 72. Group G.
The Seconde Nonnes Tale. § 73. The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue and Tale.
§ 74. Group H. The Manciple's Prologue. § 75. The Manciples Tale. § 76.
Group I. The Parson's Prologue. § 77. The Persones Tale.
ACCOUNT OF THE SOURCES OF THE CANTERBURY
TALES.
The Nine Groups.
§ 1. The idea of joining together a series of Tales by means of fitting them
into a common frame-work is a very old one, and doubtless originated in
the East. There is an English collection of this character known as 'The
Seven Sages,' of which various versions have come down to us. The earliest
of these, as published in the second volume of Weber's Metrical Romances,
has been dated about 1320; and is, at any rate, older than any of Chaucer's
poems. Another collection, of a similar character, and likewise of Eastern
origin, is a Latin work by Petrus Alphonsus, a converted Spanish Jew,
entitled De Clericali Disciplina. See Dunlop's History of Fiction, chap. vii.
From one of these Chaucer may have taken the general idea of arranging his
tales in a connected series; and we must not forget that his Legend of Good
Women, which was the immediate forerunner of his greater work, is
likewise, practically, a collection of Tales, though sadly lacking in variety,
as he discovered for himself in the course of writing it. It is highly
improbable that he was indebted for the idea to Boccaccio's Decamerone, as
Page 566
has been sometimes hastily suggested; since we might, in that case, have
expected that he would also have drawn from that collection the plot of
some one of his tales; which is not found to be the case. The Clerk's Tale
occurs, indeed, in the Decamerone; but we know it to have been borrowed
from Petrarch's Latin version of it. The Franklin's Tale has some
resemblance to another tale in the same collection, but was evidently not
taken from it directly, and the same is true in other cases; so that we are
quite justified in supposing that Chaucer was wholly unacquainted, at first
hand, with Boccaccio's work.
§ 2. It was suggested by Professor Seeley that we may profitably compare
the form of Chaucer's Prologue with that of the somewhat similar Prologue
to William's Vision concerning Piers the Plowman, a work which was very
popular in England just at the same time. William introduces us to a Vision,
in which he first of all beholds a Field full of Folk, and describes, in
succession, the various sets of folk of which the company consisted; such as
ploughmen, anchorites, hermits, chapmen, minstrels, beggars, pilgrims,
palmers, friars, a pardoner, parish-priests, bishops, lawyers, and stewards.
Chaucer seized upon the happy idea of limiting each class to a single
individual, and the still happier idea of combining them into a company
with a common object which allowed them to associate together on nearly
equal terms. And having thus chosen his representative of each class, he
employed his wonderful dramatic power in producing an exact description
of each; so that, to quote the words of Dryden, 'he has taken into the
compass of his Canterbury Tales the various manners and humours (as we
now call them) of the whole English nation, in his age.'
§ 3. As to the date when this idea of forming a continuous series of tales
was first entertained, we can hardly be wrong in dating it from 1386 or
1387 onwards. As it was left in an incomplete state, it was most likely in
hand up to the time of his death, though he probably neglected it towards
the last. The year 1385 is, almost certainly, the date of his Prologue to the
Legend of Good Women, and of his first attempt to write in heroic
couplets[77]. He was then full of the idea of writing a series of stories
concerning 'Good Women,' and himself tells us that he intended to write
stories of nineteen Women, to be followed by the Legend of Alcestis; but
we find him suddenly desisting from his task without completing his ninth
expected that he would also have drawn from that collection the plot of
some one of his tales; which is not found to be the case. The Clerk's Tale
occurs, indeed, in the Decamerone; but we know it to have been borrowed
from Petrarch's Latin version of it. The Franklin's Tale has some
resemblance to another tale in the same collection, but was evidently not
taken from it directly, and the same is true in other cases; so that we are
quite justified in supposing that Chaucer was wholly unacquainted, at first
hand, with Boccaccio's work.
§ 2. It was suggested by Professor Seeley that we may profitably compare
the form of Chaucer's Prologue with that of the somewhat similar Prologue
to William's Vision concerning Piers the Plowman, a work which was very
popular in England just at the same time. William introduces us to a Vision,
in which he first of all beholds a Field full of Folk, and describes, in
succession, the various sets of folk of which the company consisted; such as
ploughmen, anchorites, hermits, chapmen, minstrels, beggars, pilgrims,
palmers, friars, a pardoner, parish-priests, bishops, lawyers, and stewards.
Chaucer seized upon the happy idea of limiting each class to a single
individual, and the still happier idea of combining them into a company
with a common object which allowed them to associate together on nearly
equal terms. And having thus chosen his representative of each class, he
employed his wonderful dramatic power in producing an exact description
of each; so that, to quote the words of Dryden, 'he has taken into the
compass of his Canterbury Tales the various manners and humours (as we
now call them) of the whole English nation, in his age.'
§ 3. As to the date when this idea of forming a continuous series of tales
was first entertained, we can hardly be wrong in dating it from 1386 or
1387 onwards. As it was left in an incomplete state, it was most likely in
hand up to the time of his death, though he probably neglected it towards
the last. The year 1385 is, almost certainly, the date of his Prologue to the
Legend of Good Women, and of his first attempt to write in heroic
couplets[77]. He was then full of the idea of writing a series of stories
concerning 'Good Women,' and himself tells us that he intended to write
stories of nineteen Women, to be followed by the Legend of Alcestis; but
we find him suddenly desisting from his task without completing his ninth
Page 567
Legend, that of Hypermnestra. For this we may reasonably assign two
causes; he was probably already somewhat weary of his self-imposed task,
and he also began to see his way to a still grander collection, on a larger
scale. It is important to observe that Chaucer was, throughout life, haunted
by great ideas; and especially, by the desire to leave behind him at least
some one great work which would attract general attention. Thus it was that
he attempted a translation of the huge French poem of Le Roman de La
Rose, which he probably never finished, though we do not know how far he
proceeded. He planned the poem of Troilus and Criseyde, which terminates
rather suddenly, but not until it had extended to the great length of more
than eight thousand lines. Next he planned the House of Fame, which was
to be largely a work of imagination; but here once more he was dissatisfied,
and abandoned it whilst still incomplete. Almost at once he took up the
Legend of Good Women, with its Prologue and twenty stories, but again
abandoned it for a larger scheme. It is also tolerably clear that the Monkes
Tale originally took its rise from a similar desire to write a succession of
lives of illustrious men; and that the first conception of this idea preceded
that of the Canterbury Tales. We thus see our author constantly striving after
the endeavour to produce some great original work; and the Canterbury
Tales was, in fact, the result of the latest and greatest of these endeavours.
To assign any exact date for the Man of Lawes Prologue, which mentions
April 18, is difficult. Yet we must exclude 1389, when that day was Easter
Sunday, a day unsuitable for travelling and telling tales; as well as 1390,
when April 17 was Sunday, which would have prevented the pilgrims, at
any rate, from making an early start (Prol. 822-5).
The year 1391 is certainly too late; so that only 1386, 1387, and 1388 are
left for consideration. But in 1386, Easter-day fell on April 22, and Good
Friday on April 20; and we cannot suppose that the pilgrimage could have
taken place in Passion-week, when the Parson and others would be much in
request for the duties which the season imposed upon them.
In 1387 and 1388, however, Easter fell early, and left the pilgrims free to
take a holiday. In 1388, April 18 was a Saturday, so that the pilgrims must
have travelled on Sunday, since they certainly stopped one night on the road
causes; he was probably already somewhat weary of his self-imposed task,
and he also began to see his way to a still grander collection, on a larger
scale. It is important to observe that Chaucer was, throughout life, haunted
by great ideas; and especially, by the desire to leave behind him at least
some one great work which would attract general attention. Thus it was that
he attempted a translation of the huge French poem of Le Roman de La
Rose, which he probably never finished, though we do not know how far he
proceeded. He planned the poem of Troilus and Criseyde, which terminates
rather suddenly, but not until it had extended to the great length of more
than eight thousand lines. Next he planned the House of Fame, which was
to be largely a work of imagination; but here once more he was dissatisfied,
and abandoned it whilst still incomplete. Almost at once he took up the
Legend of Good Women, with its Prologue and twenty stories, but again
abandoned it for a larger scheme. It is also tolerably clear that the Monkes
Tale originally took its rise from a similar desire to write a succession of
lives of illustrious men; and that the first conception of this idea preceded
that of the Canterbury Tales. We thus see our author constantly striving after
the endeavour to produce some great original work; and the Canterbury
Tales was, in fact, the result of the latest and greatest of these endeavours.
To assign any exact date for the Man of Lawes Prologue, which mentions
April 18, is difficult. Yet we must exclude 1389, when that day was Easter
Sunday, a day unsuitable for travelling and telling tales; as well as 1390,
when April 17 was Sunday, which would have prevented the pilgrims, at
any rate, from making an early start (Prol. 822-5).
The year 1391 is certainly too late; so that only 1386, 1387, and 1388 are
left for consideration. But in 1386, Easter-day fell on April 22, and Good
Friday on April 20; and we cannot suppose that the pilgrimage could have
taken place in Passion-week, when the Parson and others would be much in
request for the duties which the season imposed upon them.
In 1387 and 1388, however, Easter fell early, and left the pilgrims free to
take a holiday. In 1388, April 18 was a Saturday, so that the pilgrims must
have travelled on Sunday, since they certainly stopped one night on the road
Page 568
at Ospringe, and probably also stopped elsewhere; and surely, if Sunday
travelling had been intended, something would have been said about the
hearing of mass[78]. But in 1387, everything comes right; they assembled at
the Tabard on Tuesday, April 16, and had four clear days before them. And
when we consider how particular our author is as to dates, we shall do well
to consider the probability that this result is correct. We should remember,
at the same time, that this date is, for other reasons, more likely than any
other. The fact that the Legend of Good Women, begun in 1385, terminates
so suddenly, points to the inception of a still greater work, probably in
1386; and this leads up to 1387 as the date when the supposed times
assigned to the various Tales were being arranged. And I still think that we
ought to attach some significance to the fact (pointed out by me in 1868)
that the year 1387 suits the scheme of days mentioned in the Knightes Tale.
See note to A 1850, in vol. v.
§ 4. Chaucer tells us, in his Prologue, ll. 791-795, that it was his intention to
make each of the pilgrims tell four tales, two on the way to Canterbury[79]
and two on the return-journey. But so far from fulfilling his proposed plan,
he did not even complete so much as a quarter of it, since the number of
tales do not even suffice to go once round, much less four times. No pilgrim
tells two stories, though the poet represents himself as being interrupted in
his Rime of Sir Thopas, and telling the tale of Melibeus in its stead; and we
have no story from the Yeoman, the Haberdasher, the Carpenter, the
Weaver, the Dyer, the Tapiser, or the Ploughman[80]. The series being thus
incomplete, it only remains to investigate to what degree of completeness
the author succeeded in attaining.
§ 5. It is easy to see that Chaucer may have had a good deal of material in
hand before the idea of writing a connected series of tales occurred to him.
The Prologue, answering somewhat to a preface, is one of his very latest
works, and in his best manner; and before writing it, he had in some
measure arranged a part of his materials. His design was to make a
collection of tales which he had previously written, to write more new tales
to go with these, and to unite them all into a series by means of connecting
links[81], which should account for the change from one narrator to the next
in order. In doing this, he did not work continuously, but inserted the
travelling had been intended, something would have been said about the
hearing of mass[78]. But in 1387, everything comes right; they assembled at
the Tabard on Tuesday, April 16, and had four clear days before them. And
when we consider how particular our author is as to dates, we shall do well
to consider the probability that this result is correct. We should remember,
at the same time, that this date is, for other reasons, more likely than any
other. The fact that the Legend of Good Women, begun in 1385, terminates
so suddenly, points to the inception of a still greater work, probably in
1386; and this leads up to 1387 as the date when the supposed times
assigned to the various Tales were being arranged. And I still think that we
ought to attach some significance to the fact (pointed out by me in 1868)
that the year 1387 suits the scheme of days mentioned in the Knightes Tale.
See note to A 1850, in vol. v.
§ 4. Chaucer tells us, in his Prologue, ll. 791-795, that it was his intention to
make each of the pilgrims tell four tales, two on the way to Canterbury[79]
and two on the return-journey. But so far from fulfilling his proposed plan,
he did not even complete so much as a quarter of it, since the number of
tales do not even suffice to go once round, much less four times. No pilgrim
tells two stories, though the poet represents himself as being interrupted in
his Rime of Sir Thopas, and telling the tale of Melibeus in its stead; and we
have no story from the Yeoman, the Haberdasher, the Carpenter, the
Weaver, the Dyer, the Tapiser, or the Ploughman[80]. The series being thus
incomplete, it only remains to investigate to what degree of completeness
the author succeeded in attaining.
§ 5. It is easy to see that Chaucer may have had a good deal of material in
hand before the idea of writing a connected series of tales occurred to him.
The Prologue, answering somewhat to a preface, is one of his very latest
works, and in his best manner; and before writing it, he had in some
measure arranged a part of his materials. His design was to make a
collection of tales which he had previously written, to write more new tales
to go with these, and to unite them all into a series by means of connecting
links[81], which should account for the change from one narrator to the next
in order. In doing this, he did not work continuously, but inserted the
Page 569
connecting links as they occurred to him, being probably well aware that
this was the best way of avoiding an appearance of artificiality. The result is
that some links are perfectly supplied, and others not written at all, thus
affording a series of fragments or Groups, complete in themselves, but
having gaps between them. A full account of these Groups, showing which
tales are inseparably linked together, and which are not joined at all, is
given in Dr. Furnivall's Temporary Preface to the Six-text Edition of
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, published for the Chaucer Society in 1868. The
resulting Groups are nine. Between these are distinct gaps, and it is by no
means clear that the order of the Groups relatively to each other was finally
determined upon. This relative order is, however, settled to some extent by
occasional references to places passed on the road, and to times of the day.
We are also perfectly certain that the Knight was to tell the first tale, and the
Parson the last of the whole or partial series, thus leaving us only seven
Groups to arrange. Another question at once arises, however, which must be
settled before we can proceed, viz. whether the pilgrimage was intended to
be performed all in one day, or in two, or three, or more. Any one who
knows what travelling was in the olden time must be well aware that the
notion of performing the whole distance in one day is out of the question,
especially as the pilgrims were out more for a holiday than for business,
that some of them were but poorly mounted (Prol. 287, 541), and some of
them but poor riders (Prol. 390, 469, 622)[82]. In fact, such an idea is purely
modern, adopted from thoughtlessness almost as a matter of course by
many modern readers, but certainly not founded upon truth. Fortunately,
too, the matter is put beyond argument by some incidental remarks. In the
first Group, or Group A (l. 3906), occurs the line—
'Lo Depeford, and it is half-way
pryme'—
i.e. it is now half-past seven o'clock. After which the Reve is made to tell a
story, and the Cook also, bringing the time of day to about nine o'clock at
the least. But in Group F, l. 73, the Squire remarks that 'it is pryme,' it is
nine o'clock, which can only mean that hour of another day, not of the same
one. Still clearer is the allusion, in the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue (G 588),
to the pilgrims having passed the night in a hostelry, as I understand the
passage. This once perceived, it is not of much consequence whether we
this was the best way of avoiding an appearance of artificiality. The result is
that some links are perfectly supplied, and others not written at all, thus
affording a series of fragments or Groups, complete in themselves, but
having gaps between them. A full account of these Groups, showing which
tales are inseparably linked together, and which are not joined at all, is
given in Dr. Furnivall's Temporary Preface to the Six-text Edition of
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, published for the Chaucer Society in 1868. The
resulting Groups are nine. Between these are distinct gaps, and it is by no
means clear that the order of the Groups relatively to each other was finally
determined upon. This relative order is, however, settled to some extent by
occasional references to places passed on the road, and to times of the day.
We are also perfectly certain that the Knight was to tell the first tale, and the
Parson the last of the whole or partial series, thus leaving us only seven
Groups to arrange. Another question at once arises, however, which must be
settled before we can proceed, viz. whether the pilgrimage was intended to
be performed all in one day, or in two, or three, or more. Any one who
knows what travelling was in the olden time must be well aware that the
notion of performing the whole distance in one day is out of the question,
especially as the pilgrims were out more for a holiday than for business,
that some of them were but poorly mounted (Prol. 287, 541), and some of
them but poor riders (Prol. 390, 469, 622)[82]. In fact, such an idea is purely
modern, adopted from thoughtlessness almost as a matter of course by
many modern readers, but certainly not founded upon truth. Fortunately,
too, the matter is put beyond argument by some incidental remarks. In the
first Group, or Group A (l. 3906), occurs the line—
'Lo Depeford, and it is half-way
pryme'—
i.e. it is now half-past seven o'clock. After which the Reve is made to tell a
story, and the Cook also, bringing the time of day to about nine o'clock at
the least. But in Group F, l. 73, the Squire remarks that 'it is pryme,' it is
nine o'clock, which can only mean that hour of another day, not of the same
one. Still clearer is the allusion, in the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue (G 588),
to the pilgrims having passed the night in a hostelry, as I understand the
passage. This once perceived, it is not of much consequence whether we
Page 570
allow the pilgrims two days, or three, or four; but the most convenient
arrangement is that proposed by Mr. Furnivall, viz. to suppose four days (or
three and a half) to have been occupied; the more so, as this supposition
disposes of another extremely awkward allusion to time, viz. the mention of
ten o'clock in the morning in Group B, l. 14, which must refer to yet a third
morning, in order not to clash with the two notes of time already alluded to;
whilst the passage in the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue absolutely requires a
fourth morning, because of the pilgrims having passed the night at a
hostelry. The references to places on the road can cause no trouble; on the
contrary, these allusions afford much help, for we cannot rest satisfied with
the arrangement in Tyrwhitt's edition, which makes the pilgrims come to
Sittingbourne before arriving at Rochester.
§ 6. But the data are not yet all disposed of: for we can fix the very days of
the month on which the pilgrims travelled. This is discussed in the note to B
5[83], where the day recognised by the Host is shown to have been the 18th
of April, and not the 28th, as in some editions; which agrees with the
expression in the Prologue, l. 8[84].
Putting all the results together, we get the following convenient scheme for
the Groups of tales. It is copied from Dr. Furnivall's Preface, with the mere
addition of the dates.
April 16. The guests arrive at the Tabard, late in the evening (Prol. 20, 23).
April 17. Group A. General Prologue; Knight's Tale; Miller's Prologue and
Tale; Reeve's Prologue and Tale; Cook's Prologue and Tale (the last
unfinished). Gap.
Notes of time and place. In the Miller's Prologue, he tells the company to
lay the blame on the ale of Southwark if his tale is not to their liking; he had
hardly yet recovered from its effects.
In the Reeve's Prologue, A 3906, 3907, are the lines—
arrangement is that proposed by Mr. Furnivall, viz. to suppose four days (or
three and a half) to have been occupied; the more so, as this supposition
disposes of another extremely awkward allusion to time, viz. the mention of
ten o'clock in the morning in Group B, l. 14, which must refer to yet a third
morning, in order not to clash with the two notes of time already alluded to;
whilst the passage in the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue absolutely requires a
fourth morning, because of the pilgrims having passed the night at a
hostelry. The references to places on the road can cause no trouble; on the
contrary, these allusions afford much help, for we cannot rest satisfied with
the arrangement in Tyrwhitt's edition, which makes the pilgrims come to
Sittingbourne before arriving at Rochester.
§ 6. But the data are not yet all disposed of: for we can fix the very days of
the month on which the pilgrims travelled. This is discussed in the note to B
5[83], where the day recognised by the Host is shown to have been the 18th
of April, and not the 28th, as in some editions; which agrees with the
expression in the Prologue, l. 8[84].
Putting all the results together, we get the following convenient scheme for
the Groups of tales. It is copied from Dr. Furnivall's Preface, with the mere
addition of the dates.
April 16. The guests arrive at the Tabard, late in the evening (Prol. 20, 23).
April 17. Group A. General Prologue; Knight's Tale; Miller's Prologue and
Tale; Reeve's Prologue and Tale; Cook's Prologue and Tale (the last
unfinished). Gap.
Notes of time and place. In the Miller's Prologue, he tells the company to
lay the blame on the ale of Southwark if his tale is not to their liking; he had
hardly yet recovered from its effects.
In the Reeve's Prologue, A 3906, 3907, are the lines—
Page 571
'Lo Depeford, and it is half-way
pryme;
Lo Grenewich, ther many a shrewe
is inne.'
That is, they are in sight of Deptford and Greenwich at about half-past 7
o'clock in the morning.
This Group is incomplete; I shall give my reasons presently for supposing
that the Yeoman's Tale was to have formed a part of it. Probably the
pilgrims reached Dartford that night, and halted there, at a distance of
fifteen miles from London.
April 18. Group B. Man-of-Law Head-link, his Prologue, and Tale (1-
1162); Shipman's Prologue and Tale (1163-1624); Shipman End-link (1625-
1642); Prioress's Tale (1643-1880); Prioress End-link (1881-1901); Sir
Thopas (1902-2156); Tale of Melibeus (2157-3078); Monk's Prologue and
Tale (3079-3956); Nun's Priest's Prologue and Tale (3957-4636); End-link
(4637-4652). Gap.
Notes of time and place. In the Man-of-Law Head-link, we learn that it was
10 o'clock (l. 14), and that it was the 18th of April (l. 5). In the Monk's
Prologue, l. 3116, we find that the pilgrims were soon coming to Rochester.
This Group is probably incomplete, rather at the beginning than at the end.
Something is wanted to bring the time to 10 o'clock, whilst the travellers
would hardly have cared to pass Rochester that night. Suppose them to have
halted there, at thirty miles from London.
April 19. Group C. Doctor's Tale (1-286); Words of the Host to the Doctor
and the Pardoner (287-328); Pardoner's Preamble, Prologue, and Tale (329-
968). Gap.
Group D. Wife of Bath's Preamble (1-856); Wife's Tale (857-1264); Friar's
Prologue and Tale (1265-1664); Sompnour's Prologue and Tale (1665-
2294). Gap.
pryme;
Lo Grenewich, ther many a shrewe
is inne.'
That is, they are in sight of Deptford and Greenwich at about half-past 7
o'clock in the morning.
This Group is incomplete; I shall give my reasons presently for supposing
that the Yeoman's Tale was to have formed a part of it. Probably the
pilgrims reached Dartford that night, and halted there, at a distance of
fifteen miles from London.
April 18. Group B. Man-of-Law Head-link, his Prologue, and Tale (1-
1162); Shipman's Prologue and Tale (1163-1624); Shipman End-link (1625-
1642); Prioress's Tale (1643-1880); Prioress End-link (1881-1901); Sir
Thopas (1902-2156); Tale of Melibeus (2157-3078); Monk's Prologue and
Tale (3079-3956); Nun's Priest's Prologue and Tale (3957-4636); End-link
(4637-4652). Gap.
Notes of time and place. In the Man-of-Law Head-link, we learn that it was
10 o'clock (l. 14), and that it was the 18th of April (l. 5). In the Monk's
Prologue, l. 3116, we find that the pilgrims were soon coming to Rochester.
This Group is probably incomplete, rather at the beginning than at the end.
Something is wanted to bring the time to 10 o'clock, whilst the travellers
would hardly have cared to pass Rochester that night. Suppose them to have
halted there, at thirty miles from London.
April 19. Group C. Doctor's Tale (1-286); Words of the Host to the Doctor
and the Pardoner (287-328); Pardoner's Preamble, Prologue, and Tale (329-
968). Gap.
Group D. Wife of Bath's Preamble (1-856); Wife's Tale (857-1264); Friar's
Prologue and Tale (1265-1664); Sompnour's Prologue and Tale (1665-
2294). Gap.
Page 572
Group E. Clerk's Prologue and Tale (1-1212); Merchant's Prologue and Tale
(1213-2418); Merchant End-link (2419-2440). Gap; but the break is less
marked than usual.
Notes of place, &c. At the end of the Wife of Bath's Preamble is narrated a
verbal quarrel between the Sompnour and the Friar, in which the former
promises to tell some strange tales about friars before the company shall
arrive at Sittingbourne. Again, at the end of his Tale, he says—
'My tale is doon, we been almost at
toune.'—D 2294.
After which, we may suppose the company to have halted awhile at
Sittingbourne, forty miles from London.
It must also be noted that there are at least two allusions to the Wife of
Bath's Preamble in the course of Group E; namely, in the Clerk's Tale, l.
1170, and in the Merchant's Tale, E 1685; and probably a third allusion in
the Merchant End-link, E 2438. These prove that Group D should precede
Group E, and suggest that it should precede it immediately.
April 20. Group F. Squire's Tale (1-672); Squire-Franklin Link (673-708);
Franklin's Tale (709-1624). Gap.
Group G. Second Nun's Tale (1-553); Canon's Yeoman's Tale (554-1481).
Gap.
Group H. Manciple's Prologue and Tale (1-362). Gap.
Group I. Parson's Prologue and Tale.
Notes of time and place. In the Squire's Tale, F 73, the narrator remarks that
he will not delay the hearers, 'for it is prime,' i.e. 9 a.m.
(1213-2418); Merchant End-link (2419-2440). Gap; but the break is less
marked than usual.
Notes of place, &c. At the end of the Wife of Bath's Preamble is narrated a
verbal quarrel between the Sompnour and the Friar, in which the former
promises to tell some strange tales about friars before the company shall
arrive at Sittingbourne. Again, at the end of his Tale, he says—
'My tale is doon, we been almost at
toune.'—D 2294.
After which, we may suppose the company to have halted awhile at
Sittingbourne, forty miles from London.
It must also be noted that there are at least two allusions to the Wife of
Bath's Preamble in the course of Group E; namely, in the Clerk's Tale, l.
1170, and in the Merchant's Tale, E 1685; and probably a third allusion in
the Merchant End-link, E 2438. These prove that Group D should precede
Group E, and suggest that it should precede it immediately.
April 20. Group F. Squire's Tale (1-672); Squire-Franklin Link (673-708);
Franklin's Tale (709-1624). Gap.
Group G. Second Nun's Tale (1-553); Canon's Yeoman's Tale (554-1481).
Gap.
Group H. Manciple's Prologue and Tale (1-362). Gap.
Group I. Parson's Prologue and Tale.
Notes of time and place. In the Squire's Tale, F 73, the narrator remarks that
he will not delay the hearers, 'for it is prime,' i.e. 9 a.m.
Page 573
In the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue (G 588) is a most explicit statement,
which is certainly most easily understood as having reference to a halt for
the night on the road, at a place (probably Ospringe) five miles short of
Boughton-under-Blee (G 555). The Canon's Yeoman says plainly that he
had seen the pilgrims ride out of their hostelry in the morrow-tide. In the
Manciple's Prologue (H 2) there is mention of a little town called Bob-up-
and-down, 'under the Blee, in Canterbury way'; and the Cook is taken to
task for sleeping on the road in the morning (H 16), which cannot, in any
case, be the morning of the day on which they started from Southwark. In
the Parson's Prologue (I 5) there is mention of the hour of 4 p.m., and the
Parson undertakes to tell the last tale before the end of the journey.
§ 7. The above account is useful as shewing the exact extent to which
Chaucer had carried out his intention; and at the same time shews what is,
on the whole, the best arrangement of the Tales. This arrangement is not
much affected by the question of the number of days occupied by the
pilgrims on the journey. It possesses, moreover, the great advantage of
stamping upon the whole work its incomplete and fragmentary character.
The arrangement of the Tales in the various MSS. varies considerably, and
hence Tyrwhitt found it necessary in his edition to consider the question of
order, and to do his best to make a satisfactory arrangement. The order
which he finally adopted is easily expressed by using the names already
given to the Groups, only Group B must be subdivided into two parts (a)
and (b), the first of these containing the Man of Law's Prologue and Tale
only, and the second all the rest of the Tales, &c. in the Group. This
premised, his result is as follows: viz. Groups A, B (a), D, E, F, C, B (b), G,
H, I. The only two variations between the two lists are easily explained. In
the first place, Group C is entirely independent of all the rest, and contains
no note of time or place, so that it may be placed anywhere between A and
G; in this case therefore the variation is of no importance[85]. In the other
case, however, Tyrwhitt omitted to see that the parts of Group B are really
bound together by the expressions which occur in them. For, whereas the
Man of Law declares in l. 46, Group B—
'I can right now no thrifty tale seyn,'
which is certainly most easily understood as having reference to a halt for
the night on the road, at a place (probably Ospringe) five miles short of
Boughton-under-Blee (G 555). The Canon's Yeoman says plainly that he
had seen the pilgrims ride out of their hostelry in the morrow-tide. In the
Manciple's Prologue (H 2) there is mention of a little town called Bob-up-
and-down, 'under the Blee, in Canterbury way'; and the Cook is taken to
task for sleeping on the road in the morning (H 16), which cannot, in any
case, be the morning of the day on which they started from Southwark. In
the Parson's Prologue (I 5) there is mention of the hour of 4 p.m., and the
Parson undertakes to tell the last tale before the end of the journey.
§ 7. The above account is useful as shewing the exact extent to which
Chaucer had carried out his intention; and at the same time shews what is,
on the whole, the best arrangement of the Tales. This arrangement is not
much affected by the question of the number of days occupied by the
pilgrims on the journey. It possesses, moreover, the great advantage of
stamping upon the whole work its incomplete and fragmentary character.
The arrangement of the Tales in the various MSS. varies considerably, and
hence Tyrwhitt found it necessary in his edition to consider the question of
order, and to do his best to make a satisfactory arrangement. The order
which he finally adopted is easily expressed by using the names already
given to the Groups, only Group B must be subdivided into two parts (a)
and (b), the first of these containing the Man of Law's Prologue and Tale
only, and the second all the rest of the Tales, &c. in the Group. This
premised, his result is as follows: viz. Groups A, B (a), D, E, F, C, B (b), G,
H, I. The only two variations between the two lists are easily explained. In
the first place, Group C is entirely independent of all the rest, and contains
no note of time or place, so that it may be placed anywhere between A and
G; in this case therefore the variation is of no importance[85]. In the other
case, however, Tyrwhitt omitted to see that the parts of Group B are really
bound together by the expressions which occur in them. For, whereas the
Man of Law declares in l. 46, Group B—
'I can right now no thrifty tale seyn,'
Page 574
the Host, at the beginning of the Shipman's Prologue, l. 1165, is pleased to
give his verdict thus—
'This was a thrifty tale for the
nones,'
and proceeds to ask the Parson for a tale, declaring that 'ye lerned men in
lore,' i.e. the Man of Law and the Parson, know much that is good: whence
it is evident that B (b) must be advanced so as to follow B (a) immediately;
and the more so, as there is authority for this in MS. Arch. Seld. B 14 in the
Bodleian Library; while many MSS. suggest a similar arrangement (§ 39).
The correctness of this emendation is proved by the fact that it is necessary
for the mention of Rochester in B (b) to precede that of Sittingbourne in D.
It deserves to be mentioned further, that, of the four days supposed to be
consumed on the way, some of them are inadequately provided for. This
furnishes no real objection, because the unwritten tales of the Yeoman,
Haberdasher, Carpenter, Weaver, Dyer, Tapiser, and Ploughman, would
have helped in some degree to fill up the gaps which have been noticed
above.
§ 8. The whole of Group A is so admirably fitted together, and its details so
well worked out, that it may fairly be looked upon as having been finally
revised, as far as it goes; and I am disposed accordingly to look upon the
incomplete Cook's Tale as almost the last portion of his great work which
the poet ever revised in its intended final form. There is, in this Group A,
only one flaw, one that has often been noted, viz. the mention of three
Priests in the Prologue (l. 164), whereas we know that there was but one
Nun's Priest, his name being Sir John. At the same place there is a notable
omission of the character of the Nun, and the two things together point to
the possibility that Chaucer may have drawn her character in too strong
strokes, and have then suddenly determined to withdraw it, and to substitute
a new character at some future time[86]. If we suppose him to have left the
line 'That was hir chapeleyne' unfinished, it is easy to see how another hand
would have put in the words 'and preestes three' for the mere sake of the
give his verdict thus—
'This was a thrifty tale for the
nones,'
and proceeds to ask the Parson for a tale, declaring that 'ye lerned men in
lore,' i.e. the Man of Law and the Parson, know much that is good: whence
it is evident that B (b) must be advanced so as to follow B (a) immediately;
and the more so, as there is authority for this in MS. Arch. Seld. B 14 in the
Bodleian Library; while many MSS. suggest a similar arrangement (§ 39).
The correctness of this emendation is proved by the fact that it is necessary
for the mention of Rochester in B (b) to precede that of Sittingbourne in D.
It deserves to be mentioned further, that, of the four days supposed to be
consumed on the way, some of them are inadequately provided for. This
furnishes no real objection, because the unwritten tales of the Yeoman,
Haberdasher, Carpenter, Weaver, Dyer, Tapiser, and Ploughman, would
have helped in some degree to fill up the gaps which have been noticed
above.
§ 8. The whole of Group A is so admirably fitted together, and its details so
well worked out, that it may fairly be looked upon as having been finally
revised, as far as it goes; and I am disposed accordingly to look upon the
incomplete Cook's Tale as almost the last portion of his great work which
the poet ever revised in its intended final form. There is, in this Group A,
only one flaw, one that has often been noted, viz. the mention of three
Priests in the Prologue (l. 164), whereas we know that there was but one
Nun's Priest, his name being Sir John. At the same place there is a notable
omission of the character of the Nun, and the two things together point to
the possibility that Chaucer may have drawn her character in too strong
strokes, and have then suddenly determined to withdraw it, and to substitute
a new character at some future time[86]. If we suppose him to have left the
line 'That was hir chapeleyne' unfinished, it is easy to see how another hand
would have put in the words 'and preestes three' for the mere sake of the
Page 575
rime, without having regard to reason. We ought to reject those three words
as spurious.
§ 9. That Chaucer's work did receive, in some small degree, some touching-
up, is rendered yet more probable by observing how Group A ends. For
here, in several of the MSS., we come upon an additional fragment which,
on the face of it, is not Chaucer's at all, but a work belonging to a slightly
earlier period; I mean the Tale of Gamelyn. Some have supposed, with great
reason, that this tale occurs amongst the rest because it is one which
Chaucer intended to recast, although, as a fact, he did not live to rewrite a
single line of it. This is the more likely because the tale is a capital one in
itself, well worthy of being rewritten even by so great a poet; indeed, it is
well known that the plot of the favourite play known to us all by the title of
As You Like It, was derived from it at second-hand. But I cannot but protest
against the stupidity of the botcher whose hand wrote above it 'The Cokes
Tale of Gamelyn.' That was done because it happened to be found next after
the Cook's Tale, which, instead of being about Gamelyn, is about Perkin the
reveller, an idle apprentice.
The fitness of things ought to shew at once that this Tale of Gamelyn, a tale
of the woods, in the true Robin-Hood style, could only have been placed in
the mouth of him 'who bare a mighty bow,' and who knew all the usage of
woodcraft; in one word, of the Yeoman. (Gandelyn is the name of an archer
in Ritson's Ancient Songs, i. 82). And we get hence the additional hint, that
the Yeoman's Tale was to have followed the Cook's Tale, a tale of fresh
country-life succeeding one of the close back-streets of the city. No better
place can be found for it.
§ 10. There is yet one more Tale, found only in the edition of 1542 and
some later printed editions, but in none of the MSS., viz. the Ploughman's
Tale. This is admittedly spurious, in the sense that it is not Chaucer's; but it
is a remarkable poem in its way. The author never intended it for an
imitation of Chaucer, nor pretended any disguise about it; on the contrary,
he says plainly that he was the author of the well-known poem in
alliterative verse commonly known as Pierce the Ploughman's Crede. It can
only have been inserted by inadvertence, but we need not blame the editor
as spurious.
§ 9. That Chaucer's work did receive, in some small degree, some touching-
up, is rendered yet more probable by observing how Group A ends. For
here, in several of the MSS., we come upon an additional fragment which,
on the face of it, is not Chaucer's at all, but a work belonging to a slightly
earlier period; I mean the Tale of Gamelyn. Some have supposed, with great
reason, that this tale occurs amongst the rest because it is one which
Chaucer intended to recast, although, as a fact, he did not live to rewrite a
single line of it. This is the more likely because the tale is a capital one in
itself, well worthy of being rewritten even by so great a poet; indeed, it is
well known that the plot of the favourite play known to us all by the title of
As You Like It, was derived from it at second-hand. But I cannot but protest
against the stupidity of the botcher whose hand wrote above it 'The Cokes
Tale of Gamelyn.' That was done because it happened to be found next after
the Cook's Tale, which, instead of being about Gamelyn, is about Perkin the
reveller, an idle apprentice.
The fitness of things ought to shew at once that this Tale of Gamelyn, a tale
of the woods, in the true Robin-Hood style, could only have been placed in
the mouth of him 'who bare a mighty bow,' and who knew all the usage of
woodcraft; in one word, of the Yeoman. (Gandelyn is the name of an archer
in Ritson's Ancient Songs, i. 82). And we get hence the additional hint, that
the Yeoman's Tale was to have followed the Cook's Tale, a tale of fresh
country-life succeeding one of the close back-streets of the city. No better
place can be found for it.
§ 10. There is yet one more Tale, found only in the edition of 1542 and
some later printed editions, but in none of the MSS., viz. the Ploughman's
Tale. This is admittedly spurious, in the sense that it is not Chaucer's; but it
is a remarkable poem in its way. The author never intended it for an
imitation of Chaucer, nor pretended any disguise about it; on the contrary,
he says plainly that he was the author of the well-known poem in
alliterative verse commonly known as Pierce the Ploughman's Crede. It can
only have been inserted by inadvertence, but we need not blame the editor
Page 576
for doing this, since otherwise the poem would not have been preserved at
all, no MS. of it being now in existence.
§ 11. The next question that presents itself is this—Have we any means of
telling which of the Tales are of early, and which of late workmanship? In
reply to this, we may note, in the first place, the following facts and
probabilities.
The Knight's Tale was certainly re-written from beginning to end. In its
original form, Chaucer took a good deal of it from Boccaccio's Teseide, and
gave it the name of 'Palamon and Arcite'; see Prologue to Legend of Good
Women, l. 420; this he would naturally do not long before writing his
Troilus, in which he follows the same author. Moreover, this original
'Palamon' was written in the seven-line stanza; see notes to Anelida.
It must next be noted that Dr. Furnivall, who has drawn up, tentatively, a list
of Chaucer's works in their supposed order, puts down amongst the works
of the 'Second Period,' i.e. prior to the Canterbury Tales, that Tale which is
now known as the Second Nun's, though formerly called by Chaucer
himself the Life of Saint Cecile. Of this result there has never been a doubt;
Tyrwhitt says expressly, 'The Tale of the Nonne is almost literally translated
from the Life of St. Cecilia in the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus Januensis. It is
mentioned by Chaucer as a separate work in his Legend of Good Women, l.
426, under the title of the Life of Seint Cecile, and it still retains evident
marks that it was not originally composed in the form of a Tale to be spoken
by the Nonne[87].' It is, then, little more than a translation, and it is in seven-
line stanzas.
Dr. Furnivall assigns to the Second Nun's Tale the conjectural date of 1373,
being the very year when Chaucer perhaps met Petrarch at Padua (see note
to E 27), and learnt from him the tale of Griseldis, now known as the
Clerk's Tale. This tale is likewise, for the most part, a translation, and in
seven-line stanzas.
The Prioress's Tale is a short one. Although written in seven-line stanzas, it
is probably later than others in the same metre.
all, no MS. of it being now in existence.
§ 11. The next question that presents itself is this—Have we any means of
telling which of the Tales are of early, and which of late workmanship? In
reply to this, we may note, in the first place, the following facts and
probabilities.
The Knight's Tale was certainly re-written from beginning to end. In its
original form, Chaucer took a good deal of it from Boccaccio's Teseide, and
gave it the name of 'Palamon and Arcite'; see Prologue to Legend of Good
Women, l. 420; this he would naturally do not long before writing his
Troilus, in which he follows the same author. Moreover, this original
'Palamon' was written in the seven-line stanza; see notes to Anelida.
It must next be noted that Dr. Furnivall, who has drawn up, tentatively, a list
of Chaucer's works in their supposed order, puts down amongst the works
of the 'Second Period,' i.e. prior to the Canterbury Tales, that Tale which is
now known as the Second Nun's, though formerly called by Chaucer
himself the Life of Saint Cecile. Of this result there has never been a doubt;
Tyrwhitt says expressly, 'The Tale of the Nonne is almost literally translated
from the Life of St. Cecilia in the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus Januensis. It is
mentioned by Chaucer as a separate work in his Legend of Good Women, l.
426, under the title of the Life of Seint Cecile, and it still retains evident
marks that it was not originally composed in the form of a Tale to be spoken
by the Nonne[87].' It is, then, little more than a translation, and it is in seven-
line stanzas.
Dr. Furnivall assigns to the Second Nun's Tale the conjectural date of 1373,
being the very year when Chaucer perhaps met Petrarch at Padua (see note
to E 27), and learnt from him the tale of Griseldis, now known as the
Clerk's Tale. This tale is likewise, for the most part, a translation, and in
seven-line stanzas.
The Prioress's Tale is a short one. Although written in seven-line stanzas, it
is probably later than others in the same metre.
Page 577
The Man of Law's Tale will be considered hereafter; and it will be shewn
that it was written independently of other Tales.
The Monk's Tale is in a very peculiar metre, which appears nowhere else in
Chaucer, except in the unoriginal poem called the ABC (probably written
before A.D. 1369), and in some other of Chaucer's minor poems, such as the
Former Age, Fortune, the Envoy to Bukton, &c.; so that, considered with
reference to metre, this Tale may be of any date. The main part of it shews
very little originality, and is clearly rather early than late.
§ 12. Having premised these considerations, it is easy to see that the
metrical form suggests, to a useful extent, a possible distinction between the
earlier and the later Tales. Nearly all of Chaucer's tales that are in stanzas
are early, whilst all that are in decasyllabic couplets are late. We have seen
that this is known to be true in the case of the Second Nun's Tale, that it is
highly probable in the case of the Clerk's Tale (of which more hereafter),
and there is nothing against it in the case of the Monk's Tale, written in the
same metre as a poem which was probably his very first, or nearly so, if
there be any truth in the statement that it was written for the use of the
Duchess Blanche, who died in 1369. At the same time, it can be shewn that
'Palamon and Arcite' was written in stanzas, so that the present metre of the
Knight's Tale presents no difficulty. Of course it will be understood that
there is, in these stanza-tales, some of Chaucer's latest work, but I shall
presently shew that this late work is easily picked out. I have already
pointed out that the Prioress's Tale (of unusual brevity) is an exception to
the general rule.
§ 13. The above distinction was suggested to me by the simple fact, that
Chaucer cannot be proved to have used his couplets till he was well
advanced in composition. Indeed, it has always been remarked that no
English poet before him ever dreamt of such a metre, and it has been a
source of wonder, for hundreds of years, whence he derived it. To say that it
was derived from the French ten-syllable verse is not a complete solution of
the mystery; for nearly all such verse is commonly either in stanzas, or else
a great number of successive lines are rimed together. We have to discover
a specimen of French ten-syllable verse in which only two successive lines
that it was written independently of other Tales.
The Monk's Tale is in a very peculiar metre, which appears nowhere else in
Chaucer, except in the unoriginal poem called the ABC (probably written
before A.D. 1369), and in some other of Chaucer's minor poems, such as the
Former Age, Fortune, the Envoy to Bukton, &c.; so that, considered with
reference to metre, this Tale may be of any date. The main part of it shews
very little originality, and is clearly rather early than late.
§ 12. Having premised these considerations, it is easy to see that the
metrical form suggests, to a useful extent, a possible distinction between the
earlier and the later Tales. Nearly all of Chaucer's tales that are in stanzas
are early, whilst all that are in decasyllabic couplets are late. We have seen
that this is known to be true in the case of the Second Nun's Tale, that it is
highly probable in the case of the Clerk's Tale (of which more hereafter),
and there is nothing against it in the case of the Monk's Tale, written in the
same metre as a poem which was probably his very first, or nearly so, if
there be any truth in the statement that it was written for the use of the
Duchess Blanche, who died in 1369. At the same time, it can be shewn that
'Palamon and Arcite' was written in stanzas, so that the present metre of the
Knight's Tale presents no difficulty. Of course it will be understood that
there is, in these stanza-tales, some of Chaucer's latest work, but I shall
presently shew that this late work is easily picked out. I have already
pointed out that the Prioress's Tale (of unusual brevity) is an exception to
the general rule.
§ 13. The above distinction was suggested to me by the simple fact, that
Chaucer cannot be proved to have used his couplets till he was well
advanced in composition. Indeed, it has always been remarked that no
English poet before him ever dreamt of such a metre, and it has been a
source of wonder, for hundreds of years, whence he derived it. To say that it
was derived from the French ten-syllable verse is not a complete solution of
the mystery; for nearly all such verse is commonly either in stanzas, or else
a great number of successive lines are rimed together. We have to discover
a specimen of French ten-syllable verse in which only two successive lines
Page 578
are rimed together; and these, I believe, are very scarce. After some search I
have, however, fortunately lighted upon a very interesting specimen, among
the poems of Guillaume de Machault, a French writer whom Chaucer is
known to have imitated[88], and who died in 1377. In the edition of
Machault's poems edited by Tarbé, Reims and Paris, 1849, p. 89, there is a
poem of exactly this character, of no great length, and fortunately dated; for
its title is—'Complainte écrite après la bataille de Poitiers et avant le siège
de Reims par les Anglais' (1356-1358). The first four lines run thus:—
'A toy, Henry, dous amis, me
complain,
Pour ce que ne cueur ne mont ne
plein[89];
Car a piet suy, sans cheval et sans
selle,
Et si n'ay mais esmeraude, ne belle.'
The last couplet (the second line of which has two examples of the fully-
sounded final e) is as follows:—
'Et que jamais ne feray chant ne lay,
Adieu te di: car toutë joië lay.'
As some of Machault's poems seem to have been lost, he may have written
several more poems in the same metre. In any case, we know that Chaucer
was well acquainted with his works, and it is also almost certain that the
earliest attempt to use this metre in English was made by Chaucer, in his
Legend of Good Women, commenced, according to Professor Ten Brink, in
the year 1385 (Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 111). Surely this date is one
of considerable importance; for we at once derive from it the probability
that all of the Canterbury Tales written in this metre were written after
1385, whilst those not in this metre may have been earlier, though one of
them and a part of some others appear to be later.
§ 14. It appears that the original scheme, whereby each pilgrim was to tell
two Tales on the way to Canterbury, and two on his return, was modified, at
have, however, fortunately lighted upon a very interesting specimen, among
the poems of Guillaume de Machault, a French writer whom Chaucer is
known to have imitated[88], and who died in 1377. In the edition of
Machault's poems edited by Tarbé, Reims and Paris, 1849, p. 89, there is a
poem of exactly this character, of no great length, and fortunately dated; for
its title is—'Complainte écrite après la bataille de Poitiers et avant le siège
de Reims par les Anglais' (1356-1358). The first four lines run thus:—
'A toy, Henry, dous amis, me
complain,
Pour ce que ne cueur ne mont ne
plein[89];
Car a piet suy, sans cheval et sans
selle,
Et si n'ay mais esmeraude, ne belle.'
The last couplet (the second line of which has two examples of the fully-
sounded final e) is as follows:—
'Et que jamais ne feray chant ne lay,
Adieu te di: car toutë joië lay.'
As some of Machault's poems seem to have been lost, he may have written
several more poems in the same metre. In any case, we know that Chaucer
was well acquainted with his works, and it is also almost certain that the
earliest attempt to use this metre in English was made by Chaucer, in his
Legend of Good Women, commenced, according to Professor Ten Brink, in
the year 1385 (Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 111). Surely this date is one
of considerable importance; for we at once derive from it the probability
that all of the Canterbury Tales written in this metre were written after
1385, whilst those not in this metre may have been earlier, though one of
them and a part of some others appear to be later.
§ 14. It appears that the original scheme, whereby each pilgrim was to tell
two Tales on the way to Canterbury, and two on his return, was modified, at
Page 579
the time of writing the Parson's Prologue, to a less ambitious scheme
whereby each pilgrim was to tell but one Tale apiece. Indeed, the
expressions—'Almost fulfild is al myn ordinaunce' in the Parson's Prologue
(I 19), and again—'To knitte up al this feeste, and make an ende' in the same
(I 47), clearly indicate that the author would, by that time, have been
content with the far humbler task of providing but one Tale apiece for the
outward journey only. This would have reduced the original scheme to only
a quarter of what had been intended; but even thus far the work was never
completed. All that finally appeared consists of nine separate fragments; yet
they amount to more than 17,000 lines, besides two Tales in prose. It would
have been well if the latest scheme, i.e. the quarter of the first scheme,
could have been thoroughly carried out; but we must be thankful for what
we have.
§ 15. Two attempts were made by subsequent authors to continue the
Canterbury Tales; it may be worth while to give here a brief notice of them.
The Tale of Beryn, by an anonymous author, belongs to the early part of the
fifteenth century. It has been printed for the Chaucer Society from the Duke
of Northumberland's MS. no. 55, where it occurs at leaf 180, after the
Canon's Yeoman's Tale. This Tale is supposed to have been the first one told
after leaving Canterbury on the return journey, and is put into the mouth of
the Merchant, who volunteers to tell it without troubling the host to go
through the process of casting lots. It is preceded by a Prologue, which
accounts for the manner in which the time was passed in Canterbury. A
considerable portion of it is taken up by an account of an amour of the
Pardoner; but we also learn several particulars which are of interest, as they
refer to the pilgrimage of the characters imagined by Chaucer, and serve to
fill in the general idea.
Following this guide, we learn that, on arriving at Canterbury, the Pilgrims
lodged at an inn called 'The Cheker of the Hope,' or Chequer of the Hoop;
and as soon as they had taken up their quarters there, proceeded to the
cathedral, headed by the Knight, to make their offerings at the shrine, of
silver brooches and the like. On arriving at the door, the question of
precedence arose, as to which should first enter; but this was settled by the
whereby each pilgrim was to tell but one Tale apiece. Indeed, the
expressions—'Almost fulfild is al myn ordinaunce' in the Parson's Prologue
(I 19), and again—'To knitte up al this feeste, and make an ende' in the same
(I 47), clearly indicate that the author would, by that time, have been
content with the far humbler task of providing but one Tale apiece for the
outward journey only. This would have reduced the original scheme to only
a quarter of what had been intended; but even thus far the work was never
completed. All that finally appeared consists of nine separate fragments; yet
they amount to more than 17,000 lines, besides two Tales in prose. It would
have been well if the latest scheme, i.e. the quarter of the first scheme,
could have been thoroughly carried out; but we must be thankful for what
we have.
§ 15. Two attempts were made by subsequent authors to continue the
Canterbury Tales; it may be worth while to give here a brief notice of them.
The Tale of Beryn, by an anonymous author, belongs to the early part of the
fifteenth century. It has been printed for the Chaucer Society from the Duke
of Northumberland's MS. no. 55, where it occurs at leaf 180, after the
Canon's Yeoman's Tale. This Tale is supposed to have been the first one told
after leaving Canterbury on the return journey, and is put into the mouth of
the Merchant, who volunteers to tell it without troubling the host to go
through the process of casting lots. It is preceded by a Prologue, which
accounts for the manner in which the time was passed in Canterbury. A
considerable portion of it is taken up by an account of an amour of the
Pardoner; but we also learn several particulars which are of interest, as they
refer to the pilgrimage of the characters imagined by Chaucer, and serve to
fill in the general idea.
Following this guide, we learn that, on arriving at Canterbury, the Pilgrims
lodged at an inn called 'The Cheker of the Hope,' or Chequer of the Hoop;
and as soon as they had taken up their quarters there, proceeded to the
cathedral, headed by the Knight, to make their offerings at the shrine, of
silver brooches and the like. On arriving at the door, the question of
precedence arose, as to which should first enter; but this was settled by the
Page 580
Knight, who gave way to 'the prelatis, the person and his fere[90].' Hereupon
a monk appears, who sprinkles the company with holy water; and we find
that the Friar was very anxious to be allowed to perform this duty for him
—'so longid his holy conscience to se the Nonnys face.' The Knight and
others repair to the shrine, but the Pardoner and the Miller, with others of
like mind, chiefly occupy themselves with wandering about the cathedral,
poring upon the stained glass in the windows, and discussing the coats-of-
arms there displayed, as well as the chief subjects there depicted. However,
the Host goes after them, and persuades them to visit the shrine, and pay
their offerings. After kneeling down before the shrine, and kissing the
various relics, they stay to hear the service, and afterwards repair to the inn
to dinner, as it is now near noon.
On their way, they buy, according to custom, some pilgrims' 'signs' or
tokens; on which occasion the Miller and Pardoner obtain several
'Canterbury brooches' by the cheap process of stealing them. They
afterwards display the signs, as usual, by wearing them stuck in their hats.
On returning to the inn, they wash and sit down to dinner, and are soon in
loud talk, greatly enjoying themselves. The Host then formally thanks the
company for having, each of them, told 'a tale' according to the original
compact[91]. All that is now required, he says, is 'that wee must so,
homward, eche man tel anothir.' The Friar reminds the Host that they were
all to sup with him on their return to Southwark (Prol. 799, 815). The Host
says he is ready to do his part, and the company disperse for a time. They
again meet at supper; and afterwards go to bed for the night.
The next morning, the Knight and his son the Squire each 'cast on a fressher
gown,' an example followed by several others, and all sally out to see the
town. The Knight and Squire are particularly interested in the town-walls
and the fortifications, which they examine critically, though the Squire's
mind is occasionally distracted by irrepressible thoughts of his lady-love.
The Clerk of Oxford harangues the Sompnour, and tells him that he ought
not to be angry with the Friar for knowing so much about evil-doings, and
for telling a Tale about a false Sompnour; for it is well to have some
knowledge both of good and evil, and it is admitted that there must always
a monk appears, who sprinkles the company with holy water; and we find
that the Friar was very anxious to be allowed to perform this duty for him
—'so longid his holy conscience to se the Nonnys face.' The Knight and
others repair to the shrine, but the Pardoner and the Miller, with others of
like mind, chiefly occupy themselves with wandering about the cathedral,
poring upon the stained glass in the windows, and discussing the coats-of-
arms there displayed, as well as the chief subjects there depicted. However,
the Host goes after them, and persuades them to visit the shrine, and pay
their offerings. After kneeling down before the shrine, and kissing the
various relics, they stay to hear the service, and afterwards repair to the inn
to dinner, as it is now near noon.
On their way, they buy, according to custom, some pilgrims' 'signs' or
tokens; on which occasion the Miller and Pardoner obtain several
'Canterbury brooches' by the cheap process of stealing them. They
afterwards display the signs, as usual, by wearing them stuck in their hats.
On returning to the inn, they wash and sit down to dinner, and are soon in
loud talk, greatly enjoying themselves. The Host then formally thanks the
company for having, each of them, told 'a tale' according to the original
compact[91]. All that is now required, he says, is 'that wee must so,
homward, eche man tel anothir.' The Friar reminds the Host that they were
all to sup with him on their return to Southwark (Prol. 799, 815). The Host
says he is ready to do his part, and the company disperse for a time. They
again meet at supper; and afterwards go to bed for the night.
The next morning, the Knight and his son the Squire each 'cast on a fressher
gown,' an example followed by several others, and all sally out to see the
town. The Knight and Squire are particularly interested in the town-walls
and the fortifications, which they examine critically, though the Squire's
mind is occasionally distracted by irrepressible thoughts of his lady-love.
The Clerk of Oxford harangues the Sompnour, and tells him that he ought
not to be angry with the Friar for knowing so much about evil-doings, and
for telling a Tale about a false Sompnour; for it is well to have some
knowledge both of good and evil, and it is admitted that there must always
Page 581
be some evil members of every calling; of which doctrine the Knight
approves. The Monk takes the Parson and the Grey Friar[92] to call on a
friend of his; and we are told that they did not drink water together on this
occasion; 'for spycys and eke wyne Went round aboute.' The Wife of Bath
and the Prioress repair to the garden behind the inn, which they greatly
admire; whilst the Merchant, the Manciple, the Miller, the Reeve, and
others roam about the town. In the evening, all the pilgrims meet at supper-
time, after which the steadier members of the company go early to bed,
whilst the Miller and the Cook sit up drinking. Here follows, at
considerable length, the adventure of the Pardoner. Next morning, the
whole company leave Canterbury early, in splendid weather, and are all in
excellent spirits. The tale-telling commences, and the Merchant undertakes
to tell the Tale of Beryn.
§ 16. The other projected continuation of the Canterbury Tales is Lydgate's
poem called the Storie of Thebes, first printed as an appendix to the Tales in
Stowe's edition of 1561[93]. It is preceded by a Prologue in which Lydgate,
with some humour, makes the Host remark that the poet's bridle has neither
boss nor bell, and that the poet himself is pale, and 'all deuoide of blood',
and wears upon his head 'a wonder thredbare hood', being moreover 'Well
araied for to ride late'; which I take to mean that, if his late riding caused
him to fall among thieves, there was not much spoil to be obtained from
him.
Lydgate had, he tells us, just recovered from a sickness, and went on a
pilgrimage to Canterbury on his own account. By good fortune, he went to
the same inn as Chaucer's pilgrims, and found there the whole company.
The Host invites him to supper, offering him a great pudding or a round
haggis, and prescribing for him, after supper, some red fennel, anise,
cummin, or coriander-seed. The pilgrims are to leave Canterbury next
morning at daybreak, and Lydgate agrees to accompany them.
Accordingly, on the morrow, they make an early start, designing to reach
Ospringe by dinner-time, i.e. by about ten o'clock in the forenoon. They had
only just left the precincts of the town, when the Host calls upon Lydgate to
tell the first Tale of the day; whereupon he commences the long 'Storie of
approves. The Monk takes the Parson and the Grey Friar[92] to call on a
friend of his; and we are told that they did not drink water together on this
occasion; 'for spycys and eke wyne Went round aboute.' The Wife of Bath
and the Prioress repair to the garden behind the inn, which they greatly
admire; whilst the Merchant, the Manciple, the Miller, the Reeve, and
others roam about the town. In the evening, all the pilgrims meet at supper-
time, after which the steadier members of the company go early to bed,
whilst the Miller and the Cook sit up drinking. Here follows, at
considerable length, the adventure of the Pardoner. Next morning, the
whole company leave Canterbury early, in splendid weather, and are all in
excellent spirits. The tale-telling commences, and the Merchant undertakes
to tell the Tale of Beryn.
§ 16. The other projected continuation of the Canterbury Tales is Lydgate's
poem called the Storie of Thebes, first printed as an appendix to the Tales in
Stowe's edition of 1561[93]. It is preceded by a Prologue in which Lydgate,
with some humour, makes the Host remark that the poet's bridle has neither
boss nor bell, and that the poet himself is pale, and 'all deuoide of blood',
and wears upon his head 'a wonder thredbare hood', being moreover 'Well
araied for to ride late'; which I take to mean that, if his late riding caused
him to fall among thieves, there was not much spoil to be obtained from
him.
Lydgate had, he tells us, just recovered from a sickness, and went on a
pilgrimage to Canterbury on his own account. By good fortune, he went to
the same inn as Chaucer's pilgrims, and found there the whole company.
The Host invites him to supper, offering him a great pudding or a round
haggis, and prescribing for him, after supper, some red fennel, anise,
cummin, or coriander-seed. The pilgrims are to leave Canterbury next
morning at daybreak, and Lydgate agrees to accompany them.
Accordingly, on the morrow, they make an early start, designing to reach
Ospringe by dinner-time, i.e. by about ten o'clock in the forenoon. They had
only just left the precincts of the town, when the Host calls upon Lydgate to
tell the first Tale of the day; whereupon he commences the long 'Storie of
Page 582
Thebes', in three parts. He succeeded in finishing the first part just at nine
o'clock, as they 'passed the thrope[94] of Broughton on the Blee'. Near the
end of the third part there is an interesting allusion to the opening lines of
the Knightes Tale, where the mourning ladies await the coming of Theseus
—
'And, as my master Chaucer list to
endite,
All clad in blacke with hir wimples
white'—
take up their position 'in the temple of the goddesse Clemence.' When
Theseus comes, they beseech him to redress their harms:—
'But if ye list to see the gentillesse
Of Theseus, and how he hath him
borne,
If ye remember, ye[95] have heard
to-forne
Well rehearsed, at Depeford in the
vale,
In the beginning of the Knightes
tale.'
It should be particularly noted that, like the author of the Tale of Beryn,
Lydgate assumes that each pilgrim tells one Tale only on the journey to
Canterbury, and one on the way home. The Host explains to him that it is
'the custome of this companie' for each member of it 'To tell a tale,' and that
they 'will homeward the same custome vse.' It is clear that Chaucer's theory
about the scheme of his Tales was entirely lost sight of, and that only his
practice was regarded, which implied that half the number would suffice.
Tyrwhitt's proposal, to alter the text of the Prologue so as to make it square
better with the facts, contradicts all that we know about Chaucer. To
formulate larger schemes than he could carry out was his constant habit.
o'clock, as they 'passed the thrope[94] of Broughton on the Blee'. Near the
end of the third part there is an interesting allusion to the opening lines of
the Knightes Tale, where the mourning ladies await the coming of Theseus
—
'And, as my master Chaucer list to
endite,
All clad in blacke with hir wimples
white'—
take up their position 'in the temple of the goddesse Clemence.' When
Theseus comes, they beseech him to redress their harms:—
'But if ye list to see the gentillesse
Of Theseus, and how he hath him
borne,
If ye remember, ye[95] have heard
to-forne
Well rehearsed, at Depeford in the
vale,
In the beginning of the Knightes
tale.'
It should be particularly noted that, like the author of the Tale of Beryn,
Lydgate assumes that each pilgrim tells one Tale only on the journey to
Canterbury, and one on the way home. The Host explains to him that it is
'the custome of this companie' for each member of it 'To tell a tale,' and that
they 'will homeward the same custome vse.' It is clear that Chaucer's theory
about the scheme of his Tales was entirely lost sight of, and that only his
practice was regarded, which implied that half the number would suffice.
Tyrwhitt's proposal, to alter the text of the Prologue so as to make it square
better with the facts, contradicts all that we know about Chaucer. To
formulate larger schemes than he could carry out was his constant habit.
Page 583
Group A.
§ 17. The Prologue is chiefly occupied with the description of the company.
As to their number, there is a little difficulty. In l. 24, we are told that it was
'wel nyne and twenty,' i.e. about 29. The question as to whether this number
includes Chaucer himself seems to be settled by l. 29, where he employs the
word 'we'; and we shall find that to include the poet among the 29 suits best
with all that is said about them; cf. l. 544. Nevertheless, the actual number
described (if we include Chaucer) is 31, owing to the mention of 'the
preestes three' in l. 164. This has been commented on in § 8; and, as we
have the authority of Chaucer himself for supposing that one of the tellers
of Tales is the Nonnes Preest, which presupposes but one Preest, we are
justified in looking upon these three words as having been interpolated. We
might even suppose that Chaucer himself made such an alteration himself at
a later time, forgetting the inconsistency which was thus introduced. I shall
now assume the truth of this correction, and give the list of the 29. At the
same time, I print in italics the names of those who are tellers of Tales, and
we thus see the result at a glance.
1. The Knight. 2. The Squyer. 3. The Yeman. 4. The Prioresse. 5. The
Second Nonne. 6. The Nonnes Preest. 7. The Monk. 8. The Frere. 9. The
Marchaunt. 10. The Clerk. 11. The Sergeant of the Lawe, or Man of Lawe.
12. The Frankeleyn. 13. The Haberdasher. 14. The Carpenter. 15. The
Webbe. 16. The Dyere. 17. The Tapicer. 18. The Cook. 19. The Shipman.
20. The Doctour, or Phisicien. 21. The Wyf of Bathe. 22. The Persoun. 23.
The Plowman. 24. The Miller. 25. The Manciple. 26. The Reve. 27. The
Somnour. 28. The Pardoner. 29. Chaucer. Besides these, we find (ll. 803, 4)
that mine Host of the Tabard, by name Harry Bailly (A 4358), volunteered
to accompany and guide the pilgrims, thus bringing their total number up to
thirty. To which it is very necessary to add, that the number of pilgrims was
increased, during the journey, by the accession of the Chanouns Yeman (G
703).
The Host proposes that each pilgrim shall tell two Tales on the outward, and
two on the homeward journey; a proposal which afterwards dwindled down,
as explained above, to one only, on the outward journey alone. Even this
§ 17. The Prologue is chiefly occupied with the description of the company.
As to their number, there is a little difficulty. In l. 24, we are told that it was
'wel nyne and twenty,' i.e. about 29. The question as to whether this number
includes Chaucer himself seems to be settled by l. 29, where he employs the
word 'we'; and we shall find that to include the poet among the 29 suits best
with all that is said about them; cf. l. 544. Nevertheless, the actual number
described (if we include Chaucer) is 31, owing to the mention of 'the
preestes three' in l. 164. This has been commented on in § 8; and, as we
have the authority of Chaucer himself for supposing that one of the tellers
of Tales is the Nonnes Preest, which presupposes but one Preest, we are
justified in looking upon these three words as having been interpolated. We
might even suppose that Chaucer himself made such an alteration himself at
a later time, forgetting the inconsistency which was thus introduced. I shall
now assume the truth of this correction, and give the list of the 29. At the
same time, I print in italics the names of those who are tellers of Tales, and
we thus see the result at a glance.
1. The Knight. 2. The Squyer. 3. The Yeman. 4. The Prioresse. 5. The
Second Nonne. 6. The Nonnes Preest. 7. The Monk. 8. The Frere. 9. The
Marchaunt. 10. The Clerk. 11. The Sergeant of the Lawe, or Man of Lawe.
12. The Frankeleyn. 13. The Haberdasher. 14. The Carpenter. 15. The
Webbe. 16. The Dyere. 17. The Tapicer. 18. The Cook. 19. The Shipman.
20. The Doctour, or Phisicien. 21. The Wyf of Bathe. 22. The Persoun. 23.
The Plowman. 24. The Miller. 25. The Manciple. 26. The Reve. 27. The
Somnour. 28. The Pardoner. 29. Chaucer. Besides these, we find (ll. 803, 4)
that mine Host of the Tabard, by name Harry Bailly (A 4358), volunteered
to accompany and guide the pilgrims, thus bringing their total number up to
thirty. To which it is very necessary to add, that the number of pilgrims was
increased, during the journey, by the accession of the Chanouns Yeman (G
703).
The Host proposes that each pilgrim shall tell two Tales on the outward, and
two on the homeward journey; a proposal which afterwards dwindled down,
as explained above, to one only, on the outward journey alone. Even this
Page 584
scheme was not fulfilled, nor did the pilgrims ever arrive at their
destination. We only know that the Persones Tale was to have been the last,
as the Knightes was the first. The best tale-teller, in the judgment of mine
host, was to have a supper in his honour, at the expense of all the rest; but
the prize was never awarded.
Chaucer's description of his characters is dramatic and masterly; and
nothing more need be said about them here, though some further particulars
are given in the Notes[96]. His sketches are doubtless original, with the
remarkable exception of certain lines in the descriptions of the Prioresse
and the Wyf of Bathe, which are transcribed or imitated from Le Roman de
la Rose. We even find in Marsh (Eng. Language, p. 419) the remark, that
Chaucer was 'a dramatist before that which is technically known as the
drama was invented.'
§ 18. The Knightes Tale. It is certain that this poem was rewritten, for the
purpose of being placed at the head of the Tales. In its original form, it
constituted the poem of 'Palemon and Arcite' as referred to in the Legend of
Good Women; see the note to l. 420 of that poem, and the introductory
remarks to Anelida and Arcite in vol. i. p. 529. We thus see (as was duly
noted by Ten Brink[97]) that the original Palemon and Arcite was written in
seven-line stanzas, and that some fragments that once belonged to it have
found their way into other poems. The opening stanzas of Palemon and
Arcite are preserved in the poem of Anelida, ll. 22-46; and we can easily
see how they were rewritten so as to form ll. A 859-873 of the Knightes
Tale. Above Anelida, l. 22, and again above A 859, the same quotation from
Statius is still found in the MSS.
Sixteen stanzas which probably belonged to Palemon and Arcite are
preserved in the Parl. Foules, 183-294. These lines were entirely recast and
condensed, with additions of Chaucer's own, and answer to Kn. Ta., A
1918-1935. The likeness is so slight that it is worth while to shew wherein it
consists. I quote first from the Parl. Foules, and afterwards from the
Knightes Tale, merely giving such lines as shew a faint likeness, and
printing unchanged words in italics.
destination. We only know that the Persones Tale was to have been the last,
as the Knightes was the first. The best tale-teller, in the judgment of mine
host, was to have a supper in his honour, at the expense of all the rest; but
the prize was never awarded.
Chaucer's description of his characters is dramatic and masterly; and
nothing more need be said about them here, though some further particulars
are given in the Notes[96]. His sketches are doubtless original, with the
remarkable exception of certain lines in the descriptions of the Prioresse
and the Wyf of Bathe, which are transcribed or imitated from Le Roman de
la Rose. We even find in Marsh (Eng. Language, p. 419) the remark, that
Chaucer was 'a dramatist before that which is technically known as the
drama was invented.'
§ 18. The Knightes Tale. It is certain that this poem was rewritten, for the
purpose of being placed at the head of the Tales. In its original form, it
constituted the poem of 'Palemon and Arcite' as referred to in the Legend of
Good Women; see the note to l. 420 of that poem, and the introductory
remarks to Anelida and Arcite in vol. i. p. 529. We thus see (as was duly
noted by Ten Brink[97]) that the original Palemon and Arcite was written in
seven-line stanzas, and that some fragments that once belonged to it have
found their way into other poems. The opening stanzas of Palemon and
Arcite are preserved in the poem of Anelida, ll. 22-46; and we can easily
see how they were rewritten so as to form ll. A 859-873 of the Knightes
Tale. Above Anelida, l. 22, and again above A 859, the same quotation from
Statius is still found in the MSS.
Sixteen stanzas which probably belonged to Palemon and Arcite are
preserved in the Parl. Foules, 183-294. These lines were entirely recast and
condensed, with additions of Chaucer's own, and answer to Kn. Ta., A
1918-1935. The likeness is so slight that it is worth while to shew wherein it
consists. I quote first from the Parl. Foules, and afterwards from the
Knightes Tale, merely giving such lines as shew a faint likeness, and
printing unchanged words in italics.
Page 585
(1) From the Parliament of Foules:—
246. Within the temple [sc. of
Venus], of syghes hote as fyr
I herde a swogh that ganne
aboute renne;
Which syghes were engendred
with desyr....
218. Tho was I war of Plesaunce
anon-right,
225. I saw Beautee, withouten any
atyr,
And Youthe, ful of game and
Iolitee
Fool-hardinesse, Flaterye, and
Desyr,
Messagerye, and Mede, and
othere three....
261. Fond I Venus and her porter
Richesse.
221. To doon by force a wight to do
folye.
252. ... the bitter goddesse Ialousye.
197. Of instruments of strenges....
232. Aboute the temple daunceden
alway....
219. And of Aray, and Lust.
(2) From the Knightes Tale: A 1918, &c.:—
First in the temple of Venus
maystow see....
The broken slepes and the sykes
colde....
The fyry strokes of the desiring....
246. Within the temple [sc. of
Venus], of syghes hote as fyr
I herde a swogh that ganne
aboute renne;
Which syghes were engendred
with desyr....
218. Tho was I war of Plesaunce
anon-right,
225. I saw Beautee, withouten any
atyr,
And Youthe, ful of game and
Iolitee
Fool-hardinesse, Flaterye, and
Desyr,
Messagerye, and Mede, and
othere three....
261. Fond I Venus and her porter
Richesse.
221. To doon by force a wight to do
folye.
252. ... the bitter goddesse Ialousye.
197. Of instruments of strenges....
232. Aboute the temple daunceden
alway....
219. And of Aray, and Lust.
(2) From the Knightes Tale: A 1918, &c.:—
First in the temple of Venus
maystow see....
The broken slepes and the sykes
colde....
The fyry strokes of the desiring....
Page 586
Plesaunce and hope, desyr, fool-
hardinesse,
Beautee and youthe, bauderie,
richesse,
Charmes and force, lesinges,
flaterye,
Dispense, bisynesse, and Ielousye....
Festes, instruments, caroles,
daunces,
Lust and array.
The above is an excellent example of the manner in which Chaucer was
capable of absorbing ideas, and reproducing them in a form almost wholly
his own. If we were not aware beforehand that both these passages are due
to stanzas 53-64 of Book VII. of Boccaccio's Teseide, it would be easy to
miss even their general resemblance.
Lastly, we find that the lines in Troilus, v. 1807-27, are really imitated from
the Teseide, xi. stt. 1-3, where they refer to the death of Arcite. In the
Knightes Tale, all that answers to the same passage is a part of lines A 2809-
15; and all the resemblance is in the following expressions.
(1) From Troilus, v. 1808, &c.:—
His lighte goost ful blisfully is went
Up to the holownesse of the seventh
spere....
And forth he wente, shortly for to
telle,
Theras Mercurie sorted him to
dwelle.
(2) From the Knightes Tale; A 2809:—
His spirit chaunged hous, and wente
ther,
hardinesse,
Beautee and youthe, bauderie,
richesse,
Charmes and force, lesinges,
flaterye,
Dispense, bisynesse, and Ielousye....
Festes, instruments, caroles,
daunces,
Lust and array.
The above is an excellent example of the manner in which Chaucer was
capable of absorbing ideas, and reproducing them in a form almost wholly
his own. If we were not aware beforehand that both these passages are due
to stanzas 53-64 of Book VII. of Boccaccio's Teseide, it would be easy to
miss even their general resemblance.
Lastly, we find that the lines in Troilus, v. 1807-27, are really imitated from
the Teseide, xi. stt. 1-3, where they refer to the death of Arcite. In the
Knightes Tale, all that answers to the same passage is a part of lines A 2809-
15; and all the resemblance is in the following expressions.
(1) From Troilus, v. 1808, &c.:—
His lighte goost ful blisfully is went
Up to the holownesse of the seventh
spere....
And forth he wente, shortly for to
telle,
Theras Mercurie sorted him to
dwelle.
(2) From the Knightes Tale; A 2809:—
His spirit chaunged hous, and wente
ther,
Page 587
As I cam never, I can nat tellen
wher....
... wher they
dwelle;
Arcite is cold, ther Mars his soule
gye.
The change from Mercury, as the conductor of souls in general, to Mars, as
the conductor of the martial soul of Arcite, is well worth notice.
§ 19. These specimens furnish good examples of Chaucer's method.
Palemon and Arcite was, at first, a reasonably close imitation of Boccaccio's
poem of the Teseide, which took its name from the hero Theseus. But in its
second form, it was so much altered as to become, to all intents, a truly
original poem. Thanks to the patient labour of Mr. Henry Ward, who
collated the Teseide and the Knightes Tale throughout, line by line, we can
now tell that 'out of 2250 of Chaucer's lines, he has only translated 270 (less
than one-eighth); that only 374 more lines bear a general likeness to
Boccaccio's, and only 132 more, a slight likeness; [so that] any talk of the
Knightes Tale being a "translation only," or "taken bodily from the Teseide"
(of 9054 lines), is of course absurd. Chaucer's work is an adaptation of his
original.'—F. J. Furnivall, A Temporary Preface of the Six-text Edition of
the Canterbury Tales, p. 104.
A table shewing the general resemblance between certain lines in the
Knightes Tale and lines in the Teseide, is given in the Notes; to which I
must refer the reader for further information. I will merely add here that
Chaucer also consulted the Thebais of Statius, which was one of
Boccaccio's authorities.
§ 20. In order to give a clear idea of the general contents of Boccaccio's
poem, I here quote in full the analysis of it made by Tyrwhitt, and printed in
his Introductory Discourse:—
'The Teseide is distributed into twelve Books or Cantoes.
wher....
... wher they
dwelle;
Arcite is cold, ther Mars his soule
gye.
The change from Mercury, as the conductor of souls in general, to Mars, as
the conductor of the martial soul of Arcite, is well worth notice.
§ 19. These specimens furnish good examples of Chaucer's method.
Palemon and Arcite was, at first, a reasonably close imitation of Boccaccio's
poem of the Teseide, which took its name from the hero Theseus. But in its
second form, it was so much altered as to become, to all intents, a truly
original poem. Thanks to the patient labour of Mr. Henry Ward, who
collated the Teseide and the Knightes Tale throughout, line by line, we can
now tell that 'out of 2250 of Chaucer's lines, he has only translated 270 (less
than one-eighth); that only 374 more lines bear a general likeness to
Boccaccio's, and only 132 more, a slight likeness; [so that] any talk of the
Knightes Tale being a "translation only," or "taken bodily from the Teseide"
(of 9054 lines), is of course absurd. Chaucer's work is an adaptation of his
original.'—F. J. Furnivall, A Temporary Preface of the Six-text Edition of
the Canterbury Tales, p. 104.
A table shewing the general resemblance between certain lines in the
Knightes Tale and lines in the Teseide, is given in the Notes; to which I
must refer the reader for further information. I will merely add here that
Chaucer also consulted the Thebais of Statius, which was one of
Boccaccio's authorities.
§ 20. In order to give a clear idea of the general contents of Boccaccio's
poem, I here quote in full the analysis of it made by Tyrwhitt, and printed in
his Introductory Discourse:—
'The Teseide is distributed into twelve Books or Cantoes.
Page 588
'Bk. i. Contains the war of Theseus with the Amazons, their submission to
him, and his marriage with Hippolyta.
'Bk. ii. Theseus, having spent two years in Scythia, is reproached by
Perithous in a vision, and immediately returns to Athens with Hippolyta and
her sister Emilia. He enters the city in triumph; finds the Grecian ladies in
the temple of Clemenzia; marches to Thebes; kills Creon, &c., and brings
home Palemone and Arcita who are "Damnati—ad eterna presone."
'Bk. iii. Emilia, walking in a garden and singing, is heard and seen first by
Arcita[98], who calls Palemone. They are both equally enamoured of her, but
without any jealousy or rivalship. Emilia is supposed to see them at the
window, and to be not displeased with their admiration. Arcita is released at
the request of Perithous; takes his leave of Palemone, with embraces, &c.
'Bk. iv. Arcita, having changed his name to Pentheo, goes into the service of
Menelaus at Mycenae, and afterwards of Peleus at Aegina. From thence he
returns to Athens and becomes a *favourite servant of Theseus, being
known to Emilia, though to nobody else; till after some time he is overheard
making his complaint in a wood, to which he usually resorted for that
purpose, by Pamphilo, a servant of Palemone.
'Bk. v. Upon the report of Pamphilo, Palemone begins to be jealous of
Arcita, and is desirous to get out of prison in order to fight with him. This
he accomplishes with the assistance of Pamphilo, by changing clothes with
Alimeto, a physician. He goes armed to the wood in quest of Arcita, whom
he finds sleeping. At first, they are very civil and friendly to each other.
Then Palemone calls upon Arcita to renounce his pretensions to Emilia, or
to fight with him. After many long expostulations on the part of Arcita, they
fight, and are discovered first by Emilia, who sends for Theseus. When he
finds who they are, and the cause of their difference, he forgives them, and
proposes the method of deciding their claim to Emilia by a combat of a
hundred on each side, to which they gladly agree.
'Bk. vi. Palemone and Arcita live splendidly at Athens, and send out
messengers to summon their friends, who arrive; and the principal of them
him, and his marriage with Hippolyta.
'Bk. ii. Theseus, having spent two years in Scythia, is reproached by
Perithous in a vision, and immediately returns to Athens with Hippolyta and
her sister Emilia. He enters the city in triumph; finds the Grecian ladies in
the temple of Clemenzia; marches to Thebes; kills Creon, &c., and brings
home Palemone and Arcita who are "Damnati—ad eterna presone."
'Bk. iii. Emilia, walking in a garden and singing, is heard and seen first by
Arcita[98], who calls Palemone. They are both equally enamoured of her, but
without any jealousy or rivalship. Emilia is supposed to see them at the
window, and to be not displeased with their admiration. Arcita is released at
the request of Perithous; takes his leave of Palemone, with embraces, &c.
'Bk. iv. Arcita, having changed his name to Pentheo, goes into the service of
Menelaus at Mycenae, and afterwards of Peleus at Aegina. From thence he
returns to Athens and becomes a *favourite servant of Theseus, being
known to Emilia, though to nobody else; till after some time he is overheard
making his complaint in a wood, to which he usually resorted for that
purpose, by Pamphilo, a servant of Palemone.
'Bk. v. Upon the report of Pamphilo, Palemone begins to be jealous of
Arcita, and is desirous to get out of prison in order to fight with him. This
he accomplishes with the assistance of Pamphilo, by changing clothes with
Alimeto, a physician. He goes armed to the wood in quest of Arcita, whom
he finds sleeping. At first, they are very civil and friendly to each other.
Then Palemone calls upon Arcita to renounce his pretensions to Emilia, or
to fight with him. After many long expostulations on the part of Arcita, they
fight, and are discovered first by Emilia, who sends for Theseus. When he
finds who they are, and the cause of their difference, he forgives them, and
proposes the method of deciding their claim to Emilia by a combat of a
hundred on each side, to which they gladly agree.
'Bk. vi. Palemone and Arcita live splendidly at Athens, and send out
messengers to summon their friends, who arrive; and the principal of them
Page 589
are severally described, viz. Lycurgus, Peleus, Phocus, Telamon, &c.;
Agamemnon, Menelaus, Castor and Pollux, &c.; Nestor, Evander,
Perithous, Ulysses, Diomedes, &c.; with a great display of ancient history
and mythology.
'Bk. vii. Theseus declares the laws of the combat, and the two parties of a
hundred on each side are formed. The day before the combat, Arcita, after
having visited the temples of all the gods, makes a formal prayer to Mars.
The prayer, being personified, is said to go and find Mars in his temple in
Thrace, which is described; and Mars, upon understanding the message,
causes favourable signs to be given to Arcita. In the same manner Palemone
closes his religious observances with a prayer to Venus. His prayer, being
also personified, sets out for the temple of Venus on Mount Citherone,
which is also described; and the petition is granted. Then the sacrifice of
Emilia to Diana is described, her prayer, the appearance of the goddess, and
the signs of the two fires. In the morning they proceed to the theatre with
their respective troops and prepare for the action. Arcita puts up a private
prayer to Emilia, and harangues his troop publickly; and Palemone does the
same.
'Bk. viii. Contains a description of the battle, in which Palemone is taken
prisoner.
'Bk. ix. The horse of Arcita, being frighted by a Fury, sent from Hell at the
desire of Venus, throws him. However, he is carried to Athens in a
triumphal chariot with Emilia by his side; is put to bed dangerously ill; and
there by his own desire espouses Emilia.
'Bk. x. The funeral of the persons killed in the combat. Arcita, being given
over by his physicians, makes his will, in discourse with Theseus, and
desires that Palemone may inherit all his possessions and also Emilia. He
then takes leave of Palemone and Emilia, to whom he repeats the same
request. Their lamentations. Arcita orders a sacrifice to Mercury, which
Palemone performs for him, and dies.
Agamemnon, Menelaus, Castor and Pollux, &c.; Nestor, Evander,
Perithous, Ulysses, Diomedes, &c.; with a great display of ancient history
and mythology.
'Bk. vii. Theseus declares the laws of the combat, and the two parties of a
hundred on each side are formed. The day before the combat, Arcita, after
having visited the temples of all the gods, makes a formal prayer to Mars.
The prayer, being personified, is said to go and find Mars in his temple in
Thrace, which is described; and Mars, upon understanding the message,
causes favourable signs to be given to Arcita. In the same manner Palemone
closes his religious observances with a prayer to Venus. His prayer, being
also personified, sets out for the temple of Venus on Mount Citherone,
which is also described; and the petition is granted. Then the sacrifice of
Emilia to Diana is described, her prayer, the appearance of the goddess, and
the signs of the two fires. In the morning they proceed to the theatre with
their respective troops and prepare for the action. Arcita puts up a private
prayer to Emilia, and harangues his troop publickly; and Palemone does the
same.
'Bk. viii. Contains a description of the battle, in which Palemone is taken
prisoner.
'Bk. ix. The horse of Arcita, being frighted by a Fury, sent from Hell at the
desire of Venus, throws him. However, he is carried to Athens in a
triumphal chariot with Emilia by his side; is put to bed dangerously ill; and
there by his own desire espouses Emilia.
'Bk. x. The funeral of the persons killed in the combat. Arcita, being given
over by his physicians, makes his will, in discourse with Theseus, and
desires that Palemone may inherit all his possessions and also Emilia. He
then takes leave of Palemone and Emilia, to whom he repeats the same
request. Their lamentations. Arcita orders a sacrifice to Mercury, which
Palemone performs for him, and dies.
Page 590
'Bk. xi. Opens with the passage of Arcita's soul to heaven, imitated from the
Ninth Book of Lucan. The funeral of Arcita. Description of the wood felled
takes up six stanzas. Palemone builds a temple in honour of him, in which
his whole history is painted. The description of this painting is an
abridgement of the preceding part of the Poem.
'Bk. xii. Theseus proposes to carry into execution Arcita's will by the
marriage of Palemone and Emilia. This they both decline for some time in
formal speeches, but at last are persuaded and married. The kings, &c. take
their leave, and Palemone remains—in gioia e in diporto con la sua dona
nobile e cortese.'
§ 21. It is remarkable how many expressions that occur in the Knightes Tale
are repeated from Troilus. Examples are: A 925, from Tr. iv. 2; A 1010, from
Tr. iv. 627; A 1101, from Tr. i. 425; 1133, cf. Tr. i. 674; 1155, cf. Tr. v. 332;
1163, cf. Tr. iv. 618; 1401, from Tr. iv. 865; 1500, from Tr. ii. 112; 1509,
from Tr. ii. 920; 1566, from Tr. iii. 733; 1838, from Tr. v. 1433; 2449, from
Tr. iv. 1456. Besides this, l. 301 of the Prologue is from Tr. iv. 1174. This
tends to shew that the Knightes Tale (rather than the original Palamon and
Arcite) was written not very long after Troilus; rather in 1386 or 1387 than
in 1388.
I also note that ll. 1035-6, 1196, and 1502, are echoes of ll. 2425-6, 2282,
and 1204, of the Legend of Good Women.
§ 22. An early play called 'Palamon and Arcite,' by Richard Edwards, was
produced at Oxford in 1566 before Queen Elizabeth; and Henslowe
mentions a play with the same name in 1594. Hence also the play of 'The
Two Noble Kinsmen,' printed in 1634, with a title-page in which it was
attributed to Shakespeare and Fletcher; see my edition, published for the
Cambridge University Press in 1875. Dryden's fine poem of Palamon and
Arcite is well known; we need not compare it with Chaucer's work very
closely. Though inferior to the original, it has a certain excellence of its
own. A modernisation of the Knightes Tale by Lord Thurlow appeared in
1822; concerning which nothing need be said. For further remarks on this
Tale, consult Warton, History of Eng. Poetry, sect. xii, who, by the way,
Ninth Book of Lucan. The funeral of Arcita. Description of the wood felled
takes up six stanzas. Palemone builds a temple in honour of him, in which
his whole history is painted. The description of this painting is an
abridgement of the preceding part of the Poem.
'Bk. xii. Theseus proposes to carry into execution Arcita's will by the
marriage of Palemone and Emilia. This they both decline for some time in
formal speeches, but at last are persuaded and married. The kings, &c. take
their leave, and Palemone remains—in gioia e in diporto con la sua dona
nobile e cortese.'
§ 21. It is remarkable how many expressions that occur in the Knightes Tale
are repeated from Troilus. Examples are: A 925, from Tr. iv. 2; A 1010, from
Tr. iv. 627; A 1101, from Tr. i. 425; 1133, cf. Tr. i. 674; 1155, cf. Tr. v. 332;
1163, cf. Tr. iv. 618; 1401, from Tr. iv. 865; 1500, from Tr. ii. 112; 1509,
from Tr. ii. 920; 1566, from Tr. iii. 733; 1838, from Tr. v. 1433; 2449, from
Tr. iv. 1456. Besides this, l. 301 of the Prologue is from Tr. iv. 1174. This
tends to shew that the Knightes Tale (rather than the original Palamon and
Arcite) was written not very long after Troilus; rather in 1386 or 1387 than
in 1388.
I also note that ll. 1035-6, 1196, and 1502, are echoes of ll. 2425-6, 2282,
and 1204, of the Legend of Good Women.
§ 22. An early play called 'Palamon and Arcite,' by Richard Edwards, was
produced at Oxford in 1566 before Queen Elizabeth; and Henslowe
mentions a play with the same name in 1594. Hence also the play of 'The
Two Noble Kinsmen,' printed in 1634, with a title-page in which it was
attributed to Shakespeare and Fletcher; see my edition, published for the
Cambridge University Press in 1875. Dryden's fine poem of Palamon and
Arcite is well known; we need not compare it with Chaucer's work very
closely. Though inferior to the original, it has a certain excellence of its
own. A modernisation of the Knightes Tale by Lord Thurlow appeared in
1822; concerning which nothing need be said. For further remarks on this
Tale, consult Warton, History of Eng. Poetry, sect. xii, who, by the way,
Page 591
characterises the description of Lycurgus as being 'very great in the gothic
style of painting'; where it is charitable to suppose that by 'gothic' he meant
'English,' but lacked the courage to use the word. And see Morley, Eng.
Writers, v. 312; Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer; an essay by Dr. J. Koch, in
Essays on Chaucer, p. 359 (Chaucer Society); and remarks by Ten Brink, in
his Chaucer Studien, p. 62, and Geschichte der englischen Litteratur, book
v.
We may observe that Chaucer has evidently assigned the first place to the
Knightes Tale, as being, in his own opinion, the best. It was probably
intended that the Knight, the most worshipful person in the company,
should succeed in 'winning the supper.'
§ 23. The Miller's Prologue. The Knightes Tale ended, the Host calls upon
the Monk to tell the second Tale; but the drunken Miller, notwithstanding
the fact that he is perfectly aware of his condition, churlishly insists on
telling a Tale to the grave discredit of a Carpenter. This announcement is
resented, somewhat strangely, not by the Carpenter who is expressly named
as being among the pilgrims (Prol. 361), but by the Reeve, who had learnt a
carpenter's trade in his youth (Prol. 614). But remonstrance is vain, and the
Miller proceeds. Chaucer is careful to advise those who object to a coarse
story to 'turne over the leef; and he has good reason for giving the hint.
§ 24. The Milleres Tale. 'When,' says Tyrwhitt, 'the Knight has finished his
Tale, the Host with great propriety calls upon the Monk, as the next in rank
among the men, to tell the next Tale; but as it seems to have been the
intention of Chaucer to avail himself of the variety of his characters, in
order to distribute alternate successions of serious and comic, in nearly
equal proportions, throughout his work, he has contrived that the Hostes
arrangement shall be set aside by the intrusion of the drunken Miller, whose
Tale is such as might be expected from his character and condition, a
complete contrast to the Knightes.'
No early Tale resembling this has yet been pointed out. Nevertheless, it is
not likely that the main details were of Chaucer's own invention, as clear
traces of the same story have been found in Germany. This was pointed out
style of painting'; where it is charitable to suppose that by 'gothic' he meant
'English,' but lacked the courage to use the word. And see Morley, Eng.
Writers, v. 312; Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer; an essay by Dr. J. Koch, in
Essays on Chaucer, p. 359 (Chaucer Society); and remarks by Ten Brink, in
his Chaucer Studien, p. 62, and Geschichte der englischen Litteratur, book
v.
We may observe that Chaucer has evidently assigned the first place to the
Knightes Tale, as being, in his own opinion, the best. It was probably
intended that the Knight, the most worshipful person in the company,
should succeed in 'winning the supper.'
§ 23. The Miller's Prologue. The Knightes Tale ended, the Host calls upon
the Monk to tell the second Tale; but the drunken Miller, notwithstanding
the fact that he is perfectly aware of his condition, churlishly insists on
telling a Tale to the grave discredit of a Carpenter. This announcement is
resented, somewhat strangely, not by the Carpenter who is expressly named
as being among the pilgrims (Prol. 361), but by the Reeve, who had learnt a
carpenter's trade in his youth (Prol. 614). But remonstrance is vain, and the
Miller proceeds. Chaucer is careful to advise those who object to a coarse
story to 'turne over the leef; and he has good reason for giving the hint.
§ 24. The Milleres Tale. 'When,' says Tyrwhitt, 'the Knight has finished his
Tale, the Host with great propriety calls upon the Monk, as the next in rank
among the men, to tell the next Tale; but as it seems to have been the
intention of Chaucer to avail himself of the variety of his characters, in
order to distribute alternate successions of serious and comic, in nearly
equal proportions, throughout his work, he has contrived that the Hostes
arrangement shall be set aside by the intrusion of the drunken Miller, whose
Tale is such as might be expected from his character and condition, a
complete contrast to the Knightes.'
No early Tale resembling this has yet been pointed out. Nevertheless, it is
not likely that the main details were of Chaucer's own invention, as clear
traces of the same story have been found in Germany. This was pointed out
Page 592
by R. Köhler, of Weimar, in Anglia, vol. i. p. 38; who gives a summary of a
very similar story occurring in a book entitled Nachtbüchlein, by Valentin
Schumann, which appeared in 1559. At the beginning of the first Part of this
work is a tale entitled: 'Ein andere Hystoria von einem Kauffmann der
forcht sich vor dem Jüngsten Tage,' or the Tale of a Merchant who dreaded
the advent of the Last Day.
The latter part of the story, about Absolon and Nicholas, occurs (says
Köhler) in an Italian novel, viz. in novel no. 49 in the collection by
Massuccio di Salerno, who flourished about 1470; see chap. viii. of
Dunlop's Hist. of Fiction. It is also found, as he further tells us, in a
carnival-play by Hanz Folz (in Keller, i. 330).
Another German version similar to that in the Nachtbüchlein, is found in a
modern collection entitled 'Sagen, Märchen, und Lieder der Herzogtümer
Schleswig-Holstein und Lauenburg,' Kiel, 1845, p. 589 (Anglia, i. 186).
A third German version occurs in a book of the 17th century, entitled
'Lyrum Larum, seu Nugae Venales Ioco Seriae'; see Anglia, ii. 135.
Some have imagined a resemblance between this Tale and one in
Boccaccio's Decamerone, Day 3, Nov. 4; but it is a very remote one, so that
the reference is practically worthless.
Chaucer's story reappears in an English imitation of it, very briefly told in
prose, in a book entitled 'The Life and Death of the merry Deuill of
Edmonton, with the pleasaunt prancks of Smug the Smith, &c. By
T[homas] B[rewer]. Printed by T. P. for F. Faulkner; 1631.' The chapter is
headed: 'How Smug was reuenged upon a Barber (his riuall) that made him
kisse his tayle.' The story is reprinted in full by L. Proescholdt, of Homburg,
in Anglia, vii. 117.
Lounsbury, in his Studies of Chaucer, iii. 89, mentions a worthless book by
Richard Braithwaite, dated 1665, called 'A Comment upon the Two Tales of
our ancient, renowned, and ever-living poet, Sir Jeffray Chaucer, Knight.'
The 'Two Tales' are those of the Miller and the Wife of Bath. From the same
very similar story occurring in a book entitled Nachtbüchlein, by Valentin
Schumann, which appeared in 1559. At the beginning of the first Part of this
work is a tale entitled: 'Ein andere Hystoria von einem Kauffmann der
forcht sich vor dem Jüngsten Tage,' or the Tale of a Merchant who dreaded
the advent of the Last Day.
The latter part of the story, about Absolon and Nicholas, occurs (says
Köhler) in an Italian novel, viz. in novel no. 49 in the collection by
Massuccio di Salerno, who flourished about 1470; see chap. viii. of
Dunlop's Hist. of Fiction. It is also found, as he further tells us, in a
carnival-play by Hanz Folz (in Keller, i. 330).
Another German version similar to that in the Nachtbüchlein, is found in a
modern collection entitled 'Sagen, Märchen, und Lieder der Herzogtümer
Schleswig-Holstein und Lauenburg,' Kiel, 1845, p. 589 (Anglia, i. 186).
A third German version occurs in a book of the 17th century, entitled
'Lyrum Larum, seu Nugae Venales Ioco Seriae'; see Anglia, ii. 135.
Some have imagined a resemblance between this Tale and one in
Boccaccio's Decamerone, Day 3, Nov. 4; but it is a very remote one, so that
the reference is practically worthless.
Chaucer's story reappears in an English imitation of it, very briefly told in
prose, in a book entitled 'The Life and Death of the merry Deuill of
Edmonton, with the pleasaunt prancks of Smug the Smith, &c. By
T[homas] B[rewer]. Printed by T. P. for F. Faulkner; 1631.' The chapter is
headed: 'How Smug was reuenged upon a Barber (his riuall) that made him
kisse his tayle.' The story is reprinted in full by L. Proescholdt, of Homburg,
in Anglia, vii. 117.
Lounsbury, in his Studies of Chaucer, iii. 89, mentions a worthless book by
Richard Braithwaite, dated 1665, called 'A Comment upon the Two Tales of
our ancient, renowned, and ever-living poet, Sir Jeffray Chaucer, Knight.'
The 'Two Tales' are those of the Miller and the Wife of Bath. From the same
Page 593
work (iii. 188) we learn that Samuel Cobb published a modernised version
of the Tale in 1712, which adheres rather closely to the original, but is of no
value.
§ 25. The Reeve's Prologue. Oswold, the Reeve, being by trade a carpenter,
is somewhat offended by the Miller's discourse; and, after a little moral talk,
which the Host speedily cuts short, undertakes to tell a similar Tale to the
discredit of a miller; and certainly succeeds in requiting him in kind.
Chaucer's former hint, to turn over the leaf (A 3183), may be applied to this
Tale also. But no such hint is given.
§ 26. The Reves Tale. This story resembles one which occurs in
Boccaccio's Decamerone, Day 9, Nov. 6; but this only proves that both are
derived from a common source[99]. A closer resemblance to Chaucer's story,
as pointed out by Mr. T. Wright, occurs in a French Fabliau found in MS.
Berne, no. 354, fol. 164, back. It was first printed in Wright's Anecdota
Litteraria, p. 15, and is reprinted in Originals and Analogues, p. 93 (Chaucer
Society). We find in it very similar incidents. Two clerks take a sack of
wheat to a mill to be ground. They throw down the sack on the mill-floor,
and turn their mare loose in a meadow. One of them stays to watch the sack,
whilst the other seeks the miller, who is in a neighbouring wood. The first
clerk grows tired of waiting, and goes after the other. Meanwhile, the miller
returns, and secretes the sack. The clerks, returning, can find neither sack
nor mare. At last they ask the miller to take them in for the night. The story
proceeds nearly as in Chaucer; and, in the sequel, the clerks regain both
wheat and mare, and take the wheat to be ground elsewhere. Perhaps it is
needless to add that Chaucer's Tale is none the less original. His mode of
telling it is such as to render it wholly his own.
Another story, of a similar cast, occurs in another French Fabliau, by Jean
de Boves, entitled De Gombert et des Deux Clers. It is printed in Méon's
edition of Barbazan's Fabliaux et Contes, vol. iii. pp. 239-44, Paris, 1808;
and is reprinted, from two MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris
(nos. 837, 2168), in Originals and Analogues, p. 87 (Chaucer Society). This
story is less complete, as it omits all the former part, about taking the wheat
to be ground. Two clerks seek lodging with a vilain, named Gombert; one
of the Tale in 1712, which adheres rather closely to the original, but is of no
value.
§ 25. The Reeve's Prologue. Oswold, the Reeve, being by trade a carpenter,
is somewhat offended by the Miller's discourse; and, after a little moral talk,
which the Host speedily cuts short, undertakes to tell a similar Tale to the
discredit of a miller; and certainly succeeds in requiting him in kind.
Chaucer's former hint, to turn over the leaf (A 3183), may be applied to this
Tale also. But no such hint is given.
§ 26. The Reves Tale. This story resembles one which occurs in
Boccaccio's Decamerone, Day 9, Nov. 6; but this only proves that both are
derived from a common source[99]. A closer resemblance to Chaucer's story,
as pointed out by Mr. T. Wright, occurs in a French Fabliau found in MS.
Berne, no. 354, fol. 164, back. It was first printed in Wright's Anecdota
Litteraria, p. 15, and is reprinted in Originals and Analogues, p. 93 (Chaucer
Society). We find in it very similar incidents. Two clerks take a sack of
wheat to a mill to be ground. They throw down the sack on the mill-floor,
and turn their mare loose in a meadow. One of them stays to watch the sack,
whilst the other seeks the miller, who is in a neighbouring wood. The first
clerk grows tired of waiting, and goes after the other. Meanwhile, the miller
returns, and secretes the sack. The clerks, returning, can find neither sack
nor mare. At last they ask the miller to take them in for the night. The story
proceeds nearly as in Chaucer; and, in the sequel, the clerks regain both
wheat and mare, and take the wheat to be ground elsewhere. Perhaps it is
needless to add that Chaucer's Tale is none the less original. His mode of
telling it is such as to render it wholly his own.
Another story, of a similar cast, occurs in another French Fabliau, by Jean
de Boves, entitled De Gombert et des Deux Clers. It is printed in Méon's
edition of Barbazan's Fabliaux et Contes, vol. iii. pp. 239-44, Paris, 1808;
and is reprinted, from two MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris
(nos. 837, 2168), in Originals and Analogues, p. 87 (Chaucer Society). This
story is less complete, as it omits all the former part, about taking the wheat
to be ground. Two clerks seek lodging with a vilain, named Gombert; one
Page 594
of them falls in love with Gombert's wife, and the other, with his daughter.
The rest of the story is much the same as before.
A later version occurs in a black-letter quarto volume printed by Wynkyn de
Worde, entitled 'A mery Iest of the Mylner of Abyngton[100] with his Wyfe
and his Doughter, and the two poore scholers of Cambridge'; reprinted in
Hazlitt's Early Popular Poetry, iii. 98. I do not agree with Hazlitt's opinion
that this story has 'little or nothing in common' with the Reves Tale; on the
contrary, I should say that the author took his story from Chaucer, as is
tolerably obvious from the mention of Cambridge, but took some pains to
disguise its origin. Although he alters Trumpington to Abington, many
particulars are closely copied, as, e.g. the precise manner in which the two
clerks watch the grinding of the wheat, one from above, and one from
below. I equally dissent from Hazlitt's other opinion, that, 'in an artistic and
constructive point of view, the "Mylner of Abyngton" is superior to its
predecessor.' The decisions of some critics are simply inexplicable.
In the Preface to Dyce's edition of Skelton, vol. i. p. lxvi., there is a 'Merie
Tale' of Skelton, entitled 'How Master Skeltons miller deceyued hym manye
times by playinge the theefe,' &c. It illustrates the tricks of millers, but the
story is different.
Besides these, two German versions of the story occur in MSS., and there is
a short Latin version of it in De Generibus Ebriosorum (1516). See an able
discussion of the whole matter in an excellent article by H. Varnhagen,
printed in Englische Studien, vol. ix. pp. 240-266. Varnhagen reprints the
French Fabliau given in Wright's Anecdota Litteraria, but from another MS.,
of the 13th century, found at Berlin. He also reprints the Milner of
Abington, with a better arrangement of the text, shewing its true metrical
form. He then investigates the relationship to one another of all the various
versions, exhibiting the result in a table printed at p. 266.
As to the connexion between Chaucer's Tale and the French Fabliau in the
Berne MS., Varnhagen points out some interesting resemblances, such as
the following:—
The rest of the story is much the same as before.
A later version occurs in a black-letter quarto volume printed by Wynkyn de
Worde, entitled 'A mery Iest of the Mylner of Abyngton[100] with his Wyfe
and his Doughter, and the two poore scholers of Cambridge'; reprinted in
Hazlitt's Early Popular Poetry, iii. 98. I do not agree with Hazlitt's opinion
that this story has 'little or nothing in common' with the Reves Tale; on the
contrary, I should say that the author took his story from Chaucer, as is
tolerably obvious from the mention of Cambridge, but took some pains to
disguise its origin. Although he alters Trumpington to Abington, many
particulars are closely copied, as, e.g. the precise manner in which the two
clerks watch the grinding of the wheat, one from above, and one from
below. I equally dissent from Hazlitt's other opinion, that, 'in an artistic and
constructive point of view, the "Mylner of Abyngton" is superior to its
predecessor.' The decisions of some critics are simply inexplicable.
In the Preface to Dyce's edition of Skelton, vol. i. p. lxvi., there is a 'Merie
Tale' of Skelton, entitled 'How Master Skeltons miller deceyued hym manye
times by playinge the theefe,' &c. It illustrates the tricks of millers, but the
story is different.
Besides these, two German versions of the story occur in MSS., and there is
a short Latin version of it in De Generibus Ebriosorum (1516). See an able
discussion of the whole matter in an excellent article by H. Varnhagen,
printed in Englische Studien, vol. ix. pp. 240-266. Varnhagen reprints the
French Fabliau given in Wright's Anecdota Litteraria, but from another MS.,
of the 13th century, found at Berlin. He also reprints the Milner of
Abington, with a better arrangement of the text, shewing its true metrical
form. He then investigates the relationship to one another of all the various
versions, exhibiting the result in a table printed at p. 266.
As to the connexion between Chaucer's Tale and the French Fabliau in the
Berne MS., Varnhagen points out some interesting resemblances, such as
the following:—
Page 595
Diu povre clerc furent jadis.—1.
Than were ther yonge povre clerkes
two.—A 4002.
Né d'une vile et d'un pais.—2.
Of o toun were they born.—A 4014.
Il a son conpaignon bouté.—190.
He poked Iohn.—A 4169.
Qant il oït lo coc chanter.—257.
Til that the thridde cok bigan to
singe.—A 4233.
Tantost prant lo clerc par la gole.—
288.
And by the throte-bolle he caughte
Alayn.—A 4273.
§ 27. The Cook's Prologue. The Cook heartily approves of the Reves Tale,
and informs the company that his name is Hogge (Hodge) of Ware; at the
same time volunteering a story. The Host approves the offer—
'Now telle on, Roger; loke that it be
good'—
but accuses him of cheating his customers. The Cook replies good-
humouredly, calling the Host by his name, 'Herry Bailly,' and suggests that
he knows a tale not much to the credit of 'an hostileer.' However, he will not
tell that tale now.
§ 28. The Cokes Tale. This Tale, as found in all the MSS., is a mere
fragment, extending to only 58 lines; and this portion is insufficient to shew
the form which the Tale was meant to take. The portrait of Perkin Revelour,
the idle apprentice, is, however, clearly drawn.
It would seem as if this fragment was meant to be suppressed; for, in the
Manciple's Prologue, the Host calls upon the Cook to tell a tale, even if it be
worthless; but the Manciple intercedes, and the Host excuses him, because
he is so helplessly drunk (H 13, 29). This seems to presuppose that the
Than were ther yonge povre clerkes
two.—A 4002.
Né d'une vile et d'un pais.—2.
Of o toun were they born.—A 4014.
Il a son conpaignon bouté.—190.
He poked Iohn.—A 4169.
Qant il oït lo coc chanter.—257.
Til that the thridde cok bigan to
singe.—A 4233.
Tantost prant lo clerc par la gole.—
288.
And by the throte-bolle he caughte
Alayn.—A 4273.
§ 27. The Cook's Prologue. The Cook heartily approves of the Reves Tale,
and informs the company that his name is Hogge (Hodge) of Ware; at the
same time volunteering a story. The Host approves the offer—
'Now telle on, Roger; loke that it be
good'—
but accuses him of cheating his customers. The Cook replies good-
humouredly, calling the Host by his name, 'Herry Bailly,' and suggests that
he knows a tale not much to the credit of 'an hostileer.' However, he will not
tell that tale now.
§ 28. The Cokes Tale. This Tale, as found in all the MSS., is a mere
fragment, extending to only 58 lines; and this portion is insufficient to shew
the form which the Tale was meant to take. The portrait of Perkin Revelour,
the idle apprentice, is, however, clearly drawn.
It would seem as if this fragment was meant to be suppressed; for, in the
Manciple's Prologue, the Host calls upon the Cook to tell a tale, even if it be
worthless; but the Manciple intercedes, and the Host excuses him, because
he is so helplessly drunk (H 13, 29). This seems to presuppose that the
Page 596
Cook had told no tale as yet; for, by this time, Chaucer had arrived at his
modified plan, which required only one Tale from each pilgrim on the
outward journey (§ 14); and the Manciple is called upon to tell his own Tale
instead, as he had hitherto told none.
§ 29. The Tale of Gamelyn. This Tale is, of course, not Chaucer's, and is
never found in MSS. of the A-type (see Pref. to vol. iv). Perhaps we may
hence infer that MSS. of that type represent the text of the Tales as it stood
before Chaucer's death; whereas, after that event, 'Gamelyn' was inserted
amongst them by scribes or friends who found it amongst the writings
which he had left behind him. We cannot doubt that, if Chaucer had
rewritten this Tale, he would have placed it in the mouth of the Yeman. As,
however, it happens to have been inserted immediately after the Cook's
Tale, a late hand, in the Harl. MS. 7334, has scribbled above it—'The Cokes
Tale of Gamelyn'; whence the blunder arose of connecting it with the Cook.
As the Tale is found in several of the MSS., I have printed it in the
Appendix to vol. iv., pp. 645-667, in smaller type. The text is mainly from
MS. Harl. 7334, collated with Harl. Cp., Ln., Pt., Rl., and Sl.; see footnote
on p. 645 of vol. iv., and the description of the MSS. in the Introduction to
that volume.
The Tale is evidently of some antiquity, and may be dated, approximately,
about 1340. One line which occurs in it twice over (see ll. 277, 764) is
quoted, almost exactly, from l. 475 of a Poem on the Evil Times of Edward
II., as printed by Mr. Wright for the Camden Society in 1839, the probable
date of which is about 1320.
The dialect is more northern than that of the Canterbury Tales, and
resembles that of Lincolnshire. The proportion of French words is much
smaller: see, e. g., ll. 5-7, 9-13, 16, 20-30, in which no French words occur.
The proportion of Scandinavian words is larger; we may notice serk (Lowl.
Sc. sark) in l. 259, skeet, quickly, in l. 187, which do not occur in Chaucer.
The very name of Gamelyn is of Scandinavian origin, answering to a form
Gamel-īn, from the Norse word for 'old,' as seen in Icel. gamall, Swed.
gammal, Dan. gammel. It is perhaps the original of Gandeleyn, which
modified plan, which required only one Tale from each pilgrim on the
outward journey (§ 14); and the Manciple is called upon to tell his own Tale
instead, as he had hitherto told none.
§ 29. The Tale of Gamelyn. This Tale is, of course, not Chaucer's, and is
never found in MSS. of the A-type (see Pref. to vol. iv). Perhaps we may
hence infer that MSS. of that type represent the text of the Tales as it stood
before Chaucer's death; whereas, after that event, 'Gamelyn' was inserted
amongst them by scribes or friends who found it amongst the writings
which he had left behind him. We cannot doubt that, if Chaucer had
rewritten this Tale, he would have placed it in the mouth of the Yeman. As,
however, it happens to have been inserted immediately after the Cook's
Tale, a late hand, in the Harl. MS. 7334, has scribbled above it—'The Cokes
Tale of Gamelyn'; whence the blunder arose of connecting it with the Cook.
As the Tale is found in several of the MSS., I have printed it in the
Appendix to vol. iv., pp. 645-667, in smaller type. The text is mainly from
MS. Harl. 7334, collated with Harl. Cp., Ln., Pt., Rl., and Sl.; see footnote
on p. 645 of vol. iv., and the description of the MSS. in the Introduction to
that volume.
The Tale is evidently of some antiquity, and may be dated, approximately,
about 1340. One line which occurs in it twice over (see ll. 277, 764) is
quoted, almost exactly, from l. 475 of a Poem on the Evil Times of Edward
II., as printed by Mr. Wright for the Camden Society in 1839, the probable
date of which is about 1320.
The dialect is more northern than that of the Canterbury Tales, and
resembles that of Lincolnshire. The proportion of French words is much
smaller: see, e. g., ll. 5-7, 9-13, 16, 20-30, in which no French words occur.
The proportion of Scandinavian words is larger; we may notice serk (Lowl.
Sc. sark) in l. 259, skeet, quickly, in l. 187, which do not occur in Chaucer.
The very name of Gamelyn is of Scandinavian origin, answering to a form
Gamel-īn, from the Norse word for 'old,' as seen in Icel. gamall, Swed.
gammal, Dan. gammel. It is perhaps the original of Gandeleyn, which
Page 597
occurs in a ballad entitled 'Robyn and Gandeleyn,' belonging to the cycle of
the Robin Hood ballads (cf. p. 381). The exploits of Gamelyn remind us
somewhat of those of Havelok; in particular, the marvellous way in which
Gamelyn lays about him, at one time with a 'pestle' (l. 128) and at another
with a 'cart-staff' (l. 500), recalls Havelok's feat in killing twenty men with
the bar of a door; see the Lay of Havelok the Dane, ed. Skeat, ll. 1794-
1859. On the whole, we may fairly connect this Tale with the
neighbourhood of Sherwood Forest, to which so many of the Robin Hood
ballads belong; and its considerable antiquity gives it a peculiar interest.
§ 30. The story evidently belongs to that highly popular class in which it is
the youngest of three brothers who is the successful hero[101]. I should be
inclined to believe that the Tale is not wholly due to the invention of its
author, but is derived, like the Lay of Havelok, from some Anglo-French
original; whilst there are, at the same time, some traces (as in that poem) of
Scandinavian influence. The name Sir Johan of Boundes is French; since
Boundes is the pl. of bound, from the Old French bonne, a limit; the
equivalent English phrase for 'of Boundes' would be 'of the Marches.' The
name of his second son is Otes (l. 727) or Ote (l. 731), which is the nom.
case of the F. Otoun, from the Lat. Othonem, accusative of Otho (cf. G.
Otto). Otoun is the name of a French knight who was vanquished by Sir
Guy of Warwick.
§ 31. Some of the rimes in this poem are imperfect, as wit, bet, 111; whilst
gat-e, scap-e, 575, form a mere assonance. We also find mere repetitions,
such as now, now, 93; thee, thee, 399; another, other, 445. The rime thare,
yare, 793, is certainly Northern. So also ying, king, 887; yet, at l. 169, we
find tonge, yonge, shewing that the author was not very particular.
The metre is not easy to follow, being very variable; it resembles that of
such popular nursery rimes as 'Sing a song of sixpence,' wherein two
consecutive accents, as in 'And snápped óff her nose,' excite no surprise or
difficulty. Each verse is divided into two parts by a metrical pause, denoted
in this edition by a raised full stop (·). Each part is of variable length, and
may be considered separately. In the former part the chief varieties conform
the Robin Hood ballads (cf. p. 381). The exploits of Gamelyn remind us
somewhat of those of Havelok; in particular, the marvellous way in which
Gamelyn lays about him, at one time with a 'pestle' (l. 128) and at another
with a 'cart-staff' (l. 500), recalls Havelok's feat in killing twenty men with
the bar of a door; see the Lay of Havelok the Dane, ed. Skeat, ll. 1794-
1859. On the whole, we may fairly connect this Tale with the
neighbourhood of Sherwood Forest, to which so many of the Robin Hood
ballads belong; and its considerable antiquity gives it a peculiar interest.
§ 30. The story evidently belongs to that highly popular class in which it is
the youngest of three brothers who is the successful hero[101]. I should be
inclined to believe that the Tale is not wholly due to the invention of its
author, but is derived, like the Lay of Havelok, from some Anglo-French
original; whilst there are, at the same time, some traces (as in that poem) of
Scandinavian influence. The name Sir Johan of Boundes is French; since
Boundes is the pl. of bound, from the Old French bonne, a limit; the
equivalent English phrase for 'of Boundes' would be 'of the Marches.' The
name of his second son is Otes (l. 727) or Ote (l. 731), which is the nom.
case of the F. Otoun, from the Lat. Othonem, accusative of Otho (cf. G.
Otto). Otoun is the name of a French knight who was vanquished by Sir
Guy of Warwick.
§ 31. Some of the rimes in this poem are imperfect, as wit, bet, 111; whilst
gat-e, scap-e, 575, form a mere assonance. We also find mere repetitions,
such as now, now, 93; thee, thee, 399; another, other, 445. The rime thare,
yare, 793, is certainly Northern. So also ying, king, 887; yet, at l. 169, we
find tonge, yonge, shewing that the author was not very particular.
The metre is not easy to follow, being very variable; it resembles that of
such popular nursery rimes as 'Sing a song of sixpence,' wherein two
consecutive accents, as in 'And snápped óff her nose,' excite no surprise or
difficulty. Each verse is divided into two parts by a metrical pause, denoted
in this edition by a raised full stop (·). Each part is of variable length, and
may be considered separately. In the former part the chief varieties conform
Page 598
to the following types, where 'A' denotes an accented syllable, and 'b' an
unaccented one.
(1) A b A b A b; as in l. 12:—
Hów his chíldren shóld-e.
So also ll. 15, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 49.
(2) b A b A b A; as in l. 71:—
He toók intó his hónd.
So also ll. 88, 93, 105, 143, 200, 287.
(3) b A b A b A b; as in l. 2:—
And yé schull' héer' a tálking.
So also ll. 9, 17, 19, 27, 29, 32, 42, 61, 64.
The above half-lines contain three accents; but four accents occur also,
chiefly in the following types.
(4) A b A b A b A; as in l. 120:—
Gámelýn was wár anón.
So also ll. 123, 135, 139, 252, 280, 282, 306. Also ll. 199, 207, where
Good-e marks the vocative case.
(5) A b A b A b A b; as in l. 34:—
Bót' of bál-e gód may sénd-e.
unaccented one.
(1) A b A b A b; as in l. 12:—
Hów his chíldren shóld-e.
So also ll. 15, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 49.
(2) b A b A b A; as in l. 71:—
He toók intó his hónd.
So also ll. 88, 93, 105, 143, 200, 287.
(3) b A b A b A b; as in l. 2:—
And yé schull' héer' a tálking.
So also ll. 9, 17, 19, 27, 29, 32, 42, 61, 64.
The above half-lines contain three accents; but four accents occur also,
chiefly in the following types.
(4) A b A b A b A; as in l. 120:—
Gámelýn was wár anón.
So also ll. 123, 135, 139, 252, 280, 282, 306. Also ll. 199, 207, where
Good-e marks the vocative case.
(5) A b A b A b A b; as in l. 34:—
Bót' of bál-e gód may sénd-e.
Page 599
So also ll. 118, 336.
(6) b A b A b A b A; as in l. 6:—
The éldest wás a móche schréw'.
So also ll. 55 (neyh-e-bours having three syllables), 62, 80, 94, 96, 99, 100,
107, 109, 125, 136, 153.
(7) b A b A b A b A b; as in ll. 31, 58:—
And séyd-e, sír', for góddes lóv-e.
That wás my fádres héritág-e.
Most of the further variations are caused by the slurring of a slight syllable
which is practically superfluous; or, on the other hand, by the omission of
an unaccented syllable where we should expect to hear one. The former of
these processes is simple and common. Thus, in l. 18, we have:—
To hélp-e délen his lóndes,
where the two syllables italicised are run together, and the line is really of
the type no. 3.
It is the other process, viz. the omission of an expected syllable, which jars
so disagreeably on the modern ear; though common (as was said) in nursery
rimes. Thus, in l. 23:—
On his déth-bédd-e.
In l. 41:—
Tho léet-e théy the kníght lý-en.
In l. 68:—
(6) b A b A b A b A; as in l. 6:—
The éldest wás a móche schréw'.
So also ll. 55 (neyh-e-bours having three syllables), 62, 80, 94, 96, 99, 100,
107, 109, 125, 136, 153.
(7) b A b A b A b A b; as in ll. 31, 58:—
And séyd-e, sír', for góddes lóv-e.
That wás my fádres héritág-e.
Most of the further variations are caused by the slurring of a slight syllable
which is practically superfluous; or, on the other hand, by the omission of
an unaccented syllable where we should expect to hear one. The former of
these processes is simple and common. Thus, in l. 18, we have:—
To hélp-e délen his lóndes,
where the two syllables italicised are run together, and the line is really of
the type no. 3.
It is the other process, viz. the omission of an expected syllable, which jars
so disagreeably on the modern ear; though common (as was said) in nursery
rimes. Thus, in l. 23:—
On his déth-bédd-e.
In l. 41:—
Tho léet-e théy the kníght lý-en.
In l. 68:—
Page 600
And déyd-e whán tým-e cóm.
These are of the types A b A A b (cf. no. 1); b A b A b A A b (cf. no. 7); and
b A b A A b A (cf. no. 6); and were no doubt considered sufficiently good.
The lilt of the verse carried the reciter along.
The latter half-verse is usually of types (1), (2), or (3), with three accents.
Examples of (1) occur in 3, 16, 17, 20, 41, 50; of (2), in 1, 7, 8, 26, 32; of
(3), in 10, 18, 19, 28, 39. But some occur of a still shorter type, viz. A b A b
A; as in—ón his fáir-e fél, 76; so also in 79, 107, 109, 128. When an
unaccented syllable is dropped, we even find such lines as—sýk thér he láy,
11 (A A b A); sýk thát he láy, 21 (the same); whán he góod cówd-e, 48 (A b
A A b); he láy stóon-stíll-e, 67 (b A A A b); and the like. Whether the
number of accents in the second half-line was ever diminished to two, may
be doubted. Rather we may suppose that, in reciting the lines slowly but
emphatically, a fictitious additional accent was placed upon the italicised
syllables in such half-lines as—by sé-ÿnt[102] Mar-týn, 53; wálk-yng-e thár-
e, 89; be bét-en anón, 115; and árt so yíng, 148; a rám and a ríng, 172; to
wénd-e ther-tó, 173. This slippery matter I leave to the reader's discretion.
§ 32. An excellent critical examination of the Tale of Gamelyn, by E.
Lindner, appeared in the Englische Studien, ed. E. Kölbing, vol. ii. pp. 94,
321 (1878). He made, however, the unlucky mistake of confusing MS. Harl.
1758 with MS. Harl. 7334, not being aware that there are two copies of the
poem in the Harleian collection; thus unfortunately missing the readings of
MS. Harl. 7334, which is much the best copy, and would have solved some
at least of his difficulties. Nevertheless, his article is highly useful, and I
must refer the reader to it for further information. I here briefly note a few
of his results.
He remarks that Gamelyn was first composed for recitation; observe the
frequent use of litheth, i.e. 'listen ye,' at the beginning of each section of the
lay; see ll. 1, 169, 289, 341, 551, 769; cf. l. 615. For a comparison of
Gamelyn with Lodge's novel called 'Euphues golden Legacie' (see § 34), he
refers us to Delius' edition of Shakespeare, ii. 347 (1872). At p. 101, he
gives a complete Rime-index to the whole poem, and at p. 107 notices some
These are of the types A b A A b (cf. no. 1); b A b A b A A b (cf. no. 7); and
b A b A A b A (cf. no. 6); and were no doubt considered sufficiently good.
The lilt of the verse carried the reciter along.
The latter half-verse is usually of types (1), (2), or (3), with three accents.
Examples of (1) occur in 3, 16, 17, 20, 41, 50; of (2), in 1, 7, 8, 26, 32; of
(3), in 10, 18, 19, 28, 39. But some occur of a still shorter type, viz. A b A b
A; as in—ón his fáir-e fél, 76; so also in 79, 107, 109, 128. When an
unaccented syllable is dropped, we even find such lines as—sýk thér he láy,
11 (A A b A); sýk thát he láy, 21 (the same); whán he góod cówd-e, 48 (A b
A A b); he láy stóon-stíll-e, 67 (b A A A b); and the like. Whether the
number of accents in the second half-line was ever diminished to two, may
be doubted. Rather we may suppose that, in reciting the lines slowly but
emphatically, a fictitious additional accent was placed upon the italicised
syllables in such half-lines as—by sé-ÿnt[102] Mar-týn, 53; wálk-yng-e thár-
e, 89; be bét-en anón, 115; and árt so yíng, 148; a rám and a ríng, 172; to
wénd-e ther-tó, 173. This slippery matter I leave to the reader's discretion.
§ 32. An excellent critical examination of the Tale of Gamelyn, by E.
Lindner, appeared in the Englische Studien, ed. E. Kölbing, vol. ii. pp. 94,
321 (1878). He made, however, the unlucky mistake of confusing MS. Harl.
1758 with MS. Harl. 7334, not being aware that there are two copies of the
poem in the Harleian collection; thus unfortunately missing the readings of
MS. Harl. 7334, which is much the best copy, and would have solved some
at least of his difficulties. Nevertheless, his article is highly useful, and I
must refer the reader to it for further information. I here briefly note a few
of his results.
He remarks that Gamelyn was first composed for recitation; observe the
frequent use of litheth, i.e. 'listen ye,' at the beginning of each section of the
lay; see ll. 1, 169, 289, 341, 551, 769; cf. l. 615. For a comparison of
Gamelyn with Lodge's novel called 'Euphues golden Legacie' (see § 34), he
refers us to Delius' edition of Shakespeare, ii. 347 (1872). At p. 101, he
gives a complete Rime-index to the whole poem, and at p. 107 notices some
Page 601
false rimes. The rimes (he says) are chiefly of the most ordinary character,
and the poem is very inartificial; see, e.g., ll. 135-8, 261-270, 315-8, 529-
534, 649-652, 729-732, 811-4; &c. The author constantly repeats himself;
note the repetition of sore, 10, 11; for to dele, 42, 43; ll. 72, 73; 85-6,
compared with 97-8; al that my fader me biquath, 99, 157, 160, 360; 120-1;
149, 150, compared with 151-4; 190-1, &c. Short expressions or 'tags' occur
over and over again; as ther he lay, 11, 21, 25, 33, 50, 52, 66; Cristes curs
mot he have, 106, 114, 116, 818; by Cristes ore, 139, 159, 231, 323; he
began to goon, 126, 220, 236, 498; evel mot ye thee, 131, 363, 448, 720; cf.
379, 413, 517; whyl he was on lyve, 20, 58, 157, 225, 228. There are
frequent examples of alliteration, as litheth and lesteneth, 1; bote of bale,
32, 34; stondeth alle stille, 55; stoon-stille, 67, &c.; more examples can
easily be found. We also find repetitions of ideas, the latter part of the verse
merely reproducing the former, as in 107, 174, 217, 221, 381, 699, 732. At
p. 324, is an analysis of some of the looser rimes. At p. 328, is an analysis
of the grammatical forms and of the varieties of spelling. At p. 113, Lindner
is inclined to connect the story with the time of Fulke Fitz Warin, i.e. with
the time of King John[103]; see Ten Brink, Early Eng. Literature (English
version), p. 149. At p. 321, he says that the description of Gamelyn's
brother's house, with its hall-door (461), outer gate (286), postern-gate
(589), bower (405), &c., suits the description of an Anglo-Norman manor-
house of the thirteenth[104] century; see T. Wright, A History of English
Culture, London, 1874. The father of the hero was evidently a Norman
knight; cf. l. 108.
§ 33. Little need be said of previous editions of the Tale of Gamelyn. It was
first printed, in a worthless text, with capricious alterations, by Urry, in
1721[105]. But in 1847, Mr. T. Wright printed it for the Percy Society, from
the best text, viz. that in MS. Harl. 7334; yet he, somewhat carelessly,
omitted three lines (563, 601, 602). This was reprinted in Bell's Chaucer,
with the omission of the same three lines. In Morris's Chaucer, the three
missing lines are restored; but in some other places, the edition follows Mr.
Wright's text rather than the MS. Dr. Furnivall's Six-text edition contains
the text of six other MSS.; he purposely omitted MS. Harl. 7334, on the
ground that it was already in type; whence Lindner's very natural mistake. I
have thus had the great advantage of collating the readings of MS. Harl.
7334 with those of six other MSS., to the improvement of the text as a
and the poem is very inartificial; see, e.g., ll. 135-8, 261-270, 315-8, 529-
534, 649-652, 729-732, 811-4; &c. The author constantly repeats himself;
note the repetition of sore, 10, 11; for to dele, 42, 43; ll. 72, 73; 85-6,
compared with 97-8; al that my fader me biquath, 99, 157, 160, 360; 120-1;
149, 150, compared with 151-4; 190-1, &c. Short expressions or 'tags' occur
over and over again; as ther he lay, 11, 21, 25, 33, 50, 52, 66; Cristes curs
mot he have, 106, 114, 116, 818; by Cristes ore, 139, 159, 231, 323; he
began to goon, 126, 220, 236, 498; evel mot ye thee, 131, 363, 448, 720; cf.
379, 413, 517; whyl he was on lyve, 20, 58, 157, 225, 228. There are
frequent examples of alliteration, as litheth and lesteneth, 1; bote of bale,
32, 34; stondeth alle stille, 55; stoon-stille, 67, &c.; more examples can
easily be found. We also find repetitions of ideas, the latter part of the verse
merely reproducing the former, as in 107, 174, 217, 221, 381, 699, 732. At
p. 324, is an analysis of some of the looser rimes. At p. 328, is an analysis
of the grammatical forms and of the varieties of spelling. At p. 113, Lindner
is inclined to connect the story with the time of Fulke Fitz Warin, i.e. with
the time of King John[103]; see Ten Brink, Early Eng. Literature (English
version), p. 149. At p. 321, he says that the description of Gamelyn's
brother's house, with its hall-door (461), outer gate (286), postern-gate
(589), bower (405), &c., suits the description of an Anglo-Norman manor-
house of the thirteenth[104] century; see T. Wright, A History of English
Culture, London, 1874. The father of the hero was evidently a Norman
knight; cf. l. 108.
§ 33. Little need be said of previous editions of the Tale of Gamelyn. It was
first printed, in a worthless text, with capricious alterations, by Urry, in
1721[105]. But in 1847, Mr. T. Wright printed it for the Percy Society, from
the best text, viz. that in MS. Harl. 7334; yet he, somewhat carelessly,
omitted three lines (563, 601, 602). This was reprinted in Bell's Chaucer,
with the omission of the same three lines. In Morris's Chaucer, the three
missing lines are restored; but in some other places, the edition follows Mr.
Wright's text rather than the MS. Dr. Furnivall's Six-text edition contains
the text of six other MSS.; he purposely omitted MS. Harl. 7334, on the
ground that it was already in type; whence Lindner's very natural mistake. I
have thus had the great advantage of collating the readings of MS. Harl.
7334 with those of six other MSS., to the improvement of the text as a
Page 602
whole. All the copies go back to one original; the second best copy is in the
Corpus MS., from which the Lansdowne MS. does not greatly vary. The
other MSS. give inferior readings, the Sloane MS. being the worst. For
further particulars, I refer the reader to the Notes in vol. v.; and to the
somewhat fuller account in my separate edition of the Tale of Gamelyn,
published at Oxford in 1884.
§ 34. Long before the Tale of Gamelyn first appeared in print, a MS. copy
was consulted by Thomas Lodge, who founded upon it part of a prose story,
which was afterwards printed at London in 1592 with the title: 'Euphues
golden Legacie, found after his death in his Cell at Silexedra, bequeathed to
Philavtus Sonnes, nvrsed vp with their Father in England.' Of this novel
there is a convenient reprint in Shakespeare's Library, ed. W. C. Hazlitt, vol.
ii. An analysis of this story, comparing it with 'Gamelyn,' is given in my
separate edition already referred to; and copious extracts from it are given
by Mr. W. Aldis Wright in his Introduction to his edition of As you Like It.
The result is interesting; for it is abundantly clear that this play of
Shakespeare's is founded upon Lodge's novel, and that Lodge's novel is a
re-cast of the Tale of Gamelyn.
I must not omit to add that I am under considerable obligation to an
excellent article on Gamelyn by Prof. Zupitza, which appeared in the
Jahrbuch der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, vol. xxi. p. 69 (Weimar,
1886).
Group B.
§ 35. The Words of the Host to the Company. Group A terminates
abruptly, and is wholly unconnected with all that follows. Group B
introduces us to a new Fragment, longer and more complete than any other
in the Series. The Man of Lawe, the Shipman, the Prioresse, the Poet
himself, the Monk, and the Nun's Priest, follow each other in unbroken
succession; the only hitch being in the connexion between the Man of Lawe
and the Shipman, which is explained in its due place. The Group is
incomplete, rather at the beginning than at the end; see above.
Corpus MS., from which the Lansdowne MS. does not greatly vary. The
other MSS. give inferior readings, the Sloane MS. being the worst. For
further particulars, I refer the reader to the Notes in vol. v.; and to the
somewhat fuller account in my separate edition of the Tale of Gamelyn,
published at Oxford in 1884.
§ 34. Long before the Tale of Gamelyn first appeared in print, a MS. copy
was consulted by Thomas Lodge, who founded upon it part of a prose story,
which was afterwards printed at London in 1592 with the title: 'Euphues
golden Legacie, found after his death in his Cell at Silexedra, bequeathed to
Philavtus Sonnes, nvrsed vp with their Father in England.' Of this novel
there is a convenient reprint in Shakespeare's Library, ed. W. C. Hazlitt, vol.
ii. An analysis of this story, comparing it with 'Gamelyn,' is given in my
separate edition already referred to; and copious extracts from it are given
by Mr. W. Aldis Wright in his Introduction to his edition of As you Like It.
The result is interesting; for it is abundantly clear that this play of
Shakespeare's is founded upon Lodge's novel, and that Lodge's novel is a
re-cast of the Tale of Gamelyn.
I must not omit to add that I am under considerable obligation to an
excellent article on Gamelyn by Prof. Zupitza, which appeared in the
Jahrbuch der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, vol. xxi. p. 69 (Weimar,
1886).
Group B.
§ 35. The Words of the Host to the Company. Group A terminates
abruptly, and is wholly unconnected with all that follows. Group B
introduces us to a new Fragment, longer and more complete than any other
in the Series. The Man of Lawe, the Shipman, the Prioresse, the Poet
himself, the Monk, and the Nun's Priest, follow each other in unbroken
succession; the only hitch being in the connexion between the Man of Lawe
and the Shipman, which is explained in its due place. The Group is
incomplete, rather at the beginning than at the end; see above.
Page 603
The opening passage (B 1-98) is of considerable importance, as it contains
the line (l. 5) which gives the date, viz. April 18, of one of the days of the
pilgrimage, and the statement, that on that day the sun's altitude was 45
degrees at 10 A.M. (B 12-14); and further, because it gives a list of the Tales
which Chaucer meant to include in his Legend of Good Women, in order to
complete it, though this, after all, was left undone. These points are
discussed in the Notes to B 3 and B 61, which see. In ll. 78 and 81, it has
usually been supposed (and probably with justice) that Chaucer is referring
to Gower's Confessio Amantis, inasmuch as Gower actually gives the
stories of Canacee and Apollonius. As this is a point of some difficulty (for
it cannot be settled without carefully considering the dates at which
Chaucer's Man of Lawes Tale and Gower's long poem were, respectively,
written), it is again considered below, in the remarks upon the Tale itself.
The reference (in B 61) to the Legend of Good Women shews that these
'Wordes of the Host' were written after 1385, but before the idea of
continuing the Legend had been definitely abandoned, as, in course of time,
was certainly the case. This will suit very well with the supposed date of
1387, which, from other considerations, is probably the correct one; see § 3,
above, p. 374.
The reference in l. 96—'I speke in prose'—looks, at the first glance, as if
Chaucer had originally intended to assign a prose Tale to the Man of Lawe;
and indeed, the Tale of Melibeus would have suited him well enough, for
Albertano of Brescia, its real author, was actually bred up to the law. As it
stands, I take it to mean that speke is here used in a technical sense—i.e. I
am accustomed, in the law-courts, to speak in prose[106], whereas riming is
Chaucer's business; if then, I tell a tale in my ordinary manner, it will, as
compared with his manner, seem like 'baked haws' as compared with
excellent fare. We may even suppose it to be feigned that the Man of Lawe
did really, at the time, relate the story in prose, on the understanding that
Chaucer might versify it afterwards: 'lat him rymes make,' i.e. let him make
verse of it. This is a natural interpretation to put upon the matter; moreover,
it left Chaucer free, after all, to tell the story after his own fashion, and even
to insert, as we shall soon see, a portion of one of his own early translations
into various parts both of the Prologue and of the Tale.
the line (l. 5) which gives the date, viz. April 18, of one of the days of the
pilgrimage, and the statement, that on that day the sun's altitude was 45
degrees at 10 A.M. (B 12-14); and further, because it gives a list of the Tales
which Chaucer meant to include in his Legend of Good Women, in order to
complete it, though this, after all, was left undone. These points are
discussed in the Notes to B 3 and B 61, which see. In ll. 78 and 81, it has
usually been supposed (and probably with justice) that Chaucer is referring
to Gower's Confessio Amantis, inasmuch as Gower actually gives the
stories of Canacee and Apollonius. As this is a point of some difficulty (for
it cannot be settled without carefully considering the dates at which
Chaucer's Man of Lawes Tale and Gower's long poem were, respectively,
written), it is again considered below, in the remarks upon the Tale itself.
The reference (in B 61) to the Legend of Good Women shews that these
'Wordes of the Host' were written after 1385, but before the idea of
continuing the Legend had been definitely abandoned, as, in course of time,
was certainly the case. This will suit very well with the supposed date of
1387, which, from other considerations, is probably the correct one; see § 3,
above, p. 374.
The reference in l. 96—'I speke in prose'—looks, at the first glance, as if
Chaucer had originally intended to assign a prose Tale to the Man of Lawe;
and indeed, the Tale of Melibeus would have suited him well enough, for
Albertano of Brescia, its real author, was actually bred up to the law. As it
stands, I take it to mean that speke is here used in a technical sense—i.e. I
am accustomed, in the law-courts, to speak in prose[106], whereas riming is
Chaucer's business; if then, I tell a tale in my ordinary manner, it will, as
compared with his manner, seem like 'baked haws' as compared with
excellent fare. We may even suppose it to be feigned that the Man of Lawe
did really, at the time, relate the story in prose, on the understanding that
Chaucer might versify it afterwards: 'lat him rymes make,' i.e. let him make
verse of it. This is a natural interpretation to put upon the matter; moreover,
it left Chaucer free, after all, to tell the story after his own fashion, and even
to insert, as we shall soon see, a portion of one of his own early translations
into various parts both of the Prologue and of the Tale.
Page 604
We may also observe the great skill with which Chaucer evades the
difficulty of assigning to the Man of Law a Tale which is not particularly
suited for him. The speaker says below (B 131) that it is not a tale of his
own, but was 'taught' him by 'a marchaunt.' Accordingly, in B 135, we learn
that the Tale came originally from some Syrian 'chapmen,' who learnt it
when sojourning in Rome (148). It thus becomes, as it were, a merchant's
Tale.
The apostrophe addressed to Poverty, in ll. 99-121 (really taken from one of
Chaucer's own poems, as shewn in § 36), is by no means out of place; for it
leads up to the mention of the 'rich merchants' in l. 122, who toil to avoid it.
And it is to one of these that the Tale is supposed to be due.
§ 36. The Man of Law's Prologue. This Prologue has a peculiar and special
interest, from the fact that, in the first three stanzas and part of the fourth (as
well as in some stanzas of the Tale), the poet has preserved for us a portion
of one of his early works. In ll. 414-5 of the older Prologue to the Legend of
Good Women, Chaucer tells us that he not only translated Boece in prose,
but also (the piece called) 'Of the Wreched Engendring of Mankinde, As
man may in Pope Innocent y-finde'; i.e. the treatise by Innocent, afterwards
Pope Innocent III., entitled De Contemptu Mundi sive de Miseria
Conditionis Humanae. In the present passage (B 99-111), we have a portion
of this same treatise in a verse form, as becomes evident upon comparison.
This interesting discovery was first made by Prof. Lounsbury, and
announced in the 'Nation' (an American journal) for July, 1889; and soon
after (quite independently, as I have reason to know, and as Prof. Lounsbury
very properly acknowledges) by Dr. E. Köppel, in an article contributed to
the 'Archiv für das Studium der Neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen,' vol.
84, (1890), p. 405. See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii. 333. Neither
does the present passage exhaust this source; for there are yet four more
stanzas inserted in the Tale itself, which really belong to the same treatise.
These passages being all of high interest, owing to the peculiar use made of
them by Chaucer, the original Latin is here given.
(a) B 99-121. The original is from De Cont. Mundi, lib. 1. cap. 16.
'Pauperes enim premuntur inedia, cruciantur aerumna, fame, siti, frigore,
difficulty of assigning to the Man of Law a Tale which is not particularly
suited for him. The speaker says below (B 131) that it is not a tale of his
own, but was 'taught' him by 'a marchaunt.' Accordingly, in B 135, we learn
that the Tale came originally from some Syrian 'chapmen,' who learnt it
when sojourning in Rome (148). It thus becomes, as it were, a merchant's
Tale.
The apostrophe addressed to Poverty, in ll. 99-121 (really taken from one of
Chaucer's own poems, as shewn in § 36), is by no means out of place; for it
leads up to the mention of the 'rich merchants' in l. 122, who toil to avoid it.
And it is to one of these that the Tale is supposed to be due.
§ 36. The Man of Law's Prologue. This Prologue has a peculiar and special
interest, from the fact that, in the first three stanzas and part of the fourth (as
well as in some stanzas of the Tale), the poet has preserved for us a portion
of one of his early works. In ll. 414-5 of the older Prologue to the Legend of
Good Women, Chaucer tells us that he not only translated Boece in prose,
but also (the piece called) 'Of the Wreched Engendring of Mankinde, As
man may in Pope Innocent y-finde'; i.e. the treatise by Innocent, afterwards
Pope Innocent III., entitled De Contemptu Mundi sive de Miseria
Conditionis Humanae. In the present passage (B 99-111), we have a portion
of this same treatise in a verse form, as becomes evident upon comparison.
This interesting discovery was first made by Prof. Lounsbury, and
announced in the 'Nation' (an American journal) for July, 1889; and soon
after (quite independently, as I have reason to know, and as Prof. Lounsbury
very properly acknowledges) by Dr. E. Köppel, in an article contributed to
the 'Archiv für das Studium der Neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen,' vol.
84, (1890), p. 405. See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii. 333. Neither
does the present passage exhaust this source; for there are yet four more
stanzas inserted in the Tale itself, which really belong to the same treatise.
These passages being all of high interest, owing to the peculiar use made of
them by Chaucer, the original Latin is here given.
(a) B 99-121. The original is from De Cont. Mundi, lib. 1. cap. 16.
'Pauperes enim premuntur inedia, cruciantur aerumna, fame, siti, frigore,
Page 605
nuditate: uilescunt, tabescunt, spernuntur, et confunduntur. O miserabilis
mendicantis condicio; et si petit, pudore confunditur; et si non petit,
egestate consumitur, sed ut mendicet, necessitate compellitur.
(106) Deum causatur iniquum, quod non recte diuidat; proximum
criminatur malignum, quod non plene subueniat. Indignatur, murmurat,
imprecatur.
(113) Aduerte super hoc sententiam Sapientis: Melius est, inquit, mori quam
indigere [Ecclus. xl. 28]. Etiam proximo suo pauper odiosus erit [Prov. xiv.
20]. Omnes dies pauperis mali, [Prov. xv. 15]—
(120) fratres hominis pauperis oderunt eum. Insuper et amici procul
recesserunt ab eo' [Prov. xix. 7.]
(b) B 421-427. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. i. cap. 23; headed De Inopinato
Dolore. 'Semper enim mundanae laetitiae tristitia repentina succedit. Et
quod incipit a gaudio, desinit in moerore. Mundana quippe felicitas multis
amaritudinibus est respersa. Nouerat hoc qui dixerat: Risus dolore
miscebitur, et extrema gaudii luctus occupat [Prov. xiv. 13].... Attende
salubre consilium: In die bonorum, non immemor sis malorum' [cf. Eccles.
vii. 14; xi. 8].
(c) B 771-7. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. ii. c. 19; De Ebrietate. 'Quid turpius
ebrioso? cui fetor in ore, tremor in corpore, qui promittit multa, promit
occulta, cui mens alienatur, facies transformatur? Nullum enim secretum
ubi regnat ebrietas' [Prov. xxxi. 4; in the Vulgate].
(d) B 925-931. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. ii. c. 21. 'O extrema libidinis
turpitudo, quae non solum mentem effeminat, sed etiam corpus eneruat; non
solum maculat animam, sed foedat personam.'
(e) B 1134-1141. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. i. c. 22; De Breui Laetitia
Hominis. 'A mane usque ad uesperam mutabitur tempus [Ecclus. xviii.
26].... Quis unquam uel unicum diem totum duxit in sua delectatione
iucundum, quem in aliqua parte diei reatus conscientiae, uel impetus irae,
mendicantis condicio; et si petit, pudore confunditur; et si non petit,
egestate consumitur, sed ut mendicet, necessitate compellitur.
(106) Deum causatur iniquum, quod non recte diuidat; proximum
criminatur malignum, quod non plene subueniat. Indignatur, murmurat,
imprecatur.
(113) Aduerte super hoc sententiam Sapientis: Melius est, inquit, mori quam
indigere [Ecclus. xl. 28]. Etiam proximo suo pauper odiosus erit [Prov. xiv.
20]. Omnes dies pauperis mali, [Prov. xv. 15]—
(120) fratres hominis pauperis oderunt eum. Insuper et amici procul
recesserunt ab eo' [Prov. xix. 7.]
(b) B 421-427. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. i. cap. 23; headed De Inopinato
Dolore. 'Semper enim mundanae laetitiae tristitia repentina succedit. Et
quod incipit a gaudio, desinit in moerore. Mundana quippe felicitas multis
amaritudinibus est respersa. Nouerat hoc qui dixerat: Risus dolore
miscebitur, et extrema gaudii luctus occupat [Prov. xiv. 13].... Attende
salubre consilium: In die bonorum, non immemor sis malorum' [cf. Eccles.
vii. 14; xi. 8].
(c) B 771-7. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. ii. c. 19; De Ebrietate. 'Quid turpius
ebrioso? cui fetor in ore, tremor in corpore, qui promittit multa, promit
occulta, cui mens alienatur, facies transformatur? Nullum enim secretum
ubi regnat ebrietas' [Prov. xxxi. 4; in the Vulgate].
(d) B 925-931. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. ii. c. 21. 'O extrema libidinis
turpitudo, quae non solum mentem effeminat, sed etiam corpus eneruat; non
solum maculat animam, sed foedat personam.'
(e) B 1134-1141. From De Cont. Mundi, lib. i. c. 22; De Breui Laetitia
Hominis. 'A mane usque ad uesperam mutabitur tempus [Ecclus. xviii.
26].... Quis unquam uel unicum diem totum duxit in sua delectatione
iucundum, quem in aliqua parte diei reatus conscientiae, uel impetus irae,
Page 606
uel motus concupiscentiae non turbauerit? Quem liuor inuidiae uel ardor
auaritiae, uel tumor superbiae non uexauerit? Quem aliqua iactura, uel
offensa, uel passio non commouerit?'
It thus becomes evident that this Prologue is closely related to the inserted
stanzas in B 421-7, 771-7, 925-31, and 1135-41. All of these insertions are,
in fact, digressions, and have nothing to do with the story. I conclude that
the Prologue and the four inserted stanzas were placed where they now are
at the time of the revision of what was once an independent tale, written at
an earlier period, viz. before 1385, and probably about 1380. The poem 'Of
the Wrecched Engendring of Mankinde' was in existence still earlier.
Observe further, that lines 131-3 may be taken to mean, in plain English,
that 'I, the poet, should be in want of a Tale to insert here, and should have
to write one for the occasion, only I happen, by good fortune, to have one
by me which will do very well.' Thus the obliging 'Merchant' who 'taught'
Chaucer the Man of Lawes Tale was his industrious younger self. The word
'Merchant' clearly refers to the chapmen or merchants mentioned in B 135,
148, 153, who are supposed to have picked up the story, as has been already
said (§ 35).
§ 37. The Man of Lawes Tale. The Words of the Host and the Prologue
together contain 133 lines, so that the Tale itself begins with l. 134. We can
easily see, from the style and by the metrical form, that this Tale is a piece
of Chaucer's early workmanship, and was revised for insertion among the
Tales, with the addition of a Prologue and four stanzas[107], about 1387.
Tyrwhitt has drawn attention to the fact that a story, closely agreeing with
the Man of Lawes Tale, is found in Gower's Confessio Amantis, Book II
(ed. Pauli, i. 179-213). The expression 'som men wolde seyn,' in ll. 1009
and 1086, led him to suppose that Chaucer took the story from Gower; but
this expression can be otherwise explained (see notes to the lines)[108], and
the borrowing seems to have been the other way, as will appear if the
question be handled with the necessary care.
Before comparing Chaucer's Tale with Gower's, it is first of all necessary to
observe that, for the most part, they drew their materials from a common
auaritiae, uel tumor superbiae non uexauerit? Quem aliqua iactura, uel
offensa, uel passio non commouerit?'
It thus becomes evident that this Prologue is closely related to the inserted
stanzas in B 421-7, 771-7, 925-31, and 1135-41. All of these insertions are,
in fact, digressions, and have nothing to do with the story. I conclude that
the Prologue and the four inserted stanzas were placed where they now are
at the time of the revision of what was once an independent tale, written at
an earlier period, viz. before 1385, and probably about 1380. The poem 'Of
the Wrecched Engendring of Mankinde' was in existence still earlier.
Observe further, that lines 131-3 may be taken to mean, in plain English,
that 'I, the poet, should be in want of a Tale to insert here, and should have
to write one for the occasion, only I happen, by good fortune, to have one
by me which will do very well.' Thus the obliging 'Merchant' who 'taught'
Chaucer the Man of Lawes Tale was his industrious younger self. The word
'Merchant' clearly refers to the chapmen or merchants mentioned in B 135,
148, 153, who are supposed to have picked up the story, as has been already
said (§ 35).
§ 37. The Man of Lawes Tale. The Words of the Host and the Prologue
together contain 133 lines, so that the Tale itself begins with l. 134. We can
easily see, from the style and by the metrical form, that this Tale is a piece
of Chaucer's early workmanship, and was revised for insertion among the
Tales, with the addition of a Prologue and four stanzas[107], about 1387.
Tyrwhitt has drawn attention to the fact that a story, closely agreeing with
the Man of Lawes Tale, is found in Gower's Confessio Amantis, Book II
(ed. Pauli, i. 179-213). The expression 'som men wolde seyn,' in ll. 1009
and 1086, led him to suppose that Chaucer took the story from Gower; but
this expression can be otherwise explained (see notes to the lines)[108], and
the borrowing seems to have been the other way, as will appear if the
question be handled with the necessary care.
Before comparing Chaucer's Tale with Gower's, it is first of all necessary to
observe that, for the most part, they drew their materials from a common
Page 607
source; a fact which has been completely proved by Lücke[109], who clearly
shews that each of the poets preserves details which the other omits. Their
common original is found in the Life of Constance, as narrated in the
Anglo-Norman Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, written about A.D. 1334. Mr.
Thomas Wright, in his edition of the Canterbury Tales, pointed out that
Trivet's Chronicle contains the original of the story as told by Gower. That
it also contains the original of the story as told by Chaucer is evident from
the publications of the Chaucer Society. Trivet's version of the story was
edited for that Society by Mr. Brock in 1872, with an English translation,
and a careful line-by-line analysis of it, shewing clearly the exact extent to
which Chaucer followed his original. The name of the publication is
'Originals and Analogues of some of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales,' published
for the Chaucer Society; Part I, 1872; Part II, 1875. To this I am indebted
for much of the information here given[110]. It appears that Nicholas Trivet
was an English Dominican friar, who died some time after 1334. A short
account of him in Latin, with a list of works ascribed to him, is to be found
in Quetif and Echard's Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum[111], tom. i. pp.
561-565; and a notice in English of his life and some of his works, in the
Preface to T. Hog's edition of Trivet's Annales. Mr. Brock notices eighteen
of his works, amongst which it will suffice to mention here (a) his Annales
ab origine mundi ad Christum (Royal MS. 13 B. xvi, &c.); (b) his Annales
sex Regum Angliae, qui a comitibus Andegavensibus [counts of Anjou]
originem traxerunt (Arundel MSS. 46 and 220, Harl. MSS. 29 and 4322,
&c.); and (c) his Anglo-Norman Chronicle, quite a distinct work from the
Latin Annales (MS. Arundel 56, &c.). Of the last there are numerous copies,
MS. Arundel 56 being one of the best, and therefore selected to be printed
from for the Chaucer Society. The heading runs thus:—'Ci comence les
Cronicles qe Frere Nichol Trivet escript a dame Marie, la fille moun
seignour le Roi Edward, le fitz Henri'; shewing that it was written for the
princess Mary, daughter of Edward I, born in 1278, who became a nun at
Amesbury in 1285. The story of Constance begins on leaf 45, back. Gower
follows Trivet rather closely, with but few omissions, and only one addition
of any importance, about thirty lines long. 'Chaucer tells the same story as
Trivet, but tells it in his own language, and in much shorter compass. He
omits little or nothing of importance, and alters only the details.... Chaucer's
additions are many; of the 1029 lines of which the Tale consists, about 350
are Chaucer's additions. The passages are these:—ll. 190-203; 270-287;
shews that each of the poets preserves details which the other omits. Their
common original is found in the Life of Constance, as narrated in the
Anglo-Norman Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, written about A.D. 1334. Mr.
Thomas Wright, in his edition of the Canterbury Tales, pointed out that
Trivet's Chronicle contains the original of the story as told by Gower. That
it also contains the original of the story as told by Chaucer is evident from
the publications of the Chaucer Society. Trivet's version of the story was
edited for that Society by Mr. Brock in 1872, with an English translation,
and a careful line-by-line analysis of it, shewing clearly the exact extent to
which Chaucer followed his original. The name of the publication is
'Originals and Analogues of some of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales,' published
for the Chaucer Society; Part I, 1872; Part II, 1875. To this I am indebted
for much of the information here given[110]. It appears that Nicholas Trivet
was an English Dominican friar, who died some time after 1334. A short
account of him in Latin, with a list of works ascribed to him, is to be found
in Quetif and Echard's Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum[111], tom. i. pp.
561-565; and a notice in English of his life and some of his works, in the
Preface to T. Hog's edition of Trivet's Annales. Mr. Brock notices eighteen
of his works, amongst which it will suffice to mention here (a) his Annales
ab origine mundi ad Christum (Royal MS. 13 B. xvi, &c.); (b) his Annales
sex Regum Angliae, qui a comitibus Andegavensibus [counts of Anjou]
originem traxerunt (Arundel MSS. 46 and 220, Harl. MSS. 29 and 4322,
&c.); and (c) his Anglo-Norman Chronicle, quite a distinct work from the
Latin Annales (MS. Arundel 56, &c.). Of the last there are numerous copies,
MS. Arundel 56 being one of the best, and therefore selected to be printed
from for the Chaucer Society. The heading runs thus:—'Ci comence les
Cronicles qe Frere Nichol Trivet escript a dame Marie, la fille moun
seignour le Roi Edward, le fitz Henri'; shewing that it was written for the
princess Mary, daughter of Edward I, born in 1278, who became a nun at
Amesbury in 1285. The story of Constance begins on leaf 45, back. Gower
follows Trivet rather closely, with but few omissions, and only one addition
of any importance, about thirty lines long. 'Chaucer tells the same story as
Trivet, but tells it in his own language, and in much shorter compass. He
omits little or nothing of importance, and alters only the details.... Chaucer's
additions are many; of the 1029 lines of which the Tale consists, about 350
are Chaucer's additions. The passages are these:—ll. 190-203; 270-287;
Page 608
295-315; 330-343; 351-71; 400-10; 421-7; 449-62; 470-504; 631-58; 701-
14; 771-84; 811-9; 825-68; 925-45; 1037-43; 1052-78; 1132-41' (Brock).
As to these additions, I have already shewn (in § 36) the origin of ll. 421-7,
771-7, 925-31, and 1135-1141. It is worth notice that the following passages
have also very much the appearance of being added, by way of
commentary, at the time of revision; viz. 190-203, 295-315, 358-371, 449-
462, 631-658, 701-714, 827-868. They form no essential part of the story,
whilst, at the same time, some of them are of high excellence.
Tyrwhitt pointed out that much the same story is to be found in the Lay of
Emarè (MS. Cotton, Calig. A. ii, fol. 69), printed by Ritson in the second
volume of his Metrical Romances. He observes: 'The chief differences are,
that Emarè is originally exposed in a boat for refusing to comply with the
desires of the Emperour her father; that she is driven on the coast of Galys,
or Wales, and married to the King of that country. The contrivances of the
step-mother, and the consequences of them, are the same in both stories.' In
the Romance of Sir Eglamour (Thornton Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 154),
the heroine is sent to sea in a ship by herself.
Mr. Thomas Wright further observes: 'The treachery of King Ælla's mother
enters into the French Romance of the Chevalier au Cigne, and into the still
more ancient Anglo-Saxon romance of King Offa, preserved in a Latin form
by Matthew Paris. It is also found in the Italian collection, said to have been
composed in 1378, under the title of Il Pecorone di Ser Giovanni Fiorentino
(an imitation of the Decameron), gior. x. no. 1. The treason of the Knight
who murders Hermengilde is an incident in the French Roman de la
Violette, and in the English metrical romance of Le Bone Florence of Rome
(printed in Ritson's collection); and is found in the English Gesta
Romanorum, c. 69 (ed. Madden)[112], joined, in the latter place, with
Constance's adventure with the steward. It is also found in Vincent of
Beauvais[113], and other writers.' The tale in the Gesta Romanorum is called
'Merelaus the Emperor' (MS. Harl. 7333, leaf 201), and is printed in the
Originals and Analogues (Chaucer Society), Part I, pp. 57-70. Mr. Furnivall
adds—'This tale was versified by Occleve, who called Merelaus
"Gerelaus;" and Warton quotes Occleve's lines describing how the "the
14; 771-84; 811-9; 825-68; 925-45; 1037-43; 1052-78; 1132-41' (Brock).
As to these additions, I have already shewn (in § 36) the origin of ll. 421-7,
771-7, 925-31, and 1135-1141. It is worth notice that the following passages
have also very much the appearance of being added, by way of
commentary, at the time of revision; viz. 190-203, 295-315, 358-371, 449-
462, 631-658, 701-714, 827-868. They form no essential part of the story,
whilst, at the same time, some of them are of high excellence.
Tyrwhitt pointed out that much the same story is to be found in the Lay of
Emarè (MS. Cotton, Calig. A. ii, fol. 69), printed by Ritson in the second
volume of his Metrical Romances. He observes: 'The chief differences are,
that Emarè is originally exposed in a boat for refusing to comply with the
desires of the Emperour her father; that she is driven on the coast of Galys,
or Wales, and married to the King of that country. The contrivances of the
step-mother, and the consequences of them, are the same in both stories.' In
the Romance of Sir Eglamour (Thornton Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 154),
the heroine is sent to sea in a ship by herself.
Mr. Thomas Wright further observes: 'The treachery of King Ælla's mother
enters into the French Romance of the Chevalier au Cigne, and into the still
more ancient Anglo-Saxon romance of King Offa, preserved in a Latin form
by Matthew Paris. It is also found in the Italian collection, said to have been
composed in 1378, under the title of Il Pecorone di Ser Giovanni Fiorentino
(an imitation of the Decameron), gior. x. no. 1. The treason of the Knight
who murders Hermengilde is an incident in the French Roman de la
Violette, and in the English metrical romance of Le Bone Florence of Rome
(printed in Ritson's collection); and is found in the English Gesta
Romanorum, c. 69 (ed. Madden)[112], joined, in the latter place, with
Constance's adventure with the steward. It is also found in Vincent of
Beauvais[113], and other writers.' The tale in the Gesta Romanorum is called
'Merelaus the Emperor' (MS. Harl. 7333, leaf 201), and is printed in the
Originals and Analogues (Chaucer Society), Part I, pp. 57-70. Mr. Furnivall
adds—'This tale was versified by Occleve, who called Merelaus
"Gerelaus;" and Warton quotes Occleve's lines describing how the "the
Page 609
feendly man" stabs the Earl's child, and then puts the bloody knife into the
sleeping Empress's hand—
For men shoulde have noon othir
deeming
But she had gilty ben of this
murdring.'
See Warton, Hist. Eng.
Poetry, ed. 1871, i.
296.
See the whole story in Hoccleve's Works, ed. Furnivall, p. 140. In the
Originals and Analogues, Part I. pp. 71-84, is also printed an extract from
Matthew Paris, Vita Offae Primi, ed. Wats, 1684, pp. 965-968, containing
the story of 'King Offa's intercepted Letters and banished Queen.'
Some account of Ser Giovanni is given in Dunlop's History of Fiction, 3rd
ed. 1845, p. 247. He was a Florentine notary, who began his Tales in 1378,
at a village in the neighbourhood of Forli. His work is called Il Pecorone,
i.e. the Dunce, 'a title which the author assumed, as some Italian
academicians styled themselves Insensati, Stolidi, &c., appellations in
which there was not always so much irony as they imagined.' The first tale
of the tenth Day is thus analysed by Dunlop: 'Story of the Princess Denise
of France, who, to avoid a disagreeable marriage with an old German
prince, escapes in disguise to England, and is there received in a convent.
The king, passing that way, falls in love with and espouses her. Afterwards,
while he was engaged in a war in Scotland, his wife brings forth twins; but
the queen-mother sends to acquaint her son that his spouse had given birth
to two monsters. In place of his majesty's answer, ordering them to be
nevertheless brought up with the utmost care, she substitutes a mandate for
their destruction, and also for that of the queen. The person to whom the
execution of this command is entrusted, allows the queen to depart with her
twins to Genoa. At the end of some years she discovers her husband at
Rome, on his way to a crusade; she there presents him with his children,
and is brought back with them in triumph to England.' Dunlop points out
the likeness of this story to those told by Chaucer and Gower, mentions the
sleeping Empress's hand—
For men shoulde have noon othir
deeming
But she had gilty ben of this
murdring.'
See Warton, Hist. Eng.
Poetry, ed. 1871, i.
296.
See the whole story in Hoccleve's Works, ed. Furnivall, p. 140. In the
Originals and Analogues, Part I. pp. 71-84, is also printed an extract from
Matthew Paris, Vita Offae Primi, ed. Wats, 1684, pp. 965-968, containing
the story of 'King Offa's intercepted Letters and banished Queen.'
Some account of Ser Giovanni is given in Dunlop's History of Fiction, 3rd
ed. 1845, p. 247. He was a Florentine notary, who began his Tales in 1378,
at a village in the neighbourhood of Forli. His work is called Il Pecorone,
i.e. the Dunce, 'a title which the author assumed, as some Italian
academicians styled themselves Insensati, Stolidi, &c., appellations in
which there was not always so much irony as they imagined.' The first tale
of the tenth Day is thus analysed by Dunlop: 'Story of the Princess Denise
of France, who, to avoid a disagreeable marriage with an old German
prince, escapes in disguise to England, and is there received in a convent.
The king, passing that way, falls in love with and espouses her. Afterwards,
while he was engaged in a war in Scotland, his wife brings forth twins; but
the queen-mother sends to acquaint her son that his spouse had given birth
to two monsters. In place of his majesty's answer, ordering them to be
nevertheless brought up with the utmost care, she substitutes a mandate for
their destruction, and also for that of the queen. The person to whom the
execution of this command is entrusted, allows the queen to depart with her
twins to Genoa. At the end of some years she discovers her husband at
Rome, on his way to a crusade; she there presents him with his children,
and is brought back with them in triumph to England.' Dunlop points out
the likeness of this story to those told by Chaucer and Gower, mentions the
Page 610
Lay of Emarè, and adds: 'it is the subject, too, of a very old French
romance, published in 4to without date, entitled Le Roman de la Belle
Helene de Constantinople. There, as in Emarè, the heroine escapes to
England to avoid a marriage, &c. At length she is ordered to be burnt, but is
saved by the Duke of Gloster's niece kindly offering to personate her on that
occasion.' The story appears again in a collection of tales by Straparola, in
the fourth tale of the first night; but Straparola merely borrowed it from Ser
Giovanni. See Dunlop, Hist. Fiction, 3rd ed. p. 268.
A very similar story is told in the Roman de la Manekine, by Philippe de
Reimes, edited by F. Michel for the Bannatyne Club in 1840. For a brief
analysis of this story, see Bibliographia Britannica Literaria (Anglo-Norman
Period); by T. Wright, p. 344.
Ten Brink bids us observe the strong Christian element in the original story.
Constance herself is almost a personification of the Christian Church,
afflicted and persecuted, but at last victorious.
It occurs to me that Shakespeare, in delineating Imogen, did not forget
Chaucer's portrait of Constance.
§ 38. We must now compare Gower's version of this Tale with Chaucer's,
which at once raises the question as to priority of composition; and there
can be little doubt that, as a matter of fact, Chaucer's story was written first.
We must first of all notice that both stories really existed in two editions;
and it is precisely this fact that makes caution necessary. Most likely,
Chaucer first wrote his story about 1380 or even earlier, and revised it about
1387. But meanwhile Gower had been busy with his Confessio Amantis,
which was certainly written before 1386, and seems to have been in hand in
1382-5; see Dr. Pauli's preface to Gower, pp. xxviii, xxxii. It was revised, as
Gower himself tells us, in the sixteenth year of king Richard II., i.e. in
1392-3. From this the order of things readily appears, and may conveniently
be tabulated as follows:—
(a) Chaucer's first edition; ab. 1380.
romance, published in 4to without date, entitled Le Roman de la Belle
Helene de Constantinople. There, as in Emarè, the heroine escapes to
England to avoid a marriage, &c. At length she is ordered to be burnt, but is
saved by the Duke of Gloster's niece kindly offering to personate her on that
occasion.' The story appears again in a collection of tales by Straparola, in
the fourth tale of the first night; but Straparola merely borrowed it from Ser
Giovanni. See Dunlop, Hist. Fiction, 3rd ed. p. 268.
A very similar story is told in the Roman de la Manekine, by Philippe de
Reimes, edited by F. Michel for the Bannatyne Club in 1840. For a brief
analysis of this story, see Bibliographia Britannica Literaria (Anglo-Norman
Period); by T. Wright, p. 344.
Ten Brink bids us observe the strong Christian element in the original story.
Constance herself is almost a personification of the Christian Church,
afflicted and persecuted, but at last victorious.
It occurs to me that Shakespeare, in delineating Imogen, did not forget
Chaucer's portrait of Constance.
§ 38. We must now compare Gower's version of this Tale with Chaucer's,
which at once raises the question as to priority of composition; and there
can be little doubt that, as a matter of fact, Chaucer's story was written first.
We must first of all notice that both stories really existed in two editions;
and it is precisely this fact that makes caution necessary. Most likely,
Chaucer first wrote his story about 1380 or even earlier, and revised it about
1387. But meanwhile Gower had been busy with his Confessio Amantis,
which was certainly written before 1386, and seems to have been in hand in
1382-5; see Dr. Pauli's preface to Gower, pp. xxviii, xxxii. It was revised, as
Gower himself tells us, in the sixteenth year of king Richard II., i.e. in
1392-3. From this the order of things readily appears, and may conveniently
be tabulated as follows:—
(a) Chaucer's first edition; ab. 1380.
Page 611
(b) Gower's first edition; ab. 1382-5.
(c) Chaucer's second edition; ab. 1387.
(d) Gower's second edition; ab. 1393.
We can hence understand what happened. After Chaucer had written his
story, he doubtless lent Gower, then his particular friend, a copy. Gower
took advantage of the occasion to introduce some expressions which
certainly give the impression that he copied them; for several of these
verbal resemblances occur in places where there was little or nothing in the
original to suggest the phrases which he actually used. Lücke (in Anglia,
xiv. 183) gives twenty-seven examples of this, and draws what is, in my
opinion, the erroneous conclusion, that it was Chaucer who copied Gower;
which seems like suggesting that Tennyson was capable of borrowing from
Martin Tupper.
We may readily understand that, if Chaucer observed this use of his work, it
could not have given him much pleasure; and perhaps we may here see
some reason for the seemingly undue asperity with which, in his revised
edition, he refers to Gower's performance; see B 77-89, and the notes. On
the other side Gower, who in his first edition, just near the end, had
introduced a complimentary allusion to Chaucer, may well have thought fit
to suppress that passage in his revised copy, from which it is certainly
absent. This seems to me to be the simplest solution of the facts as they
stand.
I here take occasion to give my proposed explanation of Gower's reference
to Chaucer in his first edition, where he puts into the mouth of the goddess
Venus the following words (ed. Pauli, iii. 374):—
'And grete wel Chaucer, whan ye
mete,
As my disciple and my poete.
For, in the floures of his youthe,
In sondry wyse, as he wel couthe,
(c) Chaucer's second edition; ab. 1387.
(d) Gower's second edition; ab. 1393.
We can hence understand what happened. After Chaucer had written his
story, he doubtless lent Gower, then his particular friend, a copy. Gower
took advantage of the occasion to introduce some expressions which
certainly give the impression that he copied them; for several of these
verbal resemblances occur in places where there was little or nothing in the
original to suggest the phrases which he actually used. Lücke (in Anglia,
xiv. 183) gives twenty-seven examples of this, and draws what is, in my
opinion, the erroneous conclusion, that it was Chaucer who copied Gower;
which seems like suggesting that Tennyson was capable of borrowing from
Martin Tupper.
We may readily understand that, if Chaucer observed this use of his work, it
could not have given him much pleasure; and perhaps we may here see
some reason for the seemingly undue asperity with which, in his revised
edition, he refers to Gower's performance; see B 77-89, and the notes. On
the other side Gower, who in his first edition, just near the end, had
introduced a complimentary allusion to Chaucer, may well have thought fit
to suppress that passage in his revised copy, from which it is certainly
absent. This seems to me to be the simplest solution of the facts as they
stand.
I here take occasion to give my proposed explanation of Gower's reference
to Chaucer in his first edition, where he puts into the mouth of the goddess
Venus the following words (ed. Pauli, iii. 374):—
'And grete wel Chaucer, whan ye
mete,
As my disciple and my poete.
For, in the floures of his youthe,
In sondry wyse, as he wel couthe,
Page 612
Of ditees and of songes glade,
The which he for my sake made,
The lond fulfild is overal;
Wherof to him in special
Above al other I am most holde.
Forthy now, in his dayes olde,
Thou shalt him telle this message,
That he, upon his later age,
To sette an ende of al his werke,
As he, which is myn owne clerke,
Do make his testament of love,
As thou hast do thy shrifte above,
So that my court it may recorde.'
These lines are followed by a laudation of King Richard, which Gower
afterwards conscientiously suppressed. The course of events had shewn him
that such praise was unfitting.
I take it that these lines were written in 1385, at the very time when the
author learnt that his friend Chaucer was at work upon a new poem which
he meant to be a great work, viz. the Legend of Good Women. This poem
Venus might well claim as being written by her own clerk, as a testament of
love, containing legacies of bright examples set by Love's martyrs; and, just
as Gower wrote his own poem as a 'shrift,' Chaucer was writing his as a
'penance' (Leg. Good Women, 491) at the command of Cupid (437, 548), a
command which was given at his court (352). We can readily understand
how Venus could speak of Cupid's court as being her own court; it makes
no practical difference.
It remains to shew (with Lücke) that Chaucer and Gower both knew Trivet,
and that Gower's language sometimes resembles Chaucer's rather than
Trivet's.
The former proposition is soon settled. Where Trivet says, 'et ferri tiel coup
en le haterel le feloun' (p. 23, l. 30), Chaucer has, 'A hand him smoot upon
the nekke-bon' (669); but Gower omits to mention the 'nekke-bone,' which
The which he for my sake made,
The lond fulfild is overal;
Wherof to him in special
Above al other I am most holde.
Forthy now, in his dayes olde,
Thou shalt him telle this message,
That he, upon his later age,
To sette an ende of al his werke,
As he, which is myn owne clerke,
Do make his testament of love,
As thou hast do thy shrifte above,
So that my court it may recorde.'
These lines are followed by a laudation of King Richard, which Gower
afterwards conscientiously suppressed. The course of events had shewn him
that such praise was unfitting.
I take it that these lines were written in 1385, at the very time when the
author learnt that his friend Chaucer was at work upon a new poem which
he meant to be a great work, viz. the Legend of Good Women. This poem
Venus might well claim as being written by her own clerk, as a testament of
love, containing legacies of bright examples set by Love's martyrs; and, just
as Gower wrote his own poem as a 'shrift,' Chaucer was writing his as a
'penance' (Leg. Good Women, 491) at the command of Cupid (437, 548), a
command which was given at his court (352). We can readily understand
how Venus could speak of Cupid's court as being her own court; it makes
no practical difference.
It remains to shew (with Lücke) that Chaucer and Gower both knew Trivet,
and that Gower's language sometimes resembles Chaucer's rather than
Trivet's.
The former proposition is soon settled. Where Trivet says, 'et ferri tiel coup
en le haterel le feloun' (p. 23, l. 30), Chaucer has, 'A hand him smoot upon
the nekke-bon' (669); but Gower omits to mention the 'nekke-bone,' which
Page 613
translates haterel. This shews that Chaucer used Trivet's text. On the other
hand, Gower mentions Knaresburgh (i. 191), which he found in Trivet,
whilst Chaucer says nothing about it; see note to B 729.
As to the instances in which one poet has copied the other, whilst at the
same time Trivet does not suggest the phraseology which they employ,
Lücke gives twenty-seven examples in Anglia, xiv. 183. Some of these are
rather far-fetched and doubtful, and not many of them are very clear; but
their cumulative evidence sufficiently proves the fact. I shall only adduce
the clearer cases.
'Ch.' means Chaucer, and 'G.' is Gower. I correct Pauli's spelling.
Ch. B 430:—
Ben al to-hewe and stiked at the
bord.
G. i. 182, l. 29:—
Endlong the bord as they be set
Trivet merely says that they killed all the Christians.
Ch. B 436:—
That of the conseil of the sowdan
woot.
G. 182, l. 25:—
And alle tho, that hadden be...
Of counseil to the mariage.
Trivet merely says—the other converts to the faith.
hand, Gower mentions Knaresburgh (i. 191), which he found in Trivet,
whilst Chaucer says nothing about it; see note to B 729.
As to the instances in which one poet has copied the other, whilst at the
same time Trivet does not suggest the phraseology which they employ,
Lücke gives twenty-seven examples in Anglia, xiv. 183. Some of these are
rather far-fetched and doubtful, and not many of them are very clear; but
their cumulative evidence sufficiently proves the fact. I shall only adduce
the clearer cases.
'Ch.' means Chaucer, and 'G.' is Gower. I correct Pauli's spelling.
Ch. B 430:—
Ben al to-hewe and stiked at the
bord.
G. i. 182, l. 29:—
Endlong the bord as they be set
Trivet merely says that they killed all the Christians.
Ch. B 436:—
That of the conseil of the sowdan
woot.
G. 182, l. 25:—
And alle tho, that hadden be...
Of counseil to the mariage.
Trivet merely says—the other converts to the faith.
Page 614
Ch. B 438 (not in Trivet):—
And Custance han they take anon,
foot-hoot.
G. 183, l. 15:—
This olde fend, this Sarazin
Let take anon this Constantin.
Ch. B 439:—
And in a shippe al sterelees, god
woot.
G. 183, l. 19:—
A naked ship, withoute stere.
This instance is the more remarkable because Trivet says, 'saunz sigle et
sauntz neuiroun,' i.e. without sail or oar, without any mention of the stere or
rudder. Ch. B 535 (not in Trivet):—
But Hermengild lovede hir right as
hir lyf.
G. 184, l. 29:—
Dame Hermegild ...
... liche her owne lyf
Constance loveth.
This, at any rate, is a clear case.
Ch. B 562:—
And Custance han they take anon,
foot-hoot.
G. 183, l. 15:—
This olde fend, this Sarazin
Let take anon this Constantin.
Ch. B 439:—
And in a shippe al sterelees, god
woot.
G. 183, l. 19:—
A naked ship, withoute stere.
This instance is the more remarkable because Trivet says, 'saunz sigle et
sauntz neuiroun,' i.e. without sail or oar, without any mention of the stere or
rudder. Ch. B 535 (not in Trivet):—
But Hermengild lovede hir right as
hir lyf.
G. 184, l. 29:—
Dame Hermegild ...
... liche her owne lyf
Constance loveth.
This, at any rate, is a clear case.
Ch. B 562:—
Page 615
Dame Hermengild, yif me my sighte
agayn.
G. 185, ll. 13, 15:—
O Hermegilde ... yif me my sighte.
Trivet's expression is different, viz. 'Hermegild, ... I pray thee to make the
sign of the rood on my blind eyes.'
Ch. B 599:—
Al softely is to the bed y-go.
G. 187, l. 18:—
And to the bed he stalketh stille.
Trivet does not refer to this motion towards the bed; he merely says that
Constance and Hermegild were both in the same bed.
Ch. B 620:—
Berth hir on hand that she hath
doon this thing.
G. 188, l. 15:—
Saith that Custance hath don this
dede.
Trivet puts it differently—'he heaped the death hugely on the maid.'
Ch. B 685:—
agayn.
G. 185, ll. 13, 15:—
O Hermegilde ... yif me my sighte.
Trivet's expression is different, viz. 'Hermegild, ... I pray thee to make the
sign of the rood on my blind eyes.'
Ch. B 599:—
Al softely is to the bed y-go.
G. 187, l. 18:—
And to the bed he stalketh stille.
Trivet does not refer to this motion towards the bed; he merely says that
Constance and Hermegild were both in the same bed.
Ch. B 620:—
Berth hir on hand that she hath
doon this thing.
G. 188, l. 15:—
Saith that Custance hath don this
dede.
Trivet puts it differently—'he heaped the death hugely on the maid.'
Ch. B 685:—
Page 616
The king, and many another in that
place,
Converted was.
G. 190, l. 7:—
The king, with many another mo,
He cristned.
It is remarkable that Trivet says that king Alle caused himself to be
baptized; there is not a word about others.
Ch. B 721, 2:—
She halt hir chambre, abyding
Cristes wille.
The tyme is come, a knave-child she
ber.
G. 191, ll. 1-3:—
The tyme set of kinde is come,
This lady hath her chambre nome,
And of a sone bore fulle, &c.
A clear case; Trivet uses no such expressions.
Ch. B 759:—
But of his owene bond he wroot
ageyn.
G. 193, l. 3:—
He wroot ayein.
place,
Converted was.
G. 190, l. 7:—
The king, with many another mo,
He cristned.
It is remarkable that Trivet says that king Alle caused himself to be
baptized; there is not a word about others.
Ch. B 721, 2:—
She halt hir chambre, abyding
Cristes wille.
The tyme is come, a knave-child she
ber.
G. 191, ll. 1-3:—
The tyme set of kinde is come,
This lady hath her chambre nome,
And of a sone bore fulle, &c.
A clear case; Trivet uses no such expressions.
Ch. B 759:—
But of his owene bond he wroot
ageyn.
G. 193, l. 3:—
He wroot ayein.
Page 617
Here the French text has 'rescrit,' wrote back.
Ch. B 799:—
But in the same ship as he hir fond.
G. 194, l. 11:—
That ye the same ship vitaille,
In which that she took arrivaille.
A remarkable case; for Trivet makes it a new ship—'vne neef.'
Ch. B 825:—
kneling on the stronde (not in
Trivet).
G. 195, l. 7:—
Knelend upon her bare knee.
Ch. B 916:—
Com into ship.
G. 196, l. 28:—
cam to ship.
Trivet uses the expression 'descendi,' i.e. came down.
Ch. B 1045:—
Ch. B 799:—
But in the same ship as he hir fond.
G. 194, l. 11:—
That ye the same ship vitaille,
In which that she took arrivaille.
A remarkable case; for Trivet makes it a new ship—'vne neef.'
Ch. B 825:—
kneling on the stronde (not in
Trivet).
G. 195, l. 7:—
Knelend upon her bare knee.
Ch. B 916:—
Com into ship.
G. 196, l. 28:—
cam to ship.
Trivet uses the expression 'descendi,' i.e. came down.
Ch. B 1045:—
Page 618
Goth Alla, for to seen this wonder
chaunce.
G. 207, l. 23:—
To see this Custe goth the king.
Trivet has it differently.
Ch. B 1093:—
The emperour hath graunted
gentilly.
G. 209, l. 19:—
This lord hath graunted his
requeste.
Taken altogether, these appropriations by Gower, though not in themselves
very marked, must have been annoying to his brother-poet.
It is worth while to notice that, in the three cases of the Wyf of Bathes Tale,
the Phisiciens Tale, and the Maunciples Tale, Chaucer and Gower again tell
the same stories; and though Chaucer wrote at a later date, he certainly has
not copied.
§ 39. The Shipman's Prologue. This Prologue is assigned to the Shipman in
MS. Arch. Seld. only; see the footnote to B 1179. MS. Harl. 3774 assigns it
to the Sompnour; whilst very many MSS. assign it to the Squire. The three
chief MSS. (E., Hn., Cm.) omit it altogether; from which we may perhaps
infer that it was a very late addition to the set of Tales.
In order to exhibit the variations of the MSS. more clearly, Dr. Furnivall has
printed this Prologue from no less than twenty-two MSS., with the result
chaunce.
G. 207, l. 23:—
To see this Custe goth the king.
Trivet has it differently.
Ch. B 1093:—
The emperour hath graunted
gentilly.
G. 209, l. 19:—
This lord hath graunted his
requeste.
Taken altogether, these appropriations by Gower, though not in themselves
very marked, must have been annoying to his brother-poet.
It is worth while to notice that, in the three cases of the Wyf of Bathes Tale,
the Phisiciens Tale, and the Maunciples Tale, Chaucer and Gower again tell
the same stories; and though Chaucer wrote at a later date, he certainly has
not copied.
§ 39. The Shipman's Prologue. This Prologue is assigned to the Shipman in
MS. Arch. Seld. only; see the footnote to B 1179. MS. Harl. 3774 assigns it
to the Sompnour; whilst very many MSS. assign it to the Squire. The three
chief MSS. (E., Hn., Cm.) omit it altogether; from which we may perhaps
infer that it was a very late addition to the set of Tales.
In order to exhibit the variations of the MSS. more clearly, Dr. Furnivall has
printed this Prologue from no less than twenty-two MSS., with the result
Page 619
that only one, viz. MS. Arch. Seld. above, rightly assigns it to the Shipman
and, at the same time, places it after the Man of Lawes Tale. Three of the
MSS., viz. Harl. 7334, Rawl. Misc. 1133, and Royal 17 D. XV, assign it to
the Sompnour, but they are all clearly wrong, because, notwithstanding this
mention of the Sompnour, the Tale that follows is assigned, in the first, to
the Wyf of Bathe, and, in the others, to the Squire! Eighteen of the MSS.
assign this Prologue to the Squire, and insert his Tale after it. We may hence
conclude that, in some early copies, a displacement of the Tales occurred at
this point.
But it is easy to see that MS. Arch. Seld., the sole authority for the present
arrangement, is here quite right[114]. The latter part of the Prologue (B 1178-
90) is quite unsuited to the character of the Squire, but in keeping with that
of the Shipman. Further, the Squire has a Prologue of his own, though it is
incomplete in the sense that there is no indication whom the Squire is to
follow (F 1-8). But the clearest proof that the author's latest intention was to
place both the Shipman's Prologue and Tale precisely here, and nowhere
else, appears from the following facts. First, we see, as above, that it is
clearly a Shipman's Prologue, and therefore precedes the Shipman's Tale;
whilst there is an obvious allusion in it to the Man of Lawes Tale as being
the one which it must needs follow. The former of these points was seen by
Tyrwhitt long ago; and he accordingly assigned this Prologue to the
Shipman. The latter point was made by Mr. Henry Bradshaw, who
conclusively shewed that no other arrangement would suit, by pointing to
the author's own words. Thus, in B 46, the Man of Lawe says—'I can right
now no thrifty tale seyn,' and is inclined to be apologetic; but, after the tale
is told, the Host is well pleased, and consoles him in express terms in the
words—'This was a thrifty tale for the nones.' And, to put the matter beyond
dispute, turns to the Persone, with the words—'I see wel that ye lerned men
in lore,' meaning the Persone and the Man of Lawe. In most MSS., the
Shipman's Tale follows the Pardoner's; which involves the difficulty of
making the Host call the Pardoner 'a lerned man in lore.' The proof that this
is the very last title the Host would have bestowed on the Pardoner, is given
in C 942-968, where the Host's contempt of the Pardoner is expressed in the
strongest terms which he could command; and his capabilities of expression
were considerable. Few happier hits have been made than the convincing
and, at the same time, places it after the Man of Lawes Tale. Three of the
MSS., viz. Harl. 7334, Rawl. Misc. 1133, and Royal 17 D. XV, assign it to
the Sompnour, but they are all clearly wrong, because, notwithstanding this
mention of the Sompnour, the Tale that follows is assigned, in the first, to
the Wyf of Bathe, and, in the others, to the Squire! Eighteen of the MSS.
assign this Prologue to the Squire, and insert his Tale after it. We may hence
conclude that, in some early copies, a displacement of the Tales occurred at
this point.
But it is easy to see that MS. Arch. Seld., the sole authority for the present
arrangement, is here quite right[114]. The latter part of the Prologue (B 1178-
90) is quite unsuited to the character of the Squire, but in keeping with that
of the Shipman. Further, the Squire has a Prologue of his own, though it is
incomplete in the sense that there is no indication whom the Squire is to
follow (F 1-8). But the clearest proof that the author's latest intention was to
place both the Shipman's Prologue and Tale precisely here, and nowhere
else, appears from the following facts. First, we see, as above, that it is
clearly a Shipman's Prologue, and therefore precedes the Shipman's Tale;
whilst there is an obvious allusion in it to the Man of Lawes Tale as being
the one which it must needs follow. The former of these points was seen by
Tyrwhitt long ago; and he accordingly assigned this Prologue to the
Shipman. The latter point was made by Mr. Henry Bradshaw, who
conclusively shewed that no other arrangement would suit, by pointing to
the author's own words. Thus, in B 46, the Man of Lawe says—'I can right
now no thrifty tale seyn,' and is inclined to be apologetic; but, after the tale
is told, the Host is well pleased, and consoles him in express terms in the
words—'This was a thrifty tale for the nones.' And, to put the matter beyond
dispute, turns to the Persone, with the words—'I see wel that ye lerned men
in lore,' meaning the Persone and the Man of Lawe. In most MSS., the
Shipman's Tale follows the Pardoner's; which involves the difficulty of
making the Host call the Pardoner 'a lerned man in lore.' The proof that this
is the very last title the Host would have bestowed on the Pardoner, is given
in C 942-968, where the Host's contempt of the Pardoner is expressed in the
strongest terms which he could command; and his capabilities of expression
were considerable. Few happier hits have been made than the convincing
Page 620
argument which we are glad to owe to Mr. Bradshaw, whose knowledge of
Chaucer's text was believed by many scholars to be without parallel.
But the story of the Shipman's Prologue is not yet ended. Many scribes
perceived how ill suited this Prologue was for following the Pardoner's
Tale, or the Cook's Tale, or the Tale of Gamelyn, which were the places it
was sometimes made to occupy. In order to remedy this apparent defect, a
spurious Shipman's Prologue was concocted, consisting of but twelve lines.
This is the Prologue given in the black-letter editions, which, in order to
make the true Shipman's Prologue do duty for a Squire's Prologue, actually
resorted to the arbitrary process of suppressing the true Squire's Prologue
altogether! I here give this spurious Prologue, but in true Chaucerian
spelling, in order to shew more clearly how ill some of the lines scan. I
follow mainly the Petworth MS., denoted by 'Pt.'; and give all the variations
worth mentioning that occur in the other eight MSS., viz. Roy. (Royal 18 C
ii), Sl. (Sloane 1685), B. (Barlow 20), H. (Hatton 1), M. (Camb. Univ. Lib.
Mm. 2. 5), R. (Rawl. Poet. 149), L. (Laud 739), and I. (Camb. Univ. Lib. li.
3. 26).
Spurious Shipman's Prologue.
'Now freendes,' seide our Host so
dere,
'How lyketh yow by Iohn the
Pardonere?
For he hath unbokeled wel the
male;
He hath us told right a thrifty tale,
As touching of misgovernaunce. 5
I prey to God, yeve him good
chaunce,
As ye han herd of thise ryotoures
three.
Now, gentil Mariner, hertely I preye
thee,
Chaucer's text was believed by many scholars to be without parallel.
But the story of the Shipman's Prologue is not yet ended. Many scribes
perceived how ill suited this Prologue was for following the Pardoner's
Tale, or the Cook's Tale, or the Tale of Gamelyn, which were the places it
was sometimes made to occupy. In order to remedy this apparent defect, a
spurious Shipman's Prologue was concocted, consisting of but twelve lines.
This is the Prologue given in the black-letter editions, which, in order to
make the true Shipman's Prologue do duty for a Squire's Prologue, actually
resorted to the arbitrary process of suppressing the true Squire's Prologue
altogether! I here give this spurious Prologue, but in true Chaucerian
spelling, in order to shew more clearly how ill some of the lines scan. I
follow mainly the Petworth MS., denoted by 'Pt.'; and give all the variations
worth mentioning that occur in the other eight MSS., viz. Roy. (Royal 18 C
ii), Sl. (Sloane 1685), B. (Barlow 20), H. (Hatton 1), M. (Camb. Univ. Lib.
Mm. 2. 5), R. (Rawl. Poet. 149), L. (Laud 739), and I. (Camb. Univ. Lib. li.
3. 26).
Spurious Shipman's Prologue.
'Now freendes,' seide our Host so
dere,
'How lyketh yow by Iohn the
Pardonere?
For he hath unbokeled wel the
male;
He hath us told right a thrifty tale,
As touching of misgovernaunce. 5
I prey to God, yeve him good
chaunce,
As ye han herd of thise ryotoures
three.
Now, gentil Mariner, hertely I preye
thee,
Page 621
Tel us a good tale, and that right
anon.'
'It shal be doon, by God and by 10
Seint Iohn,'
Seide this Mariner, 'as wel as ever I
can':
And right anon his tale he bigan.
12
1. Now] Sl. How. 2. H. L. J. om. the. 4. Roy. B. H. told; rest tolde (!). 5. of]
H. of his; I. his. 6. good] Sl. H. M. goode; B. right goode. 7. B. riatoures; H.
M. R. Sl. riatours; L. ryotours; Pt. retourues (!). 8. Roy. H. M. R. B. L.
hertly; I. nowe hertely; Sl. om. Pt. preye; rest pray (prey). 9. Pt. Roy. R. I.
good; rest gode (goode). 12. And] R. om.
As to these lines, I will merely make the following remarks. Line 1 is too
short by a whole foot; and so is l. 5. Lines 8 and 11 are somewhat too long.
Line 4 will scan well, if we substitute told-e for told, as some of the MSS.
do; but, unfortunately, told-e is here an impossible form. Line 3 is imitated
from A 3115; and l. 10 from B 1019. In l. 7, we must suppress of, in order to
make the line run well; only this destroys the sense. It is not easy to imitate
Chaucer's language for twelve lines together, especially when sense has to
be regarded. Moreover, the way in which l. 7 is made to depend on l. 6 is
extremely awkward.
In the true Prologue, the Shipman gives due notice that he is going to tell a
'merry,' i.e. a licentious story; which he proceeds to do.
§ 40. The Shipmannes Tale. A similar Tale occurs in Boccaccio's
Decamerone, Day 8, Nov. 1. The scene is laid in Milan; the husband is a
rich merchant named Guasparruol Cagastraccio; and his wife's name is
Ambruogia. The gallant is Gulfardo, a German, and not a priest. The sum
borrowed is 200 florins; which Gulfardo restores to the wife in the presence
of a witness, so that she is obliged to admit its repayment. The place to
which the merchant goes, on a business errand, is Genoa.
anon.'
'It shal be doon, by God and by 10
Seint Iohn,'
Seide this Mariner, 'as wel as ever I
can':
And right anon his tale he bigan.
12
1. Now] Sl. How. 2. H. L. J. om. the. 4. Roy. B. H. told; rest tolde (!). 5. of]
H. of his; I. his. 6. good] Sl. H. M. goode; B. right goode. 7. B. riatoures; H.
M. R. Sl. riatours; L. ryotours; Pt. retourues (!). 8. Roy. H. M. R. B. L.
hertly; I. nowe hertely; Sl. om. Pt. preye; rest pray (prey). 9. Pt. Roy. R. I.
good; rest gode (goode). 12. And] R. om.
As to these lines, I will merely make the following remarks. Line 1 is too
short by a whole foot; and so is l. 5. Lines 8 and 11 are somewhat too long.
Line 4 will scan well, if we substitute told-e for told, as some of the MSS.
do; but, unfortunately, told-e is here an impossible form. Line 3 is imitated
from A 3115; and l. 10 from B 1019. In l. 7, we must suppress of, in order to
make the line run well; only this destroys the sense. It is not easy to imitate
Chaucer's language for twelve lines together, especially when sense has to
be regarded. Moreover, the way in which l. 7 is made to depend on l. 6 is
extremely awkward.
In the true Prologue, the Shipman gives due notice that he is going to tell a
'merry,' i.e. a licentious story; which he proceeds to do.
§ 40. The Shipmannes Tale. A similar Tale occurs in Boccaccio's
Decamerone, Day 8, Nov. 1. The scene is laid in Milan; the husband is a
rich merchant named Guasparruol Cagastraccio; and his wife's name is
Ambruogia. The gallant is Gulfardo, a German, and not a priest. The sum
borrowed is 200 florins; which Gulfardo restores to the wife in the presence
of a witness, so that she is obliged to admit its repayment. The place to
which the merchant goes, on a business errand, is Genoa.
Page 622
It is not at all likely that Chaucer took this from the Decamerone, which he
seems never to have read. He probably found it in some French fabliau, and
treated the story, as usual, so as to make it all his own. In B 1404, we find
the French phrase 'Qui la?' The scene is laid near Paris, and France is
specially mentioned in B 1306, 1341, 1384. The merchant's business calls
him away to Bruges (1448).
There is a curious difficulty in the opening lines of this Tale. The use of the
words us (B 1202, 1209), we (1204), and our (1208), certainly shew that, in
the first instance, this Tale was meant to be told by a woman; and,
obviously, by the Wyf of Bathe in particular (cf. D 337-356). When Chaucer
changed his mind, he forgot to make here the necessary corrections.
'The same fable ... is repeated by La Fontaine (Contes, ii. 9), in his usual
forcible and witty way; but neither Boccaccio nor La Fontaine can vie with
Chaucer's art.'—Ten Brink.
§ 41. The Prioress's Prologue. This Prologue requires no explanation. The
responsibility passes from the Shipman to the Prioress with perfect ease.
§ 42. The Prioresses Tale. The real Prologue to this Tale is contained in B
1637-1642. What is called, in MSS. E. and Hn., the Prologue is, more
strictly, a Proem; and the Tale itself is, more strictly, a Legend, or (as the
author calls it) a 'song'; B 1677. The Legend, although in stanzas, is told
with practised skill, and probably belongs to the later period. The Proem
resembles that to the Life of Seint Cecile, and contains a similar invocation
to the Virgin. The third stanza reminds us of one in the A. B. C., viz. that
beginning with M. We may note the introduction of the words 'quod she'
(1644), and the line 'To telle a storie I wol do my labour' (1653).
The Tale itself is taken from a source similar to that of the Legend of
Alphonsus of Lincoln, a story reprinted by the Chaucer Society from the
Fortalitium Fidei; Lugdun. 1500, fol. ccviii. In another edition, printed in
1485, the Legend of Alphonsus is said to have been composed in 1459, and
it is stated to be the work of a Minorite friar, whose name, according to
Hain and others, was Alphonsus a Spina. The story is, that a widow residing
seems never to have read. He probably found it in some French fabliau, and
treated the story, as usual, so as to make it all his own. In B 1404, we find
the French phrase 'Qui la?' The scene is laid near Paris, and France is
specially mentioned in B 1306, 1341, 1384. The merchant's business calls
him away to Bruges (1448).
There is a curious difficulty in the opening lines of this Tale. The use of the
words us (B 1202, 1209), we (1204), and our (1208), certainly shew that, in
the first instance, this Tale was meant to be told by a woman; and,
obviously, by the Wyf of Bathe in particular (cf. D 337-356). When Chaucer
changed his mind, he forgot to make here the necessary corrections.
'The same fable ... is repeated by La Fontaine (Contes, ii. 9), in his usual
forcible and witty way; but neither Boccaccio nor La Fontaine can vie with
Chaucer's art.'—Ten Brink.
§ 41. The Prioress's Prologue. This Prologue requires no explanation. The
responsibility passes from the Shipman to the Prioress with perfect ease.
§ 42. The Prioresses Tale. The real Prologue to this Tale is contained in B
1637-1642. What is called, in MSS. E. and Hn., the Prologue is, more
strictly, a Proem; and the Tale itself is, more strictly, a Legend, or (as the
author calls it) a 'song'; B 1677. The Legend, although in stanzas, is told
with practised skill, and probably belongs to the later period. The Proem
resembles that to the Life of Seint Cecile, and contains a similar invocation
to the Virgin. The third stanza reminds us of one in the A. B. C., viz. that
beginning with M. We may note the introduction of the words 'quod she'
(1644), and the line 'To telle a storie I wol do my labour' (1653).
The Tale itself is taken from a source similar to that of the Legend of
Alphonsus of Lincoln, a story reprinted by the Chaucer Society from the
Fortalitium Fidei; Lugdun. 1500, fol. ccviii. In another edition, printed in
1485, the Legend of Alphonsus is said to have been composed in 1459, and
it is stated to be the work of a Minorite friar, whose name, according to
Hain and others, was Alphonsus a Spina. The story is, that a widow residing
Page 623
in Lincoln has a son named Alphonsus, ten years of age, who goes daily to
school, singing 'Alma Redemptoris' as he passes through the street where
the Jews dwell. One day the Jews seize him, cut out his tongue, tear out his
heart, and throw his body into a filthy pit. But the Virgin appears to him,
gives him a precious stone in place of a tongue, and enables him to sing
'Alma Redemptoris' for four days. His mother seeks and finds him, and he
is borne to the cathedral, still singing. The bishop celebrates mass; the boy
reveals the secret, resigns the precious stone to the bishop, gives up the
ghost, and is buried in a marble tomb. A similar legend is narrated
concerning Hugh of Lincoln; see note to B 1874.
In Originals and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, pt. iii. (Chaucer
Soc. 1876), is the story of the Paris Beggar-boy murdered by a Jew, printed
from the Vernon MS., leaf 123, back. It is well told, and has some
remarkable points of agreement with the Prioresses Tale. It clearly identifies
the hymn Alma Redemptoris Mater as agreeing with the second anthem
mentioned in the Note to B 1708, which is partly translated as follows:—
'Godus Moder, mylde and clene,
Heuene ȝate and sterre of se,
Saue þi peple from synne and we'
[woe].
The same publication contains a similar story, in French verse, of a boy
killed by a Jew for singing 'Gaude Maria'; from MS. Harl. 4401. The author
was Gautier de Poincy.
Tyrwhitt's account of the Prioresses Tale is as follows: 'The transition from
the Tale of the Shipman to that of the Prioresse is happily managed. I have
not been able to discover from what Legende of the Miracles of Our Lady
the Prioresses Tale is taken. From the scene being laid in Asia, it should
seem, that this was one of the oldest of the many stories which have been
propagated, at different times, to excite or justify several merciless
persecutions of the Jews, upon the charge of murthering Christian children.
The story of Hugh of Lincoln, which is mentioned in the last stanza, is
placed by Matthew Paris under the year 1255. In the first four months of the
school, singing 'Alma Redemptoris' as he passes through the street where
the Jews dwell. One day the Jews seize him, cut out his tongue, tear out his
heart, and throw his body into a filthy pit. But the Virgin appears to him,
gives him a precious stone in place of a tongue, and enables him to sing
'Alma Redemptoris' for four days. His mother seeks and finds him, and he
is borne to the cathedral, still singing. The bishop celebrates mass; the boy
reveals the secret, resigns the precious stone to the bishop, gives up the
ghost, and is buried in a marble tomb. A similar legend is narrated
concerning Hugh of Lincoln; see note to B 1874.
In Originals and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, pt. iii. (Chaucer
Soc. 1876), is the story of the Paris Beggar-boy murdered by a Jew, printed
from the Vernon MS., leaf 123, back. It is well told, and has some
remarkable points of agreement with the Prioresses Tale. It clearly identifies
the hymn Alma Redemptoris Mater as agreeing with the second anthem
mentioned in the Note to B 1708, which is partly translated as follows:—
'Godus Moder, mylde and clene,
Heuene ȝate and sterre of se,
Saue þi peple from synne and we'
[woe].
The same publication contains a similar story, in French verse, of a boy
killed by a Jew for singing 'Gaude Maria'; from MS. Harl. 4401. The author
was Gautier de Poincy.
Tyrwhitt's account of the Prioresses Tale is as follows: 'The transition from
the Tale of the Shipman to that of the Prioresse is happily managed. I have
not been able to discover from what Legende of the Miracles of Our Lady
the Prioresses Tale is taken. From the scene being laid in Asia, it should
seem, that this was one of the oldest of the many stories which have been
propagated, at different times, to excite or justify several merciless
persecutions of the Jews, upon the charge of murthering Christian children.
The story of Hugh of Lincoln, which is mentioned in the last stanza, is
placed by Matthew Paris under the year 1255. In the first four months of the
Page 624
Acta Sanctorum by Bollandus, I find the following names of children
canonized, as having been murthered by Jews: xxv Mart. Willielmus
Norvicensis, 1144; Richardus, Parisiis, 1179; xvii Apr. Rudolphus, Bernae,
1287; Wernerus, Wesaliae, anno eodem; Albertus, Poloniae, 1598. I
suppose the remaining eight months would furnish at least as many more.
See a Scottish Ballad (Percy's Reliques of Ancient Poetry, i. 32) upon one of
these supposed murthers. The editor [Percy] has very ingeniously
conjectured that "Mirryland" in verse 1 is a corruption of "Milan." Perhaps
the real occasion of the Ballad may have been what is said to have
happened at Trent, in 1475, to a boy called Simon. The Cardinal Hadrian,
about fifty years after, mentioning the Rocks of Trent, adds—"quo Iudaei
ob Simonis caedem ne aspirare quidem audent;" Praef. ad librum de Serm.
Lat. The change of the name in the Song, from Simon to Hugh, is natural
enough in this country, where similar stories of Hugh of Norwich and Hugh
of Lincoln had been long current.'
The Ballad alluded to is called 'The Jew's Daughter' by Percy, and is to the
effect that a boy named Hugh was enticed to play and then stabbed by a
Jew's daughter, who threw him into a draw-well. His mother, Lady Helen,
finds him by hearing his voice.
For 'Hugh of Norwich,' as mentioned by Tyrwhitt, we should read 'William
of Norwich.' His story is given in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, under the
date 1137, on which Prof. Earle remarks—'St. William seems to have
retained his celebrity down to the time of the reformation, at least in
Norfolk. In Loddon church, which is advanced perpendicular of about 1500,
there is a painting of his crucifixion on a panel of the rood-screen, still in
fair preservation.' A wood engraving of this picture is given on the same
page (A.S. Chron., ed. Earle, p. 371). As to the cruel treatment of the Jews,
see the note on 'The Jews in England' in Annals of England, p. 162.
I may add that the story of Hugh of Lincoln, and a picture of the martyrdom
of Simon at Trent, are given in an excellent chapter in Manners, Customs,
and Dress, during the Middle Ages, by P. Lacroix, pp. 434-455.
canonized, as having been murthered by Jews: xxv Mart. Willielmus
Norvicensis, 1144; Richardus, Parisiis, 1179; xvii Apr. Rudolphus, Bernae,
1287; Wernerus, Wesaliae, anno eodem; Albertus, Poloniae, 1598. I
suppose the remaining eight months would furnish at least as many more.
See a Scottish Ballad (Percy's Reliques of Ancient Poetry, i. 32) upon one of
these supposed murthers. The editor [Percy] has very ingeniously
conjectured that "Mirryland" in verse 1 is a corruption of "Milan." Perhaps
the real occasion of the Ballad may have been what is said to have
happened at Trent, in 1475, to a boy called Simon. The Cardinal Hadrian,
about fifty years after, mentioning the Rocks of Trent, adds—"quo Iudaei
ob Simonis caedem ne aspirare quidem audent;" Praef. ad librum de Serm.
Lat. The change of the name in the Song, from Simon to Hugh, is natural
enough in this country, where similar stories of Hugh of Norwich and Hugh
of Lincoln had been long current.'
The Ballad alluded to is called 'The Jew's Daughter' by Percy, and is to the
effect that a boy named Hugh was enticed to play and then stabbed by a
Jew's daughter, who threw him into a draw-well. His mother, Lady Helen,
finds him by hearing his voice.
For 'Hugh of Norwich,' as mentioned by Tyrwhitt, we should read 'William
of Norwich.' His story is given in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, under the
date 1137, on which Prof. Earle remarks—'St. William seems to have
retained his celebrity down to the time of the reformation, at least in
Norfolk. In Loddon church, which is advanced perpendicular of about 1500,
there is a painting of his crucifixion on a panel of the rood-screen, still in
fair preservation.' A wood engraving of this picture is given on the same
page (A.S. Chron., ed. Earle, p. 371). As to the cruel treatment of the Jews,
see the note on 'The Jews in England' in Annals of England, p. 162.
I may add that the story of Hugh of Lincoln, and a picture of the martyrdom
of Simon at Trent, are given in an excellent chapter in Manners, Customs,
and Dress, during the Middle Ages, by P. Lacroix, pp. 434-455.
Page 625
A modernised version of the Prioresses Tale will be found among
Wordsworth's Poems. It can hardly be said to be satisfactory; and the
language of the original is, for the most part, so simple that the attempt to
modernise it was a needless task. The old idea, that the attempt to read
Chaucer in the original requires almost superhuman ability, will, I hope,
soon be a thing of the past. As a matter of fact, his language is easier than
that of Homer or Vergil; and Englishmen are already ceasing to be
overpowered by a dread of learning facts that concern their own language.
§ 43. Prologue to Sir Thopas. This passage, like the Prologues in rimed
couplets, evidently belongs to the late period; we recognise here some of
the author's best work. Notice, in particular, his description of himself.
§ 44. Sir Thopas. Judging by the rhythm-test, this might be of early
workmanship; but judging by the language, it is late. Like the exceptional
Tale last discussed, it probably belongs to the late period, although not
written in rimed couplets. Tyrwhitt's estimate of it is judicious and correct.
He says—'The Rime of Sir Thopas was clearly intended to ridicule the
"palpable gross" fictions of the common Rimers of that age, and still more,
perhaps, the meanness of their language and versification. It is full of
phrases taken from Isumbras, Li Beaus Desconus, and other Romances in
the same style, which are still extant.... For the more complete reprobation
of this species of Riming, even the Host, who is not to be suspected of too
refined a taste, is made to cry out against it, and to cut short Sire Thopas in
the midst of his adventures. Chaucer has nothing to say for his Rime, but
that "it is the best he can" (B 2118), and readily consents to tell another
Tale; but having just laughed so freely at the bad poetry of his time, he
might think it, perhaps, too invidious to exhibit a specimen of better in his
own person, and therefore his other Tale is in prose, a mere translation from
Le Livre de Melibee et de dame Prudence, of which several copies are still
preserved in MS. [See p. 426]. It is in truth, as he calls it, "a moral tale
vertuous," and was probably much esteemed in its time; but in this age of
levity, I doubt some readers will be apt to regret that he did not rather give
us the remainder of Sire Thopas.'
Wordsworth's Poems. It can hardly be said to be satisfactory; and the
language of the original is, for the most part, so simple that the attempt to
modernise it was a needless task. The old idea, that the attempt to read
Chaucer in the original requires almost superhuman ability, will, I hope,
soon be a thing of the past. As a matter of fact, his language is easier than
that of Homer or Vergil; and Englishmen are already ceasing to be
overpowered by a dread of learning facts that concern their own language.
§ 43. Prologue to Sir Thopas. This passage, like the Prologues in rimed
couplets, evidently belongs to the late period; we recognise here some of
the author's best work. Notice, in particular, his description of himself.
§ 44. Sir Thopas. Judging by the rhythm-test, this might be of early
workmanship; but judging by the language, it is late. Like the exceptional
Tale last discussed, it probably belongs to the late period, although not
written in rimed couplets. Tyrwhitt's estimate of it is judicious and correct.
He says—'The Rime of Sir Thopas was clearly intended to ridicule the
"palpable gross" fictions of the common Rimers of that age, and still more,
perhaps, the meanness of their language and versification. It is full of
phrases taken from Isumbras, Li Beaus Desconus, and other Romances in
the same style, which are still extant.... For the more complete reprobation
of this species of Riming, even the Host, who is not to be suspected of too
refined a taste, is made to cry out against it, and to cut short Sire Thopas in
the midst of his adventures. Chaucer has nothing to say for his Rime, but
that "it is the best he can" (B 2118), and readily consents to tell another
Tale; but having just laughed so freely at the bad poetry of his time, he
might think it, perhaps, too invidious to exhibit a specimen of better in his
own person, and therefore his other Tale is in prose, a mere translation from
Le Livre de Melibee et de dame Prudence, of which several copies are still
preserved in MS. [See p. 426]. It is in truth, as he calls it, "a moral tale
vertuous," and was probably much esteemed in its time; but in this age of
levity, I doubt some readers will be apt to regret that he did not rather give
us the remainder of Sire Thopas.'
Page 626
Sir Thopas is admittedly a burlesque, and several of the passages imitated
are quoted in the Notes; but I cannot quite resist the suspicion that Chaucer
may himself, in his youth, have tried his hand at such romance-writing in all
seriousness, but lived to have a good-humoured laugh even in some degree
at his own expense; and he seems as if endeavouring to make his readers
feel that they could wish there was somewhat more of it. Yet we cannot but
allow that to
'Praise syr Topas for a noble tale,
And scorne the story that the
Knight told'
is much the same as to
'say that Pan
Passeth Appollo in musike
manifold,'
as Sir Thomas Wiat has remarked in his second satire. It may be added that
the usual metrical laws are not quite strictly observed in this Tale.
A dissertation on Sir Thopas by C. J. Bennewitz, of Magdeburg, appeared at
Halle, 1879, with some useful notes; and a still fuller and more elaborate
article, by Prof. E. Kölbing, will be found in the Englische Studien, xi. 495.
In the latter especially, a large number of parallel passages are pointed out,
some of which will be found in the Notes. Chaucer has seized the
characteristics of the Romance-writers so well, that it would be an endless
task to exhibit all his imitations. Some of the peculiarities of our old
minstrels are well noted by Bennewitz. For example, they usually begin by
requesting the company to listen (B 1902, 2083). They revel in similes (B
1915-7, 1920). They often divide their poems into cantos, each of which
was called 'a fit' (B 2078). Sometimes they give us lists of heroes, as at the
beginning of Richard Coer de Lion (B 2088- 2090); and a description of the
particular hero of the romance (B 1914). They are very fond of hideous
giants (B 1997), and of fairies (B 1978, 1992); and, of course, the heroes
are continually riding up and down in quest of some adventure (B 1988). Of
are quoted in the Notes; but I cannot quite resist the suspicion that Chaucer
may himself, in his youth, have tried his hand at such romance-writing in all
seriousness, but lived to have a good-humoured laugh even in some degree
at his own expense; and he seems as if endeavouring to make his readers
feel that they could wish there was somewhat more of it. Yet we cannot but
allow that to
'Praise syr Topas for a noble tale,
And scorne the story that the
Knight told'
is much the same as to
'say that Pan
Passeth Appollo in musike
manifold,'
as Sir Thomas Wiat has remarked in his second satire. It may be added that
the usual metrical laws are not quite strictly observed in this Tale.
A dissertation on Sir Thopas by C. J. Bennewitz, of Magdeburg, appeared at
Halle, 1879, with some useful notes; and a still fuller and more elaborate
article, by Prof. E. Kölbing, will be found in the Englische Studien, xi. 495.
In the latter especially, a large number of parallel passages are pointed out,
some of which will be found in the Notes. Chaucer has seized the
characteristics of the Romance-writers so well, that it would be an endless
task to exhibit all his imitations. Some of the peculiarities of our old
minstrels are well noted by Bennewitz. For example, they usually begin by
requesting the company to listen (B 1902, 2083). They revel in similes (B
1915-7, 1920). They often divide their poems into cantos, each of which
was called 'a fit' (B 2078). Sometimes they give us lists of heroes, as at the
beginning of Richard Coer de Lion (B 2088- 2090); and a description of the
particular hero of the romance (B 1914). They are very fond of hideous
giants (B 1997), and of fairies (B 1978, 1992); and, of course, the heroes
are continually riding up and down in quest of some adventure (B 1988). Of
Page 627
course, we expect occasional mention of the singing of birds (B 1956); of
the springing of herbs (B 1950); and of instruments of music (B 2005). The
knight's steed is often over-ridden (B 1965); and the knight himself must be
consumed by love-longing (B 1975).
It is delightful to observe how Chaucer contrives, often by a mere word, to
give the story a ludicrous turn, as in 1919—'He hadde a semely nose.' The
hero's face is not, as usual, as white 'as a lyly,' but as white 'as payndemayn,'
i.e. the finest bread (1915). His complexion was like 'scarlet in grain,' i.e. it
would not wash out (1917). Among the wild beasts of the forest are both
'bukke and hare' (1946). Among the growing herbs he enumerates nutmeg
'to putte in ale' (1953); and so on. The most curious example of this kind of
humour appears in the behaviour of the knight when attacked by the giant;
he quietly makes his escape, on the plea that he will return next day; and
this evasion of present battle is attributed to God's grace, and to his own
'fair beringe' (2022). It is needless to give further instances.
Prof. Kölbing bids us observe the varieties in the metre; it would seem that
Chaucer deliberately intended to exhibit the most characteristic forms of the
romantic stanza; for in five cases his examples are unique. The varieties are
eight in all. Examples of these variable stanzas are as follows. (1) Stanzas
with the rimes aabccb (2017). (2) Rimes aabaab (1914). (3) Rimes aabaab,
ccbccb, i.e. two stanzas with the same middle and final rimes (1902-13). (4)
A stanza with the rimes aabγbbg, where γ denotes a line with but one
accent, riming with the line denoted by g (1980). (5) A stanza of ten lines,
aabccbγddg (2071). (6) A stanza of 10 lines, aabaabγccg (1997). (7) A
stanza of 10 lines, aabaabγaag (1987). (8) A stanza of ten lines, aabccbγccg
(2007). The use of short lines, with but one accent, as in 1983, is of frequent
occurrence in romances; for examples, see Sir Gawayne and the Grene
Knight, ed. Morris; Sir Tristrem, ed. McNeill (Scottish Text Soc.); The
Pistill of Susan, in Scottish Allit. Poems, ed. Amours (id.); and cf. York
Plays, ed. Miss T. Smith, p. 359, &c. In Sir Beves of Hamptoun, ed.
Kölbing, we find a stanza with the rimes aabccb, followed by one with the
rimes aabaab (ll. 55-60, 61-66).
the springing of herbs (B 1950); and of instruments of music (B 2005). The
knight's steed is often over-ridden (B 1965); and the knight himself must be
consumed by love-longing (B 1975).
It is delightful to observe how Chaucer contrives, often by a mere word, to
give the story a ludicrous turn, as in 1919—'He hadde a semely nose.' The
hero's face is not, as usual, as white 'as a lyly,' but as white 'as payndemayn,'
i.e. the finest bread (1915). His complexion was like 'scarlet in grain,' i.e. it
would not wash out (1917). Among the wild beasts of the forest are both
'bukke and hare' (1946). Among the growing herbs he enumerates nutmeg
'to putte in ale' (1953); and so on. The most curious example of this kind of
humour appears in the behaviour of the knight when attacked by the giant;
he quietly makes his escape, on the plea that he will return next day; and
this evasion of present battle is attributed to God's grace, and to his own
'fair beringe' (2022). It is needless to give further instances.
Prof. Kölbing bids us observe the varieties in the metre; it would seem that
Chaucer deliberately intended to exhibit the most characteristic forms of the
romantic stanza; for in five cases his examples are unique. The varieties are
eight in all. Examples of these variable stanzas are as follows. (1) Stanzas
with the rimes aabccb (2017). (2) Rimes aabaab (1914). (3) Rimes aabaab,
ccbccb, i.e. two stanzas with the same middle and final rimes (1902-13). (4)
A stanza with the rimes aabγbbg, where γ denotes a line with but one
accent, riming with the line denoted by g (1980). (5) A stanza of ten lines,
aabccbγddg (2071). (6) A stanza of 10 lines, aabaabγccg (1997). (7) A
stanza of 10 lines, aabaabγaag (1987). (8) A stanza of ten lines, aabccbγccg
(2007). The use of short lines, with but one accent, as in 1983, is of frequent
occurrence in romances; for examples, see Sir Gawayne and the Grene
Knight, ed. Morris; Sir Tristrem, ed. McNeill (Scottish Text Soc.); The
Pistill of Susan, in Scottish Allit. Poems, ed. Amours (id.); and cf. York
Plays, ed. Miss T. Smith, p. 359, &c. In Sir Beves of Hamptoun, ed.
Kölbing, we find a stanza with the rimes aabccb, followed by one with the
rimes aabaab (ll. 55-60, 61-66).
Page 628
§ 45. Prologue to Melibeus. When the Host suddenly cuts short the Tale of
Sir Thopas, Chaucer takes refuge in prose. The Tale of Melibeus is one
which we should now deem portentously dull; but his hearers were, we
must suppose, highly interested in listening to the various arguments used
by Melibeus and his wife Prudence as to their proper course of action.
Indeed, the Host highly approves of it, and thinks it would have tended to
his own wife's edification. Chaucer also, for his part, undertakes the Tale as
a solemn task, begging pardon beforehand for any variation he may make
from the true and exact version (B 2131).
§ 46. The Tale of Melibeus. This prose story is merely a translation, and
not always an exact one, of a French treatise entitled Le Livre de Melibee et
de dame Prudence, of which there are two MS. copies in the British
Museum, viz. MSS. Royal 19 C. vii, and 19 C. xi. Tyrwhitt also tells us that
Dufresnoy, in his Bibliothèque des Romans, ii. 248, mentions two copies in
verse, in the Bibliothèque Seguier. Le Livre de Melibee is likewise not an
original work, but an adaptation, with some omissions and alterations,
probably made by Jean de Meun, of a treatise in Latin, viz. the Liber
Consolationis et Consilii of Albertano of Brescia. This work was admirably
edited for the Chaucer Society in 1873 by Thor Sundby, who took much
pains to trace out the originals of the numerous quotations with which the
work abounds; and I am much indebted to him for my Notes. (We are
bidden to observe that there also exists a second version in French prose, by
an anonymous author, of a much more literal character, which is still
unprinted.) Jean de Meun's version was first printed, separately, at the end
of the fifteenth century; again, in 1504, together with the French translation
of the Solatium Ludi Scachorum by Jacques de Cessoles; and lastly, it
appears in the Ménagier de Paris, an early work on domestic economy
which has been lately published by the Société des Bibliophiles Français.
Chaucer's version is from Jean de Meun. Of course, the Latin original is the
ultimate authority in difficult or corrupt passages; on which account it is
often cited in the Notes. I have there given some curious examples of
mistranslation or corruption of the text.
Albertano, born about 1192, was a judge at Brescia in Lombardy (not far
west of the Lago di Garda), and died soon after 1250. He is an author of
some importance to the Chaucer-student, as the poet refers to no less than
Sir Thopas, Chaucer takes refuge in prose. The Tale of Melibeus is one
which we should now deem portentously dull; but his hearers were, we
must suppose, highly interested in listening to the various arguments used
by Melibeus and his wife Prudence as to their proper course of action.
Indeed, the Host highly approves of it, and thinks it would have tended to
his own wife's edification. Chaucer also, for his part, undertakes the Tale as
a solemn task, begging pardon beforehand for any variation he may make
from the true and exact version (B 2131).
§ 46. The Tale of Melibeus. This prose story is merely a translation, and
not always an exact one, of a French treatise entitled Le Livre de Melibee et
de dame Prudence, of which there are two MS. copies in the British
Museum, viz. MSS. Royal 19 C. vii, and 19 C. xi. Tyrwhitt also tells us that
Dufresnoy, in his Bibliothèque des Romans, ii. 248, mentions two copies in
verse, in the Bibliothèque Seguier. Le Livre de Melibee is likewise not an
original work, but an adaptation, with some omissions and alterations,
probably made by Jean de Meun, of a treatise in Latin, viz. the Liber
Consolationis et Consilii of Albertano of Brescia. This work was admirably
edited for the Chaucer Society in 1873 by Thor Sundby, who took much
pains to trace out the originals of the numerous quotations with which the
work abounds; and I am much indebted to him for my Notes. (We are
bidden to observe that there also exists a second version in French prose, by
an anonymous author, of a much more literal character, which is still
unprinted.) Jean de Meun's version was first printed, separately, at the end
of the fifteenth century; again, in 1504, together with the French translation
of the Solatium Ludi Scachorum by Jacques de Cessoles; and lastly, it
appears in the Ménagier de Paris, an early work on domestic economy
which has been lately published by the Société des Bibliophiles Français.
Chaucer's version is from Jean de Meun. Of course, the Latin original is the
ultimate authority in difficult or corrupt passages; on which account it is
often cited in the Notes. I have there given some curious examples of
mistranslation or corruption of the text.
Albertano, born about 1192, was a judge at Brescia in Lombardy (not far
west of the Lago di Garda), and died soon after 1250. He is an author of
some importance to the Chaucer-student, as the poet refers to no less than
Page 629
three of his works. These are: (1) Liber Consolationis et Consilii (as above),
completed in May, 1246; (2) De Arte Loquendi et Tacendi, cited in the
Notes to the Maunciples Tale; and (3) De Amore et Dilectione Dei, written
in 1238, cited in the Notes to the Marchantes Tale.
§ 47. The Monk's Prologue. This Prologue connects Melibeus with the
Monkes Tale. It contains a contribution to the exhibition of the Host's true
character. In B 3116, we are told that the pilgrims are drawing near to
Rochester. The Host then calls upon the Monk for a Tale, who replies that
he can easily relate the Life of Saint Edward, but they would probably
prefer to hear a few Tragedies about the downfall of some illustrious
persons.
§ 48. The Monkes Tale. Judged by the rhythm, this Tale might belong to
the early period. The subject-matter shews, however, that is was probably
written at different times, part of it at an early period, and part at the period
of revision. It can hardly be called, in strictness, a tale at all, but consists of
a whole series of them, and has all the appearance of having been originally
an independent work, which Chaucer had at one time begun, but, in his
accustomed manner, had left a little less than half finished. It is formed on
the model of Boccaccio's book De Casibus Virorum Illustrium, the title of
which is actually retained in the rubric printed at p. 244 of vol. iv. The
manner in which the poet contrives to assign this string of tragedies to the
monk is highly ingenious. The Host expects to hear rather a merry and
lively story from the jovial and corpulent Monk, and rallies him upon his
sleek appearance; but the Monk, taking all in patience, volunteers either the
Life of Saint Edward the Confessor or else a few of his 'hundred' tragedies;
and then, fearful of interruption, proceeds to define the word Tragedy, and
to start off before any of the pilgrims have had time to offer any opinion
upon the matter. He also offers an apology for not telling all his stories in
strictly chronological order. This apology is the real key to the whole
matter. We may well believe that, whilst the collection of tragedies was still
an independent work, the arrangement was strictly chronological, or was
intended to have been made such when the work was completed. Such was
the usual formula; and accordingly the author begins, in the most approved
fashion, with Lucifer, and then duly proceeds to Adam and all the rest. But
as, in the course of composition, he would naturally first write such lives as
completed in May, 1246; (2) De Arte Loquendi et Tacendi, cited in the
Notes to the Maunciples Tale; and (3) De Amore et Dilectione Dei, written
in 1238, cited in the Notes to the Marchantes Tale.
§ 47. The Monk's Prologue. This Prologue connects Melibeus with the
Monkes Tale. It contains a contribution to the exhibition of the Host's true
character. In B 3116, we are told that the pilgrims are drawing near to
Rochester. The Host then calls upon the Monk for a Tale, who replies that
he can easily relate the Life of Saint Edward, but they would probably
prefer to hear a few Tragedies about the downfall of some illustrious
persons.
§ 48. The Monkes Tale. Judged by the rhythm, this Tale might belong to
the early period. The subject-matter shews, however, that is was probably
written at different times, part of it at an early period, and part at the period
of revision. It can hardly be called, in strictness, a tale at all, but consists of
a whole series of them, and has all the appearance of having been originally
an independent work, which Chaucer had at one time begun, but, in his
accustomed manner, had left a little less than half finished. It is formed on
the model of Boccaccio's book De Casibus Virorum Illustrium, the title of
which is actually retained in the rubric printed at p. 244 of vol. iv. The
manner in which the poet contrives to assign this string of tragedies to the
monk is highly ingenious. The Host expects to hear rather a merry and
lively story from the jovial and corpulent Monk, and rallies him upon his
sleek appearance; but the Monk, taking all in patience, volunteers either the
Life of Saint Edward the Confessor or else a few of his 'hundred' tragedies;
and then, fearful of interruption, proceeds to define the word Tragedy, and
to start off before any of the pilgrims have had time to offer any opinion
upon the matter. He also offers an apology for not telling all his stories in
strictly chronological order. This apology is the real key to the whole
matter. We may well believe that, whilst the collection of tragedies was still
an independent work, the arrangement was strictly chronological, or was
intended to have been made such when the work was completed. Such was
the usual formula; and accordingly the author begins, in the most approved
fashion, with Lucifer, and then duly proceeds to Adam and all the rest. But
as, in the course of composition, he would naturally first write such lives as
Page 630
most pleased him, and by no means succeeding in writing anything like a
complete collection—for out of the 'hundred' that existed 'in his cell'[115] he
produced only seventeen in all—it clearly became his simplest plan to give
specimens only, and to abandon the chronological arrangement as no longer
necessary. Yet it is worth remarking that the tragedies are more clearly in
chronological order than may at first sight appear. If they be compared with
such a book as Peter Comestor's Historia Scholastica, we shall see this the
better. Peter Comestor takes the Bible as the foundation of his history,
noticing secular history as he goes on. We thus find a mention of Hercules
in the time of Jephthah, judge of Israel. Strictly, then, Hercules should
precede Samson; but as they come so near together, the scriptural character
takes precedence. Again, the tragedies of Antiochus and Alexander both
belong, in this way, to the first book of Maccabees, and therefore come next
after the tragedy of Holofernes, which belongs to the book of Judith. Here,
again, Alexander should, in strictness, precede Antiochus, but this
consideration is overridden by the fitness of coupling Antiochus with
Holofernes, and Alexander with Caesar. Allowing, then, that Samson may
precede Hercules, and that Antiochus may precede Alexander, we may
divide the whole series into six groups, as follows:—(a) Lucifer, Adam,
Samson, Hercules, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar; (e)[116] Zenobia; (f)[117]
Pedro of Spain, Pedro of Cyprus, Barnabo, Ugolino; (d) Nero; (c)
Holofernes, Antiochus, Alexander, Caesar; and (b) Crœsus. This grouping is
far more suggestive than might be expected, for it throws some additional
light upon the matter, if duly considered. In the first place, group (f) consists
wholly of what have been called 'modern instances,' as referring to matters
that happened in Chaucer's own time, instead of containing examples from
ancient history; three of the four are remarkably short, and all four only
make up eleven stanzas. One of them, the tragedy of Barnabo, contains the
latest allusion in the whole of the Canterbury Tales, as it has reference to
the year 1385, the probable date of the Prologue to the Legend of Good
Women. The difference in style between the tragedy of Ugolino and such a
tragedy as that of Samson or Hercules, must strike the most careless reader;
and it is easy to see that this group (f) was an afterthought, being a piece
added at the period of revision. So much we can tell from internal evidence,
but the fact is curiously corroborated by evidence that is external. For of
course, if the poet added a few tragedies as an afterthought, he would
naturally add them at the end; and it is accordingly a fact that in several
complete collection—for out of the 'hundred' that existed 'in his cell'[115] he
produced only seventeen in all—it clearly became his simplest plan to give
specimens only, and to abandon the chronological arrangement as no longer
necessary. Yet it is worth remarking that the tragedies are more clearly in
chronological order than may at first sight appear. If they be compared with
such a book as Peter Comestor's Historia Scholastica, we shall see this the
better. Peter Comestor takes the Bible as the foundation of his history,
noticing secular history as he goes on. We thus find a mention of Hercules
in the time of Jephthah, judge of Israel. Strictly, then, Hercules should
precede Samson; but as they come so near together, the scriptural character
takes precedence. Again, the tragedies of Antiochus and Alexander both
belong, in this way, to the first book of Maccabees, and therefore come next
after the tragedy of Holofernes, which belongs to the book of Judith. Here,
again, Alexander should, in strictness, precede Antiochus, but this
consideration is overridden by the fitness of coupling Antiochus with
Holofernes, and Alexander with Caesar. Allowing, then, that Samson may
precede Hercules, and that Antiochus may precede Alexander, we may
divide the whole series into six groups, as follows:—(a) Lucifer, Adam,
Samson, Hercules, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar; (e)[116] Zenobia; (f)[117]
Pedro of Spain, Pedro of Cyprus, Barnabo, Ugolino; (d) Nero; (c)
Holofernes, Antiochus, Alexander, Caesar; and (b) Crœsus. This grouping is
far more suggestive than might be expected, for it throws some additional
light upon the matter, if duly considered. In the first place, group (f) consists
wholly of what have been called 'modern instances,' as referring to matters
that happened in Chaucer's own time, instead of containing examples from
ancient history; three of the four are remarkably short, and all four only
make up eleven stanzas. One of them, the tragedy of Barnabo, contains the
latest allusion in the whole of the Canterbury Tales, as it has reference to
the year 1385, the probable date of the Prologue to the Legend of Good
Women. The difference in style between the tragedy of Ugolino and such a
tragedy as that of Samson or Hercules, must strike the most careless reader;
and it is easy to see that this group (f) was an afterthought, being a piece
added at the period of revision. So much we can tell from internal evidence,
but the fact is curiously corroborated by evidence that is external. For of
course, if the poet added a few tragedies as an afterthought, he would
naturally add them at the end; and it is accordingly a fact that in several
Page 631
good MSS., including the Ellesmere, the Hengwrt, and the Cambridge
MSS., this group is placed at the end, after the tragedy of Crœsus. But
Chaucer's apology for want of order left him free to insert them where he
pleased; and he was accordingly pleased to put them in the order in which
they appear in the present edition, which follows the arrangement of the
Harleian, Corpus, Petworth, and Lansdowne MSS. That this removal of
group (f) from the end to an earlier place is in accordance with the author's
latest intention, is proved by observing that the tragedy of Crœsus must
come last: (1) because it repeats, in the last stanza, the monk's previous
definition of tragedy, a repetition of which the Knight does not approve, and
takes occasion to say so (B 3961); and (2) because the Host also quotes
from this last stanza, and ridicules the expression about Fortune 'covering
things with a cloud'; see B 3956, 3972.
But we may, with patience, learn a few things more from the grouping of
the tragedies. Putting aside group (f) as an addition at the time of revision,
we may note that group (e) follows (a), for the simple reason that the story
of Zenobia is in Boccaccio, whom Chaucer was imitating. We then have
only groups (d), (c), and (b) to consider, and we notice at once that Chaucer
has purposely somewhat mixed up these; for, if we merely transpose (d) and
(c), we bring the tragedy of Nero next that of Crœsus, and immediately
preceding it. That is the original order of things, since the stories of Nero
and Crœsus are both taken from the Romaunt of the Rose, where they
appear together, and Nero preceded Crœsus in Chaucer's work as a matter
of course, because his story preceded that of Crœsus in the original. We
have thus the pleasure of seeing Chaucer actually at work; he begins with
Boccaccio and the Vulgate version of the Bible, drawing upon his
recollections[118] of Boethius for the story of Hercules; he next takes a leaf
or two from the Romaunt of the Rose; the story of Alexander, suggested
(see B 3845) by the book of Maccabees, leads him on to write the tragedy
of Caesar; then he tires of his work, and breaks off. Returning to it for the
purpose of filling up his great work, he adds a few 'modern instances';
mixes up the order of tales; writes an apology for their want of order;
humorously assigns them to the Monk, from whom the Host had expected
something widely different; and makes the Knight cut him short when the
right moment comes. The pilgrims had heard enough about tragedies, and
began to want something more cheerful.
MSS., this group is placed at the end, after the tragedy of Crœsus. But
Chaucer's apology for want of order left him free to insert them where he
pleased; and he was accordingly pleased to put them in the order in which
they appear in the present edition, which follows the arrangement of the
Harleian, Corpus, Petworth, and Lansdowne MSS. That this removal of
group (f) from the end to an earlier place is in accordance with the author's
latest intention, is proved by observing that the tragedy of Crœsus must
come last: (1) because it repeats, in the last stanza, the monk's previous
definition of tragedy, a repetition of which the Knight does not approve, and
takes occasion to say so (B 3961); and (2) because the Host also quotes
from this last stanza, and ridicules the expression about Fortune 'covering
things with a cloud'; see B 3956, 3972.
But we may, with patience, learn a few things more from the grouping of
the tragedies. Putting aside group (f) as an addition at the time of revision,
we may note that group (e) follows (a), for the simple reason that the story
of Zenobia is in Boccaccio, whom Chaucer was imitating. We then have
only groups (d), (c), and (b) to consider, and we notice at once that Chaucer
has purposely somewhat mixed up these; for, if we merely transpose (d) and
(c), we bring the tragedy of Nero next that of Crœsus, and immediately
preceding it. That is the original order of things, since the stories of Nero
and Crœsus are both taken from the Romaunt of the Rose, where they
appear together, and Nero preceded Crœsus in Chaucer's work as a matter
of course, because his story preceded that of Crœsus in the original. We
have thus the pleasure of seeing Chaucer actually at work; he begins with
Boccaccio and the Vulgate version of the Bible, drawing upon his
recollections[118] of Boethius for the story of Hercules; he next takes a leaf
or two from the Romaunt of the Rose; the story of Alexander, suggested
(see B 3845) by the book of Maccabees, leads him on to write the tragedy
of Caesar; then he tires of his work, and breaks off. Returning to it for the
purpose of filling up his great work, he adds a few 'modern instances';
mixes up the order of tales; writes an apology for their want of order;
humorously assigns them to the Monk, from whom the Host had expected
something widely different; and makes the Knight cut him short when the
right moment comes. The pilgrims had heard enough about tragedies, and
began to want something more cheerful.
Page 632
The great collection of tragedies which Chaucer may have originally
contemplated, in imitation of Boccaccio, was fully carried out by his
successor Lydgate, one of whose best works is the 'Falls of Princes.' This
poem, written in Chaucer's favourite seven-line stanza, was not, however,
taken from Boccaccio directly, but through the version of a Frenchman
named Laurent de Premierfait, an ecclesiastic of the diocese of Troyes; see
Morley's Eng. Writers, vi. 112, and the excellent dissertation by Dr. Köppel
entitled 'Laurents de Premierfait und John Lydgates Bearbeitungen von
Boccaccios De Casibus Virorum Illustrium'; München, 1885. Lydgate's
poem long continued in favour, and in its turn suggested the famous series
of tragedies by Sackville, Baldwin, and others, known by the name of the
Mirror for Magistrates; see Morley's First Sketch of Eng. Lit., pp. 335-337.
The most interesting point in Lydgate's version is his recognition of
Chaucer's Monkes Tale in the following stanza of his prologue:—
'My mayster Chaucer[119] with his
fressh commedies
Is dede, allas, cheif poete of
Bretayne,
That sumtyme made full pitous
tragidies;
The "fall of princes" he dide also
compleyne,
As he that was of makynge
souereyne;
Whom all this londe of right[e]
ought preferre,
Sith of oure langage he was the
lode-sterre.'
There is a poem entitled the Fall of Princis in the Percy Folio MS., ed.
Hales and Furnivall, iii. 168; but it is of no great merit.
The original sources of the various Tragedies are sufficiently indicated in
the Notes.
contemplated, in imitation of Boccaccio, was fully carried out by his
successor Lydgate, one of whose best works is the 'Falls of Princes.' This
poem, written in Chaucer's favourite seven-line stanza, was not, however,
taken from Boccaccio directly, but through the version of a Frenchman
named Laurent de Premierfait, an ecclesiastic of the diocese of Troyes; see
Morley's Eng. Writers, vi. 112, and the excellent dissertation by Dr. Köppel
entitled 'Laurents de Premierfait und John Lydgates Bearbeitungen von
Boccaccios De Casibus Virorum Illustrium'; München, 1885. Lydgate's
poem long continued in favour, and in its turn suggested the famous series
of tragedies by Sackville, Baldwin, and others, known by the name of the
Mirror for Magistrates; see Morley's First Sketch of Eng. Lit., pp. 335-337.
The most interesting point in Lydgate's version is his recognition of
Chaucer's Monkes Tale in the following stanza of his prologue:—
'My mayster Chaucer[119] with his
fressh commedies
Is dede, allas, cheif poete of
Bretayne,
That sumtyme made full pitous
tragidies;
The "fall of princes" he dide also
compleyne,
As he that was of makynge
souereyne;
Whom all this londe of right[e]
ought preferre,
Sith of oure langage he was the
lode-sterre.'
There is a poem entitled the Fall of Princis in the Percy Folio MS., ed.
Hales and Furnivall, iii. 168; but it is of no great merit.
The original sources of the various Tragedies are sufficiently indicated in
the Notes.
Page 633
The metre employed is of some interest. It exhibits the simplest form of
stanza employed by Chaucer, with the rimes arranged in the order a b a b b
c b c, and was probably the first French metre which he ever used. It occurs
in his A B C, though the original of that poem is in short lines. A good
example of it, in French, will be found in a ballad by Eustache Deschamps,
written on the death of Machault in 1377; see Tarbe's edition, p. 30. Hence
Spenser probably derived his famous stanza, by appending to it an
Alexandrine line.
In this Tale, there are two clear examples of lines in which the first foot
consists of a single syllable. These are:—
Al | forbrúsëd, bóth-e bákk' and
syd-e (3804):
Wheth | er só he wóok or éllës
slépt-e (3809).
And probably l. 3535 is of the same character (see note).
§ 49. The Prologue of the Nonne Prestes Tale. This excellent Prologue,
which links the Monkes Tale with that of the Nonne Preest, needs no
comment. It is in Chaucer's best manner, like the Tale itself; both clearly
belong to the period of the formation of the Tales into a series. It shews,
moreover, that Chaucer's later taste had taught him to reprobate a style of
writing which he, doubtless, at one time admired. See Lounsbury, Studies in
Chaucer, iii. 334.
§ 50. The Nonne Preestes Tale. This is the best specimen of our author's
humour. An early version of the Tale occurs in a short fable by Marie de
France, afterwards amplified in the old French Roman du Renart. The fable
by Marie de France consists of thirty-eight short lines, and is printed in Dr.
Furnivall's Originals and Analogues (Chaucer Society), p. 116, from MS.
Harl. 978, leaf 56 (formerly 76). The corresponding portion of Le Roman
de Rénart, as edited by Méon in 1826, vol. i. p. 49, is also printed in the
same, p. 117; it comprises 454 lines (ll. 1267-1720), and contains the
account of the cock's dream about a strange beast, and other particulars of
stanza employed by Chaucer, with the rimes arranged in the order a b a b b
c b c, and was probably the first French metre which he ever used. It occurs
in his A B C, though the original of that poem is in short lines. A good
example of it, in French, will be found in a ballad by Eustache Deschamps,
written on the death of Machault in 1377; see Tarbe's edition, p. 30. Hence
Spenser probably derived his famous stanza, by appending to it an
Alexandrine line.
In this Tale, there are two clear examples of lines in which the first foot
consists of a single syllable. These are:—
Al | forbrúsëd, bóth-e bákk' and
syd-e (3804):
Wheth | er só he wóok or éllës
slépt-e (3809).
And probably l. 3535 is of the same character (see note).
§ 49. The Prologue of the Nonne Prestes Tale. This excellent Prologue,
which links the Monkes Tale with that of the Nonne Preest, needs no
comment. It is in Chaucer's best manner, like the Tale itself; both clearly
belong to the period of the formation of the Tales into a series. It shews,
moreover, that Chaucer's later taste had taught him to reprobate a style of
writing which he, doubtless, at one time admired. See Lounsbury, Studies in
Chaucer, iii. 334.
§ 50. The Nonne Preestes Tale. This is the best specimen of our author's
humour. An early version of the Tale occurs in a short fable by Marie de
France, afterwards amplified in the old French Roman du Renart. The fable
by Marie de France consists of thirty-eight short lines, and is printed in Dr.
Furnivall's Originals and Analogues (Chaucer Society), p. 116, from MS.
Harl. 978, leaf 56 (formerly 76). The corresponding portion of Le Roman
de Rénart, as edited by Méon in 1826, vol. i. p. 49, is also printed in the
same, p. 117; it comprises 454 lines (ll. 1267-1720), and contains the
account of the cock's dream about a strange beast, and other particulars of
Page 634
which Chaucer makes some use. Professor Ten Brink shews that Marie's
fable closely resembles one found in a Latin collection of Æsopian fables in
a MS. at Göttingen, which he quotes in full (id. p. 114), and refers us for it
to Oesterley, 'Romulus,' Berlin, 1870, p. 108.
A translation of Marie's fable, by myself, was printed in 'The Academy,'
July 23, 1887 (p. 56); and is here reprinted for the purpose of comparison
with Chaucer's story.
The Cock and the Fox.
A Cock our story tells of, who
High on a dunghill stood and crew.
A Fox, attracted, straight drew nigh,
And spake soft words of flattery.
'Dear Sir!' said he, 'your look's
divine;
I never saw a bird so fine!
I never heard a voice so clear
Except your father's—ah! poor
dear!
His voice rang clearly, loudly—but
Most clearly, when his eyes were
shut!'
'The same with me!' the Cock
replies,
And flaps his wings, and shuts his
eyes.
Each note rings clearer than the last
—
The Fox starts up, and holds him
fast;
Towards the wood he hies apace.
But as he crossed an open space,
The shepherds spy him; off they fly;
The dogs give chase with hue and
cry.
fable closely resembles one found in a Latin collection of Æsopian fables in
a MS. at Göttingen, which he quotes in full (id. p. 114), and refers us for it
to Oesterley, 'Romulus,' Berlin, 1870, p. 108.
A translation of Marie's fable, by myself, was printed in 'The Academy,'
July 23, 1887 (p. 56); and is here reprinted for the purpose of comparison
with Chaucer's story.
The Cock and the Fox.
A Cock our story tells of, who
High on a dunghill stood and crew.
A Fox, attracted, straight drew nigh,
And spake soft words of flattery.
'Dear Sir!' said he, 'your look's
divine;
I never saw a bird so fine!
I never heard a voice so clear
Except your father's—ah! poor
dear!
His voice rang clearly, loudly—but
Most clearly, when his eyes were
shut!'
'The same with me!' the Cock
replies,
And flaps his wings, and shuts his
eyes.
Each note rings clearer than the last
—
The Fox starts up, and holds him
fast;
Towards the wood he hies apace.
But as he crossed an open space,
The shepherds spy him; off they fly;
The dogs give chase with hue and
cry.
Page 635
The Fox still holds the Cock,
though fear
Suggests his case is growing queer.
—
'Tush!' cries the Cock, 'cry out, to
grieve 'em,
"The cock is mine! I'll never leave
him!"'
The Fox attempts, in scorn, to
shout,
And opes his mouth; the Cock slips
out,
And, in a trice, has gained a tree.
Too late the Fox begins to see
How well the Cock his game has
play'd;
For once his tricks have been
repaid.
In angry language, uncontrolled,
He 'gins to curse the mouth that's
bold
To speak, when it should silent be.
'Well,' says the Cock, 'the same
with me;
I curse the eyes that go to sleep
Just when they ought sharp watch
to keep
Lest evil to their lord befall.'
Thus fools contrariously do all:
They chatter when they should be
dumb,
And, when they ought to speak, are
mum.
Dryden's version of this Tale, entitled The Cock and the Fox, must be
familiar to all readers.
though fear
Suggests his case is growing queer.
—
'Tush!' cries the Cock, 'cry out, to
grieve 'em,
"The cock is mine! I'll never leave
him!"'
The Fox attempts, in scorn, to
shout,
And opes his mouth; the Cock slips
out,
And, in a trice, has gained a tree.
Too late the Fox begins to see
How well the Cock his game has
play'd;
For once his tricks have been
repaid.
In angry language, uncontrolled,
He 'gins to curse the mouth that's
bold
To speak, when it should silent be.
'Well,' says the Cock, 'the same
with me;
I curse the eyes that go to sleep
Just when they ought sharp watch
to keep
Lest evil to their lord befall.'
Thus fools contrariously do all:
They chatter when they should be
dumb,
And, when they ought to speak, are
mum.
Dryden's version of this Tale, entitled The Cock and the Fox, must be
familiar to all readers.
Page 636
In Reliquiae Antiquae, ed. Halliwell and Wright, ii. 272, a humorous fable,
entitled the Vox [Fox] and the Wolf, is printed from MS. Digby, 86. The
first sixty-four lines give an account of a hungry fox, who breaks into a
farm-yard and has a parley with a cock who had 'flowen on hey.' The fox
tries to persuade the cock to come down from his lofty position:—
'Quath the wox, "Sire chauntecler,
Thou fle adoun, and com me ner."'
But in this case, the cock knows better, and tells the fox to go away; and
Reynard retires in disgust.
Such 'animal stories' are, of course, of great antiquity. See the remarks in
Jacobs' edition of Caxton's 'Fables of Aesop,' vol. i. 253. Caxton's fable 'Of
the foxe and of the cocke' is the third fable in Book V. A similar story,
entitled 'A Fox and a Divining Cock,' occurs in the Fables of Æsop, by Sir
Roger L'Estrange. It is needless to pursue the subject.
§ 51. Epilogue to the Nonne Preestes Tale. These characteristic lines are
obviously genuine, but are only extant in three MSS. (footnote to vol. iv. p.
289). The use of the word 'another' in the last line shews that they were
composed with the view of being used as a Prologue to some Tale, but that
the author had not, at the moment, decided what Tale was to come next.
This point was, after all, never settled; and hence there is nothing to shew
what was to follow. This brings us, of necessity, to the conclusion of Group
B.
In the old black-letter editions, which retain this Epilogue, it is followed by
the Manciple's Prologue. But this cannot be right, for there (H 5) the Host
does not address 'another,' but the whole company. One of the three MSS.
which retain this Epilogue (Addit. 5140) reads 'the Nunne' instead of
'another,' because the next Tale in the MS. is that of the Second Nun. This
also is unsuitable, for the Host does not introduce that Tale at all.
Tyrwhitt introduces a row of asterisks after this Epilogue, to shew that there
is no connexion with the following Tale.
entitled the Vox [Fox] and the Wolf, is printed from MS. Digby, 86. The
first sixty-four lines give an account of a hungry fox, who breaks into a
farm-yard and has a parley with a cock who had 'flowen on hey.' The fox
tries to persuade the cock to come down from his lofty position:—
'Quath the wox, "Sire chauntecler,
Thou fle adoun, and com me ner."'
But in this case, the cock knows better, and tells the fox to go away; and
Reynard retires in disgust.
Such 'animal stories' are, of course, of great antiquity. See the remarks in
Jacobs' edition of Caxton's 'Fables of Aesop,' vol. i. 253. Caxton's fable 'Of
the foxe and of the cocke' is the third fable in Book V. A similar story,
entitled 'A Fox and a Divining Cock,' occurs in the Fables of Æsop, by Sir
Roger L'Estrange. It is needless to pursue the subject.
§ 51. Epilogue to the Nonne Preestes Tale. These characteristic lines are
obviously genuine, but are only extant in three MSS. (footnote to vol. iv. p.
289). The use of the word 'another' in the last line shews that they were
composed with the view of being used as a Prologue to some Tale, but that
the author had not, at the moment, decided what Tale was to come next.
This point was, after all, never settled; and hence there is nothing to shew
what was to follow. This brings us, of necessity, to the conclusion of Group
B.
In the old black-letter editions, which retain this Epilogue, it is followed by
the Manciple's Prologue. But this cannot be right, for there (H 5) the Host
does not address 'another,' but the whole company. One of the three MSS.
which retain this Epilogue (Addit. 5140) reads 'the Nunne' instead of
'another,' because the next Tale in the MS. is that of the Second Nun. This
also is unsuitable, for the Host does not introduce that Tale at all.
Tyrwhitt introduces a row of asterisks after this Epilogue, to shew that there
is no connexion with the following Tale.
Page 637
Group C.
§ 52. The Spurious Prologue to the Phisiciens Tale. This Tale has no
genuine Prologue, and some MSS., including E., do not contain one. In MS.
Dd. is the rubric: 'Here endeth the Frankeleins Tale, and biginneth the
Phisiciens Tale without a Prologe.' In the best MSS., it follows the
Frankeleins Tale; and such is, in my belief, its proper position. This
arrangement was arbitrarily altered by Dr. Furnivall, in order, I suppose, to
emphasize the fact that the relative order of the Groups may be altered at
pleasure; but this might have been understood without forcible dislocation;
and I think that no good has been effected by it. I have been obliged to
follow suit, but I wish to make a note that the right order of the Groups is A,
B, D, E, F, C, G, H, I.
On the supposition that the Phisicien follows the Frankeleyn, Tyrwhitt
inserted here a short Prologue of six lines, merely to fill up the gap, without
accepting it as genuine. These six lines he found in one MS. only, viz. in
MS. Harl. 7735; and I have reprinted them from his edition in the foot-note
to vol. iv. p. 289.
In most MSS. the original position of the Tales has been altered, so as to
make the Phisicien follow the Chanouns Yeman; and this is the arrangement
in the black-letter editions. Two spurious Prologues have been written to
connect these Tales; both being very bad. One of these appears in the black
letter editions; and I here give it, from the edition of 1532.
Whan this yeman his tale ended had
Of this false chanon, which was so
bad,
Our Hoste gan say, 'truely and
certayne,
This preest was begyled, sothe for
to sayne,
He wenyng for to be a phylosopher,
5
Tyl he right no golde lefte in his
cofer.
§ 52. The Spurious Prologue to the Phisiciens Tale. This Tale has no
genuine Prologue, and some MSS., including E., do not contain one. In MS.
Dd. is the rubric: 'Here endeth the Frankeleins Tale, and biginneth the
Phisiciens Tale without a Prologe.' In the best MSS., it follows the
Frankeleins Tale; and such is, in my belief, its proper position. This
arrangement was arbitrarily altered by Dr. Furnivall, in order, I suppose, to
emphasize the fact that the relative order of the Groups may be altered at
pleasure; but this might have been understood without forcible dislocation;
and I think that no good has been effected by it. I have been obliged to
follow suit, but I wish to make a note that the right order of the Groups is A,
B, D, E, F, C, G, H, I.
On the supposition that the Phisicien follows the Frankeleyn, Tyrwhitt
inserted here a short Prologue of six lines, merely to fill up the gap, without
accepting it as genuine. These six lines he found in one MS. only, viz. in
MS. Harl. 7735; and I have reprinted them from his edition in the foot-note
to vol. iv. p. 289.
In most MSS. the original position of the Tales has been altered, so as to
make the Phisicien follow the Chanouns Yeman; and this is the arrangement
in the black-letter editions. Two spurious Prologues have been written to
connect these Tales; both being very bad. One of these appears in the black
letter editions; and I here give it, from the edition of 1532.
Whan this yeman his tale ended had
Of this false chanon, which was so
bad,
Our Hoste gan say, 'truely and
certayne,
This preest was begyled, sothe for
to sayne,
He wenyng for to be a phylosopher,
5
Tyl he right no golde lefte in his
cofer.
Page 638
And sothly, this preest had a
lither[120] iape;
This cursed chanon put in his hoode
an ape.
But al this passe I ouer as now.
Sir Doctour of Phisyke, yet I 10
pray
you,
Tel vs a tale of some honest matere.'
'It shal be done, if that ye wol it
here,'
Sayd this Doctour, and his tale
bygan anon:
'Now good men (quod he) herkeneth
euerychon.'
It will be seen that lines 7-9 are imitated from B 1629, 1630, and 1633; and
lines 9-14 coincide, very nearly, with the spurious Prologue of six lines
which I have already discussed.
The other Prologue is still worse; Mr. Wright has printed it, in a note, from
the Lansdowne MS., and I here reproduce it.
'Now trewly,' quod oure Oste, 'this is
a prati tale;
For litel merveile it is that thou
lokest so pale,
Sethen thou hast medeled with so
mony thinges;
With bloweinge att the cole to melte
bothe brochez and ringes,
And other many Iewels, dar I 5
undertake,
And that thi lorde couthe us tel, if
we might him overtake.
But lat him go a devel waye, the
compaigny is never the
lither[120] iape;
This cursed chanon put in his hoode
an ape.
But al this passe I ouer as now.
Sir Doctour of Phisyke, yet I 10
pray
you,
Tel vs a tale of some honest matere.'
'It shal be done, if that ye wol it
here,'
Sayd this Doctour, and his tale
bygan anon:
'Now good men (quod he) herkeneth
euerychon.'
It will be seen that lines 7-9 are imitated from B 1629, 1630, and 1633; and
lines 9-14 coincide, very nearly, with the spurious Prologue of six lines
which I have already discussed.
The other Prologue is still worse; Mr. Wright has printed it, in a note, from
the Lansdowne MS., and I here reproduce it.
'Now trewly,' quod oure Oste, 'this is
a prati tale;
For litel merveile it is that thou
lokest so pale,
Sethen thou hast medeled with so
mony thinges;
With bloweinge att the cole to melte
bothe brochez and ringes,
And other many Iewels, dar I 5
undertake,
And that thi lorde couthe us tel, if
we might him overtake.
But lat him go a devel waye, the
compaigny is never the
Page 639
wers;
And al suche fals harlotes, I sette
not be hem a kers.
But latt pas overe nowe al thes
subtilitees,
And sume worthi man tel us summe 10
veritees;
As ye, worschipful Maister of
Phisike,
Tellith us somme tale that is a
cronyke,
That we may of yowe leren sum
witte.'
Quod the Maister of Phisik, 'a tale
that I finde writte
In [a] cronyke passed of olde tyme; 15
Herkeneth, for I wil tel it yow in
rime.'
These lines are instructive, as shewing that we must not accept lines as
genuine merely because they occur in a MS. of some authority. And this
circumstance should warn us against the folly of accepting the genuineness
of such a poem as the 'Court of Love,' merely on the authority of the edition
of 1561, which is a third reprint of the edition by Thynne, with arbitrary
additions.
§ 53. The Phisiciens Tale. This is the well-known story of Virginia, which
Chaucer tells, as usual, in his own way. Although he appeals to Livy as his
author, he really follows the account in Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 5613-82;
which contains all the particulars which he introduces, except such as are of
his own invention. It is interesting to compare ll. 3-120 of this Tale, which
are practically Chaucer's own, with ll. 255-76, where he follows Jean de
Meun rather closely. In order to illustrate this, I give the whole passage of
the French text, from Méon's edition, lines 5613-82; t. ii. p. 74:—
Comment Virginius plaida
And al suche fals harlotes, I sette
not be hem a kers.
But latt pas overe nowe al thes
subtilitees,
And sume worthi man tel us summe 10
veritees;
As ye, worschipful Maister of
Phisike,
Tellith us somme tale that is a
cronyke,
That we may of yowe leren sum
witte.'
Quod the Maister of Phisik, 'a tale
that I finde writte
In [a] cronyke passed of olde tyme; 15
Herkeneth, for I wil tel it yow in
rime.'
These lines are instructive, as shewing that we must not accept lines as
genuine merely because they occur in a MS. of some authority. And this
circumstance should warn us against the folly of accepting the genuineness
of such a poem as the 'Court of Love,' merely on the authority of the edition
of 1561, which is a third reprint of the edition by Thynne, with arbitrary
additions.
§ 53. The Phisiciens Tale. This is the well-known story of Virginia, which
Chaucer tells, as usual, in his own way. Although he appeals to Livy as his
author, he really follows the account in Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 5613-82;
which contains all the particulars which he introduces, except such as are of
his own invention. It is interesting to compare ll. 3-120 of this Tale, which
are practically Chaucer's own, with ll. 255-76, where he follows Jean de
Meun rather closely. In order to illustrate this, I give the whole passage of
the French text, from Méon's edition, lines 5613-82; t. ii. p. 74:—
Comment Virginius plaida
Page 640
Devant Apius, qui jugea
Que sa fille, à tout bien taillée,
Fust tost à Claudius baillée.
Ne fist bien Apius à pendre,
Qui fist à son serjant emprendre
Par faus tesmoings,5615
fauce querele
Contre Virgine la pucele,
Qui fu fille Virginius,
Si cum dist Titus Livius[121]
Qui bien set le cas raconter,
Por ce qu'il ne pooit5620
donter
La pucele, qui n'avoit cure
Ne di li, ne de sa luxure.
Li ribaus[122] dist en audience:
'Sire juges[123], donnes sentence
Por moi, car la pucele
5625est moie;
Por ma serve la proveroie
Contre tous ceus qui sunt en vie:
Car où qu'ele ait été norrie,
De mon ostel me fu emblée
Dès-lors par poi qu'ele
5630fu née,
Et baillie à Virginius.
Si vous requier, sire Apius,
Que vous me délivrés ma serve,
Car il est drois qu'ele me serve,
Non pas celi qui l'a5635
norrie:
Et se Virginius le nie,
Tout ce sui-ge prest de prover,
Car bons tesmoings en puis trover.'
Ainsinc parloit li faus traïstre
Qui du faus juge[124]5640
estoit
menistre[125];
Et cum li plais ainsinc alast,
Ains[126] que Virginius parlast,
Qui tout estoit prest de respondre
Por ses aversaires confondre,
Que sa fille, à tout bien taillée,
Fust tost à Claudius baillée.
Ne fist bien Apius à pendre,
Qui fist à son serjant emprendre
Par faus tesmoings,5615
fauce querele
Contre Virgine la pucele,
Qui fu fille Virginius,
Si cum dist Titus Livius[121]
Qui bien set le cas raconter,
Por ce qu'il ne pooit5620
donter
La pucele, qui n'avoit cure
Ne di li, ne de sa luxure.
Li ribaus[122] dist en audience:
'Sire juges[123], donnes sentence
Por moi, car la pucele
5625est moie;
Por ma serve la proveroie
Contre tous ceus qui sunt en vie:
Car où qu'ele ait été norrie,
De mon ostel me fu emblée
Dès-lors par poi qu'ele
5630fu née,
Et baillie à Virginius.
Si vous requier, sire Apius,
Que vous me délivrés ma serve,
Car il est drois qu'ele me serve,
Non pas celi qui l'a5635
norrie:
Et se Virginius le nie,
Tout ce sui-ge prest de prover,
Car bons tesmoings en puis trover.'
Ainsinc parloit li faus traïstre
Qui du faus juge[124]5640
estoit
menistre[125];
Et cum li plais ainsinc alast,
Ains[126] que Virginius parlast,
Qui tout estoit prest de respondre
Por ses aversaires confondre,
Page 641
Juga par hastive sentence
5645
Apius que, sans atendence,
Fust la pucele au serf renduë.
Et[127] quant la chose a entenduë,
Li bons prodons devant nommés,
Bons chevaliers, bien 5650
renommés,
C'est assavoir Virginius,
Qui bien voit que vers Apius
Ne puet pas sa fille deffendre,
Ains li convient par force rendre,
Et son cors livrer à 5655
hontage,
Si change honte por damage
Par merveilleus apensement,
Se Titus-Livius ne ment.
Comment après la jugement
Virginius hastivement
A sa fille le chief couppa,
Dont de la mort point n'échappa;
Et mieulx ainsi le voulut faire
Que la livrer à pute affaire;
Puis le chief presenta au juge
Qui en escheut en grant déluge.
Car[128] il par amors, sans haine,
A sa belle fille Virgine
5660
Tantost a la teste copée,
Et puis au juge présentée
Devant tous en plain consistoire;
Et li juges, selonc l'estoire,
Le commanda tastost 5665
à prendre
Por li mener ocir ou pendre.
Mès ne l'occit ne ne pendi,
Car li pueples le deffendi
Qui fu tous de pitié méus
Si tost cum li fais fu5670
séus;
Puis fu por ceste mesprison
Apius mis en la prison,
Et là s'occist hastivement
5645
Apius que, sans atendence,
Fust la pucele au serf renduë.
Et[127] quant la chose a entenduë,
Li bons prodons devant nommés,
Bons chevaliers, bien 5650
renommés,
C'est assavoir Virginius,
Qui bien voit que vers Apius
Ne puet pas sa fille deffendre,
Ains li convient par force rendre,
Et son cors livrer à 5655
hontage,
Si change honte por damage
Par merveilleus apensement,
Se Titus-Livius ne ment.
Comment après la jugement
Virginius hastivement
A sa fille le chief couppa,
Dont de la mort point n'échappa;
Et mieulx ainsi le voulut faire
Que la livrer à pute affaire;
Puis le chief presenta au juge
Qui en escheut en grant déluge.
Car[128] il par amors, sans haine,
A sa belle fille Virgine
5660
Tantost a la teste copée,
Et puis au juge présentée
Devant tous en plain consistoire;
Et li juges, selonc l'estoire,
Le commanda tastost 5665
à prendre
Por li mener ocir ou pendre.
Mès ne l'occit ne ne pendi,
Car li pueples le deffendi
Qui fu tous de pitié méus
Si tost cum li fais fu5670
séus;
Puis fu por ceste mesprison
Apius mis en la prison,
Et là s'occist hastivement
Page 642
Ains le jor de son jugement;
Et Claudius li chalangieres
5675
Jugiés fu à mort comme lieres,
Se ne l'en éust respitié
Virginius par sa pitié,
Qui tant volt li pueple proier,
Qu'en essil le fist envoier,
5680
Et tuit cil condampnés moururent
Qui tesmoingz de la cause furent.
We thus see that the remark 'as seith the storie,' in C 258, simply translates
the French—'selonc l'estoire.' It is to be regretted that Chaucer was
unacquainted with Livy's version; see Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii.
283. Gower (ed. Pauli, iii. 264) tells the same story; but I find no points of
close resemblance, and many of divergence.
§ 54. Words of the Host to the Phisicien and the Pardoner. These 'Words'
connect the Phisiciens Tale with that of the Pardoner. There are some
curious variations in the copies, which suggest that some alterations were
here made by the author. The chief variations are the following.
C 289. E. Hn. fals cherl and; Cp. Pt. Ln. Hl. cursed theef.
C 290. E. Hn. Cp. Pt. sham(e)ful; Ln. Hl. schendful.
C 291, 2. E. Hn. Pt. wholly vary from Cp. Ln. Hl.; see footnote in vol. iv. p.
299.
C 297-8. E. Hn. Pt. omit these lines.
C 299, 300. Hl. (and others) omit these lines.
I suppose that lines C 297-8, omitted in E. Hn., are a later (genuine)
insertion. And perhaps the readings cursed theef and schendful are also
Et Claudius li chalangieres
5675
Jugiés fu à mort comme lieres,
Se ne l'en éust respitié
Virginius par sa pitié,
Qui tant volt li pueple proier,
Qu'en essil le fist envoier,
5680
Et tuit cil condampnés moururent
Qui tesmoingz de la cause furent.
We thus see that the remark 'as seith the storie,' in C 258, simply translates
the French—'selonc l'estoire.' It is to be regretted that Chaucer was
unacquainted with Livy's version; see Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii.
283. Gower (ed. Pauli, iii. 264) tells the same story; but I find no points of
close resemblance, and many of divergence.
§ 54. Words of the Host to the Phisicien and the Pardoner. These 'Words'
connect the Phisiciens Tale with that of the Pardoner. There are some
curious variations in the copies, which suggest that some alterations were
here made by the author. The chief variations are the following.
C 289. E. Hn. fals cherl and; Cp. Pt. Ln. Hl. cursed theef.
C 290. E. Hn. Cp. Pt. sham(e)ful; Ln. Hl. schendful.
C 291, 2. E. Hn. Pt. wholly vary from Cp. Ln. Hl.; see footnote in vol. iv. p.
299.
C 297-8. E. Hn. Pt. omit these lines.
C 299, 300. Hl. (and others) omit these lines.
I suppose that lines C 297-8, omitted in E. Hn., are a later (genuine)
insertion. And perhaps the readings cursed theef and schendful are also
Page 643
corrections. But I follow MS. E. as the best guide, inserting 297-8 (as in the
Six-text edition), that they may not be lost.
§ 55. Prologue of the Pardoners Tale. This is really a preamble; and the
Tale itself has a long digression from the main subject. The portrait of the
Pardoner, as here painted by himself, is historically valuable and minutely
accurate; see the paper on 'Chaucer's Pardoner and the Pope's Pardoners,' by
Dr. J. J. Jusserand, in Essays on Chaucer, p. 423 (Chaucer Society). The
descriptions by Chaucer, Langland, Heywood (who plagiarises Chaucer
mercilessly), and Sir David Lyndsay are, in this essay, supported by extracts
from a papal letter by Boniface IX, written in 1390; by statements made by
Richard d'Angerville, bp. of Durham, given in the Registrum Palatinum
Dunelmense, iii. 325 (Rolls Series); and by extracts from Wilkins, Concilia,
ii. 747, iii. 84, 131, 365. There is nothing to shew that the picture is unfair
or overdrawn.
It may well be compared with one of the Tales in Boccaccio's Decamerone,
Day 6, Nov. 10, which is given in full in a cheap reprint of selections from
this work, edited by Prof. H. Morley, according to an English version made
in the time of James I. There is nothing to shew that Chaucer had read this
story; and, as has often been remarked above, he seems to have been
unacquainted with the Decamerone. Some account of this Tale, with
remarks, is given in Dunlop's History of Fiction, chap. vii. The hero of it is
a certain friar Cipolla (i.e. Onion), whose account of himself is amusing.
'He gave a long account (says Dunlop) of his travels as far as India, and told
how on his return he had visited the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who had shewn
him innumerable relics; among others, a lock of the hair of the seraph that
appeared to St. Francis, a paring of the cherub's nail, a few of the rays of the
blessed star that guided the Magi in the east, the jaw-bone of Lazarus,' &c.
He adds: 'This tale of Boccaccio drew down the censure of the Council of
Trent, and is the one which gave the greatest umbrage to the church. The
author has been defended by his commentators, on the ground that he did
not intend to censure the respectable orders of friars, but to expose those
wandering mendicants who supported themselves by imposing on the
credulity of the people; that he did not mean to ridicule the sacred relics of
the church, but those which were believed so in consequence of the fraud
and artifice of monks.' But it must have been hard to draw this line. In the
Six-text edition), that they may not be lost.
§ 55. Prologue of the Pardoners Tale. This is really a preamble; and the
Tale itself has a long digression from the main subject. The portrait of the
Pardoner, as here painted by himself, is historically valuable and minutely
accurate; see the paper on 'Chaucer's Pardoner and the Pope's Pardoners,' by
Dr. J. J. Jusserand, in Essays on Chaucer, p. 423 (Chaucer Society). The
descriptions by Chaucer, Langland, Heywood (who plagiarises Chaucer
mercilessly), and Sir David Lyndsay are, in this essay, supported by extracts
from a papal letter by Boniface IX, written in 1390; by statements made by
Richard d'Angerville, bp. of Durham, given in the Registrum Palatinum
Dunelmense, iii. 325 (Rolls Series); and by extracts from Wilkins, Concilia,
ii. 747, iii. 84, 131, 365. There is nothing to shew that the picture is unfair
or overdrawn.
It may well be compared with one of the Tales in Boccaccio's Decamerone,
Day 6, Nov. 10, which is given in full in a cheap reprint of selections from
this work, edited by Prof. H. Morley, according to an English version made
in the time of James I. There is nothing to shew that Chaucer had read this
story; and, as has often been remarked above, he seems to have been
unacquainted with the Decamerone. Some account of this Tale, with
remarks, is given in Dunlop's History of Fiction, chap. vii. The hero of it is
a certain friar Cipolla (i.e. Onion), whose account of himself is amusing.
'He gave a long account (says Dunlop) of his travels as far as India, and told
how on his return he had visited the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who had shewn
him innumerable relics; among others, a lock of the hair of the seraph that
appeared to St. Francis, a paring of the cherub's nail, a few of the rays of the
blessed star that guided the Magi in the east, the jaw-bone of Lazarus,' &c.
He adds: 'This tale of Boccaccio drew down the censure of the Council of
Trent, and is the one which gave the greatest umbrage to the church. The
author has been defended by his commentators, on the ground that he did
not intend to censure the respectable orders of friars, but to expose those
wandering mendicants who supported themselves by imposing on the
credulity of the people; that he did not mean to ridicule the sacred relics of
the church, but those which were believed so in consequence of the fraud
and artifice of monks.' But it must have been hard to draw this line. In the
Page 644
note to C 349, I have drawn attention to Heywood's close plagiarism from
Chaucer, in the passage from the Four P.'s, printed in the note to l. 701 of
Morris's edition of Chaucer's Prologue; also to Sir David Lyndsay's Satyre
of the Three Estates, ll. 2037-2121.
§ 56. The Pardoneres Tale. A considerable part of this Tale is taken up
with a digression; the Tale itself is told simply and well, occupying ll. 463-
484, 661-894. Mr. Wright remarks: 'This beautiful moral story appears to
have been taken from a Fabliau, now lost, but of which the mere outline is
preserved [as first noted by Tyrwhitt] in the Cento Novelle Antiche, Nov.
lxxxii, as well as the story itself by Chaucer.' Dunlop, in his History of
Fiction, p. 203, says: 'It is evident from the title of the Cento Novelle
Antiche, that it was not a new and original production, but a compilation of
stories already current in the world. The collection was made towards the
end of the thirteenth century, and was formed from episodes in Romances
of chivalry; the Fabliaux of the French Trouveurs; the ancient chronicles of
Italy; recent incidents; or jests and repartees current by oral tradition. That
the stories derived from these sources were compiled by different authors, is
evident from the great variety of style; but who those authors were, is still a
problem in the literary annals of Italy.' The story is not exactly the same in
all the editions of the Cento Novelle; and two different forms of it have
been printed by Dr. Furnivall, in his Originals and Analogues (Chaucer
Soc.), Pt. ii. pp. 131-133. Of these, the former is from the edition of 1525,
with the title Le Ciento Novelle Antike, where it appears as Nov. lxxxiii. It
is very brief, and to this effect. As Christ was walking with His disciples
through a wild country, they suddenly espied some bright golden piastres,
and said, 'Let us take some of these for our use.' But Christ reproved them,
warning them that they would soon see the fatal effects of avarice. Soon
after, two men found the gold; and one of them went to fetch a mule to
carry it off, whilst the other remained to guard it. On his return with the
mule, the former offered to his companion two loaves which he had bought
for him. The latter refused at the moment, and shortly afterwards took an
opportunity of stabbing the other as he chanced to be stooping down. He
then took the two loaves, gave one to the mule, and ate the other himself.
The loaves were poisoned; and man and mule fell dead. Then our Lord,
passing by once more, pointed out to His disciples the three dead bodies.
Chaucer, in the passage from the Four P.'s, printed in the note to l. 701 of
Morris's edition of Chaucer's Prologue; also to Sir David Lyndsay's Satyre
of the Three Estates, ll. 2037-2121.
§ 56. The Pardoneres Tale. A considerable part of this Tale is taken up
with a digression; the Tale itself is told simply and well, occupying ll. 463-
484, 661-894. Mr. Wright remarks: 'This beautiful moral story appears to
have been taken from a Fabliau, now lost, but of which the mere outline is
preserved [as first noted by Tyrwhitt] in the Cento Novelle Antiche, Nov.
lxxxii, as well as the story itself by Chaucer.' Dunlop, in his History of
Fiction, p. 203, says: 'It is evident from the title of the Cento Novelle
Antiche, that it was not a new and original production, but a compilation of
stories already current in the world. The collection was made towards the
end of the thirteenth century, and was formed from episodes in Romances
of chivalry; the Fabliaux of the French Trouveurs; the ancient chronicles of
Italy; recent incidents; or jests and repartees current by oral tradition. That
the stories derived from these sources were compiled by different authors, is
evident from the great variety of style; but who those authors were, is still a
problem in the literary annals of Italy.' The story is not exactly the same in
all the editions of the Cento Novelle; and two different forms of it have
been printed by Dr. Furnivall, in his Originals and Analogues (Chaucer
Soc.), Pt. ii. pp. 131-133. Of these, the former is from the edition of 1525,
with the title Le Ciento Novelle Antike, where it appears as Nov. lxxxiii. It
is very brief, and to this effect. As Christ was walking with His disciples
through a wild country, they suddenly espied some bright golden piastres,
and said, 'Let us take some of these for our use.' But Christ reproved them,
warning them that they would soon see the fatal effects of avarice. Soon
after, two men found the gold; and one of them went to fetch a mule to
carry it off, whilst the other remained to guard it. On his return with the
mule, the former offered to his companion two loaves which he had bought
for him. The latter refused at the moment, and shortly afterwards took an
opportunity of stabbing the other as he chanced to be stooping down. He
then took the two loaves, gave one to the mule, and ate the other himself.
The loaves were poisoned; and man and mule fell dead. Then our Lord,
passing by once more, pointed out to His disciples the three dead bodies.
Page 645
The other version is from the edition of 1572, entitled Libro di Novelle, et
di bel Parlar Gentile; where it is Nov. lxxxii. This is much more like
Chaucer's story, and is occasionally quoted in the Notes as the 'Italian text.'
Dr. Furnivall's analysis of the story is as follows:—
'A hermit lying down in a cave, sees there much gold. At once he runs away,
and meets three robbers. They see no one chasing the hermit, and ask him
what he is running away from. "Death, which is chasing me." "Where is he?
shew him us." "Come with me, and I will." The hermit takes them to the
cave, and shews them Death—the gold. They laugh at him, and make great
joy, and say, "The hermit is a fool." Then the three robbers consult as to
what they shall do. The second proposes that one shall go to the town, buy
bread and wine and all things needful; but the crafty Devil puts into the
heart of the robber who goes to the town, that he shall feed himself, poison
his mates, and then have all the treasure, and be the richest man in that
country. Meantime, the other robbers plot to murder their mate as soon as
he comes back with the bread and wine, and then share the treasure. Their
mate returns from the city, and they murder him at once. Then they eat the
food he has brought, and both fall dead. Thus doth our Lord God requite
traitors. The robbers found death. The wise man fled, and left the gold free.'
As the original is not long, I here reprint it, for the reader's convenience:—
'Qui conta d'uno Romito che andando per un luogo foresto trouo molto
grande Tesoro.
'Andando vn giorno vn Romito per vn luogo foresto: si trouò vna
grandissima grotta, laquale era molo celata, et ritirandosi verso là per
riposarsi, pero che era assai affaticato; come e' giunse alla grotta si la vide
in certo luogo molto tralucere, impercio che vi hauea molto oro: e si tosto
come il conobbe, incontanente si partio, et comincio a correre per lo
deserto, quanto e' ne potea andare. Correndo cosi questo Romito s'intoppo
in tre grandi scherani, liquali stauano in quella foresta per rubare chi unque
vi passaua. Ne gia mai si erano accorti, che questo oro vi fosse. Hor
vedendo costoro, che nascosti si stauano, fuggir cosi questo huomo, non
hauendo persona dietro che 'l cacciasse, alquanto hebbero temenza, ma pur
di bel Parlar Gentile; where it is Nov. lxxxii. This is much more like
Chaucer's story, and is occasionally quoted in the Notes as the 'Italian text.'
Dr. Furnivall's analysis of the story is as follows:—
'A hermit lying down in a cave, sees there much gold. At once he runs away,
and meets three robbers. They see no one chasing the hermit, and ask him
what he is running away from. "Death, which is chasing me." "Where is he?
shew him us." "Come with me, and I will." The hermit takes them to the
cave, and shews them Death—the gold. They laugh at him, and make great
joy, and say, "The hermit is a fool." Then the three robbers consult as to
what they shall do. The second proposes that one shall go to the town, buy
bread and wine and all things needful; but the crafty Devil puts into the
heart of the robber who goes to the town, that he shall feed himself, poison
his mates, and then have all the treasure, and be the richest man in that
country. Meantime, the other robbers plot to murder their mate as soon as
he comes back with the bread and wine, and then share the treasure. Their
mate returns from the city, and they murder him at once. Then they eat the
food he has brought, and both fall dead. Thus doth our Lord God requite
traitors. The robbers found death. The wise man fled, and left the gold free.'
As the original is not long, I here reprint it, for the reader's convenience:—
'Qui conta d'uno Romito che andando per un luogo foresto trouo molto
grande Tesoro.
'Andando vn giorno vn Romito per vn luogo foresto: si trouò vna
grandissima grotta, laquale era molo celata, et ritirandosi verso là per
riposarsi, pero che era assai affaticato; come e' giunse alla grotta si la vide
in certo luogo molto tralucere, impercio che vi hauea molto oro: e si tosto
come il conobbe, incontanente si partio, et comincio a correre per lo
deserto, quanto e' ne potea andare. Correndo cosi questo Romito s'intoppo
in tre grandi scherani, liquali stauano in quella foresta per rubare chi unque
vi passaua. Ne gia mai si erano accorti, che questo oro vi fosse. Hor
vedendo costoro, che nascosti si stauano, fuggir cosi questo huomo, non
hauendo persona dietro che 'l cacciasse, alquanto hebbero temenza, ma pur
Page 646
se li pararono dinanzi per sapere perche fuggíua, che di cio molto sí
marauígliauano. Ed elli rispose et disse: "Fratelli miei, io fuggo la morte,
che mi vien dietro cacciando mi." Que' non vedendo ne huomo, ne bestia,
che il cacciasse, dissero: "Mostraci chi ti caccia: et menaci cola one ella è."
Allhora il Romito disse loro, "venite meco, et mostrerollaui," pregandoli
tutta via che non andassero ad essa, impercio che elli per se la fuggia. Ed
eglino volendola trouare, per vedere come fosse fatta, nol domandouano di
altro. Il Romito vedendo che non potea piu, et hauendo paura di loro, gli
condusse alla grotta, onde egli s'era partito, e disse loro, "Qui è la morte,
che mi cacciaua," et mostra loro l'oro che u' era, ed eglino il conobbero
incontanente, et molto si cominciarano a rallegrare, et a fare insieme grande
sollazzo. Allhora accommiatarono questo buono huomo; et egli sen'ando
per i fatti suoi: et quelli cominciarono a dire tra loro, come elli era semplice
persona. Rimasero questi scherani tutti e tre insieme, a guardare questo
hauere, e incominciarono a ragionare quello che voleano fare. L'uno
rispuose et disse: "A me pare, da che Dio ci ha dato cosi alta ventura, che
noi non ci partiamo di qui, insino a tanto che noi non ne portiamo tutto
questo hauere." Et l'altro disse: "non facciamo cosi; l' vno di noi ne tolga
alquanto, et vada alla cittade et vendalo, et rechi del pane et del vino, et di
quello che ci bisogna, e di cio s'ingegni il meglio che puote: faccia egli, pur
com' elli ci fornisca." A questo s'accordarono tutti e tre insieme. Il Demonio
ch'è ingegnoso, e reo d'ordinare di fare quanto male e puote, mise in cuori a
costui che andaua alla citta per lo fornimento, "da ch'io sarò nella cittade"
(dicea fra se medesimo) "io voglio mangiare et bere quanto mi bisogna, et
poi fornirmi di certe cose delle quali io ho mestiere hora al presente: et poi
auuelenero quello che io porto a miei compagni: si che, da ch elli saranno
morti amendue, si saro io poi Signore di tutto quello hauere, et secondo che
mi pare egli è tanto, che io saio poi il piu ricco huomo di tutto questo paese
da parte d'hauere:" et come li venne in pensiero, cosi fece. Prese viuanda
per se quanta gli bisogno, et poi tutta l'altra auuelenoe, e cosi la porto a que
suoi compagni. Intanto ch'ando alla cittade secondo che detto hauemo: se
elli pensoe et ordinoe male per uccidere li suoi compagni, accio che ogni
cosa li rimanesse: quelli pensaro di lui non meglio ch'elli di loro, et dissero
tra loro: "Si tosto come questo nostro compagno tornera col pane et col
vino, et con l'altre cose che ci bisognano, si l'uccideremo, et poi mangeremo
quanto uorremo, e sara poi tra noi due tutto questo grande hauere. Et come
meno parti ne saremo, tanto n'haueremo maggior parte ciascuno di noi."
marauígliauano. Ed elli rispose et disse: "Fratelli miei, io fuggo la morte,
che mi vien dietro cacciando mi." Que' non vedendo ne huomo, ne bestia,
che il cacciasse, dissero: "Mostraci chi ti caccia: et menaci cola one ella è."
Allhora il Romito disse loro, "venite meco, et mostrerollaui," pregandoli
tutta via che non andassero ad essa, impercio che elli per se la fuggia. Ed
eglino volendola trouare, per vedere come fosse fatta, nol domandouano di
altro. Il Romito vedendo che non potea piu, et hauendo paura di loro, gli
condusse alla grotta, onde egli s'era partito, e disse loro, "Qui è la morte,
che mi cacciaua," et mostra loro l'oro che u' era, ed eglino il conobbero
incontanente, et molto si cominciarano a rallegrare, et a fare insieme grande
sollazzo. Allhora accommiatarono questo buono huomo; et egli sen'ando
per i fatti suoi: et quelli cominciarono a dire tra loro, come elli era semplice
persona. Rimasero questi scherani tutti e tre insieme, a guardare questo
hauere, e incominciarono a ragionare quello che voleano fare. L'uno
rispuose et disse: "A me pare, da che Dio ci ha dato cosi alta ventura, che
noi non ci partiamo di qui, insino a tanto che noi non ne portiamo tutto
questo hauere." Et l'altro disse: "non facciamo cosi; l' vno di noi ne tolga
alquanto, et vada alla cittade et vendalo, et rechi del pane et del vino, et di
quello che ci bisogna, e di cio s'ingegni il meglio che puote: faccia egli, pur
com' elli ci fornisca." A questo s'accordarono tutti e tre insieme. Il Demonio
ch'è ingegnoso, e reo d'ordinare di fare quanto male e puote, mise in cuori a
costui che andaua alla citta per lo fornimento, "da ch'io sarò nella cittade"
(dicea fra se medesimo) "io voglio mangiare et bere quanto mi bisogna, et
poi fornirmi di certe cose delle quali io ho mestiere hora al presente: et poi
auuelenero quello che io porto a miei compagni: si che, da ch elli saranno
morti amendue, si saro io poi Signore di tutto quello hauere, et secondo che
mi pare egli è tanto, che io saio poi il piu ricco huomo di tutto questo paese
da parte d'hauere:" et come li venne in pensiero, cosi fece. Prese viuanda
per se quanta gli bisogno, et poi tutta l'altra auuelenoe, e cosi la porto a que
suoi compagni. Intanto ch'ando alla cittade secondo che detto hauemo: se
elli pensoe et ordinoe male per uccidere li suoi compagni, accio che ogni
cosa li rimanesse: quelli pensaro di lui non meglio ch'elli di loro, et dissero
tra loro: "Si tosto come questo nostro compagno tornera col pane et col
vino, et con l'altre cose che ci bisognano, si l'uccideremo, et poi mangeremo
quanto uorremo, e sara poi tra noi due tutto questo grande hauere. Et come
meno parti ne saremo, tanto n'haueremo maggior parte ciascuno di noi."
Page 647
Hor viene quelli, che era ito alla cittade a comperare le cose che bisognaua
loro. Tornato a suoi compagni incontanente che 'l videro, gli furono addosso
con le lancie et con le coltella, et l'uccisero. Da che l'hebbero morto,
mangiarono di quello che egli hauea recato: et si tosto come furono satolli,
amendue caddero morti: et cosi morirono tutti e tre: che l' vno vccise l'altro
si come vdito hauete, et non hebbe l'hauere: et cosi paga Domenedio li
traditori, che egli andarono caendo la morte, et in questo modo la trouarono,
et si come ellino n'erano degni. Et il saggio sauiamente la fuggio, e l'oro
rimase libero come di prima.'
Dr. Furnivall has also reprinted Novella xlii. from the Novellae of Morlinus,
ed. Naples, 1520 (reprinted at Paris in 1799); corrected by the Paris edition
of Morlinus' Works, 1855. The story is very brief, being as follows:—
'De illis qui, in Tiberi reperto thesauro, ad inuicem conspirantes, ueneno et
ferro periere.
'Magus magico susurro in Tiberi delitere thesaurum, quadam in cauea
spirituum reuelatione cognouit: quo reperto, cum magnum siclorum
cumulum aspiceret, communi uoto pars sociorum proximum oppidum seu
castellum, epulas aliasque res comparaturi, accedunt: ceteri uero copiosum
interea ignem instruunt, thesaurumque custodiunt. Dumque in castellum
conuenissent, radice malorum cupiditate affecti, ut consocios thesauri parte
priuarent, diro ueneno illos interimere statuerunt: cum dicto, in caupona
epulantes, ebrii ac uino sepulti, aliquatenus moram fecere. In Tiberi
expectantes atque esurientes, consocios de mora incussabant: Iouemque
adiurauerunt, repedantes ex oppido atque castello et uita et thesauri parte
priuare. Sicque ad inuicem conspirantes, non multo post adueniunt ex pago
illi, uinarios utres, pullos, pisces, aliaque tucetosi saporis pulmentaria atque
prelectum hircum ferentes. Quibus obuiam dederunt ieiuni, illosque omnes
morti imparatos incautosque insecauere atque crudeli strage perdiderunt.
Pone sumptis cibariis diro ueneno tabefactis, insigni iocunditate gnauiter
cuncta ministrare incipiunt; alter uerrit, alter sternit, pars coquit, atque
tuceta concinnat. Pone omnibus scitule appositis, ac mensa largiter instructa
edere ceperunt, omniaque ingurgitauerunt. Commodum ex eis mensa erectis
loro. Tornato a suoi compagni incontanente che 'l videro, gli furono addosso
con le lancie et con le coltella, et l'uccisero. Da che l'hebbero morto,
mangiarono di quello che egli hauea recato: et si tosto come furono satolli,
amendue caddero morti: et cosi morirono tutti e tre: che l' vno vccise l'altro
si come vdito hauete, et non hebbe l'hauere: et cosi paga Domenedio li
traditori, che egli andarono caendo la morte, et in questo modo la trouarono,
et si come ellino n'erano degni. Et il saggio sauiamente la fuggio, e l'oro
rimase libero come di prima.'
Dr. Furnivall has also reprinted Novella xlii. from the Novellae of Morlinus,
ed. Naples, 1520 (reprinted at Paris in 1799); corrected by the Paris edition
of Morlinus' Works, 1855. The story is very brief, being as follows:—
'De illis qui, in Tiberi reperto thesauro, ad inuicem conspirantes, ueneno et
ferro periere.
'Magus magico susurro in Tiberi delitere thesaurum, quadam in cauea
spirituum reuelatione cognouit: quo reperto, cum magnum siclorum
cumulum aspiceret, communi uoto pars sociorum proximum oppidum seu
castellum, epulas aliasque res comparaturi, accedunt: ceteri uero copiosum
interea ignem instruunt, thesaurumque custodiunt. Dumque in castellum
conuenissent, radice malorum cupiditate affecti, ut consocios thesauri parte
priuarent, diro ueneno illos interimere statuerunt: cum dicto, in caupona
epulantes, ebrii ac uino sepulti, aliquatenus moram fecere. In Tiberi
expectantes atque esurientes, consocios de mora incussabant: Iouemque
adiurauerunt, repedantes ex oppido atque castello et uita et thesauri parte
priuare. Sicque ad inuicem conspirantes, non multo post adueniunt ex pago
illi, uinarios utres, pullos, pisces, aliaque tucetosi saporis pulmentaria atque
prelectum hircum ferentes. Quibus obuiam dederunt ieiuni, illosque omnes
morti imparatos incautosque insecauere atque crudeli strage perdiderunt.
Pone sumptis cibariis diro ueneno tabefactis, insigni iocunditate gnauiter
cuncta ministrare incipiunt; alter uerrit, alter sternit, pars coquit, atque
tuceta concinnat. Pone omnibus scitule appositis, ac mensa largiter instructa
edere ceperunt, omniaque ingurgitauerunt. Commodum ex eis mensa erectis
Page 648
erant (sic) quod, morte preuenti, cum sociis uitam fato reddentes, sub
elemento mortui et sepulti remansere.
'Nouella indicat: nec esse de malo cogitandum: nam quod quis seminat,
metit.'
It has lately been discovered that this striking story is unquestionably of
Asiatic origin. Numerous analogous stories have been collected and printed
for the Chaucer Society by Mr. W. A. Clouston. At pp. 417-436 of these
'Originals and Analogues' is printed a Buddhist original of great antiquity,
together with varying versions in several languages, viz. Persian, Arabic,
Kashmiri, and Tibetan. Versions also occur in French, Italian, German, and
Portuguese.
The Buddhist story is one entitled 'Vedabbha Játaka,' being the 48th story in
Fausböll's edition of the Páli text of the Játaka-book. Mr. Clouston says (p.
418): 'The first to point out the identity of the Pardoner's Tale with one of
those Buddhist "Birth"-stories was the Rev. Dr. Richard Morris, in the
Contemporary Review, May, 1881, vol. xxxix. p. 738, and afterwards two
other scholars each made the same discovery independently: Mr. H. T.
Francis, in The Academy, Dec. 22, 1883, and Prof. C. H. Tawney, in the
Journal of Philology, 1883, vol. xii. pp. 203-8. The Bishop of Colombo, in
the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1884,
published translations of the first 50 Játakas, the 48th of which, as already
stated, is the Vedabbha Játaka.' Mr. Clouston then gives a complete
translation of this Játaka, from which I extract, for comparison, a few
sentences:—
'But those two men [two robbers] deftly carried off that wealth, and hid it in
a thicket near a village, and one remained guarding it, sword in hand, while
the other took some rice and went off to the village to get it cooked. Truly
this passion of avarice is the root of destruction[129], for the one who was
guarding the wealth said to himself: "When my fellow returns, this wealth
will have to be divided into two portions, so I had better kill him with a
sword-cut as soon as he arrives." So he made ready his sword, and
remained watching for his return. The other said to himself: "This wealth
elemento mortui et sepulti remansere.
'Nouella indicat: nec esse de malo cogitandum: nam quod quis seminat,
metit.'
It has lately been discovered that this striking story is unquestionably of
Asiatic origin. Numerous analogous stories have been collected and printed
for the Chaucer Society by Mr. W. A. Clouston. At pp. 417-436 of these
'Originals and Analogues' is printed a Buddhist original of great antiquity,
together with varying versions in several languages, viz. Persian, Arabic,
Kashmiri, and Tibetan. Versions also occur in French, Italian, German, and
Portuguese.
The Buddhist story is one entitled 'Vedabbha Játaka,' being the 48th story in
Fausböll's edition of the Páli text of the Játaka-book. Mr. Clouston says (p.
418): 'The first to point out the identity of the Pardoner's Tale with one of
those Buddhist "Birth"-stories was the Rev. Dr. Richard Morris, in the
Contemporary Review, May, 1881, vol. xxxix. p. 738, and afterwards two
other scholars each made the same discovery independently: Mr. H. T.
Francis, in The Academy, Dec. 22, 1883, and Prof. C. H. Tawney, in the
Journal of Philology, 1883, vol. xii. pp. 203-8. The Bishop of Colombo, in
the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1884,
published translations of the first 50 Játakas, the 48th of which, as already
stated, is the Vedabbha Játaka.' Mr. Clouston then gives a complete
translation of this Játaka, from which I extract, for comparison, a few
sentences:—
'But those two men [two robbers] deftly carried off that wealth, and hid it in
a thicket near a village, and one remained guarding it, sword in hand, while
the other took some rice and went off to the village to get it cooked. Truly
this passion of avarice is the root of destruction[129], for the one who was
guarding the wealth said to himself: "When my fellow returns, this wealth
will have to be divided into two portions, so I had better kill him with a
sword-cut as soon as he arrives." So he made ready his sword, and
remained watching for his return. The other said to himself: "This wealth
Page 649
will have to be divided into two portions so I had better put poison in the
rice, and give it to my fellow to eat and so kill him, and take all the wealth
for myself." Accordingly as soon as the rice was cooked, he ate all he
wanted, and put poison in the rest, and set out with it in his hand. No sooner
had he put the rice down than the other cut him in two with his sword and
threw his body into a tangled thicket. Then he ate the rice, and fell dead on
the spot.'
The Persian Version follows, from a poem in the 'Book of Calamities,' made
in the twelfth century by Ferídu-'d-Dín 'Attár, a celebrated philosopher and
poet. In this version, as in Chaucer, there are three men; one of them goes to
the town to buy bread, some of which he eats, and poisons the rest. The
other two slay him on his return, eat the poisoned bread, and perish.
Of the Arabic versions, one occurs in the Breslau edition of the Book of the
Thousand and One Nights (Burton's Supplementary Nights, vol. i p.250).
The Kashmírí version is given in Mr. Knowles' Dictionary of Kashmírí
Proverbs and Sayings, Bombay, 1885, p. 45. Here there are four men, two
of whom conspire against the other two, and slay them with axes; but
afterwards eat the poisoned bread which the latter couple had prepared for
them.
I must refer the reader to Mr. Clouston's essay for further particulars.
I must not omit to notice here the instances in which Chaucer has borrowed
some of his moral reflexions from the treatise De Contemptu Mundi, by
Pope Innocent, which has already been discussed above; see § 36. Dr. E.
Köppel has noticed the following, in the Archiv für das Studium der
neueren Sprachen, ed. L. Herrig, vol. 84, p. 411.
C 483, 4. 'Propterea dicit apostolus: Nolite inebriari vino, in quo est
luxuria:' lib. ii. cap. 19.
C 505-7; 491. 'Gula paradisum clausit; decollauit Baptistam:' lib. ii. cap. 18.
rice, and give it to my fellow to eat and so kill him, and take all the wealth
for myself." Accordingly as soon as the rice was cooked, he ate all he
wanted, and put poison in the rest, and set out with it in his hand. No sooner
had he put the rice down than the other cut him in two with his sword and
threw his body into a tangled thicket. Then he ate the rice, and fell dead on
the spot.'
The Persian Version follows, from a poem in the 'Book of Calamities,' made
in the twelfth century by Ferídu-'d-Dín 'Attár, a celebrated philosopher and
poet. In this version, as in Chaucer, there are three men; one of them goes to
the town to buy bread, some of which he eats, and poisons the rest. The
other two slay him on his return, eat the poisoned bread, and perish.
Of the Arabic versions, one occurs in the Breslau edition of the Book of the
Thousand and One Nights (Burton's Supplementary Nights, vol. i p.250).
The Kashmírí version is given in Mr. Knowles' Dictionary of Kashmírí
Proverbs and Sayings, Bombay, 1885, p. 45. Here there are four men, two
of whom conspire against the other two, and slay them with axes; but
afterwards eat the poisoned bread which the latter couple had prepared for
them.
I must refer the reader to Mr. Clouston's essay for further particulars.
I must not omit to notice here the instances in which Chaucer has borrowed
some of his moral reflexions from the treatise De Contemptu Mundi, by
Pope Innocent, which has already been discussed above; see § 36. Dr. E.
Köppel has noticed the following, in the Archiv für das Studium der
neueren Sprachen, ed. L. Herrig, vol. 84, p. 411.
C 483, 4. 'Propterea dicit apostolus: Nolite inebriari vino, in quo est
luxuria:' lib. ii. cap. 19.
C 505-7; 491. 'Gula paradisum clausit; decollauit Baptistam:' lib. ii. cap. 18.
Page 650
C 513-6; 521-3. 'Inde non salus et sanitas, sed morbus et mors. Audi super
hoc sententiam Sapientis: "Noli auidus esse in omni epulatione, et non te
effundas super omnem escam. In multis enim escis erit infirmitas; et propter
crapulam multi perierunt." "Esca uentri, et uenter escis; Deus autem et hunc
et hanc destruet":' lib. ii. cap. 17.
C 517-520[130]. 'Nunc autem gulosis non sufficiunt fructus arborum, non
genera leguminum, non radices herbarum, non pisces maris, non bestiae
terrae, non aues coeli.' ... 'Tam breuis est gulae uoluptas, ut spatio loci uix
sit quatuor digitorum,' &c.: lib. ii. cap. 17.
C 534-6. 'Quanto sunt delicatoria cibaria, tanto foetidiora sunt stercora.
Turpius egerit, qui turpiter ingerit, superius et inferius horribilem flatum
exprimens, et abominabilem sonum emittens:' lib. ii. cap. 18.
C 537-546. 'Quaeruntur pigmenta, comparantur aromata ... quae studiose
coquuntur arte coquorum.... Alius contundit et colat, alius confundit et
conficit, substantiam conuertit in accidens ... ut fastidium reuocet
appetitum, ad irritandum gulam:' lib. ii. cap. 17.
C 551-2; 560-1. 'Quid turpius ebrioso? cui fetor in ore ... cui facies
transformatur? "Nullum enim secretum, ubi regnat ebrietas":' lib. ii. cap. 19.
Cf. Man of Lawes Tale, B 771-2, 776-7. See above, p. 408.
All these passages are probably versified from Chaucer's lost prose
translation of Innocent's treatise. Observe that all the passages quoted lie
close together, viz. in lib. ii. capp. 17-19.
A modernized version of the Pardoner's Tale was brought out by the Rev.
Wm. Lipscomb, in 1792; and another version, made with some spirit, but
far inferior to the original, will be found among Leigh Hunt's Poems, with
the title 'Death and the Ruffians.'
Group D.
hoc sententiam Sapientis: "Noli auidus esse in omni epulatione, et non te
effundas super omnem escam. In multis enim escis erit infirmitas; et propter
crapulam multi perierunt." "Esca uentri, et uenter escis; Deus autem et hunc
et hanc destruet":' lib. ii. cap. 17.
C 517-520[130]. 'Nunc autem gulosis non sufficiunt fructus arborum, non
genera leguminum, non radices herbarum, non pisces maris, non bestiae
terrae, non aues coeli.' ... 'Tam breuis est gulae uoluptas, ut spatio loci uix
sit quatuor digitorum,' &c.: lib. ii. cap. 17.
C 534-6. 'Quanto sunt delicatoria cibaria, tanto foetidiora sunt stercora.
Turpius egerit, qui turpiter ingerit, superius et inferius horribilem flatum
exprimens, et abominabilem sonum emittens:' lib. ii. cap. 18.
C 537-546. 'Quaeruntur pigmenta, comparantur aromata ... quae studiose
coquuntur arte coquorum.... Alius contundit et colat, alius confundit et
conficit, substantiam conuertit in accidens ... ut fastidium reuocet
appetitum, ad irritandum gulam:' lib. ii. cap. 17.
C 551-2; 560-1. 'Quid turpius ebrioso? cui fetor in ore ... cui facies
transformatur? "Nullum enim secretum, ubi regnat ebrietas":' lib. ii. cap. 19.
Cf. Man of Lawes Tale, B 771-2, 776-7. See above, p. 408.
All these passages are probably versified from Chaucer's lost prose
translation of Innocent's treatise. Observe that all the passages quoted lie
close together, viz. in lib. ii. capp. 17-19.
A modernized version of the Pardoner's Tale was brought out by the Rev.
Wm. Lipscomb, in 1792; and another version, made with some spirit, but
far inferior to the original, will be found among Leigh Hunt's Poems, with
the title 'Death and the Ruffians.'
Group D.
Page 651
§ 57. The Wife of Bath's Prologue. In some MSS., as in E. and Cm., this
Prologue follows the Man of Lawes Tale, but without any connecting link.
In others, as in Pt. and in the black-letter editions, it follows the Marchants
Tale; and rarely, as in Cp. and Ln., it follows the Squieres Tale; but in no
case are there any genuine lines to link it with what precedes. Two spurious
prologues are, however, found. The former occurs in MS. Royal 18 C. II.,
and in MSS. Laud 739 and Barlow 20 (in the Bodleian Library). Tyrwhitt
prints it from the first of these, 'to justify himself for not inserting them in
the text'; as follows:—
Oure oost gan tho to loke[n] up
anon:
'Gode men,' quod he, 'herkeneth
everichone;
As evere mote I drynke wyn or ale,
This Marchaunt hath itold a mery
tale,
Howe Ianuarie hadde a lither5 Iape;
His wyf put in his hood an ape.
But hereoff I wil leve off as now.
Dame Wyf of Bathe,' quod he, 'I
pray[e] you,
Telle us a tale now nexte after this.'
'Sir Oost,' quod she, 'so god10
my
soule blis,
As I fully therto wil consente;
And also it is myn hole entente
To done yow alle disporte as that I
can.
But holde me excused: I am a
woman.
I can not reherse as these clerkes
15
kunne.'
And right anon she hath hir tale
bygunne.
Experience, &c.
Prologue follows the Man of Lawes Tale, but without any connecting link.
In others, as in Pt. and in the black-letter editions, it follows the Marchants
Tale; and rarely, as in Cp. and Ln., it follows the Squieres Tale; but in no
case are there any genuine lines to link it with what precedes. Two spurious
prologues are, however, found. The former occurs in MS. Royal 18 C. II.,
and in MSS. Laud 739 and Barlow 20 (in the Bodleian Library). Tyrwhitt
prints it from the first of these, 'to justify himself for not inserting them in
the text'; as follows:—
Oure oost gan tho to loke[n] up
anon:
'Gode men,' quod he, 'herkeneth
everichone;
As evere mote I drynke wyn or ale,
This Marchaunt hath itold a mery
tale,
Howe Ianuarie hadde a lither5 Iape;
His wyf put in his hood an ape.
But hereoff I wil leve off as now.
Dame Wyf of Bathe,' quod he, 'I
pray[e] you,
Telle us a tale now nexte after this.'
'Sir Oost,' quod she, 'so god10
my
soule blis,
As I fully therto wil consente;
And also it is myn hole entente
To done yow alle disporte as that I
can.
But holde me excused: I am a
woman.
I can not reherse as these clerkes
15
kunne.'
And right anon she hath hir tale
bygunne.
Experience, &c.
Page 652
Here ll. 5 and 6 are imitated from B 1629 and 1630.
The Lansdowne MS. subjoins eight spurious lines at the end of the Squieres
Tale, and prefixes to the Wife's Tale the four lines that follow:—
Than shortly ansewarde the wife of
Bathe,
And swore a wonder grete hathe,
'Be goddes bones, I wil tel next;
I will nouht glose, bot saye the text.'
Here hathe (for aath) means 'oath,' and is a purely Northern form.
As to the Prologue itself, Wright remarks:—'The Wife of Bath's Prologue
may be considered as a separate Tale, and belongs to a class of which there
are several examples among the literature of the middle ages. One of the
latest is "The twa Maryit Wemen and the Wedo" [Widow], of William
Dunbar. The popular literature of what is commonly looked upon as the age
of chivalry shews us that the female character was then estimated at the
lowest possible rate.'
Tyrwhitt's remarks on this Prologue are excellent. 'The extraordinary length
of it, as well as the vein of pleasantry that runs through it, is very suitable to
the character of the speaker. The greatest part must have been of Chaucer's
own invention, though we may plainly see that he had been reading the
popular invectives against marriage and women in general; such as the
Roman de la Rose; Valerius ad Rufinum de non ducenda uxore; and
particularly, Hieronymus contra Iouinianum.' Of the last of these he says:
—'The holy Father, by way of recommending celibacy, has exerted all his
learning and eloquence (and he certainly was not deficient in either) to
collect together and aggravate whatever he coud find to the prejudice of the
female sex. Among other things he has inserted his own translation
(probably) of a long extract from what he calls "Liber aureolus Theophrasti
de nuptiis."
The Lansdowne MS. subjoins eight spurious lines at the end of the Squieres
Tale, and prefixes to the Wife's Tale the four lines that follow:—
Than shortly ansewarde the wife of
Bathe,
And swore a wonder grete hathe,
'Be goddes bones, I wil tel next;
I will nouht glose, bot saye the text.'
Here hathe (for aath) means 'oath,' and is a purely Northern form.
As to the Prologue itself, Wright remarks:—'The Wife of Bath's Prologue
may be considered as a separate Tale, and belongs to a class of which there
are several examples among the literature of the middle ages. One of the
latest is "The twa Maryit Wemen and the Wedo" [Widow], of William
Dunbar. The popular literature of what is commonly looked upon as the age
of chivalry shews us that the female character was then estimated at the
lowest possible rate.'
Tyrwhitt's remarks on this Prologue are excellent. 'The extraordinary length
of it, as well as the vein of pleasantry that runs through it, is very suitable to
the character of the speaker. The greatest part must have been of Chaucer's
own invention, though we may plainly see that he had been reading the
popular invectives against marriage and women in general; such as the
Roman de la Rose; Valerius ad Rufinum de non ducenda uxore; and
particularly, Hieronymus contra Iouinianum.' Of the last of these he says:
—'The holy Father, by way of recommending celibacy, has exerted all his
learning and eloquence (and he certainly was not deficient in either) to
collect together and aggravate whatever he coud find to the prejudice of the
female sex. Among other things he has inserted his own translation
(probably) of a long extract from what he calls "Liber aureolus Theophrasti
de nuptiis."
Page 653
'Next to him in order of time was the treatise entitled Epistola Valerii ad
Rufinum de non ducenda uxore (MS. Reg. 12 D. III). It has been printed,
for the similarity of its sentiments, I suppose, among the works of St.
Jerome, though it is evidently of a much later date. Tanner (from Wood's
MS. Coll) attributes it to Walter Map (Bib. Brit., v. Map). I should not
believe it to be older; as John of Salisbury, who has treated of the same
subject in his Polycraticus, lib. viii. cap. 11, does not appear to have seen it.
'To these two books Jean de Meun has been obliged for some of his severest
strokes in his Roman de la Rose; and Chaucer has transfused the
quintessence of all the three works, upon the subject of Matrimony, into his
Wife of Bathes Prologue and Merchant's Tale[131].'
Dr. Köppel has shewn that, in one passage (D 278), there is a trace of a
quotation from Pope Innocent's treatise De Contemptu Mundi, lib. i. c. 18.
This passage introduces the word 'smoke,' which is not in the wording of
Prov. xxvii. 15, the ultimate authority for the quotation. Similarly, when
Innocent cites the same text, he introduces the word fumus.
§ 58. The Tale of the Wyf of Bathe. The various Tales analogous to this
have been discussed by Mr. W. A. Clouston, in the 'Originals and
Analogues' published by the Chaucer Society in 1887, p. 483. Mr. Clouston
calls the Tales of this class 'The Knight and the Loathly Lady.' He begins by
observing that 'Gower anticipated the Wife of Bath's characteristic Tale by a
few years[132] in his Confessio Amantis, but there seems no good reason to
suppose Chaucer to have borrowed from his friend, the two versions
differing so very considerably in details; and it is probable that both poets
drew their materials independently from a French source, or sources.' He
then quotes Gower's tale, from MS. Harl. 3869; cf. Pauli's edition, i. 89-
104. Here the hero is named Florent and is supposed to be the nephew[133]
of the emperor Claudius. Florent has slain one Branchus, whose
grandmother plots a plan of revenge. She sends for Florent, offering him a
full pardon if he can answer a certain question; but if he fails, he must
forfeit his life. To this he agrees, and is allowed a term of days for the
solution of the question. The question is—'What do all women most desire?'
Rufinum de non ducenda uxore (MS. Reg. 12 D. III). It has been printed,
for the similarity of its sentiments, I suppose, among the works of St.
Jerome, though it is evidently of a much later date. Tanner (from Wood's
MS. Coll) attributes it to Walter Map (Bib. Brit., v. Map). I should not
believe it to be older; as John of Salisbury, who has treated of the same
subject in his Polycraticus, lib. viii. cap. 11, does not appear to have seen it.
'To these two books Jean de Meun has been obliged for some of his severest
strokes in his Roman de la Rose; and Chaucer has transfused the
quintessence of all the three works, upon the subject of Matrimony, into his
Wife of Bathes Prologue and Merchant's Tale[131].'
Dr. Köppel has shewn that, in one passage (D 278), there is a trace of a
quotation from Pope Innocent's treatise De Contemptu Mundi, lib. i. c. 18.
This passage introduces the word 'smoke,' which is not in the wording of
Prov. xxvii. 15, the ultimate authority for the quotation. Similarly, when
Innocent cites the same text, he introduces the word fumus.
§ 58. The Tale of the Wyf of Bathe. The various Tales analogous to this
have been discussed by Mr. W. A. Clouston, in the 'Originals and
Analogues' published by the Chaucer Society in 1887, p. 483. Mr. Clouston
calls the Tales of this class 'The Knight and the Loathly Lady.' He begins by
observing that 'Gower anticipated the Wife of Bath's characteristic Tale by a
few years[132] in his Confessio Amantis, but there seems no good reason to
suppose Chaucer to have borrowed from his friend, the two versions
differing so very considerably in details; and it is probable that both poets
drew their materials independently from a French source, or sources.' He
then quotes Gower's tale, from MS. Harl. 3869; cf. Pauli's edition, i. 89-
104. Here the hero is named Florent and is supposed to be the nephew[133]
of the emperor Claudius. Florent has slain one Branchus, whose
grandmother plots a plan of revenge. She sends for Florent, offering him a
full pardon if he can answer a certain question; but if he fails, he must
forfeit his life. To this he agrees, and is allowed a term of days for the
solution of the question. The question is—'What do all women most desire?'
Page 654
After much vain enquiry, Florent finds a loathly old woman, who tells him
that she can save him from death; but if she does this, he must marry her;
and to this he desperately consents. She tells him that women desire
sovereignty, and to have all their will. The answer is correct; his life is
saved, and he must perform his promise. He weds her, and is at last
persuaded that he ought to kiss her; whereupon she is transformed into a
young girl, of eighteen years of age. She explains that she had been
bewitched, and his courtesy had broken the charm.
A similar story is the subject of the 'Weddynge of Syr Gawen and Dame
Ragnell,' printed by Sir F. Madden in his 'Syr Gawayne,' from MS.
Rawlinson C. 86. The outline of it is given by Prof. Child in his English and
Scottish Ballads, Boston (U. S.), 1884, Part ii., pp. 289, 290, and is
reprinted by Mr. Clouston. In this story, it is King Arthur who, to save his
life, undertakes to solve, within a twelvemonth, the question—'What do
women love most?' Soon after, Arthur tells his adventure to Sir Gawain,
who is willing to help him. Gawain meets a hideous hag who offers to tell
him the answer on the usual terms; her name is Dame Ragnell. Gawain
learns the answer, imparts it to Arthur, and kisses Dame Ragnell, who is
transformed into the fairest creature he had ever seen.
This is the story on which is founded the ballad of the Marriage of Sir
Gawaine, a fragmentary piece printed in the Percy Folio MS., ed. Hales and
Furnivall, i. 103.
Another version, perhaps older than either of the foregoing, is the Border
Ballad of King Henrie, printed by Scott in his Minstrelsy of the Scottish
Border. William Tytler's version of this ballad was adapted by Lewis for his
Tales of Wonder, with the new title of 'Courteous King Jamie'; vol. ii. 453.
Mr. Clouston adds:—'A similar ballad, "Of a Knight and a Fair Virgin," is
found in Johnson's Crown Garland of Golden Roses, printed about 1600.
And Voltaire has followed Chaucer in his tale Ce qui plaît aux Dames.
'Scott, in his prefatory note to the ballad of King Henrie, after referring to
its resemblance to the Marriage of Sir Gawaine and the Wife of Bath's Tale,
that she can save him from death; but if she does this, he must marry her;
and to this he desperately consents. She tells him that women desire
sovereignty, and to have all their will. The answer is correct; his life is
saved, and he must perform his promise. He weds her, and is at last
persuaded that he ought to kiss her; whereupon she is transformed into a
young girl, of eighteen years of age. She explains that she had been
bewitched, and his courtesy had broken the charm.
A similar story is the subject of the 'Weddynge of Syr Gawen and Dame
Ragnell,' printed by Sir F. Madden in his 'Syr Gawayne,' from MS.
Rawlinson C. 86. The outline of it is given by Prof. Child in his English and
Scottish Ballads, Boston (U. S.), 1884, Part ii., pp. 289, 290, and is
reprinted by Mr. Clouston. In this story, it is King Arthur who, to save his
life, undertakes to solve, within a twelvemonth, the question—'What do
women love most?' Soon after, Arthur tells his adventure to Sir Gawain,
who is willing to help him. Gawain meets a hideous hag who offers to tell
him the answer on the usual terms; her name is Dame Ragnell. Gawain
learns the answer, imparts it to Arthur, and kisses Dame Ragnell, who is
transformed into the fairest creature he had ever seen.
This is the story on which is founded the ballad of the Marriage of Sir
Gawaine, a fragmentary piece printed in the Percy Folio MS., ed. Hales and
Furnivall, i. 103.
Another version, perhaps older than either of the foregoing, is the Border
Ballad of King Henrie, printed by Scott in his Minstrelsy of the Scottish
Border. William Tytler's version of this ballad was adapted by Lewis for his
Tales of Wonder, with the new title of 'Courteous King Jamie'; vol. ii. 453.
Mr. Clouston adds:—'A similar ballad, "Of a Knight and a Fair Virgin," is
found in Johnson's Crown Garland of Golden Roses, printed about 1600.
And Voltaire has followed Chaucer in his tale Ce qui plaît aux Dames.
'Scott, in his prefatory note to the ballad of King Henrie, after referring to
its resemblance to the Marriage of Sir Gawaine and the Wife of Bath's Tale,
Page 655
cites what he considers as "the original" [viz. an Icelandic version] from
Torfeus (Hrolffi Krakii Hist., Hafn. 1715, p. 49).'
Another Icelandic version is given by Clouston (from Prof. Child), in the
form of an abstract.
Another version follows, from the Gaelic, taken from the story of The
Daughter of King Under-Waves; given in Campbell's Popular Tales of the
West Highlands, iii. 403.
A similar notion occurs in Mandeville's Travels, ed. Halliwell, chap. iv. pp.
23-26. His story is to the effect that in the Isle of Lango is to be found the
daughter of Ypocras (Hippocrates), who has been transformed into a
loathsome Dragon, a hundred fathoms long. 'But whan a Knyghte comethe,
that is so hardy to kisse hire, he schalle not dye: but he schalle turne the
Damysele in-to hire righte Forme and kyndely Schapp; and he schal be
Lord of alle the Contreyes and Iles aboveseyd.' It is disappointing to find
that no one ever performed the task; so that, in fact, the lady remains a
dragon to the present day.
Mr. Clouston adds a Turkish Analogue from a story-book entitled
Phantasms from the Presence of God, written in 1796-7, by ‘Ali ‘Aziz
Efendi, the Cretan; and refers to similar ideas found in Sanskrit stories. He
concludes by saying:—'Legends similar to the tale of the Knight and the
Loathly Lady seem to be of universal currency and of very ancient date.
Have we not all listened to them in the nursery, and been especially
charmed with the tale of the Frog-Prince? And there are several parallels to
it among the nations of South Africa.' He appends two Kaffir analogues
from Theal's Kaffir Folk-Lore.
The Wife of Bath's Tale has been retold by Dryden, in a way peculiarly his
own. If compared with the original, it suffers sadly by the comparison. The
poet Gay wrote a comedy called The Wife of Bath, which appeared in 1713.
A later edition, 'revised and altered by the author,' appeared in 1730.
Torfeus (Hrolffi Krakii Hist., Hafn. 1715, p. 49).'
Another Icelandic version is given by Clouston (from Prof. Child), in the
form of an abstract.
Another version follows, from the Gaelic, taken from the story of The
Daughter of King Under-Waves; given in Campbell's Popular Tales of the
West Highlands, iii. 403.
A similar notion occurs in Mandeville's Travels, ed. Halliwell, chap. iv. pp.
23-26. His story is to the effect that in the Isle of Lango is to be found the
daughter of Ypocras (Hippocrates), who has been transformed into a
loathsome Dragon, a hundred fathoms long. 'But whan a Knyghte comethe,
that is so hardy to kisse hire, he schalle not dye: but he schalle turne the
Damysele in-to hire righte Forme and kyndely Schapp; and he schal be
Lord of alle the Contreyes and Iles aboveseyd.' It is disappointing to find
that no one ever performed the task; so that, in fact, the lady remains a
dragon to the present day.
Mr. Clouston adds a Turkish Analogue from a story-book entitled
Phantasms from the Presence of God, written in 1796-7, by ‘Ali ‘Aziz
Efendi, the Cretan; and refers to similar ideas found in Sanskrit stories. He
concludes by saying:—'Legends similar to the tale of the Knight and the
Loathly Lady seem to be of universal currency and of very ancient date.
Have we not all listened to them in the nursery, and been especially
charmed with the tale of the Frog-Prince? And there are several parallels to
it among the nations of South Africa.' He appends two Kaffir analogues
from Theal's Kaffir Folk-Lore.
The Wife of Bath's Tale has been retold by Dryden, in a way peculiarly his
own. If compared with the original, it suffers sadly by the comparison. The
poet Gay wrote a comedy called The Wife of Bath, which appeared in 1713.
A later edition, 'revised and altered by the author,' appeared in 1730.
Page 656
§ 59. The Friar's Prologue. This is closely linked with the preceding tale,
and is chiefly remarkable for the Friar's outburst against the Somnour,
which shews such rancour that even the Host interferes. As Tyrwhitt here
notes—'The Regular Clergy, and particularly the Mendicant Friars, affected
a total exemption from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, except that of the
Pope, which made them exceedingly obnoxious to the Bishops, and of
course to all the inferior orders of the national hierarchy.'
§ 60. The Freres Tale. Warton, in his History of Eng. Poetry (ed. Hazlitt, i.
302), after speaking of the collection of stories in the Gesta Romanorum,
tells us that 'rather before the year 1480, a Latin volume was printed in
Germany, written by John Herolt, a Dominican friar of Basle, better known
by the adopted and humble appellation of Discipulus, and who flourished
about the year 1418.' The first part of this work consists of sermons. The
second part is 'a Promptuary or ample repository of examples for
composing sermons,' and contains 'a variety of little histories.' Among these
is one analogous to Chaucer's Freres Tale.
The Latin story was first printed by Mr. T. Wright in the Archæologia, vol.
xxxii., and again in Originals and Analogues, Chaucer Soc., 1872, p. 105,
from MS. Cotton, Cleop. D. 8, leaf 110; and is as follows:—
Narratio de Quodam Senescallo Sceleroso.
Erat uir quidam Senescallus et placitator, pauperum calumpniator, et
bonorum huiusmodi spoliator. Qui die quadam forum iudiciale causa
contencionis faciende et lucrandi adiuit. Cui quidam obuiauit in itinere
dicens ei: 'Quo uadis, et quid habes officii?' Respondit primus: 'Uado
lucrari.' Et ait secundus: 'Ego tui similis sum. Eamus simul.' Primo
consenciente, dixit secundus ei: 'Quid est lucrum tuum?' Et ille:
'emolumentum pauperum, quamdiu aliquid habent, ut per lites,
contenciones et uexationes, siue iuste siue iniuste. Modo dixi tibi lucrum
meum, unde est. Die mihi, queso, unde est et tuum?' Respondit secundus
dicens: 'Quicquid sub maledictione traditur diabolo, computo mihi pro
lucro.' Risit primus, et derisit secundum, non intelligens quod esset
diabolus.
and is chiefly remarkable for the Friar's outburst against the Somnour,
which shews such rancour that even the Host interferes. As Tyrwhitt here
notes—'The Regular Clergy, and particularly the Mendicant Friars, affected
a total exemption from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, except that of the
Pope, which made them exceedingly obnoxious to the Bishops, and of
course to all the inferior orders of the national hierarchy.'
§ 60. The Freres Tale. Warton, in his History of Eng. Poetry (ed. Hazlitt, i.
302), after speaking of the collection of stories in the Gesta Romanorum,
tells us that 'rather before the year 1480, a Latin volume was printed in
Germany, written by John Herolt, a Dominican friar of Basle, better known
by the adopted and humble appellation of Discipulus, and who flourished
about the year 1418.' The first part of this work consists of sermons. The
second part is 'a Promptuary or ample repository of examples for
composing sermons,' and contains 'a variety of little histories.' Among these
is one analogous to Chaucer's Freres Tale.
The Latin story was first printed by Mr. T. Wright in the Archæologia, vol.
xxxii., and again in Originals and Analogues, Chaucer Soc., 1872, p. 105,
from MS. Cotton, Cleop. D. 8, leaf 110; and is as follows:—
Narratio de Quodam Senescallo Sceleroso.
Erat uir quidam Senescallus et placitator, pauperum calumpniator, et
bonorum huiusmodi spoliator. Qui die quadam forum iudiciale causa
contencionis faciende et lucrandi adiuit. Cui quidam obuiauit in itinere
dicens ei: 'Quo uadis, et quid habes officii?' Respondit primus: 'Uado
lucrari.' Et ait secundus: 'Ego tui similis sum. Eamus simul.' Primo
consenciente, dixit secundus ei: 'Quid est lucrum tuum?' Et ille:
'emolumentum pauperum, quamdiu aliquid habent, ut per lites,
contenciones et uexationes, siue iuste siue iniuste. Modo dixi tibi lucrum
meum, unde est. Die mihi, queso, unde est et tuum?' Respondit secundus
dicens: 'Quicquid sub maledictione traditur diabolo, computo mihi pro
lucro.' Risit primus, et derisit secundum, non intelligens quod esset
diabolus.
Page 657
Paulo post cum transirent per ciuitatem, audierunt quemdam pauperem
maledicere cuidam uitulo quem duxit ad uendendum, quia indirecte ibat.
Item audierunt consimilem de muliere fustigante puerum suum. Tunc ait
primus ad secundum: 'Ecce potes lucrari, si uis. Tolle puerum et uitulum.'
Respondit secundus: 'Non possum, quia non maledicunt ex corde.'
Cum uero paululum processissent, pauperes euntes versus iudicium,
uidentes illium Senescallum, ceperunt omnes unanimiter maledictiones in
ipsum ingerere. Et dixit secundus ad primum: 'Audis quid isti dicunt?'
'Audio,' inquit, 'sed nichil ad me.' Et dixit secundus: 'Isti maledicunt ex
corde, et te tradunt diabolo; et ideo meus eris.' Qui statim ipsum arripiens,
cum eo disparuit.
A similar story is printed in a Selection of Latin Stories, edited by Mr. T.
Wright for the Percy Society, vol. viii. p. 70. It is entitled 'De Aduocato et
Diabolo,' and was taken from the printed Promptuarium Exemplorum,
compiled in the early part of the fifteenth century. It is reprinted in the
Originals and Analogues, p. 106, and I here quote Dr. Furnivall's abstract of
it.
'A grasping lawyer, out to gather prey, met the Devil in the form of a man,
and could not get quit of him. A poor man, angry with his perverse pig,
said: "Devil take you!" But as he did not say it from his heart, the Devil
could not take the pig; nor could he a child, to which its mother said: "Devil
take you!" When, however, some townsmen saw the lawyer coming, they
all cried out: "May the Devil take you!" And, as they did it from the bottom
of their hearts, the Devil carried the lawyer off; as his man bore witness.'
This Tale furnishes an admirable example of Chaucer's method; the mere
outline of the story is little altered, but his mode of telling gives it a new
spirit, and quiet touches of humour are abundant throughout.
A modernised version of this Tale, by Jeremiah Markland, was included in
Ogle's 'Canterbury Tales of Chaucer modernized by several hands,'
published by Tonson in 1741. Another such version, by Leigh Hunt, was
maledicere cuidam uitulo quem duxit ad uendendum, quia indirecte ibat.
Item audierunt consimilem de muliere fustigante puerum suum. Tunc ait
primus ad secundum: 'Ecce potes lucrari, si uis. Tolle puerum et uitulum.'
Respondit secundus: 'Non possum, quia non maledicunt ex corde.'
Cum uero paululum processissent, pauperes euntes versus iudicium,
uidentes illium Senescallum, ceperunt omnes unanimiter maledictiones in
ipsum ingerere. Et dixit secundus ad primum: 'Audis quid isti dicunt?'
'Audio,' inquit, 'sed nichil ad me.' Et dixit secundus: 'Isti maledicunt ex
corde, et te tradunt diabolo; et ideo meus eris.' Qui statim ipsum arripiens,
cum eo disparuit.
A similar story is printed in a Selection of Latin Stories, edited by Mr. T.
Wright for the Percy Society, vol. viii. p. 70. It is entitled 'De Aduocato et
Diabolo,' and was taken from the printed Promptuarium Exemplorum,
compiled in the early part of the fifteenth century. It is reprinted in the
Originals and Analogues, p. 106, and I here quote Dr. Furnivall's abstract of
it.
'A grasping lawyer, out to gather prey, met the Devil in the form of a man,
and could not get quit of him. A poor man, angry with his perverse pig,
said: "Devil take you!" But as he did not say it from his heart, the Devil
could not take the pig; nor could he a child, to which its mother said: "Devil
take you!" When, however, some townsmen saw the lawyer coming, they
all cried out: "May the Devil take you!" And, as they did it from the bottom
of their hearts, the Devil carried the lawyer off; as his man bore witness.'
This Tale furnishes an admirable example of Chaucer's method; the mere
outline of the story is little altered, but his mode of telling gives it a new
spirit, and quiet touches of humour are abundant throughout.
A modernised version of this Tale, by Jeremiah Markland, was included in
Ogle's 'Canterbury Tales of Chaucer modernized by several hands,'
published by Tonson in 1741. Another such version, by Leigh Hunt, was
Page 658
included in Horne's 'Poems of Geoffrey Chaucer Modernized,' published in
1841. See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, iii. 190, 217, 223.
§ 61. The Somnour's Prologue. The Freres Tale rouses the Somnour almost
to fury; and he begins by retorting that Friars have a peculiar knowledge of
hell, for obvious reasons; and emphasises his statement by a brief story,
which was probably a current popular joke. He then proceeds with his Tale.
§ 62. The Somnours Tale. The analogous French story was first pointed out
by M. Sandras, in his Étude sur Chaucer, 1859, p. 237. It is entitled Li Dis
de la Vescie a Prestre, the Story of the Priest's Bladder, and was written by
Jakes de Basiu, or Baisieux. It is printed in a collection entitled Fabliaux ou
Contes, Fables et Romans du xiie et du xiiie Siècle, par Legrand D'Aussy;
1829; vol. iv. p. 18 of the Appendix. An analysis of the story, in modern
French, is given at p. 177 of the same.
The Dis is reprinted among the Originals and Analogues, Chaucer Society,
1875, p. 137. I subjoin a very brief outline of it.
A Priest, dwelling near Antwerp, a wise man and a rich, falls ill, and is
about to die. He sends for his dean and his friends, to dispose of his
property. Two Jacobin friars come to visit him and to beg. The Priest
explains that all his property is settled. The friars insist on the merit of
giving to them above all others, and are very importunate. At last, to quiet
them, he tells them he will leave them a jewel for which he would not take a
thousand marks; and their Prior must come next day, to learn where the
jewel is kept.
Next day, five of the friars again visit the Priest, but leave the Prior at home.
The Priest says he will only reveal the secret in the presence of the Sheriffs
and the Mayor, who are duly sent for. On their arrival, the Priest explains all
about the cupidity and importunity of the two friars, and how, in order to
get rid of them, he promised to give them something which he valued very
much. He then reveals the secret, that the jewel is his own bladder; and the
Jacobins retire crest-fallen.
1841. See Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, iii. 190, 217, 223.
§ 61. The Somnour's Prologue. The Freres Tale rouses the Somnour almost
to fury; and he begins by retorting that Friars have a peculiar knowledge of
hell, for obvious reasons; and emphasises his statement by a brief story,
which was probably a current popular joke. He then proceeds with his Tale.
§ 62. The Somnours Tale. The analogous French story was first pointed out
by M. Sandras, in his Étude sur Chaucer, 1859, p. 237. It is entitled Li Dis
de la Vescie a Prestre, the Story of the Priest's Bladder, and was written by
Jakes de Basiu, or Baisieux. It is printed in a collection entitled Fabliaux ou
Contes, Fables et Romans du xiie et du xiiie Siècle, par Legrand D'Aussy;
1829; vol. iv. p. 18 of the Appendix. An analysis of the story, in modern
French, is given at p. 177 of the same.
The Dis is reprinted among the Originals and Analogues, Chaucer Society,
1875, p. 137. I subjoin a very brief outline of it.
A Priest, dwelling near Antwerp, a wise man and a rich, falls ill, and is
about to die. He sends for his dean and his friends, to dispose of his
property. Two Jacobin friars come to visit him and to beg. The Priest
explains that all his property is settled. The friars insist on the merit of
giving to them above all others, and are very importunate. At last, to quiet
them, he tells them he will leave them a jewel for which he would not take a
thousand marks; and their Prior must come next day, to learn where the
jewel is kept.
Next day, five of the friars again visit the Priest, but leave the Prior at home.
The Priest says he will only reveal the secret in the presence of the Sheriffs
and the Mayor, who are duly sent for. On their arrival, the Priest explains all
about the cupidity and importunity of the two friars, and how, in order to
get rid of them, he promised to give them something which he valued very
much. He then reveals the secret, that the jewel is his own bladder; and the
Jacobins retire crest-fallen.
Page 659
In the same volume of Fabliaux ou Contes, p. 184, M. Legrand d'Aussy
says that a somewhat similar story used to be told of the poet Jean de Meun,
who, it was said, left to the Jacobin friars some heavy coffers of treasure,
which were not to be opened till they had duly said a mass for the repose of
his soul. Of course the coffers were filled with pieces of slate.
It is interesting to notice how Chaucer localises the story. He transfers the
scene from Antwerp to Holderness, just as, in the Reves Tale, he boldly
transfers it to Trumpington. The friar satirised in the Tale is clearly an
Englishman, and the whole is rendered definite and vivid.
In 1733, a Mr. Grosvenor wrote a sort of imitation of the Somnours Tale,
under the title of The Whimsical Legacy, as a contribution to Eustace
Budgell's periodical entitled The Bee. It is only a third of the length of the
original. It was reprinted by Ogle, in his Canterbury Tales Modernized, in
1741. The poet Gay wrote another poor imitation, entitled An Answer to the
Sompner's Prologue in Chaucer, printed anonymously in Lintot's
Miscellany, entitled Poems on Several Occasions (1717), p. 147. See
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, iii. 125, 190, 192.
Group E.
says that a somewhat similar story used to be told of the poet Jean de Meun,
who, it was said, left to the Jacobin friars some heavy coffers of treasure,
which were not to be opened till they had duly said a mass for the repose of
his soul. Of course the coffers were filled with pieces of slate.
It is interesting to notice how Chaucer localises the story. He transfers the
scene from Antwerp to Holderness, just as, in the Reves Tale, he boldly
transfers it to Trumpington. The friar satirised in the Tale is clearly an
Englishman, and the whole is rendered definite and vivid.
In 1733, a Mr. Grosvenor wrote a sort of imitation of the Somnours Tale,
under the title of The Whimsical Legacy, as a contribution to Eustace
Budgell's periodical entitled The Bee. It is only a third of the length of the
original. It was reprinted by Ogle, in his Canterbury Tales Modernized, in
1741. The poet Gay wrote another poor imitation, entitled An Answer to the
Sompner's Prologue in Chaucer, printed anonymously in Lintot's
Miscellany, entitled Poems on Several Occasions (1717), p. 147. See
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, iii. 125, 190, 192.
Group E.
Page 660
§ 63. The Clerk's Prologue. This begins a new Group of Tales. There is
nothing to connect this Prologue with any of the rest of the Tales. It usually
follows the Somnours Tale, as in most MSS. and in the early editions.
The Prologue, in the usual riming couplets, is evidently later than the Tale,
and was supplied at the time of revision. It contains an interesting allusion
to Petrarch, whose death took place in July, 1374; see remarks upon the Tale
itself below. The latter part of the Prologue describes briefly the contents of
the Latin Proem prefixed to Petrarch's tale.
§ 64. The Clerkes Tale. Of this tale, the main part is a rather close
translation from Petrarch's De obedientia et fide uxoriâ Mythologia, as
explained in the Notes; and it must be added that Petrarch had it from
Boccaccio. It is the very last tale—the tenth tale of the tenth day—in the
Decamerone, written shortly after the year 1348. Whether Boccaccio
invented it or not can hardly be determined; for an expression of Petrarch,
to the effect that he had heard it 'many years' (multos annos) before 1373, is
not at all decisive on this point, as he may easily have heard it twenty years
before then, even though he had never before read the Decamerone, as he
himself asserts. There has been some unnecessary mystification about the
matter. Tyrwhitt wonders why Chaucer should have owned an obligation to
Petrarch rather than to Boccaccio; but a very cursory examination shews the
now undoubted fact, that Chaucer follows Petrarch almost word for word in
many passages, though Petrarch by no means closely follows Boccaccio. In
fact, ll. 41-55 settle the matter. The date of Petrarch's version, though a little
uncertain, seems to have been 1373; and Chaucer himself tells us that he
met Petrarch at Padua[134]. We may therefore readily adopt Dr. Furnivall's
suggestion, that 'during his Italian embassy in 1373, Chaucer may have met
Petrarch.' Only let us suppose for a moment that Chaucer himself knew
best, that he is not intentionally and unnecessarily inventing his statements,
and all difficulty vanishes. We know that Chaucer was absent from England
on the king's business, visiting Florence and Genoa, from December 1,
1372, till some time before November 22, 1373. We know that Petrarch's
letter to Boccaccio, really forming a preface to the tale of Griselda, and
therefore written shortly after he had made his version of it, is dated in
some copies June 8, 1373, though in other copies no date appears. And we
know that Petrarch, on his own shewing, was so pleased with the story of
nothing to connect this Prologue with any of the rest of the Tales. It usually
follows the Somnours Tale, as in most MSS. and in the early editions.
The Prologue, in the usual riming couplets, is evidently later than the Tale,
and was supplied at the time of revision. It contains an interesting allusion
to Petrarch, whose death took place in July, 1374; see remarks upon the Tale
itself below. The latter part of the Prologue describes briefly the contents of
the Latin Proem prefixed to Petrarch's tale.
§ 64. The Clerkes Tale. Of this tale, the main part is a rather close
translation from Petrarch's De obedientia et fide uxoriâ Mythologia, as
explained in the Notes; and it must be added that Petrarch had it from
Boccaccio. It is the very last tale—the tenth tale of the tenth day—in the
Decamerone, written shortly after the year 1348. Whether Boccaccio
invented it or not can hardly be determined; for an expression of Petrarch,
to the effect that he had heard it 'many years' (multos annos) before 1373, is
not at all decisive on this point, as he may easily have heard it twenty years
before then, even though he had never before read the Decamerone, as he
himself asserts. There has been some unnecessary mystification about the
matter. Tyrwhitt wonders why Chaucer should have owned an obligation to
Petrarch rather than to Boccaccio; but a very cursory examination shews the
now undoubted fact, that Chaucer follows Petrarch almost word for word in
many passages, though Petrarch by no means closely follows Boccaccio. In
fact, ll. 41-55 settle the matter. The date of Petrarch's version, though a little
uncertain, seems to have been 1373; and Chaucer himself tells us that he
met Petrarch at Padua[134]. We may therefore readily adopt Dr. Furnivall's
suggestion, that 'during his Italian embassy in 1373, Chaucer may have met
Petrarch.' Only let us suppose for a moment that Chaucer himself knew
best, that he is not intentionally and unnecessarily inventing his statements,
and all difficulty vanishes. We know that Chaucer was absent from England
on the king's business, visiting Florence and Genoa, from December 1,
1372, till some time before November 22, 1373. We know that Petrarch's
letter to Boccaccio, really forming a preface to the tale of Griselda, and
therefore written shortly after he had made his version of it, is dated in
some copies June 8, 1373, though in other copies no date appears. And we
know that Petrarch, on his own shewing, was so pleased with the story of
Page 661
Griselda that he learnt it by heart as well as he could, for the express
purpose of repeating it to friends, before the idea of turning it into Latin
occurred to him. Whence we may conclude that Chaucer and Petrarch met
at Padua early in 1373; that Petrarch told Chaucer the story by word of
mouth, either in Italian or French[135]; and that Chaucer shortly after
obtained a copy of Petrarch's Latin version, which he kept constantly before
him whilst making his own translation[136]. At this rate, the main part of the
Clerk's Tale was probably written in 1373 or early in 1374[137], and required
but little revision to make it suitable for one of the tales of the Canterbury
series. The test of metre likewise suggests that it was probably one of his
early works. The closeness of the translation also proves the same point.
Chaucer, in his revised version, adds the Prologue, containing an allusion to
Petrarch's death (which took place in 1374), and eulogises the great Italian
writer according to his desert. At the end of the translation, which
terminates with l. 1162, he adds two new stanzas, and the Envoy. The
lateness of this (undramatic) addition is proved at once by the whole tone of
it, and, in particular, by the mention of the Wife of Bath in l. 1170. The
Envoy is a marvel of rhythm, since, though it consists of thirty-six lines, it
contains but three rime-endings, viz. -ence, -aille, and -inde. Besides this
addition, there is yet one more, in the middle of the tale, viz. the two stanzas
in ll. 995-1008, as pointed out in the Notes; they are conspicuous for their
excellence.
The story of Griselda, as told by Boccaccio, together with Petrarch's Latin
version of it, and the letter of Petrarch to Boccaccio concerning it, are all
reprinted in the 'Originals and Analogues of some of Chaucer's Canterbury
Tales,' Part II, published for the Chaucer Society, and dated (in advance)
1875. Were any additional proof needed that Chaucer had Petrarch's version
before him, it is supplied by the fact that numerous quotations from that
version are actually written in the margins of the pages of the Ellesmere and
Hengwrt MSS., each in its proper place. All the passages that are made
clearer by a comparison with the Latin text are duly considered in the
Notes. Speaking of the story of Griselda, Warton remarks that it 'soon
became so popular in France, that the comedians of Paris represented a
mystery in French verse, entitled Le mystere de Griselidis Marquis[e] de
Saluces, in the year 1393. Before, or in the same year, the French prose
version in Le Ménagier de Paris was composed, and there is an entirely
purpose of repeating it to friends, before the idea of turning it into Latin
occurred to him. Whence we may conclude that Chaucer and Petrarch met
at Padua early in 1373; that Petrarch told Chaucer the story by word of
mouth, either in Italian or French[135]; and that Chaucer shortly after
obtained a copy of Petrarch's Latin version, which he kept constantly before
him whilst making his own translation[136]. At this rate, the main part of the
Clerk's Tale was probably written in 1373 or early in 1374[137], and required
but little revision to make it suitable for one of the tales of the Canterbury
series. The test of metre likewise suggests that it was probably one of his
early works. The closeness of the translation also proves the same point.
Chaucer, in his revised version, adds the Prologue, containing an allusion to
Petrarch's death (which took place in 1374), and eulogises the great Italian
writer according to his desert. At the end of the translation, which
terminates with l. 1162, he adds two new stanzas, and the Envoy. The
lateness of this (undramatic) addition is proved at once by the whole tone of
it, and, in particular, by the mention of the Wife of Bath in l. 1170. The
Envoy is a marvel of rhythm, since, though it consists of thirty-six lines, it
contains but three rime-endings, viz. -ence, -aille, and -inde. Besides this
addition, there is yet one more, in the middle of the tale, viz. the two stanzas
in ll. 995-1008, as pointed out in the Notes; they are conspicuous for their
excellence.
The story of Griselda, as told by Boccaccio, together with Petrarch's Latin
version of it, and the letter of Petrarch to Boccaccio concerning it, are all
reprinted in the 'Originals and Analogues of some of Chaucer's Canterbury
Tales,' Part II, published for the Chaucer Society, and dated (in advance)
1875. Were any additional proof needed that Chaucer had Petrarch's version
before him, it is supplied by the fact that numerous quotations from that
version are actually written in the margins of the pages of the Ellesmere and
Hengwrt MSS., each in its proper place. All the passages that are made
clearer by a comparison with the Latin text are duly considered in the
Notes. Speaking of the story of Griselda, Warton remarks that it 'soon
became so popular in France, that the comedians of Paris represented a
mystery in French verse, entitled Le mystere de Griselidis Marquis[e] de
Saluces, in the year 1393. Before, or in the same year, the French prose
version in Le Ménagier de Paris was composed, and there is an entirely
Page 662
different version in the Imperial library. Lydgate, almost Chaucer's
contemporary, in his poem entitled the Temple of Glass, among the
celebrated lovers painted on the walls of the Temple, mentions Dido, Medea
and Jason, Penelope, Alcestis, Patient Griselda[138], Belle Isoulde and Sir
Tristram, Pyramus and Thisbe, Theseus, Lucretia, Canace, Palamon, and
Emilia.' Elsewhere Warton remarks (Hist. Eng. Poetry, ed. Hazlitt, iv. 229,
note 3) that 'the affecting story of Patient Grisild seems to have long kept
up its celebrity. In the books of the Stationers, in 1565, Owen Rogers has a
licence to print "a Ballat intituled the Songe of Pacyent Gressell vnto hyr
make" [husband]; Registr. A. fol. 132, b. Two ballads are entered in 1565,
"to the tune of pacyente Gressell"; ibid. fol. 135, a. In the same year T.
Colwell has licence to print The History of meke and pacyent Gresell; ibid.
fol. 139, a. Instances occur much lower.' See also Hazlitt's Handbook of
Early English Literature.
In Originals and Analogues, published by the Chaucer Society, 1887, p.
527, there is an article by Mr. Clouston giving an abstract of an Early
French version of this story which was printed in Le Grand's Fabliaux ou
Contes, du XIIIe et du XIIIIe siècle, ed. 1781, tome ii. 232-252. Mr.
Clouston draws the conclusion that both the Latin version in Petrarch and
the Italian version in Boccaccio were taken from a common source closely
resembling this Early French fabliau. 'The differences,' he observes,
'between the French and Latin versions are few and immaterial. As Petrarch
plainly states that he was familiar with the tale long before he had read it in
the Decameron, we may, I think, safely conclude that he knew it from a
fabliau, which was probably also the source of Boccaccio's novel.'
Similar tales are not common in Asiatic literature; but 'in the earlier
literature of India,' says Mr. Clouston, 'before it could be affected by baleful
Muslim notions regarding women, there occur several notable tales of
faithful, virtuous, obedient wives.' One is the tale of a queen, as given in the
Kathá Sárit Ságara (Tawney's translation, vol. i. p. 355); see the abstract by
Mr. Clouston. Another faithful wife appears in Sitá, the spouse of Ráma, in
the great Hindú epic, the Rámayana; and again, in Damayanti, wife of Nala,
in the beautiful episode called the Tale of Nala, in the great poem entitled
the Mahábhárata.
contemporary, in his poem entitled the Temple of Glass, among the
celebrated lovers painted on the walls of the Temple, mentions Dido, Medea
and Jason, Penelope, Alcestis, Patient Griselda[138], Belle Isoulde and Sir
Tristram, Pyramus and Thisbe, Theseus, Lucretia, Canace, Palamon, and
Emilia.' Elsewhere Warton remarks (Hist. Eng. Poetry, ed. Hazlitt, iv. 229,
note 3) that 'the affecting story of Patient Grisild seems to have long kept
up its celebrity. In the books of the Stationers, in 1565, Owen Rogers has a
licence to print "a Ballat intituled the Songe of Pacyent Gressell vnto hyr
make" [husband]; Registr. A. fol. 132, b. Two ballads are entered in 1565,
"to the tune of pacyente Gressell"; ibid. fol. 135, a. In the same year T.
Colwell has licence to print The History of meke and pacyent Gresell; ibid.
fol. 139, a. Instances occur much lower.' See also Hazlitt's Handbook of
Early English Literature.
In Originals and Analogues, published by the Chaucer Society, 1887, p.
527, there is an article by Mr. Clouston giving an abstract of an Early
French version of this story which was printed in Le Grand's Fabliaux ou
Contes, du XIIIe et du XIIIIe siècle, ed. 1781, tome ii. 232-252. Mr.
Clouston draws the conclusion that both the Latin version in Petrarch and
the Italian version in Boccaccio were taken from a common source closely
resembling this Early French fabliau. 'The differences,' he observes,
'between the French and Latin versions are few and immaterial. As Petrarch
plainly states that he was familiar with the tale long before he had read it in
the Decameron, we may, I think, safely conclude that he knew it from a
fabliau, which was probably also the source of Boccaccio's novel.'
Similar tales are not common in Asiatic literature; but 'in the earlier
literature of India,' says Mr. Clouston, 'before it could be affected by baleful
Muslim notions regarding women, there occur several notable tales of
faithful, virtuous, obedient wives.' One is the tale of a queen, as given in the
Kathá Sárit Ságara (Tawney's translation, vol. i. p. 355); see the abstract by
Mr. Clouston. Another faithful wife appears in Sitá, the spouse of Ráma, in
the great Hindú epic, the Rámayana; and again, in Damayanti, wife of Nala,
in the beautiful episode called the Tale of Nala, in the great poem entitled
the Mahábhárata.
Page 663
Two English versions of the Tale of Griselda are printed in vol. iii. of the
Percy Society's publications. One is in prose, dated 1610, and is said to
have been 'written first in French'; the other, in ballad form, is said to be
'translated out of Italian.'
There is a ballad called 'Patient Grissell,' in the Percy Folio MS., ed. Hales
and Furnivall, iii. 421; and there is one by Thomas Deloney in Professor
Child's English and Scottish Ballads, vol. iv. Professor Child remarks that
'two plays upon the subject are known to have been written, one of which
(by Dekker, Chettle, and Haughton) has been printed by the Shakespeare
Society, while the other, an older production of the close of Henry VIII's
reign, is lost.' Pepys refers to the 'puppet-play' of Patient Grizell in his
Diary, Aug. 30, 1667. Butler, in his Hudibras (pt. i. c. 2. 772), couples
Grizel with Job.
In Italy the story is so common that it is still often acted in marionette
theatres; it is to be had, moreover, in common chap-books, and a series of
cheap pictures representing various scenes in it may often be seen
decorating cottage-walls. (Notes and Queries, 5th S. i. 105, 255). The same
thing was done in England.
We in the country do not scorn
Our walls with ballads to adorn
Of patient Grissel and the Lord of
Lorn.'
Ritson's Ancient Songs, i.
xcviii.
Several scenes of the tale are well exhibited in an excellent picture by
Pinturicchio, in the National Gallery (London).
For remarks upon the conduct of the tale and the character of the heroine,
see Prof. Hales's criticisms in the Percy Folio MS., iii. 421, and in Originals
and Analogues of Chaucer, Part II, pp. 173-176. There are also a few good
remarks on it in Canterbury Tales from Chaucer, by J. Saunders, ed. 1889,
p. 308, where the author points out that, as the Marquis was Griselda's
Percy Society's publications. One is in prose, dated 1610, and is said to
have been 'written first in French'; the other, in ballad form, is said to be
'translated out of Italian.'
There is a ballad called 'Patient Grissell,' in the Percy Folio MS., ed. Hales
and Furnivall, iii. 421; and there is one by Thomas Deloney in Professor
Child's English and Scottish Ballads, vol. iv. Professor Child remarks that
'two plays upon the subject are known to have been written, one of which
(by Dekker, Chettle, and Haughton) has been printed by the Shakespeare
Society, while the other, an older production of the close of Henry VIII's
reign, is lost.' Pepys refers to the 'puppet-play' of Patient Grizell in his
Diary, Aug. 30, 1667. Butler, in his Hudibras (pt. i. c. 2. 772), couples
Grizel with Job.
In Italy the story is so common that it is still often acted in marionette
theatres; it is to be had, moreover, in common chap-books, and a series of
cheap pictures representing various scenes in it may often be seen
decorating cottage-walls. (Notes and Queries, 5th S. i. 105, 255). The same
thing was done in England.
We in the country do not scorn
Our walls with ballads to adorn
Of patient Grissel and the Lord of
Lorn.'
Ritson's Ancient Songs, i.
xcviii.
Several scenes of the tale are well exhibited in an excellent picture by
Pinturicchio, in the National Gallery (London).
For remarks upon the conduct of the tale and the character of the heroine,
see Prof. Hales's criticisms in the Percy Folio MS., iii. 421, and in Originals
and Analogues of Chaucer, Part II, pp. 173-176. There are also a few good
remarks on it in Canterbury Tales from Chaucer, by J. Saunders, ed. 1889,
p. 308, where the author points out that, as the Marquis was Griselda's
Page 664
feudal lord, she could but say 'yes' when asked to marry him, the asking
being a mere form; and that the spirit of chivalry appears in her devotion of
herself to his every wish.
§ 65. The Merchant's Prologue. It seems to have been Chaucer's first
intention to end the Clerkes Tale at l. 1163. He then began writing a new
Prologue, but only finished one stanza of it. This stanza is given in the
footnote at p. 424 of vol. iv.[139] He then changed his mind, rejected this
stanza, and wrote (instead of it) the late addition to the Clerkes Tale given
on pp. 424-5, lines 1163-1212. The last line (l. 1212) ends with—'care, and
wepe, and wringe, and waille.' Then, with reference to this line, he makes
the Merchant's Prologue begin with the words 'Weping, and wayling, care,'
&c. In this way, the Clerkes Tale and that of the Marchant are indissolubly
connected, as in the Ellesmere MS. and most others. There is, however, one
set of MSS. which disconnects these Tales, as explained in the Introduction
to vol. iv. p. xxiii. This is the set there marked D. Unfortunately, Thynne
followed a MS. of this class, in which the worst arrangement of the Tales
occurs. Hence in all the black-letter editions, the Tales are sadly out of
order, and the Clerkes Tale is wrongly followed by that of the Frankeleyn.
This causes a breaking up of Group F as well as of Group E, the Squieres
Tale being followed by that of the Marchant, as noted in § 69 below.
The close connexion between this Prologue and the preceding Tale is
further seen in the whole tenor of ll. 1213-39; note particularly the express
mention of Grisildis in l. 1224.
In consequence of their dislocation of the order of the Tales, the black-letter
editions substitute the word Marchant for Frankeleyn in F 675 and 696, and
even alter the ending of F 699, viz. 'quod the frankeleyn,' into 'quod the
marchant certeyn,' a forced alteration which is obviously spurious. They
then place F 673-708 before E 1213; which is an extremely clumsy
arrangement. Tyrwhitt put this matter right in his edition, being here guided
by the authority of the majority of the MSS.
§ 66. The Marchantes Tale. This Tale is certainly a late addition. Dr.
Köppel has shewn[140] that several lines in this Tale are imitated from
being a mere form; and that the spirit of chivalry appears in her devotion of
herself to his every wish.
§ 65. The Merchant's Prologue. It seems to have been Chaucer's first
intention to end the Clerkes Tale at l. 1163. He then began writing a new
Prologue, but only finished one stanza of it. This stanza is given in the
footnote at p. 424 of vol. iv.[139] He then changed his mind, rejected this
stanza, and wrote (instead of it) the late addition to the Clerkes Tale given
on pp. 424-5, lines 1163-1212. The last line (l. 1212) ends with—'care, and
wepe, and wringe, and waille.' Then, with reference to this line, he makes
the Merchant's Prologue begin with the words 'Weping, and wayling, care,'
&c. In this way, the Clerkes Tale and that of the Marchant are indissolubly
connected, as in the Ellesmere MS. and most others. There is, however, one
set of MSS. which disconnects these Tales, as explained in the Introduction
to vol. iv. p. xxiii. This is the set there marked D. Unfortunately, Thynne
followed a MS. of this class, in which the worst arrangement of the Tales
occurs. Hence in all the black-letter editions, the Tales are sadly out of
order, and the Clerkes Tale is wrongly followed by that of the Frankeleyn.
This causes a breaking up of Group F as well as of Group E, the Squieres
Tale being followed by that of the Marchant, as noted in § 69 below.
The close connexion between this Prologue and the preceding Tale is
further seen in the whole tenor of ll. 1213-39; note particularly the express
mention of Grisildis in l. 1224.
In consequence of their dislocation of the order of the Tales, the black-letter
editions substitute the word Marchant for Frankeleyn in F 675 and 696, and
even alter the ending of F 699, viz. 'quod the frankeleyn,' into 'quod the
marchant certeyn,' a forced alteration which is obviously spurious. They
then place F 673-708 before E 1213; which is an extremely clumsy
arrangement. Tyrwhitt put this matter right in his edition, being here guided
by the authority of the majority of the MSS.
§ 66. The Marchantes Tale. This Tale is certainly a late addition. Dr.
Köppel has shewn[140] that several lines in this Tale are imitated from
Page 665
Albertano of Brescia, so that it becomes clear that the Tale of Melibeus
(which is little else than a translation from that author) had already been
written before the Marchantes Tale was begun. This easily appears by
comparing the following passages: (a) E 1362-1374 with B 2287-91, where
Jacob, Judith, Abigail, and Hester are mentioned, in both passages, in the
same order: (b) E 1483-6 with B 2193: (c) E 2246-8 with B 2247, and E
2250 with B 2249: (d) E 2277-81 and 2286-90 with B 2266-70: (e) E 2365
with B 2167. Moreover, in two instances at least, Chaucer follows the Latin
text of Albertano even where there is no corresponding passage in the Tale
of Melibeus. Thus, in E 1373, there is mention of Mardochee; but he is not
named in B 2291. However, the Latin text has: 'Simili modo et Hester
Iudaeos per suum bonum consilium simul cum Mardochaeo, in regno
Assueri regis, sublimauit'; cap. v. (ed. T. Sundby, p. 17). Again, the lines E
1375-6 do not appear after B 2298 (their proper place), but only occur in the
Latin text: 'Quartam uero rationem ad hoc inducit Seneca, commendans
super omnia benignas coniuges; ait enim: Sicut nihil est superius benigna
coniuge, ita nihil est crudelius infesta muliere'; (p. 18).
Dr. Köppel has further pointed out, in the same article, that Chaucer has
also introduced into this Tale some quotations from another work by
Albertano, entitled Liber de amore et dilectione Dei; for examples, see the
Notes. Moreover, this Tale also exhibits quotations from Boethius, as, e.g.
in E 2021-2, for which see Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 2. 55; and, in one passage, E
1582, we find a reminiscence both of Boethius, bk. v. met. 4. 8, and of
Troilus, i. 365. But, beyond all this, there is the somewhat extraordinary
reference to the Wife of Bath's Prologue in E 1685, where we are told that
she had already discussed the question of marriage 'in litel space.' This
shews at once, past all doubt, that the Marchantes Tale was not only written
later than Melibeus, Boethius, and Troilus; but even later than the highly
mature performance written in the Wife's name, as the result of her wide
experience.
The Tale practically consists of three parts. The first part (E 1245-1688) is a
discourse upon marriage, somewhat in the style of the Wife of Bath's
Prologue, but treating it from a more favourable point of view, with the
addition of some hints from Albertano of Brescia. The second part describes
the wedding of January and May, and the love-languor of Damian (E 1689-
(which is little else than a translation from that author) had already been
written before the Marchantes Tale was begun. This easily appears by
comparing the following passages: (a) E 1362-1374 with B 2287-91, where
Jacob, Judith, Abigail, and Hester are mentioned, in both passages, in the
same order: (b) E 1483-6 with B 2193: (c) E 2246-8 with B 2247, and E
2250 with B 2249: (d) E 2277-81 and 2286-90 with B 2266-70: (e) E 2365
with B 2167. Moreover, in two instances at least, Chaucer follows the Latin
text of Albertano even where there is no corresponding passage in the Tale
of Melibeus. Thus, in E 1373, there is mention of Mardochee; but he is not
named in B 2291. However, the Latin text has: 'Simili modo et Hester
Iudaeos per suum bonum consilium simul cum Mardochaeo, in regno
Assueri regis, sublimauit'; cap. v. (ed. T. Sundby, p. 17). Again, the lines E
1375-6 do not appear after B 2298 (their proper place), but only occur in the
Latin text: 'Quartam uero rationem ad hoc inducit Seneca, commendans
super omnia benignas coniuges; ait enim: Sicut nihil est superius benigna
coniuge, ita nihil est crudelius infesta muliere'; (p. 18).
Dr. Köppel has further pointed out, in the same article, that Chaucer has
also introduced into this Tale some quotations from another work by
Albertano, entitled Liber de amore et dilectione Dei; for examples, see the
Notes. Moreover, this Tale also exhibits quotations from Boethius, as, e.g.
in E 2021-2, for which see Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 2. 55; and, in one passage, E
1582, we find a reminiscence both of Boethius, bk. v. met. 4. 8, and of
Troilus, i. 365. But, beyond all this, there is the somewhat extraordinary
reference to the Wife of Bath's Prologue in E 1685, where we are told that
she had already discussed the question of marriage 'in litel space.' This
shews at once, past all doubt, that the Marchantes Tale was not only written
later than Melibeus, Boethius, and Troilus; but even later than the highly
mature performance written in the Wife's name, as the result of her wide
experience.
The Tale practically consists of three parts. The first part (E 1245-1688) is a
discourse upon marriage, somewhat in the style of the Wife of Bath's
Prologue, but treating it from a more favourable point of view, with the
addition of some hints from Albertano of Brescia. The second part describes
the wedding of January and May, and the love-languor of Damian (E 1689-
Page 666
2056). The third part describes how January became blind, and the means
whereby he was restored to sight (E 2057-2418). The last part has several
analogues, and is, in fact, founded on a story once widely current. For a full
account of this story, see Originals and Analogues, Chaucer Society, pp. 177
and 341. Chaucer probably took the outline of his story from some French
or Latin source. Tyrwhitt says:—'The scene of the Marchantes Tale is laid in
Italy, but none of the names, except Damian and Justin, seem to be Italian,
but rather made at pleasure; so that I doubt whether the story be really of
Italian growth. The adventure of the Pear-tree I find in a small collection of
Latin fables, written by one Adolphus, in elegiac verses of his fashion, in
the year 1315. The same story is inserted among the Fables of Alphonse,
printed by Caxton in English, with those of Æsop, Avian, and Pogge,
without date; but I do not find it in the original Latin of Alphonsus (MS.
Bibl. Reg. 10 B xii), or in any of the French translations of his work that I
have examined.'
Five 'Pear-tree' stories are printed in the Originals and Analogues. The first
is the fable of Adolphus, above mentioned. It is the first fable in Adolphi
Fabulae, printed in Polycarpi Leyseri Historia Poetarum et Poematum
Medii Ævi: Halae Magdelburgiae, 1721, p. 2008. It consists of thirty-six
elegiac lines, and tells how a blind man's wife ascended a pear-tree in which
her lover was hidden; whereupon the blind man's sight was suddenly
restored, and she explains that the cure was due to her contrivance. Another
very similar story occurs in an Appendix to the Latin editions of Æsop's
Fables printed in the fifteenth century, and was reprinted by Wright in his
'Latin Stories,' for the Percy Society, 1842, p. 78. This is the same story, or
nearly so, as the fable of Alphonsus which Tyrwhitt failed to find, and is
written in prose. The English version (as Tyrwhitt says) was printed by
Caxton in 1483, in The Book of the subtyl hystoryes and Fables of
Esope[141], at leaf 132. The title runs, 'The xii fable is of a blynd man and of
hys wyf.'
A third Latin 'Pear-tree' story occurs in the Comoedia Lydiae, by Matthieu
de Vendôme, and was printed from a MS. at Vienna, in Anecdota Poetica,
&c.: Poésies Inédites du moyen áge; par Edélestand du Méril; 1854, p. 370.
This is in seventy-two elegiac lines, and gives names to the personages
mentioned. The husband and wife are Duke Decius and Lydia; her lover is
whereby he was restored to sight (E 2057-2418). The last part has several
analogues, and is, in fact, founded on a story once widely current. For a full
account of this story, see Originals and Analogues, Chaucer Society, pp. 177
and 341. Chaucer probably took the outline of his story from some French
or Latin source. Tyrwhitt says:—'The scene of the Marchantes Tale is laid in
Italy, but none of the names, except Damian and Justin, seem to be Italian,
but rather made at pleasure; so that I doubt whether the story be really of
Italian growth. The adventure of the Pear-tree I find in a small collection of
Latin fables, written by one Adolphus, in elegiac verses of his fashion, in
the year 1315. The same story is inserted among the Fables of Alphonse,
printed by Caxton in English, with those of Æsop, Avian, and Pogge,
without date; but I do not find it in the original Latin of Alphonsus (MS.
Bibl. Reg. 10 B xii), or in any of the French translations of his work that I
have examined.'
Five 'Pear-tree' stories are printed in the Originals and Analogues. The first
is the fable of Adolphus, above mentioned. It is the first fable in Adolphi
Fabulae, printed in Polycarpi Leyseri Historia Poetarum et Poematum
Medii Ævi: Halae Magdelburgiae, 1721, p. 2008. It consists of thirty-six
elegiac lines, and tells how a blind man's wife ascended a pear-tree in which
her lover was hidden; whereupon the blind man's sight was suddenly
restored, and she explains that the cure was due to her contrivance. Another
very similar story occurs in an Appendix to the Latin editions of Æsop's
Fables printed in the fifteenth century, and was reprinted by Wright in his
'Latin Stories,' for the Percy Society, 1842, p. 78. This is the same story, or
nearly so, as the fable of Alphonsus which Tyrwhitt failed to find, and is
written in prose. The English version (as Tyrwhitt says) was printed by
Caxton in 1483, in The Book of the subtyl hystoryes and Fables of
Esope[141], at leaf 132. The title runs, 'The xii fable is of a blynd man and of
hys wyf.'
A third Latin 'Pear-tree' story occurs in the Comoedia Lydiae, by Matthieu
de Vendôme, and was printed from a MS. at Vienna, in Anecdota Poetica,
&c.: Poésies Inédites du moyen áge; par Edélestand du Méril; 1854, p. 370.
This is in seventy-two elegiac lines, and gives names to the personages
mentioned. The husband and wife are Duke Decius and Lydia; her lover is
Page 667
Pyrrhus, and her maid is Lusca. Hence it is evidently the source of the
similar story in Boccaccio's Decamerone, Day 7, Nov. 9, in which the
husband and wife are Nicostratus and Lydia, and the lover is Pyrrhus, as
before. In this third version of the story the husband is not blind, but the
pear-tree is supposed to be enchanted, and to cause false illusions to appear.
In the same Originals and Analogues, at p. 343, Mr. Clouston has collected
several Asiatic stories of a similar character, including one in the Bahár-i
Dánush, or Spring of Knowledge; a Turkish Version in the romance of The
Forty Vazírs, about an enchanted tree which is supposed to cause illusions;
and an Arabian Version found in the Breslau printed text of the Arabian
Nights, ed. Habicht and Fleischer, and printed in English in Tales from the
Arabic, by John Payne (London, printed for the Villon Society, 1884), vol. i.
p. 270. Of a similar type is the story of The Officious Father-in-Law,
occurring in the Persian Sindibád Náma (second tale of the Fifth Vazír), in
the Túti Náma (eighth night, story of the Fifth Vazír), and in the Sanskrit
Suka Saptati (fifteenth night). A similar story to that in the Bahár-i Dánush
is current in Ceylon; and a translation of it is given in the Orientalist, vol. ii.
(1885), p. 148, reprinted by Mr. Clouston. Other examples are added,
which, however, bear but a remote resemblance to the Tale in Chaucer.
I may add that I find a French variant of the story in the Poésies de Marie de
France, ed. Roquefort, Paris, 1820; 2 vols. It is the fortieth Fable in that
work, and is headed, 'Dou vileins qui vit un autre Hom od sa femme.' But
this version omits the husband's blindness and the pear-tree, and merely
says that a thing is not necessarily true because you see it. In conclusion,
Mr. Clouston says:—'The model of both Boccaccio's and Chaucer's tales
seems to have been the version found in the Comoedia Lydiae, or one
similar to it. The story may perhaps exist in some of the great medieval
monkish collections of sermons, or of exempla designed for the use of
preachers, such as the Sermones of Jacques de Vitry; the Liber de Donis of
Étienne de Bourbon; the Promptuarium Exemplorum of John Herolt; the
Summa Praedicantium of John Bromyard. In the absence of any Eastern
version representing the cuckolded husband as being blind and having his
sight miraculously restored to discover himself dishonoured, we must
conclude that this form of the story is of European invention. It is needless
similar story in Boccaccio's Decamerone, Day 7, Nov. 9, in which the
husband and wife are Nicostratus and Lydia, and the lover is Pyrrhus, as
before. In this third version of the story the husband is not blind, but the
pear-tree is supposed to be enchanted, and to cause false illusions to appear.
In the same Originals and Analogues, at p. 343, Mr. Clouston has collected
several Asiatic stories of a similar character, including one in the Bahár-i
Dánush, or Spring of Knowledge; a Turkish Version in the romance of The
Forty Vazírs, about an enchanted tree which is supposed to cause illusions;
and an Arabian Version found in the Breslau printed text of the Arabian
Nights, ed. Habicht and Fleischer, and printed in English in Tales from the
Arabic, by John Payne (London, printed for the Villon Society, 1884), vol. i.
p. 270. Of a similar type is the story of The Officious Father-in-Law,
occurring in the Persian Sindibád Náma (second tale of the Fifth Vazír), in
the Túti Náma (eighth night, story of the Fifth Vazír), and in the Sanskrit
Suka Saptati (fifteenth night). A similar story to that in the Bahár-i Dánush
is current in Ceylon; and a translation of it is given in the Orientalist, vol. ii.
(1885), p. 148, reprinted by Mr. Clouston. Other examples are added,
which, however, bear but a remote resemblance to the Tale in Chaucer.
I may add that I find a French variant of the story in the Poésies de Marie de
France, ed. Roquefort, Paris, 1820; 2 vols. It is the fortieth Fable in that
work, and is headed, 'Dou vileins qui vit un autre Hom od sa femme.' But
this version omits the husband's blindness and the pear-tree, and merely
says that a thing is not necessarily true because you see it. In conclusion,
Mr. Clouston says:—'The model of both Boccaccio's and Chaucer's tales
seems to have been the version found in the Comoedia Lydiae, or one
similar to it. The story may perhaps exist in some of the great medieval
monkish collections of sermons, or of exempla designed for the use of
preachers, such as the Sermones of Jacques de Vitry; the Liber de Donis of
Étienne de Bourbon; the Promptuarium Exemplorum of John Herolt; the
Summa Praedicantium of John Bromyard. In the absence of any Eastern
version representing the cuckolded husband as being blind and having his
sight miraculously restored to discover himself dishonoured, we must
conclude that this form of the story is of European invention. It is needless
Page 668
to add that Chaucer's tale of January and May is incomparably the best-told
of all the versions, whether Asiatic or European.'
One peculiarity of this Tale requires further notice, viz. the mention of
Pluto. As to this, Tyrwhitt well remarks—'The machinery of the Faeries,
which Chaucer has used so happily, was probably added by himself; and
indeed I cannot help thinking, that his Pluto and Proserpina were the true
progenitors of Oberon and Titania.... In the rest of his Faery system,
Shakespeare seems to have followed the popular superstitions of his own
time.'
Group F.
§ 67. The Squire's Prologue. Ten Brink assumes that Groups E and F
constitute but one Group; for which there is no certain evidence. Many
MSS., including Pt., make the Wife's Tale follow the Marchantes Tale; and
there is nothing in the text itself to shew that the Epilogue to the
Marchantes Tale is inseparably connected with the Squire's Prologue.
Nevertheless, many good MSS., including E., write that Epilogue and the
Squire's Prologue continuously, and E. prefixes to the Epilogue a rubric
—'The Prologe of the Squieres Tale'; see vol. iv. p. 460, footnote. The
easiest way out of the difficulty is to adopt the arrangement in the Six-text
edition, which separates Group E from Group F as to the numbering of the
lines, but makes F follow E immediately.
The black-letter editions omit E 2419-2440 and F 1-8 altogether; so that
Tyrwhitt was the first to print these lines. He says: 'The Prologue to the
Squieres Tale [by which he means E 2419-40 and F 1-8] appears now for
the first time in print. Why it has been omitted by all former editors I cannot
guess, except, perhaps, because it did not suit with the place which, for
reasons best known to themselves, they were determined to assign to the
Squieres Tale, that is, after the Man of Lawes and before the
Marchantes[142]. I have chosen rather to follow the MSS. of the best
authority in placing the Squieres Tale after the Marchantes, and in
connecting them together by this Prologue, agreeably, as I am persuaded, to
Chaucer's intention. The lines which have been usually printed by way of
of all the versions, whether Asiatic or European.'
One peculiarity of this Tale requires further notice, viz. the mention of
Pluto. As to this, Tyrwhitt well remarks—'The machinery of the Faeries,
which Chaucer has used so happily, was probably added by himself; and
indeed I cannot help thinking, that his Pluto and Proserpina were the true
progenitors of Oberon and Titania.... In the rest of his Faery system,
Shakespeare seems to have followed the popular superstitions of his own
time.'
Group F.
§ 67. The Squire's Prologue. Ten Brink assumes that Groups E and F
constitute but one Group; for which there is no certain evidence. Many
MSS., including Pt., make the Wife's Tale follow the Marchantes Tale; and
there is nothing in the text itself to shew that the Epilogue to the
Marchantes Tale is inseparably connected with the Squire's Prologue.
Nevertheless, many good MSS., including E., write that Epilogue and the
Squire's Prologue continuously, and E. prefixes to the Epilogue a rubric
—'The Prologe of the Squieres Tale'; see vol. iv. p. 460, footnote. The
easiest way out of the difficulty is to adopt the arrangement in the Six-text
edition, which separates Group E from Group F as to the numbering of the
lines, but makes F follow E immediately.
The black-letter editions omit E 2419-2440 and F 1-8 altogether; so that
Tyrwhitt was the first to print these lines. He says: 'The Prologue to the
Squieres Tale [by which he means E 2419-40 and F 1-8] appears now for
the first time in print. Why it has been omitted by all former editors I cannot
guess, except, perhaps, because it did not suit with the place which, for
reasons best known to themselves, they were determined to assign to the
Squieres Tale, that is, after the Man of Lawes and before the
Marchantes[142]. I have chosen rather to follow the MSS. of the best
authority in placing the Squieres Tale after the Marchantes, and in
connecting them together by this Prologue, agreeably, as I am persuaded, to
Chaucer's intention. The lines which have been usually printed by way of
Page 669
Prologue to the Squieres Tale, as I believe them to have been really
composed by Chaucer, though not intended for the Squieres Prologue, I
have prefixed to the Shipmannes Tale, for reasons which I shall give when I
come to speak of that Tale[143].'
In F 1, MSS. Hn. and Pt., and others, substitute Sire Frankeleyn for Squyer.
This is obviously wrong, because it increases the number of syllables in the
line from ten syllables to twelve, and the number of accents from five to
six. Cf. § 69.
§ 68. The Squieres Tale. As to this Tale, Tyrwhitt remarks: 'I have never
been able to discover the probable original of this Tale, and yet I should be
very hardly brought to believe that the whole, or even any considerable part
of it, was of Chaucer's invention.'
The general tone of it points to an Eastern, and especially to an Arabian
origin. In this connection, it is worth remarking that there is at least one
other case in which Chaucer is conected with an Arabian writer. I have
shewn, in the Introduction to the Treatise on the Astrolabe, that a large part
of it is immediately derived from a Latin version of a treatise written by
Messahala, an Arabian astronomer, by religion a Jew, who flourished
towards the end of the eighth century. So also in the case of The Squieres
Tale, we may suspect that it was through some Latin medium that Chaucer
made acquaintance with Arabian fiction. But I am fortunate in having found
a more direct clue to some part, at least, of the poem. I shall shew presently
that one of his sources was the Travels of Marco Polo[144].
Warton, in his History of English Poetry, took much pains to gather together
some information on the subject, and his remarks are therefore quoted here,
nearly at length, for the reader's convenience. I omit most of his references.
'The Canterbury Tales,' says Warton, 'are unequal, and of various merit. Few
perhaps, if any, of the stories are the invention of Chaucer. I have already
spoken at large of the Knight's Tale, one of our author's noblest
compositions. That of the Canterbury Tales which deserves the next place,
as written in the higher strain of poetry, and the poem by which Milton
composed by Chaucer, though not intended for the Squieres Prologue, I
have prefixed to the Shipmannes Tale, for reasons which I shall give when I
come to speak of that Tale[143].'
In F 1, MSS. Hn. and Pt., and others, substitute Sire Frankeleyn for Squyer.
This is obviously wrong, because it increases the number of syllables in the
line from ten syllables to twelve, and the number of accents from five to
six. Cf. § 69.
§ 68. The Squieres Tale. As to this Tale, Tyrwhitt remarks: 'I have never
been able to discover the probable original of this Tale, and yet I should be
very hardly brought to believe that the whole, or even any considerable part
of it, was of Chaucer's invention.'
The general tone of it points to an Eastern, and especially to an Arabian
origin. In this connection, it is worth remarking that there is at least one
other case in which Chaucer is conected with an Arabian writer. I have
shewn, in the Introduction to the Treatise on the Astrolabe, that a large part
of it is immediately derived from a Latin version of a treatise written by
Messahala, an Arabian astronomer, by religion a Jew, who flourished
towards the end of the eighth century. So also in the case of The Squieres
Tale, we may suspect that it was through some Latin medium that Chaucer
made acquaintance with Arabian fiction. But I am fortunate in having found
a more direct clue to some part, at least, of the poem. I shall shew presently
that one of his sources was the Travels of Marco Polo[144].
Warton, in his History of English Poetry, took much pains to gather together
some information on the subject, and his remarks are therefore quoted here,
nearly at length, for the reader's convenience. I omit most of his references.
'The Canterbury Tales,' says Warton, 'are unequal, and of various merit. Few
perhaps, if any, of the stories are the invention of Chaucer. I have already
spoken at large of the Knight's Tale, one of our author's noblest
compositions. That of the Canterbury Tales which deserves the next place,
as written in the higher strain of poetry, and the poem by which Milton
Page 670
describes and characterises Chaucer, is the Squire's Tale. The imagination of
this story consists in Arabian fiction engrafted on Gothic chivalry. Nor is
this Arabian fiction purely the sport of arbitrary fancy: it is in great measure
founded on Arabian learning. Cambuscan, a King of Tartary, celebrates his
birthday festival in the hall of his palace at Sarra with the most royal
magnificence. In the midst of the solemnity, the guests are alarmed by a
miraculous and unexpected spectacle: the minstrels cease on a sudden, and
all the assembly is hushed in silence, surprise, and suspense; see ll. 77-88.
'These presents were sent by the King of Arabia and India to Cambuscan, in
honour of his feast. The Horse of Brass, on the skilful movement and
management of certain secret springs, transported his rider into the most
distant region of the world in the space of twenty-four hours; for, as the
rider chose, he could fly in the air with the swiftness of an eagle: and again,
as occasion required, he could stand motionless in opposition to the
strongest force, vanish on a sudden at command, and return at his master's
call. The Mirror of Glass was endued with the power of shewing any future
disasters which might happen to Cambuscan's kingdom, and discovered the
most hidden machinations of treason. The Naked Sword could pierce
armour deemed impenetrable, "were it as thikke as is a branched ook" (l.
159); and he who was wounded with it could never be healed, unless its
possessor could be entreated to stroke the wound with its edge. The Ring
was intended for Canace, Cambuscan's daughter, and while she bore it in
her purse, or wore it on her thumb, enabled her to understand the language
of every species of birds, and the virtues of every plant.
'I have mentioned, in another place, the favourite philosophical studies of
the Arabians. In this poem the nature of those studies is displayed, and their
operations exemplified: and this consideration, added to the circumstances
of Tartary being the scene of action, and Arabia the country from which
these extraordinary presents are brought, induces me to believe this story to
be identical with one which was current at a very ancient date among the
Arabians[145]. At least it is formed on their principles. Their sciences were
tinctured with the warmth of their imaginations, and consisted in wonderful
discoveries and mysterious inventions.
this story consists in Arabian fiction engrafted on Gothic chivalry. Nor is
this Arabian fiction purely the sport of arbitrary fancy: it is in great measure
founded on Arabian learning. Cambuscan, a King of Tartary, celebrates his
birthday festival in the hall of his palace at Sarra with the most royal
magnificence. In the midst of the solemnity, the guests are alarmed by a
miraculous and unexpected spectacle: the minstrels cease on a sudden, and
all the assembly is hushed in silence, surprise, and suspense; see ll. 77-88.
'These presents were sent by the King of Arabia and India to Cambuscan, in
honour of his feast. The Horse of Brass, on the skilful movement and
management of certain secret springs, transported his rider into the most
distant region of the world in the space of twenty-four hours; for, as the
rider chose, he could fly in the air with the swiftness of an eagle: and again,
as occasion required, he could stand motionless in opposition to the
strongest force, vanish on a sudden at command, and return at his master's
call. The Mirror of Glass was endued with the power of shewing any future
disasters which might happen to Cambuscan's kingdom, and discovered the
most hidden machinations of treason. The Naked Sword could pierce
armour deemed impenetrable, "were it as thikke as is a branched ook" (l.
159); and he who was wounded with it could never be healed, unless its
possessor could be entreated to stroke the wound with its edge. The Ring
was intended for Canace, Cambuscan's daughter, and while she bore it in
her purse, or wore it on her thumb, enabled her to understand the language
of every species of birds, and the virtues of every plant.
'I have mentioned, in another place, the favourite philosophical studies of
the Arabians. In this poem the nature of those studies is displayed, and their
operations exemplified: and this consideration, added to the circumstances
of Tartary being the scene of action, and Arabia the country from which
these extraordinary presents are brought, induces me to believe this story to
be identical with one which was current at a very ancient date among the
Arabians[145]. At least it is formed on their principles. Their sciences were
tinctured with the warmth of their imaginations, and consisted in wonderful
discoveries and mysterious inventions.
Page 671
'This idea of a Horse of Brass took its rise from their chemical knowledge
and experiments in metals. The treatise of Jeber, a famous Arab chemist of
the middle ages, called Lapis Philosophorum, contains many curious and
useful processes concerning the nature of metals, their fusion, purification,
and malleability, which still maintain a place in modern systems of that
science. The poets of romance, who deal in Arabian ideas, describe the
Trojan horse as made of brass. These sages pretended the power of giving
life or speech to some of their compositions in metal. Bishop Grosseteste's
speaking brazen head, sometimes attributed to Roger Bacon, has its
foundation in Arabian philosophy. In the romance of Valentine and Orson, a
brazen head fabricated by a necromancer in a magnificent chamber of the
castle of Clerimond, declares to those two princes their royal parentage. We
are told by William of Malmesbury that Pope Sylvester II, a profound
mathematician who lived in the eleventh century, made a brazen head,
which would speak when spoken to, and oracularly resolved many difficult
questions. Albertus Magnus, who was also a profound adept in those
sciences which were taught by the Arabian schools, is said to have framed a
man of brass, which not only answered questions readily and truly, but was
so loquacious, that Thomas Aquinas, while a pupil of Albertus Magnus, and
afterwards an Angelic doctor, knocked it in pieces as the disturber of his
abstruse speculations. This was about the year 1240. Much in the same
manner, the notion of our knight's horse being moved by means of a
concealed engine corresponds with their pretences of producing
preternatural effects, and their love of surprising by geometrical powers.
Exactly in this notion, Rocail, a giant in some of the Arabian romances, is
said to have built a palace, together with his own sepulchre, of most
magnificent architecture and with singular artifice: in both of these he
placed a great number of gigantic statues or images, figured of different
metals by talismanic skill, which in consequence of some occult machinery,
performed actions of real life, and looked like living men. We must add that
astronomy, which the Arabian philosophers studied with a singular
enthusiasm, had no small share in the composition of this miraculous steed.
For, says the poet,
"He that it wroughte coude ful many
a gin;
He wayted many a constellacioun,
and experiments in metals. The treatise of Jeber, a famous Arab chemist of
the middle ages, called Lapis Philosophorum, contains many curious and
useful processes concerning the nature of metals, their fusion, purification,
and malleability, which still maintain a place in modern systems of that
science. The poets of romance, who deal in Arabian ideas, describe the
Trojan horse as made of brass. These sages pretended the power of giving
life or speech to some of their compositions in metal. Bishop Grosseteste's
speaking brazen head, sometimes attributed to Roger Bacon, has its
foundation in Arabian philosophy. In the romance of Valentine and Orson, a
brazen head fabricated by a necromancer in a magnificent chamber of the
castle of Clerimond, declares to those two princes their royal parentage. We
are told by William of Malmesbury that Pope Sylvester II, a profound
mathematician who lived in the eleventh century, made a brazen head,
which would speak when spoken to, and oracularly resolved many difficult
questions. Albertus Magnus, who was also a profound adept in those
sciences which were taught by the Arabian schools, is said to have framed a
man of brass, which not only answered questions readily and truly, but was
so loquacious, that Thomas Aquinas, while a pupil of Albertus Magnus, and
afterwards an Angelic doctor, knocked it in pieces as the disturber of his
abstruse speculations. This was about the year 1240. Much in the same
manner, the notion of our knight's horse being moved by means of a
concealed engine corresponds with their pretences of producing
preternatural effects, and their love of surprising by geometrical powers.
Exactly in this notion, Rocail, a giant in some of the Arabian romances, is
said to have built a palace, together with his own sepulchre, of most
magnificent architecture and with singular artifice: in both of these he
placed a great number of gigantic statues or images, figured of different
metals by talismanic skill, which in consequence of some occult machinery,
performed actions of real life, and looked like living men. We must add that
astronomy, which the Arabian philosophers studied with a singular
enthusiasm, had no small share in the composition of this miraculous steed.
For, says the poet,
"He that it wroughte coude ful many
a gin;
He wayted many a constellacioun,
Page 672
Er he had doon this operacioun." (ll.
128-130.)
'Thus the buckler of the Arabian giant Ben Gian, as famous among the
Orientals as that of Achilles among the Greeks, was fabricated by the
powers of astronomy; and Pope Sylvester's brazen head, just mentioned,
was prepared under the influence of certain constellations.
'Natural magic, improperly so called, was likewise a favourite pursuit of the
Arabians, by which they imposed false appearances on the spectator....
Chaucer, in the fiction before us, supposes that some of the guests in
Cambuscan's hall believed the Trojan horse to be a temporary illusion,
effected by the power of magic (l. 218)....
'Optics were likewise a branch of study which suited the natural genius of
the Arabian philosophers, and which they pursued with incredible delight.
This science was a part of the Aristotelic philosophy which, as I have before
observed, they refined and filled with a thousand extravagances. Hence our
strange knight's Mirror of Glass, prepared on the most profound principles
of art, and endued with preternatural qualities (ll. 225-234, 132-141).
'Alcen, or Alhazen, mentioned in l. 232, an Arabic philosopher, wrote seven
books of perspective, and flourished about the eleventh century. Vitellio,
formed on the same school, was likewise an eminent mathematician of the
middle ages, and wrote ten books on Perspective. The Roman Mirror here
mentioned by Chaucer, as similar to this of the strange knight, is thus
described by Gower:—
"Whan Rome stood in noble plite,
Virgile, which was tho parfite,
A mirrour made of his clergye [by
his skill],
And sette it in the townes ye [eye,
sight]
Of marbre on a piller withoute,
That they, by thritty mile aboute,
128-130.)
'Thus the buckler of the Arabian giant Ben Gian, as famous among the
Orientals as that of Achilles among the Greeks, was fabricated by the
powers of astronomy; and Pope Sylvester's brazen head, just mentioned,
was prepared under the influence of certain constellations.
'Natural magic, improperly so called, was likewise a favourite pursuit of the
Arabians, by which they imposed false appearances on the spectator....
Chaucer, in the fiction before us, supposes that some of the guests in
Cambuscan's hall believed the Trojan horse to be a temporary illusion,
effected by the power of magic (l. 218)....
'Optics were likewise a branch of study which suited the natural genius of
the Arabian philosophers, and which they pursued with incredible delight.
This science was a part of the Aristotelic philosophy which, as I have before
observed, they refined and filled with a thousand extravagances. Hence our
strange knight's Mirror of Glass, prepared on the most profound principles
of art, and endued with preternatural qualities (ll. 225-234, 132-141).
'Alcen, or Alhazen, mentioned in l. 232, an Arabic philosopher, wrote seven
books of perspective, and flourished about the eleventh century. Vitellio,
formed on the same school, was likewise an eminent mathematician of the
middle ages, and wrote ten books on Perspective. The Roman Mirror here
mentioned by Chaucer, as similar to this of the strange knight, is thus
described by Gower:—
"Whan Rome stood in noble plite,
Virgile, which was tho parfite,
A mirrour made of his clergye [by
his skill],
And sette it in the townes ye [eye,
sight]
Of marbre on a piller withoute,
That they, by thritty mile aboute,
Page 673
By day and eek also by nighte
In that mirrour beholde mighte
Her ennemies, if any were";
Conf. Amant. bk. v. (ii.
195).
'The Oriental writers relate that Giamschid, one of their kings, the Solomon
of the Persians and their Alexander the Great, possessed among his
inestimable treasures cups, globes, and mirrors, of metal, glass, and crystal,
by means of which he and his people knew all natural as well as
supernatural things. The title of an Arabian book translated from the Persian
is—The Mirror which reflects the World. There is this passage in an ancient
Turkish poet: "When I am purified by the light of heaven, my soul will
become the mirror of the world, in which I shall discern all abstruse
secrets." Monsieur Herbelot is of opinion that the Orientals took these
notions from the patriarch Joseph's cup of divination and Nestor's cup in
Homer, on which all nature was symbolically represented. Our great
countryman Roger Bacon, in his Opus Majus, a work entirely formed on the
Aristotelic and Arabian philosophy, describes a variety of Specula, and
explains their construction and uses. This is the most curious and
extraordinary part of Bacon's book, which was written about the year 1270.
Bacon's optic tube, with which he pretended to see future events, was
famous in his age, and long afterwards, and chiefly contributed to give him
the name of a magician. This art, with others of the experimental kind, the
philosophers of those times were fond of adapting to the purposes of
thaumaturgy; and there is much occult and chimerical speculation in the
discoveries which Bacon affects to have made from optical experiments. He
asserts (and I am obliged to cite the passage in his own mysterious
expressions) "omnia sciri per Perspectivam, quoniam omnes actiones rerum
fiunt secundum specierum et virtutum multiplicationem ab agentibus hujus
mundi in materias patientes," &c.[146] Spenser feigns that the magician
Merlin made a glassy globe, and presented it to King Ryence, which
showed the approach of enemies, and discovered treasons (F. Q. iii. 2. 21).
This fiction, which exactly corresponds with Chaucer's Mirror, Spenser
borrowed from some romance, perhaps of King Arthur, fraught with
Oriental fancy. From the same sources came a like fiction of Camoens in
the Lusiad (canto x), where a globe is shown to Vasco de Gama,
In that mirrour beholde mighte
Her ennemies, if any were";
Conf. Amant. bk. v. (ii.
195).
'The Oriental writers relate that Giamschid, one of their kings, the Solomon
of the Persians and their Alexander the Great, possessed among his
inestimable treasures cups, globes, and mirrors, of metal, glass, and crystal,
by means of which he and his people knew all natural as well as
supernatural things. The title of an Arabian book translated from the Persian
is—The Mirror which reflects the World. There is this passage in an ancient
Turkish poet: "When I am purified by the light of heaven, my soul will
become the mirror of the world, in which I shall discern all abstruse
secrets." Monsieur Herbelot is of opinion that the Orientals took these
notions from the patriarch Joseph's cup of divination and Nestor's cup in
Homer, on which all nature was symbolically represented. Our great
countryman Roger Bacon, in his Opus Majus, a work entirely formed on the
Aristotelic and Arabian philosophy, describes a variety of Specula, and
explains their construction and uses. This is the most curious and
extraordinary part of Bacon's book, which was written about the year 1270.
Bacon's optic tube, with which he pretended to see future events, was
famous in his age, and long afterwards, and chiefly contributed to give him
the name of a magician. This art, with others of the experimental kind, the
philosophers of those times were fond of adapting to the purposes of
thaumaturgy; and there is much occult and chimerical speculation in the
discoveries which Bacon affects to have made from optical experiments. He
asserts (and I am obliged to cite the passage in his own mysterious
expressions) "omnia sciri per Perspectivam, quoniam omnes actiones rerum
fiunt secundum specierum et virtutum multiplicationem ab agentibus hujus
mundi in materias patientes," &c.[146] Spenser feigns that the magician
Merlin made a glassy globe, and presented it to King Ryence, which
showed the approach of enemies, and discovered treasons (F. Q. iii. 2. 21).
This fiction, which exactly corresponds with Chaucer's Mirror, Spenser
borrowed from some romance, perhaps of King Arthur, fraught with
Oriental fancy. From the same sources came a like fiction of Camoens in
the Lusiad (canto x), where a globe is shown to Vasco de Gama,
Page 674
representing the universal fabric or system of the world, in which he sees
future kingdoms and future events. The Spanish historians report an
American tradition, but more probably invented by themselves, and built on
the Saracen fables in which they were so conversant. They pretended that
some years before the Spaniards entered Mexico, the inhabitants caught a
monstrous fowl, of unusual magnitude and shape, on the lake of Mexico. In
the crown of the head of this wonderful bird there was a mirror or plate of
glass, in which the Mexicans saw their future invaders the Spaniards, and
all the disasters which afterwards happened to their kingdom. These
superstitions remained, even in the doctrines of philosophers, long after the
darker ages. Cornelius Agrippa, a learned physician of Cologne about the
year 1520, and author of a famous book on the Vanity of the Sciences,
mentions a species of mirror which exhibited the form of persons absent, at
command. In one of these he is said to have shown to the poetical Earl of
Surrey the image of his mistress, the beautiful Geraldine, sick and reposing
on a couch. Nearly allied to this was the infatuation of seeing things in a
beryl, which was very popular in the reign of James I, and is alluded to by
Shakespeare....
'The Naked Sword, another of the gifts presented by the strange knight to
Cambuscan, endued with medical virtues, and so hard as to pierce the most
solid armour, is likewise an Arabian idea. It was suggested by their skill in
medicine, by which they affected to communicate healing qualities to
various substances, and by their knowledge of tempering iron and
hardening all kinds of metal. It is the classical spear of Peleus, perhaps
originally fabricated in the same regions of fancy; see ll. 236-246.
'The sword which Berni, in the Orlando Innamorato, gives to the hero
Ruggiero, is tempered by much the same sort of magic:—
"Il brando con tal arte fabbricato,
Che taglia incanto, ed ogni
fatagione[147]";
Orl.
Inn
amo
future kingdoms and future events. The Spanish historians report an
American tradition, but more probably invented by themselves, and built on
the Saracen fables in which they were so conversant. They pretended that
some years before the Spaniards entered Mexico, the inhabitants caught a
monstrous fowl, of unusual magnitude and shape, on the lake of Mexico. In
the crown of the head of this wonderful bird there was a mirror or plate of
glass, in which the Mexicans saw their future invaders the Spaniards, and
all the disasters which afterwards happened to their kingdom. These
superstitions remained, even in the doctrines of philosophers, long after the
darker ages. Cornelius Agrippa, a learned physician of Cologne about the
year 1520, and author of a famous book on the Vanity of the Sciences,
mentions a species of mirror which exhibited the form of persons absent, at
command. In one of these he is said to have shown to the poetical Earl of
Surrey the image of his mistress, the beautiful Geraldine, sick and reposing
on a couch. Nearly allied to this was the infatuation of seeing things in a
beryl, which was very popular in the reign of James I, and is alluded to by
Shakespeare....
'The Naked Sword, another of the gifts presented by the strange knight to
Cambuscan, endued with medical virtues, and so hard as to pierce the most
solid armour, is likewise an Arabian idea. It was suggested by their skill in
medicine, by which they affected to communicate healing qualities to
various substances, and by their knowledge of tempering iron and
hardening all kinds of metal. It is the classical spear of Peleus, perhaps
originally fabricated in the same regions of fancy; see ll. 236-246.
'The sword which Berni, in the Orlando Innamorato, gives to the hero
Ruggiero, is tempered by much the same sort of magic:—
"Il brando con tal arte fabbricato,
Che taglia incanto, ed ogni
fatagione[147]";
Orl.
Inn
amo
Page 675
r. ii.
17,
st.
5.
So also his continuator Ariosto:—
"Non vale incanto, ov'ella mette il
taglio[148]";
Orl. Fur.
xli.
83.
And the notion that this weapon could resist all incantations is like the
fiction above mentioned of the buckler of the Arabian giant Ben Gian,
which baffled the force of charms and enchantments made by giants or
demons. Spenser has a sword endued with the same efficacy, the metal of
which the magician Merlin mixed with the juice of meadow-wort, that it
might be proof against enchantment; and afterwards, having forged the
blade in the flames of Etna, he gave it hidden virtue by dipping it seven
times in the bitter waters of Styx; F. Q. ii. 8. 20. From the same origin is
also the golden lance of Berni, which Galafron, King of Cathaia, father of
the beautiful Angelica and the invincible champion Argalia, procured for his
son by the help of a magician. This lance was of such irresistible power,
that it unhorsed a knight the instant he was touched with its point; Orl.
Innamor. i. 1. 43. Britomart in Spenser is armed with the same enchanted
spear, which was made by Bladud, an ancient British king skilled in magic;
F. Q. iii. 3. 60; iv. 6. 6; iii. 1. 10.
'The Ring, a gift to the king's daughter Canace, which taught the language
of birds, is also quite in the style of some others of the occult sciences of
these inventive philosophers; and it is the fashion of the Oriental fabulists to
give language to brutes in general. But to understand the language of birds
was peculiarly one of the boasted sciences of the Arabians, who pretend that
many of their countrymen have been skilled in the knowledge of the
language of birds ever since the time of King Solomon. Their writers relate
17,
st.
5.
So also his continuator Ariosto:—
"Non vale incanto, ov'ella mette il
taglio[148]";
Orl. Fur.
xli.
83.
And the notion that this weapon could resist all incantations is like the
fiction above mentioned of the buckler of the Arabian giant Ben Gian,
which baffled the force of charms and enchantments made by giants or
demons. Spenser has a sword endued with the same efficacy, the metal of
which the magician Merlin mixed with the juice of meadow-wort, that it
might be proof against enchantment; and afterwards, having forged the
blade in the flames of Etna, he gave it hidden virtue by dipping it seven
times in the bitter waters of Styx; F. Q. ii. 8. 20. From the same origin is
also the golden lance of Berni, which Galafron, King of Cathaia, father of
the beautiful Angelica and the invincible champion Argalia, procured for his
son by the help of a magician. This lance was of such irresistible power,
that it unhorsed a knight the instant he was touched with its point; Orl.
Innamor. i. 1. 43. Britomart in Spenser is armed with the same enchanted
spear, which was made by Bladud, an ancient British king skilled in magic;
F. Q. iii. 3. 60; iv. 6. 6; iii. 1. 10.
'The Ring, a gift to the king's daughter Canace, which taught the language
of birds, is also quite in the style of some others of the occult sciences of
these inventive philosophers; and it is the fashion of the Oriental fabulists to
give language to brutes in general. But to understand the language of birds
was peculiarly one of the boasted sciences of the Arabians, who pretend that
many of their countrymen have been skilled in the knowledge of the
language of birds ever since the time of King Solomon. Their writers relate
Page 676
that Balkis, the Queen of Sheba or Saba, had a bird called Hudhud, that is, a
lapwing, which she dispatched to King Solomon on various occasions, and
that this trusty bird was the messenger of their amours. We are told that
Solomon having been secretly informed by this winged confidant that
Balkis intended to honour him with a grand embassy, enclosed a spacious
square with a wall of gold and silver bricks, in which he ranged his
numerous troops and attendants in order to receive the ambassadors, who
were astonished at the suddenness of these splendid and unexpected
preparations. Herbelot tells a curious story of an Arab feeding his camels in
a solitary wilderness, who was accosted for a draught of water by Alhejaj, a
famous Arabian commander, who had been separated from his retinue in
hunting. While they were talking together, a bird flew over their heads,
making at the same time an unusual sort of noise, which the camel-feeder
hearing, looked steadfastly on Alhejaj, and demanded who he was. Alhejaj,
not choosing to return him a direct answer, desired to know the meaning of
that question. "Because," replied the camel-feeder, "this bird assures me that
a company of people is coming this way, and that you are the chief of
them." While he was speaking, Alhejaj's attendants arrived.
'This wonderful Ring also imparted to the wearer a knowledge of the
qualities of plants, which formed an important part of the Arabian
philosophy; see ll. 146-155.
'Every reader of taste and imagination must regret that, instead of our
author's tedious detail of the quaint effects of Canace's ring, in which a
falcon relates her amours, and talks familiarly of Troilus, Paris, and Jason,
the notable achievements we may suppose to have been performed by the
assistance of the horse of brass are either lost, or that this part of the story,
by far the most interesting, was never written. After the strange knight has
explained to Cambuscan the management of this magical courser, he
vanishes on a sudden, and we hear no more of him; ll. 302-343.
'By such inventions we are willing to be deceived. These are triumphs of
deception over truth:—
lapwing, which she dispatched to King Solomon on various occasions, and
that this trusty bird was the messenger of their amours. We are told that
Solomon having been secretly informed by this winged confidant that
Balkis intended to honour him with a grand embassy, enclosed a spacious
square with a wall of gold and silver bricks, in which he ranged his
numerous troops and attendants in order to receive the ambassadors, who
were astonished at the suddenness of these splendid and unexpected
preparations. Herbelot tells a curious story of an Arab feeding his camels in
a solitary wilderness, who was accosted for a draught of water by Alhejaj, a
famous Arabian commander, who had been separated from his retinue in
hunting. While they were talking together, a bird flew over their heads,
making at the same time an unusual sort of noise, which the camel-feeder
hearing, looked steadfastly on Alhejaj, and demanded who he was. Alhejaj,
not choosing to return him a direct answer, desired to know the meaning of
that question. "Because," replied the camel-feeder, "this bird assures me that
a company of people is coming this way, and that you are the chief of
them." While he was speaking, Alhejaj's attendants arrived.
'This wonderful Ring also imparted to the wearer a knowledge of the
qualities of plants, which formed an important part of the Arabian
philosophy; see ll. 146-155.
'Every reader of taste and imagination must regret that, instead of our
author's tedious detail of the quaint effects of Canace's ring, in which a
falcon relates her amours, and talks familiarly of Troilus, Paris, and Jason,
the notable achievements we may suppose to have been performed by the
assistance of the horse of brass are either lost, or that this part of the story,
by far the most interesting, was never written. After the strange knight has
explained to Cambuscan the management of this magical courser, he
vanishes on a sudden, and we hear no more of him; ll. 302-343.
'By such inventions we are willing to be deceived. These are triumphs of
deception over truth:—
Page 677
"Magnanima mensogna, hor quando
è il vero
Si bello, che si possa à te preporre?
[149]"'
This learned and curious discourse is well worth perusal; but the reader will
probably be led to remark, that Warton does not after all tell us whence
Chaucer drew his materials, but only proves that he drew them from some
Arabian source. That source may be indicated a little more distinctly; for, as
will be shewn more fully below, nearly all the magical particulars are to be
found in the collection now known as the Arabian Nights' Entertainments.
For the rest, we may trace most of the descriptions to the travels of Marco
Polo, with which Chaucer must have been acquainted to some extent, either
immediately or through some channel not easily now pointed out. This
suggestion occurred to me on reading a note by Colonel Yule on the name
of Cambuscan; but in this I have been long anticipated by Mr. Keightley, as
noted above (p. 463, note 2). The passage in Colonel Yule's edition of
Marco Polo to which I refer, is as follows:—
'Before parting with Chingis [or Gengis Khan] let me point out what has not
to my knowledge been suggested before, that the name of "Cambuscan
bold" in Chaucer's tale is only a corruption of the name of Chinghiz. The
name of the conqueror appears in Friar Ricold as Camiuscan, from which
the transition to Cambuscan presents no difficulty[150]. Camius was, I
suppose, a clerical corruption out of Canjus or Cianjus.'—Marco Polo, ed.
Yule, i. 218.
On applying to Professor Palmer for information as to the meaning of the
name, he kindly pointed out to me that, in the Dictionnaire Turk-Oriental by
M. Pavet de Courteille (Paris, 1870), p. 289, the word djenguiz (as M. de
Courteille spells it) is explained to mean simply great. Thus Chinghiz Khan
is no more than Great Khan; and Cambinskan merely represents the same
title of Great Khan, which appears so repeatedly in Marco Polo's travels.
The succession of supreme or Great Khans was as follows:—(1) Chinghiz;
(2) Okkadai; (3) Kuyuk; (4) Mangku; (5) Kublai, &c. The first of these is
always known by the simple title, though his real name was Temugin; the
è il vero
Si bello, che si possa à te preporre?
[149]"'
This learned and curious discourse is well worth perusal; but the reader will
probably be led to remark, that Warton does not after all tell us whence
Chaucer drew his materials, but only proves that he drew them from some
Arabian source. That source may be indicated a little more distinctly; for, as
will be shewn more fully below, nearly all the magical particulars are to be
found in the collection now known as the Arabian Nights' Entertainments.
For the rest, we may trace most of the descriptions to the travels of Marco
Polo, with which Chaucer must have been acquainted to some extent, either
immediately or through some channel not easily now pointed out. This
suggestion occurred to me on reading a note by Colonel Yule on the name
of Cambuscan; but in this I have been long anticipated by Mr. Keightley, as
noted above (p. 463, note 2). The passage in Colonel Yule's edition of
Marco Polo to which I refer, is as follows:—
'Before parting with Chingis [or Gengis Khan] let me point out what has not
to my knowledge been suggested before, that the name of "Cambuscan
bold" in Chaucer's tale is only a corruption of the name of Chinghiz. The
name of the conqueror appears in Friar Ricold as Camiuscan, from which
the transition to Cambuscan presents no difficulty[150]. Camius was, I
suppose, a clerical corruption out of Canjus or Cianjus.'—Marco Polo, ed.
Yule, i. 218.
On applying to Professor Palmer for information as to the meaning of the
name, he kindly pointed out to me that, in the Dictionnaire Turk-Oriental by
M. Pavet de Courteille (Paris, 1870), p. 289, the word djenguiz (as M. de
Courteille spells it) is explained to mean simply great. Thus Chinghiz Khan
is no more than Great Khan; and Cambinskan merely represents the same
title of Great Khan, which appears so repeatedly in Marco Polo's travels.
The succession of supreme or Great Khans was as follows:—(1) Chinghiz;
(2) Okkadai; (3) Kuyuk; (4) Mangku; (5) Kublai, &c. The first of these is
always known by the simple title, though his real name was Temugin; the
Page 678
second was his son; and the third, fourth, and fifth were all his grandsons.
The descriptions in Marco Polo refer to Kublai Khan, who died in 1294.
Marco describes his person with some minuteness:—
'The personal appearance of the Great Kaan, Lord of Lords, whose name is
Cublay, is such as I shall now tell you. He is of a good stature, neither tall
nor short, but of a middle height. He has a becoming amount of flesh, and is
very shapely in all his limbs. His complexion is white and red, the eyes
black and fine, the nose well formed and well set on': ed. Yule, i. 318. A
portrait of him, from a Chinese engraving, is given by Colonel Yule on the
next page. Kublai was succeeded by his grandson Teimur, to the exclusion
of his elder brothers Kambala (who squinted) and Tarmah (who was of a
weak constitution). Here we might perhaps think to see the original of
Chaucer's Camballo, but I suspect the real interpretation to be very
different. It is far more probable that the name Camballo was caught, not
from this obscure Kambala, but from the famous word Cambaluc, really the
name (not of a person, but) of the celebrated capital which Kublai built and
where he resided; so that the name may easily have suggested itself from
this connexion[151]. For example, in the splendid Bodleian MS. No. 264,
generally known as the 'Alexander MS.,' there is a copy of Marco Polo's
Travels, with the colophon—Explicit le Livre nommé du Grant Caan de la
Graunt Cité de Cambaluc; Dieux ayde; Amen. In fact, Cambaluc is but the
old name of the city which is still the capital of China, but better known as
Pekin; the etymology of the word being merely Kaan-baligh, i.e. the city of
the Khan. All this may seem a little uncertain at first sight; but if the reader
can turn to the second book of Marco Polo, he will soon see clearly enough
that Chaucer's Cambinskan (though the name itself is formed from
Chinghiz Khan) is practically identical with Marco's Kublai Khan, and that
it is to Marco's description of him and his court that Chaucer is ultimately
indebted for some of his details. This will be best illustrated by examples of
correspondences.
'Of a surety he [Kublai Khan] hath good right to such a title [that of Kaan or
Emperor], for all men know for a certain truth that he is the most potent
man, as regards forces and lands and treasure, that existeth in the world, or
ever hath existed from the time of our first father Adam until this day';
Marco Polo, ed. Yule, i. 295. Cf. Sq. Ta. 14.
The descriptions in Marco Polo refer to Kublai Khan, who died in 1294.
Marco describes his person with some minuteness:—
'The personal appearance of the Great Kaan, Lord of Lords, whose name is
Cublay, is such as I shall now tell you. He is of a good stature, neither tall
nor short, but of a middle height. He has a becoming amount of flesh, and is
very shapely in all his limbs. His complexion is white and red, the eyes
black and fine, the nose well formed and well set on': ed. Yule, i. 318. A
portrait of him, from a Chinese engraving, is given by Colonel Yule on the
next page. Kublai was succeeded by his grandson Teimur, to the exclusion
of his elder brothers Kambala (who squinted) and Tarmah (who was of a
weak constitution). Here we might perhaps think to see the original of
Chaucer's Camballo, but I suspect the real interpretation to be very
different. It is far more probable that the name Camballo was caught, not
from this obscure Kambala, but from the famous word Cambaluc, really the
name (not of a person, but) of the celebrated capital which Kublai built and
where he resided; so that the name may easily have suggested itself from
this connexion[151]. For example, in the splendid Bodleian MS. No. 264,
generally known as the 'Alexander MS.,' there is a copy of Marco Polo's
Travels, with the colophon—Explicit le Livre nommé du Grant Caan de la
Graunt Cité de Cambaluc; Dieux ayde; Amen. In fact, Cambaluc is but the
old name of the city which is still the capital of China, but better known as
Pekin; the etymology of the word being merely Kaan-baligh, i.e. the city of
the Khan. All this may seem a little uncertain at first sight; but if the reader
can turn to the second book of Marco Polo, he will soon see clearly enough
that Chaucer's Cambinskan (though the name itself is formed from
Chinghiz Khan) is practically identical with Marco's Kublai Khan, and that
it is to Marco's description of him and his court that Chaucer is ultimately
indebted for some of his details. This will be best illustrated by examples of
correspondences.
'Of a surety he [Kublai Khan] hath good right to such a title [that of Kaan or
Emperor], for all men know for a certain truth that he is the most potent
man, as regards forces and lands and treasure, that existeth in the world, or
ever hath existed from the time of our first father Adam until this day';
Marco Polo, ed. Yule, i. 295. Cf. Sq. Ta. 14.
Page 679
'The empire fell to him because of his ability and valour and great worth, as
was right and reason'; id. i. 296. Cf. Sq. Ta. 16.
'He had often been to the wars, and had shown himself a gallant soldier and
an excellent captain'; id. i. 296. Cf. Sq. Ta. 23.
In Book ii. ch. 4, is an account of his taking the field in person, and acting
with astonishing vigour and rapidity, even at the age of seventy-three.
In Book ii. ch. 5, it is related that the enemy whom he then subdued had
Christians in his army, some of whom bore standards on which the Cross
was displayed. After the battle, the Christians were bitterly taunted with
this, and were told that their Cross had not helped them. But Kublai
reproved the scoffers, saying that the Cross had done its part well in not
assisting the rebels. 'The Cross of your God did well in that it gave him [the
rebel chief] no help against the right.' Cf. Sq. Ta. 16-21.
His rewards to his captains are described fully in chap. 7. He gave them
silver plate, ornaments, 'fine jewels of gold and silver, and pearls and
precious stones; insomuch that the amount that fell to each of them was
something astonishing.' Cf. Sq. Ta. 26.
His palace, 'the greatest palace that ever was,' is described in chap. 10. It
was situate 'in the capital city of Cathay, which is called Cambaluc.' The
hall of the palace 'could easily dine 6000 people.' The parks within its
enclosure were full of fine trees and 'beasts of sundry kinds, such as white
stags and fallow deer, gazelles and roebucks,' &c. Cf. Sq. Ta. 60-62, 392.
'And when the great Kaan sits at table on any great court occasion, it is in
this fashion. His table is elevated a good deal above the others, and he sits
at the north end of the hall, looking towards the south, with his chief wife
beside him on the left,' &c.; i. 338. Near the table is a golden butt, at each
corner of which is one of smaller size holding a firkin, 'and from the former
the wine or beverage flavoured with fine and costly spices is drawn off into
the latter'; i. 339. 'And when the Emperor is going to drink, all the musical
instruments, of which he has vast store of every kind, begin to play'; i. 340.
was right and reason'; id. i. 296. Cf. Sq. Ta. 16.
'He had often been to the wars, and had shown himself a gallant soldier and
an excellent captain'; id. i. 296. Cf. Sq. Ta. 23.
In Book ii. ch. 4, is an account of his taking the field in person, and acting
with astonishing vigour and rapidity, even at the age of seventy-three.
In Book ii. ch. 5, it is related that the enemy whom he then subdued had
Christians in his army, some of whom bore standards on which the Cross
was displayed. After the battle, the Christians were bitterly taunted with
this, and were told that their Cross had not helped them. But Kublai
reproved the scoffers, saying that the Cross had done its part well in not
assisting the rebels. 'The Cross of your God did well in that it gave him [the
rebel chief] no help against the right.' Cf. Sq. Ta. 16-21.
His rewards to his captains are described fully in chap. 7. He gave them
silver plate, ornaments, 'fine jewels of gold and silver, and pearls and
precious stones; insomuch that the amount that fell to each of them was
something astonishing.' Cf. Sq. Ta. 26.
His palace, 'the greatest palace that ever was,' is described in chap. 10. It
was situate 'in the capital city of Cathay, which is called Cambaluc.' The
hall of the palace 'could easily dine 6000 people.' The parks within its
enclosure were full of fine trees and 'beasts of sundry kinds, such as white
stags and fallow deer, gazelles and roebucks,' &c. Cf. Sq. Ta. 60-62, 392.
'And when the great Kaan sits at table on any great court occasion, it is in
this fashion. His table is elevated a good deal above the others, and he sits
at the north end of the hall, looking towards the south, with his chief wife
beside him on the left,' &c.; i. 338. Near the table is a golden butt, at each
corner of which is one of smaller size holding a firkin, 'and from the former
the wine or beverage flavoured with fine and costly spices is drawn off into
the latter'; i. 339. 'And when the Emperor is going to drink, all the musical
instruments, of which he has vast store of every kind, begin to play'; i. 340.
Page 680
'I will say nought about the dishes, as you may easily conceive that there is
a great plenty of every possible kind. And when all have dined and the
tables have been removed, then come in a great number of players and
jugglers, adepts at all sorts of wonderful feats,' &c.; i. 340. Cf. Sq. Ta. 59-
68, 77-79, 266-271, 218, 219.
'You must know that the Tartars keep high festival yearly on their
birthdays.... Now on his birthday, the Great Kaan dresses in the best of his
robes, all wrought with beaten gold'; i. 343. 'On his birthday also, all the
Tartars in the world, and all the countries and governments that owe
allegiance to the Kaan, offer him great presents according to their several
ability, and according as prescription or orders have fixed the amount'; i.
344. Cf. Sq. Ta. 44-47, 110-114.
The Kaan also holds a feast called the 'White Feast' on New-year's day, i.e.
at the vernal equinox. 'On that day, I can assure you, among the customary
presents there shall be offered to the Kaan from various quarters more than
100,000 white horses, beautiful animals and richly caparisoned'; i. 346.
When he goes on a hunting expedition, 'he takes with him fully 10,000
falconers, and some 500 gerfalcons besides peregrines, sakers, and other
hawks in great number'; i. 358. He also has another 'grand park' at
Chandu[152], 'where he keeps his gerfalcons in mew'; i. 365. At p. 260 he is
described again as 'very fond of hawking.' At p. 237 the peregrine falcons
are described particularly. At p. 220 we are told that the Tartars 'eat all kinds
of flesh, including that of horses and dogs, and Pharaoh's rats.' Cf. Sq. Ta.
424-429, 69-71.
In the great city of Kinsay 'there is an eminence on which stands a tower.'
This was used as an alarm-tower in case of fire; see vol. ii. p. 148. This may
serve to illustrate Chaucer's 'maister tour.' Still more curious is the account
of the city of Mien, with its two towers covered with plates of gold and
silver, which 'form one of the finest sights in the world'; ii. 73. These towers
were, however, part of a mausoleum. Cf. Sq. Ta. 176, 226.
a great plenty of every possible kind. And when all have dined and the
tables have been removed, then come in a great number of players and
jugglers, adepts at all sorts of wonderful feats,' &c.; i. 340. Cf. Sq. Ta. 59-
68, 77-79, 266-271, 218, 219.
'You must know that the Tartars keep high festival yearly on their
birthdays.... Now on his birthday, the Great Kaan dresses in the best of his
robes, all wrought with beaten gold'; i. 343. 'On his birthday also, all the
Tartars in the world, and all the countries and governments that owe
allegiance to the Kaan, offer him great presents according to their several
ability, and according as prescription or orders have fixed the amount'; i.
344. Cf. Sq. Ta. 44-47, 110-114.
The Kaan also holds a feast called the 'White Feast' on New-year's day, i.e.
at the vernal equinox. 'On that day, I can assure you, among the customary
presents there shall be offered to the Kaan from various quarters more than
100,000 white horses, beautiful animals and richly caparisoned'; i. 346.
When he goes on a hunting expedition, 'he takes with him fully 10,000
falconers, and some 500 gerfalcons besides peregrines, sakers, and other
hawks in great number'; i. 358. He also has another 'grand park' at
Chandu[152], 'where he keeps his gerfalcons in mew'; i. 365. At p. 260 he is
described again as 'very fond of hawking.' At p. 237 the peregrine falcons
are described particularly. At p. 220 we are told that the Tartars 'eat all kinds
of flesh, including that of horses and dogs, and Pharaoh's rats.' Cf. Sq. Ta.
424-429, 69-71.
In the great city of Kinsay 'there is an eminence on which stands a tower.'
This was used as an alarm-tower in case of fire; see vol. ii. p. 148. This may
serve to illustrate Chaucer's 'maister tour.' Still more curious is the account
of the city of Mien, with its two towers covered with plates of gold and
silver, which 'form one of the finest sights in the world'; ii. 73. These towers
were, however, part of a mausoleum. Cf. Sq. Ta. 176, 226.
Page 681
The following note about the Tartar invasion of Russia is also worthy of
attention:—
'Rosia [Russia] is a very great province, lying towards the north.... There are
many strong defiles and passes in the country; and they pay tribute to
nobody except to a certain Tartar king of the Ponent [i.e. West], whose name
is Toctai; to him indeed they pay tribute, but only a trifle.'—Marco Polo, ed.
Yule, ii. 417. On this passage Col. Yule has the note: 'Russia was overrun
with fire and sword as far as Tver and Torshok by Batu Khan (123-38),
some years before his invasion of Poland and Silesia. Tartar tax-gatherers
were established in the Russian cities as far as Rostov and Jaroslawl, and
for many years Russian princes as far as Novgorod paid homage to the
Mongol Khans in their court at Sarai[153]. Their subjection to the Khans was
not such a trifle as Polo seems to imply; and at least a dozen princes met
their death at the hands of the Mongol executioner.'
Some of the Mongolian Tartars, known as the 'Golden Horde,' conquered a
part of S. E. Russia in 1223; in 1242 they established the Empire of the
Khan of Kaptschak (S. E. Russia), and exercised great influence there. In
1380 was another Tartar war; and in 1383 Moscow was burnt. The Tartar
power in Russia was crushed by the general of Ivan III in 1481. See
Haydn's Dictionary of Dates, under Golden Horde and Russia.
The whole subject of magic is so vast that it is not easy to deal with it
within a reasonable space. I must therefore content myself with pointing out
a few references, &c., that seem most worthy of being here noted.
The Magic Horse appears in the tale of Cleomades and Claremond; see
Keightley's Tales and Popular Fictions. Cervantes has put him to
memorable use in his Don Quixote, where he describes him as 'aquel mismo
caballo de madera sobre quien llevo el valeroso Pierres robada á la linda
Magalona'—'that very wooden horse upon which the valiant Peter of
Provence carried off the fair Magalona[154]. This horse is governed by a pin
he has in his forehead, which serves for a bridle,' &c.; see Jarvis's
translation, vol. ii. chap, xl., ed. 1809. But the best story of the Enchanted
Horse is in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, where he is said to have
attention:—
'Rosia [Russia] is a very great province, lying towards the north.... There are
many strong defiles and passes in the country; and they pay tribute to
nobody except to a certain Tartar king of the Ponent [i.e. West], whose name
is Toctai; to him indeed they pay tribute, but only a trifle.'—Marco Polo, ed.
Yule, ii. 417. On this passage Col. Yule has the note: 'Russia was overrun
with fire and sword as far as Tver and Torshok by Batu Khan (123-38),
some years before his invasion of Poland and Silesia. Tartar tax-gatherers
were established in the Russian cities as far as Rostov and Jaroslawl, and
for many years Russian princes as far as Novgorod paid homage to the
Mongol Khans in their court at Sarai[153]. Their subjection to the Khans was
not such a trifle as Polo seems to imply; and at least a dozen princes met
their death at the hands of the Mongol executioner.'
Some of the Mongolian Tartars, known as the 'Golden Horde,' conquered a
part of S. E. Russia in 1223; in 1242 they established the Empire of the
Khan of Kaptschak (S. E. Russia), and exercised great influence there. In
1380 was another Tartar war; and in 1383 Moscow was burnt. The Tartar
power in Russia was crushed by the general of Ivan III in 1481. See
Haydn's Dictionary of Dates, under Golden Horde and Russia.
The whole subject of magic is so vast that it is not easy to deal with it
within a reasonable space. I must therefore content myself with pointing out
a few references, &c., that seem most worthy of being here noted.
The Magic Horse appears in the tale of Cleomades and Claremond; see
Keightley's Tales and Popular Fictions. Cervantes has put him to
memorable use in his Don Quixote, where he describes him as 'aquel mismo
caballo de madera sobre quien llevo el valeroso Pierres robada á la linda
Magalona'—'that very wooden horse upon which the valiant Peter of
Provence carried off the fair Magalona[154]. This horse is governed by a pin
he has in his forehead, which serves for a bridle,' &c.; see Jarvis's
translation, vol. ii. chap, xl., ed. 1809. But the best story of the Enchanted
Horse is in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, where he is said to have
Page 682
been presented by an Indian to the king of Persia on the New Day, i.e. on
the first day of the solar year, at the vernal equinox. This horse is governed
by a peg in his neck, which was turned round when it was necessary for him
to fly: see the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, published by Nimmo, 1865,
p. 483; or the excellent edition by Lane, vol. ii. p. 463, which varies
considerably from the more popular editions.
The tale of Cleomades is alluded to, says Mr. Keightley, in Caxton's edition
of Reynard the Foxe, printed in 1481, in the 32nd chapter[155]. He also cites
a note by Sir F. Madden that a copy of the poem of Cleomades was
purchased by Sir Thomas Phillipps at Mr. Lang's sale in 1828; that an
undated edition of the Histoire Plaisante et Récréative du noble et excellent
chevalier Clamades et de la belle Clermonde was printed at Troyes; and that
Les Aventures de Clamades et Clarmonde appeared in Paris in 1733. Mr.
Lane agrees with Mr. Keightley in considering the Tale of Cleomades
identical with that of the Enchanted Horse in the Arabian Nights'
Entertainments, and in supposing that it was originally a Persian story. Mr.
Lane thinks it is derived from the 'Hezár Afsaneh'; see his edition, ii. 491.
It is not out of place to observe that the town of Seville is frequently
mentioned in Cleomades, and we have seen that Cervantes had heard of the
story. Perhaps, then, we may suppose that the story, originally Persian,
found its way into Arabic, and thence into Spain; it would then soon be
written down in Latin, and thence be translated into French, and become
generally known. This must have happened, too, at an early period; for the
French romance of Cleomades, extending to some 19,000 octosyllabic
lines, was written by a poet named Adenet surnamed le Roi, a native of
Brabant, between the years 1275 and 1283; see Keightley's Tales, p. 40.
The Magic Mirror is a common fiction, and we may connect it with the
magic ivory tube, furnished with glass, which enabled the user of it to see
whatever object he might wish to behold. This fancy occurs in the tale of
the Prince Ahmed and the Fairy Pari Banou, as told in the Arabian Nights'
Entertainments (Nimmo, 1865), p. 501. It is hardly worth while to pursue
the subject further, as Warton's comments have already been cited, and Mr.
Clouston's essay (mentioned below) can be consulted.
the first day of the solar year, at the vernal equinox. This horse is governed
by a peg in his neck, which was turned round when it was necessary for him
to fly: see the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, published by Nimmo, 1865,
p. 483; or the excellent edition by Lane, vol. ii. p. 463, which varies
considerably from the more popular editions.
The tale of Cleomades is alluded to, says Mr. Keightley, in Caxton's edition
of Reynard the Foxe, printed in 1481, in the 32nd chapter[155]. He also cites
a note by Sir F. Madden that a copy of the poem of Cleomades was
purchased by Sir Thomas Phillipps at Mr. Lang's sale in 1828; that an
undated edition of the Histoire Plaisante et Récréative du noble et excellent
chevalier Clamades et de la belle Clermonde was printed at Troyes; and that
Les Aventures de Clamades et Clarmonde appeared in Paris in 1733. Mr.
Lane agrees with Mr. Keightley in considering the Tale of Cleomades
identical with that of the Enchanted Horse in the Arabian Nights'
Entertainments, and in supposing that it was originally a Persian story. Mr.
Lane thinks it is derived from the 'Hezár Afsaneh'; see his edition, ii. 491.
It is not out of place to observe that the town of Seville is frequently
mentioned in Cleomades, and we have seen that Cervantes had heard of the
story. Perhaps, then, we may suppose that the story, originally Persian,
found its way into Arabic, and thence into Spain; it would then soon be
written down in Latin, and thence be translated into French, and become
generally known. This must have happened, too, at an early period; for the
French romance of Cleomades, extending to some 19,000 octosyllabic
lines, was written by a poet named Adenet surnamed le Roi, a native of
Brabant, between the years 1275 and 1283; see Keightley's Tales, p. 40.
The Magic Mirror is a common fiction, and we may connect it with the
magic ivory tube, furnished with glass, which enabled the user of it to see
whatever object he might wish to behold. This fancy occurs in the tale of
the Prince Ahmed and the Fairy Pari Banou, as told in the Arabian Nights'
Entertainments (Nimmo, 1865), p. 501. It is hardly worth while to pursue
the subject further, as Warton's comments have already been cited, and Mr.
Clouston's essay (mentioned below) can be consulted.
Page 683
The Magic Ring is to be referred to the story of the seal-ring made partly of
brass and partly of iron, by which Solomon obtained power over the evil
Jinn; see Lane's Arabian Nights, i. 31[156]. The ineffable name of Allah was
engraved upon it, and gave it its virtue. The notion of its conferring upon
the wearer the power of understanding the language of birds is connected
with it, because this was one of the faculties which Solomon possessed; for
we read in the Koran, as translated by Sale, that 'Solomon was David's heir;
and he said, "O men, we have been taught the speech of birds";' ch. xxvii. A
clever Arabic epigram of the thirteenth century, ascribing to King Solomon
a knowledge of the language of birds and beasts, is cited in Professor
Palmer's History of the Jewish Nation, at p. 93. Even Hudibras understood
the language of birds; Hudib. pt. 1. c. 1. l. 547. See further, as to this
subject, in the remarks below, upon the Manciples Tale (Group H); § 75.
With regard to the Falcon, Leigh Hunt has well observed, in his Essay on
Wit and Humour, that this bird is evidently 'a human being, in a temporary
state of metempsychosis, a circumstance very common in tales of the East.'
This is probably true, as otherwise the circumstances of the story become
poor and meaningless; it is something more than a mere fable like that of
the Cock and Fox. If the story had been completed, shewing how the Falcon
'gat her love again,' we should have seen how she was restored to her first
shape, by means, as Chaucer hints, of the magic ring. A talking bird appears
in the Story of the Sisters who envied their Younger Sister, the last in some
editions of the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, but it is not transformed. On
the other hand, in the story of Beder, Prince of Persia, in the same collection
—which, by the way, mentions a magic ring—we find Prince Beder
transformed into a white bird, and recovering his shape on being sprinkled
with magic water; but he does not speak while so metamorphosed. The
story of a boy who understands the language of birds occurs in the Seven
Sages, ed. Wright, p. 106; and Mr. Wright shews, in his Introduction, that
such oriental tales are of great antiquity, and known in Europe in the
thirteenth century. He refers us to an Essai sur les Fables Indiennes, et sur
leur Introduction en Europe, by M. Deslongchamps, published in 1838. Cf.
Weber, Met. Rom. iii. 137.
The reader should not forget the hint in the Notes to the Minor Poems (vol.
i. p. 534), that some expressions in the Squieres Tale are taken from the
brass and partly of iron, by which Solomon obtained power over the evil
Jinn; see Lane's Arabian Nights, i. 31[156]. The ineffable name of Allah was
engraved upon it, and gave it its virtue. The notion of its conferring upon
the wearer the power of understanding the language of birds is connected
with it, because this was one of the faculties which Solomon possessed; for
we read in the Koran, as translated by Sale, that 'Solomon was David's heir;
and he said, "O men, we have been taught the speech of birds";' ch. xxvii. A
clever Arabic epigram of the thirteenth century, ascribing to King Solomon
a knowledge of the language of birds and beasts, is cited in Professor
Palmer's History of the Jewish Nation, at p. 93. Even Hudibras understood
the language of birds; Hudib. pt. 1. c. 1. l. 547. See further, as to this
subject, in the remarks below, upon the Manciples Tale (Group H); § 75.
With regard to the Falcon, Leigh Hunt has well observed, in his Essay on
Wit and Humour, that this bird is evidently 'a human being, in a temporary
state of metempsychosis, a circumstance very common in tales of the East.'
This is probably true, as otherwise the circumstances of the story become
poor and meaningless; it is something more than a mere fable like that of
the Cock and Fox. If the story had been completed, shewing how the Falcon
'gat her love again,' we should have seen how she was restored to her first
shape, by means, as Chaucer hints, of the magic ring. A talking bird appears
in the Story of the Sisters who envied their Younger Sister, the last in some
editions of the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, but it is not transformed. On
the other hand, in the story of Beder, Prince of Persia, in the same collection
—which, by the way, mentions a magic ring—we find Prince Beder
transformed into a white bird, and recovering his shape on being sprinkled
with magic water; but he does not speak while so metamorphosed. The
story of a boy who understands the language of birds occurs in the Seven
Sages, ed. Wright, p. 106; and Mr. Wright shews, in his Introduction, that
such oriental tales are of great antiquity, and known in Europe in the
thirteenth century. He refers us to an Essai sur les Fables Indiennes, et sur
leur Introduction en Europe, by M. Deslongchamps, published in 1838. Cf.
Weber, Met. Rom. iii. 137.
The reader should not forget the hint in the Notes to the Minor Poems (vol.
i. p. 534), that some expressions in the Squieres Tale are taken from the
Page 684
poem of Queen Anelida.
With respect to the ending of the Squieres Tale, two attempts at least have
been made to complete it. Spenser, in his Faerie Queene (bk. iv. c. 2. 30-3.
52), accounts for the fighting for Canacee, but he omits all about
Cambinskan and the Falcon. Another ending was written by John Lane[157]
in 1630, and is contained in MSS. Douce 170 and Ashmole 53, in the
Bodleian Library. Warton (Observations on the Fairy Queen, p. 214) justly
calls it a weak performance.
Dr. Furnivall has printed the whole of this poem, in twelve tedious parts, for
the Chaucer Society; and the result shews that Lane's work is bad almost
beyond belief. It is the duty of every man who values his time to decline to
read 237 pages of such stuff as this:—
Algarsif at his broother shooke his
pike:
Camballo stowtlie did att him the
like;
naie, quicklie, with a shock of
pikes, chargd home,
theare right to make his rendeuous
first known:
gainst whome Algarsif rann from
thambuscado,
to prove his ernest provd no French
bravado.'
Since I wrote the preceding remarks, which were formerly printed in my
edition of The Prioresses Tale, &c., for the Clarendon Press, Mr. Clouston
has taken up the subject in a very exhaustive manner. I must therefore refer
the reader to his essay 'On the Magical Elements in Chaucer's Squire's Tale,
with Analogues,' printed for the Chaucer Society in 1889. He there deals
fully with the subjects of Magic Horses, Chariots, &c., Magic Mirrors and
Images, Magic Rings and Gems, the Language of Animals, and Magic
Swords and Spears. He lays particular stress upon the Romance of
With respect to the ending of the Squieres Tale, two attempts at least have
been made to complete it. Spenser, in his Faerie Queene (bk. iv. c. 2. 30-3.
52), accounts for the fighting for Canacee, but he omits all about
Cambinskan and the Falcon. Another ending was written by John Lane[157]
in 1630, and is contained in MSS. Douce 170 and Ashmole 53, in the
Bodleian Library. Warton (Observations on the Fairy Queen, p. 214) justly
calls it a weak performance.
Dr. Furnivall has printed the whole of this poem, in twelve tedious parts, for
the Chaucer Society; and the result shews that Lane's work is bad almost
beyond belief. It is the duty of every man who values his time to decline to
read 237 pages of such stuff as this:—
Algarsif at his broother shooke his
pike:
Camballo stowtlie did att him the
like;
naie, quicklie, with a shock of
pikes, chargd home,
theare right to make his rendeuous
first known:
gainst whome Algarsif rann from
thambuscado,
to prove his ernest provd no French
bravado.'
Since I wrote the preceding remarks, which were formerly printed in my
edition of The Prioresses Tale, &c., for the Clarendon Press, Mr. Clouston
has taken up the subject in a very exhaustive manner. I must therefore refer
the reader to his essay 'On the Magical Elements in Chaucer's Squire's Tale,
with Analogues,' printed for the Chaucer Society in 1889. He there deals
fully with the subjects of Magic Horses, Chariots, &c., Magic Mirrors and
Images, Magic Rings and Gems, the Language of Animals, and Magic
Swords and Spears. He lays particular stress upon the Romance of
Page 685
Cléomadès and Claremonde above mentioned, to which Keightley had
already drawn attention. 'The French prose version, called L'Histoire et
Chronique du vaillant Chevallier Cléomadès et la belle Claremonde,
appeared about the year 1480[158]; and of this work Count Tressan
published an extrait in the Bibliothèque des romans, April 1777, t. i. 169 ff.;
see also Œuvres du Conte de Tressan, Paris, 1822, t. iii. pp. 255-298. Of this
abstract Keightley gives an English translation in his Tales and Popular
Fictions, pp. 43-69.
'Keightley has remarked that the name of Claremonde occurs in the
romance of Valentine and Orson, it being that of the lady beloved by the
valiant hero, and also that a magic horse figures in the same work; but he
has strangely overlooked a number of incidents which have evidently been
adopted from the story of Cléomadès and Claremonde. The magic horse is
described in the 21st chapter of a chap-book version of The Renown'd
History of Valentine and Orson, the two Sons of the Emperor of Greece.
'I quite agree with M. Paris in considering that the origin of the French
metrical romance was Morisco-Spanish, whether Adenès derived his
materials from Blanche of Castile, or otherwise.'
With respect to the story of the Falcon, Mr. Clouston observes: 'The scene
between Canacé and the Falcon is essentially Asiatic, and Warton's
complaint that the bird is represented as talking of Troilus, Paris, and Jason,
is utterly absurd. It is, in fact, an Indian fable, with a bird talking out of the
Grecian classics instead of out of the Vedas and the Shastras. If the poet had
any purpose in writing the story of the deserted Falcon, it could only have
been that of any Asiatic fabler, namely, to convey certain moral lessons
through the feigned speech of a bird. That Chaucer had before him, or in his
memory, a model for his story of the Falcon is not only possible but highly
probable. There exists a somewhat analogous ancient Indian tale of two
birds—a male parrot and a hen-maina, a species of hill-starling—in which,
however, it is the male bird who is distressed at the female's treachery, and
is about to cast himself into the midst of a forest-fire, when he is rescued by
a benevolent traveller, to whom he relates the story of his woes. This tale
forms the third of the Twenty-five Tales of a Vampyre (Vetála
already drawn attention. 'The French prose version, called L'Histoire et
Chronique du vaillant Chevallier Cléomadès et la belle Claremonde,
appeared about the year 1480[158]; and of this work Count Tressan
published an extrait in the Bibliothèque des romans, April 1777, t. i. 169 ff.;
see also Œuvres du Conte de Tressan, Paris, 1822, t. iii. pp. 255-298. Of this
abstract Keightley gives an English translation in his Tales and Popular
Fictions, pp. 43-69.
'Keightley has remarked that the name of Claremonde occurs in the
romance of Valentine and Orson, it being that of the lady beloved by the
valiant hero, and also that a magic horse figures in the same work; but he
has strangely overlooked a number of incidents which have evidently been
adopted from the story of Cléomadès and Claremonde. The magic horse is
described in the 21st chapter of a chap-book version of The Renown'd
History of Valentine and Orson, the two Sons of the Emperor of Greece.
'I quite agree with M. Paris in considering that the origin of the French
metrical romance was Morisco-Spanish, whether Adenès derived his
materials from Blanche of Castile, or otherwise.'
With respect to the story of the Falcon, Mr. Clouston observes: 'The scene
between Canacé and the Falcon is essentially Asiatic, and Warton's
complaint that the bird is represented as talking of Troilus, Paris, and Jason,
is utterly absurd. It is, in fact, an Indian fable, with a bird talking out of the
Grecian classics instead of out of the Vedas and the Shastras. If the poet had
any purpose in writing the story of the deserted Falcon, it could only have
been that of any Asiatic fabler, namely, to convey certain moral lessons
through the feigned speech of a bird. That Chaucer had before him, or in his
memory, a model for his story of the Falcon is not only possible but highly
probable. There exists a somewhat analogous ancient Indian tale of two
birds—a male parrot and a hen-maina, a species of hill-starling—in which,
however, it is the male bird who is distressed at the female's treachery, and
is about to cast himself into the midst of a forest-fire, when he is rescued by
a benevolent traveller, to whom he relates the story of his woes. This tale
forms the third of the Twenty-five Tales of a Vampyre (Vetála
Page 686
panchavinsati), and may be found in Tawney's translation of the Kathá Sarit
Ságara, vol. ii. pp. 245-250.'
It is necessary to mention here that Prof. Brandl, of Göttingen, in Englische
Studien, xii. 161, actually propounded a theory that Cambinskan was
intended to represent Edward III., and that Canacee does not mean 'the
king's daughter,' as Chaucer (who might be supposed to know) expressly
says, but his daughter-in-law Constance, second wife of John of Gaunt;
with much more to the same effect, all purely gratuitous. Fortunately, his
theory was promptly shewn to be untenable by Prof. Kittredge, of Harvard
University, in a paper which also appeared in Englische Studien, xiii. 1; and
we may dismiss this dream as being wholly unfounded. The Tale was
written after Edward's death.
§ 69. Words of the Frankeleyn. See F 673-708. In at least fifteen MSS.
and in the black-letter editions, the Squieres Tale is followed by the
Marchantes Tale. In order to suit this arrangement, the word Frankeleyn in
F 675 is altered to Marchant. So again, in ll. 696 and 699. In the last case,
the rime is affected; and, to bring this right, the words the frankeleyn are
altered to the marchant, certeyn. Tyrwhitt well points out two grave
objections to this arrangement. The former is, that, in this case, the
Marchant is made (in F 682, 690) to say that he has a son who has learnt to
play at dice, and only a few lines further on (in E 1233-4) that he has been
married just two months, and not more! The latter is, that the sentiments
attributed to the speaker, who laments his son's extravagance and praises
'gentillesse,' are suitable to the character of the honest and hospitable
Frankeleyn, but not to that of the Marchant, if we may judge of his
sentiments from the loose character of his Tale. In the same editions and in
most of the MSS., the Frankeleyns Tale follows the Clerkes Tale, causing
further trouble. The editions also transpose one of the stanzas in Chaucer's
Envoy to the Clerkes Tale, so as to make E 1195-1200 come at the end.
They then insert the (genuine) stanza printed in the footnote to vol. iv. p.
424, and afterwards pass on at once to F 709. The same arrangement occurs
in MS. Harl. 7333. Other MSS. insert (after the Clerkes Tale) various scraps
taken from E 2419-40, followed by lines corresponding to F 1-8, at the
same time changing Squyer (in F 1) to Sire Frankeleyn, which makes the
line too long. Cf. § 67.
Ságara, vol. ii. pp. 245-250.'
It is necessary to mention here that Prof. Brandl, of Göttingen, in Englische
Studien, xii. 161, actually propounded a theory that Cambinskan was
intended to represent Edward III., and that Canacee does not mean 'the
king's daughter,' as Chaucer (who might be supposed to know) expressly
says, but his daughter-in-law Constance, second wife of John of Gaunt;
with much more to the same effect, all purely gratuitous. Fortunately, his
theory was promptly shewn to be untenable by Prof. Kittredge, of Harvard
University, in a paper which also appeared in Englische Studien, xiii. 1; and
we may dismiss this dream as being wholly unfounded. The Tale was
written after Edward's death.
§ 69. Words of the Frankeleyn. See F 673-708. In at least fifteen MSS.
and in the black-letter editions, the Squieres Tale is followed by the
Marchantes Tale. In order to suit this arrangement, the word Frankeleyn in
F 675 is altered to Marchant. So again, in ll. 696 and 699. In the last case,
the rime is affected; and, to bring this right, the words the frankeleyn are
altered to the marchant, certeyn. Tyrwhitt well points out two grave
objections to this arrangement. The former is, that, in this case, the
Marchant is made (in F 682, 690) to say that he has a son who has learnt to
play at dice, and only a few lines further on (in E 1233-4) that he has been
married just two months, and not more! The latter is, that the sentiments
attributed to the speaker, who laments his son's extravagance and praises
'gentillesse,' are suitable to the character of the honest and hospitable
Frankeleyn, but not to that of the Marchant, if we may judge of his
sentiments from the loose character of his Tale. In the same editions and in
most of the MSS., the Frankeleyns Tale follows the Clerkes Tale, causing
further trouble. The editions also transpose one of the stanzas in Chaucer's
Envoy to the Clerkes Tale, so as to make E 1195-1200 come at the end.
They then insert the (genuine) stanza printed in the footnote to vol. iv. p.
424, and afterwards pass on at once to F 709. The same arrangement occurs
in MS. Harl. 7333. Other MSS. insert (after the Clerkes Tale) various scraps
taken from E 2419-40, followed by lines corresponding to F 1-8, at the
same time changing Squyer (in F 1) to Sire Frankeleyn, which makes the
line too long. Cf. § 67.
Page 687
However, the best MSS., including E. and Dd., are here correct; and we
have only to follow their guidance. In these, the Words of the Frankeleyn (F
673-708) are immediately followed by the true Prologue to the Frankeleyns
Tale (F 709-728).
§ 70. The Franklin's Prologue. This Prologue is rightly placed before the
Tale even in the black-letter editions and in the MSS. which assign lines
673-708 to the Marchant. In the old editions, it follows the (once final)
stanza of the Clerkes Tale which is printed in the footnote to p. 424 (vol.
iv).
§ 71. The Frankeleyns Tale. We cannot doubt that Chaucer adapted this
Tale, as he himself asserts, from a Breton lay; cf. note to F 709. Not only is
the scene laid in Brittany (F 729), but we find special mention of Penmark
(801) and of Kayrrud (808); see notes. The story itself turns upon the
magical removal of rocks on the Breton coast (993). This is particularly
worthy of notice, because (as will be seen below) Boccaccio altered this
circumstance in order to render the story more congruous to an Italian
location and scenery; a fact which shews at once that Chaucer did not adopt
the story from the Italian, as some have inconsiderately assumed. It must be
said once more, that Chaucer does not seem to have read the Decamerone.
The whole character of the story agrees well with that of the Breton lays
versified by Marie de France; indeed, it is almost a wonder that her
collection does not include the story now under consideration.
The ultimate source of the Tale is certainly Eastern, as shewn in Mr.
Clouston's essay on the story of 'The Damsel's Rash Promise,' printed in
Originals and Analogues (Chaucer Soc.), p. 291. I cannot do better than
transcribe his remarks:—
'The oldest known form of Chaucer's well-told Tale of the chaste Dorigen is
probably found in a group of Indian fictions entitled Vetála Panchavinsati,
"Twenty-five Tales of a Vetála," or Vampyre, which are incorporated with
the great Sanskrit collection, Kathá Sarit Ságara, "Ocean of the Rivers of
Story"; but they still exist as a separate and distinct work, though
have only to follow their guidance. In these, the Words of the Frankeleyn (F
673-708) are immediately followed by the true Prologue to the Frankeleyns
Tale (F 709-728).
§ 70. The Franklin's Prologue. This Prologue is rightly placed before the
Tale even in the black-letter editions and in the MSS. which assign lines
673-708 to the Marchant. In the old editions, it follows the (once final)
stanza of the Clerkes Tale which is printed in the footnote to p. 424 (vol.
iv).
§ 71. The Frankeleyns Tale. We cannot doubt that Chaucer adapted this
Tale, as he himself asserts, from a Breton lay; cf. note to F 709. Not only is
the scene laid in Brittany (F 729), but we find special mention of Penmark
(801) and of Kayrrud (808); see notes. The story itself turns upon the
magical removal of rocks on the Breton coast (993). This is particularly
worthy of notice, because (as will be seen below) Boccaccio altered this
circumstance in order to render the story more congruous to an Italian
location and scenery; a fact which shews at once that Chaucer did not adopt
the story from the Italian, as some have inconsiderately assumed. It must be
said once more, that Chaucer does not seem to have read the Decamerone.
The whole character of the story agrees well with that of the Breton lays
versified by Marie de France; indeed, it is almost a wonder that her
collection does not include the story now under consideration.
The ultimate source of the Tale is certainly Eastern, as shewn in Mr.
Clouston's essay on the story of 'The Damsel's Rash Promise,' printed in
Originals and Analogues (Chaucer Soc.), p. 291. I cannot do better than
transcribe his remarks:—
'The oldest known form of Chaucer's well-told Tale of the chaste Dorigen is
probably found in a group of Indian fictions entitled Vetála Panchavinsati,
"Twenty-five Tales of a Vetála," or Vampyre, which are incorporated with
the great Sanskrit collection, Kathá Sarit Ságara, "Ocean of the Rivers of
Story"; but they still exist as a separate and distinct work, though
Page 688
considerably abridged, in most of the vernacular languages of India: in
Tamil, Vedála Kadai; in Hindí, Bytál Pachísí, &c.... This is the Vetála story,
from Prof. C. H. Tawney's translation of the Kathá Sarit Ságara, published
at Calcutta, vol. ii. p. 278[159].
'The Story of Madanasená.
'There was an excellent King of the name of Vírabáhu, who imposed his
orders on the heads of all kings. He had a splendid city named Anangapura,
and in it there lived a rich merchant, named Arthadatta; that merchant-
prince had for elder child a son called Dhanadatta, and his younger child
was a pearl of maidens, named Madanasená.
'One day, as she was playing with her companions in her own garden, a
young merchant, named Dharmadatta, a friend of her brother, saw her.
When he saw that maiden ..., he was at once robbed of his senses by the
arrows of love, that fell upon him in showers.... Then Madanasená entered
her house, and grief at no longer beholding her entered the breast of
Dharmadatta....
'In the meanwhile Dharmadatta went home, and thinking upon that fair one,
he remained tossing to and fro upon his bed, smitten by the rays of the
moon.... And in the morning he woke up, and went and saw her once more
in that very garden, alone and in privacy. So he went up to her, longing to
embrace her, and falling at her feet, he tried to coax her with words tender
from affection. But she said to him with great earnestness: "I am a maiden,
betrothed to another ... for my father has bestowed me on the merchant
Samudradatta, and I am to be married in a few days."... But Dharmadatta
said to her: "Happen what may, I cannot live without you." When the
merchant's daughter heard this, she was afraid that he would use force to
her, so she said to him: "Let my marriage first be celebrated here; let my
father reap the long-desired fruit of bestowing a daughter in marriage; then
will I certainly visit you, for your love has gained my heart." When he
heard this, he said: "I love not a woman that has been embraced by another
man."... She replied: "Then I will visit you as soon as I am married, and
afterwards I will go to my husband." But though she made this promise, he
Tamil, Vedála Kadai; in Hindí, Bytál Pachísí, &c.... This is the Vetála story,
from Prof. C. H. Tawney's translation of the Kathá Sarit Ságara, published
at Calcutta, vol. ii. p. 278[159].
'The Story of Madanasená.
'There was an excellent King of the name of Vírabáhu, who imposed his
orders on the heads of all kings. He had a splendid city named Anangapura,
and in it there lived a rich merchant, named Arthadatta; that merchant-
prince had for elder child a son called Dhanadatta, and his younger child
was a pearl of maidens, named Madanasená.
'One day, as she was playing with her companions in her own garden, a
young merchant, named Dharmadatta, a friend of her brother, saw her.
When he saw that maiden ..., he was at once robbed of his senses by the
arrows of love, that fell upon him in showers.... Then Madanasená entered
her house, and grief at no longer beholding her entered the breast of
Dharmadatta....
'In the meanwhile Dharmadatta went home, and thinking upon that fair one,
he remained tossing to and fro upon his bed, smitten by the rays of the
moon.... And in the morning he woke up, and went and saw her once more
in that very garden, alone and in privacy. So he went up to her, longing to
embrace her, and falling at her feet, he tried to coax her with words tender
from affection. But she said to him with great earnestness: "I am a maiden,
betrothed to another ... for my father has bestowed me on the merchant
Samudradatta, and I am to be married in a few days."... But Dharmadatta
said to her: "Happen what may, I cannot live without you." When the
merchant's daughter heard this, she was afraid that he would use force to
her, so she said to him: "Let my marriage first be celebrated here; let my
father reap the long-desired fruit of bestowing a daughter in marriage; then
will I certainly visit you, for your love has gained my heart." When he
heard this, he said: "I love not a woman that has been embraced by another
man."... She replied: "Then I will visit you as soon as I am married, and
afterwards I will go to my husband." But though she made this promise, he
Page 689
would not let her go without further assurance; so she confirmed the truth of
her promise with an oath. Then he let her go, and she entered the house in
low spirits.
'And when the lucky day had arrived, and the auspicious ceremony of
marriage had taken place, she went to her husband's house, and spent that
day in merriment, and then retired with him. But she repelled her husband's
caresses, and said slowly, with downcast face: "I love you more than my
life, but hear what I have to say. Rise up cheerfully, and promise me
immunity from punishment; take an oath to that effect, my husband, in
order that I may tell you." [She then repeats the story.]
'Samudradatta ... being bound by the necessity of keeping his word ... gave
her leave to go where she would; and she rose up, and left her husband's
house....
'A certain thief saw Madanasená, as she was going along alone at night, and
rushing upon her, seized her by the hem of her garment.... The helpless
merchant's daughter told him her story, and entreated him as follows:
"Excuse me for a moment that I may keep my word, and as soon as I have
done that, I will quickly return to you, if you remain here. Believe me, my
good man, I will never break this true promise of mine." When the thief
heard that, he let her go.... She, for her part, went to the merchant
Dharmadatta. And when he saw that she had come to that wood, he asked
how it happened; and then, though he had longed for her, he said to her, "I
am delighted at your faithfulness to your promise: What have I to do with
you, the wife of another? So go back, as you came, before any one sees
you."... [Then] she went to the thief, who was waiting for her in the road....
She told him how the merchant let her go. Then the thief said: "Since this is
so, then I also will let you go, being pleased with your truthfulness: return
home with your ornaments."
'So he, too, let her go, and ... [she] went delighted to her husband, and ... she
told him the whole story. And Samudradatta, perceiving that his good wife
had kept her word without losing her honour, ... welcomed her as a pure-
her promise with an oath. Then he let her go, and she entered the house in
low spirits.
'And when the lucky day had arrived, and the auspicious ceremony of
marriage had taken place, she went to her husband's house, and spent that
day in merriment, and then retired with him. But she repelled her husband's
caresses, and said slowly, with downcast face: "I love you more than my
life, but hear what I have to say. Rise up cheerfully, and promise me
immunity from punishment; take an oath to that effect, my husband, in
order that I may tell you." [She then repeats the story.]
'Samudradatta ... being bound by the necessity of keeping his word ... gave
her leave to go where she would; and she rose up, and left her husband's
house....
'A certain thief saw Madanasená, as she was going along alone at night, and
rushing upon her, seized her by the hem of her garment.... The helpless
merchant's daughter told him her story, and entreated him as follows:
"Excuse me for a moment that I may keep my word, and as soon as I have
done that, I will quickly return to you, if you remain here. Believe me, my
good man, I will never break this true promise of mine." When the thief
heard that, he let her go.... She, for her part, went to the merchant
Dharmadatta. And when he saw that she had come to that wood, he asked
how it happened; and then, though he had longed for her, he said to her, "I
am delighted at your faithfulness to your promise: What have I to do with
you, the wife of another? So go back, as you came, before any one sees
you."... [Then] she went to the thief, who was waiting for her in the road....
She told him how the merchant let her go. Then the thief said: "Since this is
so, then I also will let you go, being pleased with your truthfulness: return
home with your ornaments."
'So he, too, let her go, and ... [she] went delighted to her husband, and ... she
told him the whole story. And Samudradatta, perceiving that his good wife
had kept her word without losing her honour, ... welcomed her as a pure-
Page 690
minded woman, who had not disgraced her family, and lived happily with
her ever afterwards.
'When the Vétála had told this story ... to king Trivikramasena, he went on
to say to him: "So tell me, King, which was the really generous man of
those three—the two merchants and the thief?"... The king said to him: "Of
those three the thief was the only really generous man.... For of course her
husband let her go ... how could a gentleman desire to keep a wife that was
attached to another? And the other resigned her because his passion was
dulled by time, and he was afraid that her husband, knowing the facts,
would tell the king the next day. But the thief, a reckless evil-doer, working
in the dark, was really generous to let go a lovely woman, ornaments and
all."'
The resemblance of this to Chaucer's story is certainly striking. The chief
variation is in changing the thief into a magician who performs wonders for
a large sum of money.
Mr. Clouston subjoins many variants of the story. One, originally in
Burmese, is from Captain Sparks' translation of the Decisions of Princess
Thoodhamma Tsari. A Persian analogue is given from Sir John Malcolm's
Sketches of Persia, chap. xx.; and another from the celebrated Persian
collection, entitled Tútí Náma, or Parrot-Book. A somewhat different
version follows, from the Bahár-i-Dánush, or Spring of Knowledge, a
translation of which was given by Dr. Jonathan Scott in 1799. The story is
also known to the Jews; and two Hebrew versions are given, both from a
Parisian journal entitled Mélusine; 1885, tome ii. c. 542-6. A Siberian
version follows, from Radloff's Proben der Volksliteratur der türkischen
Stämme des Süd-Siberiens, vol. iii. s. 389; and next, a Turkish version,
from Mr. Gibb's translation of the Forty Vazírs, London, 1886; p. 105.
Curiously enough, a very similar version is found in Gaelic, and was
probably introduced into the Highlands by the Norsemen; see Campbell's
Popular Tales of West Highlands, vol. ii. p. 16. Mr. Clouston next discusses
the European versions of the story. Of these, the most important is that in
Boccaccio's Decamerone[160], Day 10. nov. 5, of which Professor Morley
has the following epitome:—
her ever afterwards.
'When the Vétála had told this story ... to king Trivikramasena, he went on
to say to him: "So tell me, King, which was the really generous man of
those three—the two merchants and the thief?"... The king said to him: "Of
those three the thief was the only really generous man.... For of course her
husband let her go ... how could a gentleman desire to keep a wife that was
attached to another? And the other resigned her because his passion was
dulled by time, and he was afraid that her husband, knowing the facts,
would tell the king the next day. But the thief, a reckless evil-doer, working
in the dark, was really generous to let go a lovely woman, ornaments and
all."'
The resemblance of this to Chaucer's story is certainly striking. The chief
variation is in changing the thief into a magician who performs wonders for
a large sum of money.
Mr. Clouston subjoins many variants of the story. One, originally in
Burmese, is from Captain Sparks' translation of the Decisions of Princess
Thoodhamma Tsari. A Persian analogue is given from Sir John Malcolm's
Sketches of Persia, chap. xx.; and another from the celebrated Persian
collection, entitled Tútí Náma, or Parrot-Book. A somewhat different
version follows, from the Bahár-i-Dánush, or Spring of Knowledge, a
translation of which was given by Dr. Jonathan Scott in 1799. The story is
also known to the Jews; and two Hebrew versions are given, both from a
Parisian journal entitled Mélusine; 1885, tome ii. c. 542-6. A Siberian
version follows, from Radloff's Proben der Volksliteratur der türkischen
Stämme des Süd-Siberiens, vol. iii. s. 389; and next, a Turkish version,
from Mr. Gibb's translation of the Forty Vazírs, London, 1886; p. 105.
Curiously enough, a very similar version is found in Gaelic, and was
probably introduced into the Highlands by the Norsemen; see Campbell's
Popular Tales of West Highlands, vol. ii. p. 16. Mr. Clouston next discusses
the European versions of the story. Of these, the most important is that in
Boccaccio's Decamerone[160], Day 10. nov. 5, of which Professor Morley
has the following epitome:—
Page 691
'Dianora, the wife of the rich Gilberto, being immodestly affected by
Messer Ansaldo, to free herself from his tedious importunity, she appointed
him to perform, in her judgment, an act of impossibility—namely, to give
her a garden as plentifully stored with fragrant flowers in January as in the
flourishing month of May. Ansaldo, by means of a bond which he made to a
magician, performed her request. Messer Gilberto, the lady's husband, gave
consent that his wife should fulfil her promise made to Ansaldo; who
hearing the bountiful mind of her husband released her of her promise, and
the magician likewise discharged Ansaldo, without taking aught of him.'
We may be sure that Boccaccio and Chaucer drew their versions from very
similar sources, as shewn by the introduction of the magician. At the same
time, we not only notice how Boccaccio has given Italian names to his
characters, but has even altered the chief circumstance on which the story
depends, by substituting a flower-garden in January for the removal of the
rocks. This notion he found ready to hand in the legend of St. Dorothea,
familiar to all readers of Massinger and Dekker's Virgin Martyr.
Beaumont and Fletcher dramatised Chaucer's story in their one-act play
called The Triumph of Honour, which forms one of the set entitled Four
Plays in One. They preserve the name Dorigen, though the husband is
Sophocles, duke of Athens, and the lover is Martius, a Roman general. They
also retain the notion of the removal of the rocks; for Dorigen exclaims:—
'For here I vow unto the gods, these
rocks,
These rocks we see so fixed, shall
be removed,
Made champain field, ere I so
impious prove
To stain my lord's bed with
adulterous love.'
The supposed miracle is achieved by Valerius, the brother of Martius, who
had been trained 'in the mathematics' by an 'old Chaldean.'
Messer Ansaldo, to free herself from his tedious importunity, she appointed
him to perform, in her judgment, an act of impossibility—namely, to give
her a garden as plentifully stored with fragrant flowers in January as in the
flourishing month of May. Ansaldo, by means of a bond which he made to a
magician, performed her request. Messer Gilberto, the lady's husband, gave
consent that his wife should fulfil her promise made to Ansaldo; who
hearing the bountiful mind of her husband released her of her promise, and
the magician likewise discharged Ansaldo, without taking aught of him.'
We may be sure that Boccaccio and Chaucer drew their versions from very
similar sources, as shewn by the introduction of the magician. At the same
time, we not only notice how Boccaccio has given Italian names to his
characters, but has even altered the chief circumstance on which the story
depends, by substituting a flower-garden in January for the removal of the
rocks. This notion he found ready to hand in the legend of St. Dorothea,
familiar to all readers of Massinger and Dekker's Virgin Martyr.
Beaumont and Fletcher dramatised Chaucer's story in their one-act play
called The Triumph of Honour, which forms one of the set entitled Four
Plays in One. They preserve the name Dorigen, though the husband is
Sophocles, duke of Athens, and the lover is Martius, a Roman general. They
also retain the notion of the removal of the rocks; for Dorigen exclaims:—
'For here I vow unto the gods, these
rocks,
These rocks we see so fixed, shall
be removed,
Made champain field, ere I so
impious prove
To stain my lord's bed with
adulterous love.'
The supposed miracle is achieved by Valerius, the brother of Martius, who
had been trained 'in the mathematics' by an 'old Chaldean.'
Page 692
Finally, 'part of the plot of a comedy, printed in 1620, entitled The Two
Merry Milkmaids ... seems founded on Boccaccio's novel, yet the heroine's
name [Dorigena] is that of the lady in Chaucer's version.'
Tyrwhitt bids us remark that 'the long list of virtuous women in Dorigen's
soliloquy is plainly copied from Hieronymus contra Iouinianum.' Cf.
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 293.
Group G.
§ 72. The Seconde Nonnes Tale. There is a peculiar interest about this Tale,
because, as compared with the rest, it so clearly shews us Chaucer's mode
of compilation; his advance from close translation to a more free handling
of materials; and his change of rhythm, from stanzas to rimed couplets. The
closeness of the translation and the rhythm alike point to early
workmanship; and, most fortunately, we are not left to conjecture in this
matter, since our author himself refers to this piece, by the Title of the Lyf
of Seint Cecyle, in his Prologue to the Legend of Good Women, l. 426. It
was probably written some time before the Legend. Dr. Furnivall assigns to
it the conjectural date of 1373, which many critics have accepted[161]. The
expression in l. 78, 'Yet preye I yow that reden that I wryte,' clearly shews
that it was neither originally written as a tale of the series, nor properly
revised; and the expression in l. 62, 'And though that I, unworthy sone of
Eve,' cannot fail to strike the reader as a singular one to be put into the
mouth of a nun. We possess, in fact, the Tale in its original shape, without
either revision or introduction; though I fully suspect ll. 36-56, which are
largely from Dante, was a later insertion[162]. What is called the 'Prologue'
is, in fact, nothing of the sort; it is merely such an introduction as was
suitable for the Legend at the time of translation. We have no description of
the Second Nun, no introduction of her as a narrator, nor anything to
connect the Tale with those that precede it. There is no authority, indeed, for
attributing it to the Second Nun at all beyond the mere rubrics printed at pp.
509, 513, and 526 of vol. iv.
Merry Milkmaids ... seems founded on Boccaccio's novel, yet the heroine's
name [Dorigena] is that of the lady in Chaucer's version.'
Tyrwhitt bids us remark that 'the long list of virtuous women in Dorigen's
soliloquy is plainly copied from Hieronymus contra Iouinianum.' Cf.
Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 293.
Group G.
§ 72. The Seconde Nonnes Tale. There is a peculiar interest about this Tale,
because, as compared with the rest, it so clearly shews us Chaucer's mode
of compilation; his advance from close translation to a more free handling
of materials; and his change of rhythm, from stanzas to rimed couplets. The
closeness of the translation and the rhythm alike point to early
workmanship; and, most fortunately, we are not left to conjecture in this
matter, since our author himself refers to this piece, by the Title of the Lyf
of Seint Cecyle, in his Prologue to the Legend of Good Women, l. 426. It
was probably written some time before the Legend. Dr. Furnivall assigns to
it the conjectural date of 1373, which many critics have accepted[161]. The
expression in l. 78, 'Yet preye I yow that reden that I wryte,' clearly shews
that it was neither originally written as a tale of the series, nor properly
revised; and the expression in l. 62, 'And though that I, unworthy sone of
Eve,' cannot fail to strike the reader as a singular one to be put into the
mouth of a nun. We possess, in fact, the Tale in its original shape, without
either revision or introduction; though I fully suspect ll. 36-56, which are
largely from Dante, was a later insertion[162]. What is called the 'Prologue'
is, in fact, nothing of the sort; it is merely such an introduction as was
suitable for the Legend at the time of translation. We have no description of
the Second Nun, no introduction of her as a narrator, nor anything to
connect the Tale with those that precede it. There is no authority, indeed, for
attributing it to the Second Nun at all beyond the mere rubrics printed at pp.
509, 513, and 526 of vol. iv.
Page 693
It is not even made quite clear to us who the Second Nun was. We may,
however, conclude that, as the Prioresse was herself a Nun, i.e. the first nun
(see Prol. l. 118), the person intended is the 'Another Nonne' mentioned in
the Prologue, l. 163, but mentioned nowhere else. The first line of the
Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, G 554, merely mentions 'the lyf of Seint
Cecyle,' without any hint as to the supposed narrator of it. The Prioress
herself, on the other hand, is properly introduced to us, and her Tale is
carefully inserted in its right place.
An analysis of the so-called Prologue to this Tale is given in the Notes, at
the beginning; cf. note to l. 84. Tyrwhitt pointed out that the Tale itself is
translated from the Life of St. Cecilia as given in the Legenda Aurea (or
Golden Legend) of Jacobus Januensis, or Jacobus a Voragine, who was
archbishop of Genoa at the close of the thirteenth century; compare the
heading above, l. 85. But Dr. Kölbing has since shewn, in an able article
which appeared in Englische Studien, i. 215, that Tyrwhitt's suggestion is
only partially correct. As a matter of fact, Chaucer followed a Latin original
which agreed rather closely with the account in the Legenda Aurea down to
l. 348, or thereabouts. But after this point (and in a few places even before
it) his translation better agrees with another Latin Life of St. Cecilia,
derived from Simeon Metaphrastes. This account is quoted by Dr. Kölbing
from the printed edition in Historiae Aloysii Lipomani de vitis sanctorum,
pars II., Lovanii, 1571, p. 32; which he denotes by the symbol 'Lip.' Of this
work, the only edition accessible to me is that entitled De Vitis Sanctorum,
ab Aloysio Lipomano, episcopo Veronae, a F. L. Surio emendatis et auctis,
Venetiis, 1581, p. 161; this I shall quote by the same symbol, as I suppose
there is no material difference between the two editions.
The best text of the former Life of St. Cecilia (which I denote by 'LA') is
that given in the second edition of the Legenda Aurea by Dr. Th. Grässe,
published at Leipsic in 1850. Dr. Furnivall has printed it at length, from
Grässe's first edition, 1846, in his Originals and Analogues, Pt. ii. pp. 192-
205; side by side with the French version of La Legende Dorée, as
translated by Jehan de Vignay, printed at Paris in 1513. The suggestion was
made in 'Bell's' edition of Chaucer (really edited by Mr. Jephson), that
Chaucer's original was not the Latin, but the French text. A very slight
comparison shews at once that this idea is wrong (as Dr. Furnivall points
however, conclude that, as the Prioresse was herself a Nun, i.e. the first nun
(see Prol. l. 118), the person intended is the 'Another Nonne' mentioned in
the Prologue, l. 163, but mentioned nowhere else. The first line of the
Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, G 554, merely mentions 'the lyf of Seint
Cecyle,' without any hint as to the supposed narrator of it. The Prioress
herself, on the other hand, is properly introduced to us, and her Tale is
carefully inserted in its right place.
An analysis of the so-called Prologue to this Tale is given in the Notes, at
the beginning; cf. note to l. 84. Tyrwhitt pointed out that the Tale itself is
translated from the Life of St. Cecilia as given in the Legenda Aurea (or
Golden Legend) of Jacobus Januensis, or Jacobus a Voragine, who was
archbishop of Genoa at the close of the thirteenth century; compare the
heading above, l. 85. But Dr. Kölbing has since shewn, in an able article
which appeared in Englische Studien, i. 215, that Tyrwhitt's suggestion is
only partially correct. As a matter of fact, Chaucer followed a Latin original
which agreed rather closely with the account in the Legenda Aurea down to
l. 348, or thereabouts. But after this point (and in a few places even before
it) his translation better agrees with another Latin Life of St. Cecilia,
derived from Simeon Metaphrastes. This account is quoted by Dr. Kölbing
from the printed edition in Historiae Aloysii Lipomani de vitis sanctorum,
pars II., Lovanii, 1571, p. 32; which he denotes by the symbol 'Lip.' Of this
work, the only edition accessible to me is that entitled De Vitis Sanctorum,
ab Aloysio Lipomano, episcopo Veronae, a F. L. Surio emendatis et auctis,
Venetiis, 1581, p. 161; this I shall quote by the same symbol, as I suppose
there is no material difference between the two editions.
The best text of the former Life of St. Cecilia (which I denote by 'LA') is
that given in the second edition of the Legenda Aurea by Dr. Th. Grässe,
published at Leipsic in 1850. Dr. Furnivall has printed it at length, from
Grässe's first edition, 1846, in his Originals and Analogues, Pt. ii. pp. 192-
205; side by side with the French version of La Legende Dorée, as
translated by Jehan de Vignay, printed at Paris in 1513. The suggestion was
made in 'Bell's' edition of Chaucer (really edited by Mr. Jephson), that
Chaucer's original was not the Latin, but the French text. A very slight
comparison shews at once that this idea is wrong (as Dr. Furnivall points
Page 694
out), and that Chaucer unquestionably followed one or more Latin versions.
It is, however, probable that Chaucer may have seen the French version
also, as he seems to have taken from it the idea of his first four stanzas, ll.
1-28. But he has taken thence merely the general idea, and no more; see
notes to l. 1 and to l. 7. The Invocation to the Virgin bears some
resemblance to the Prioresses Prologue; see note to l. 50. It contains,
moreover, a passage (36-56) which is a free translation of one in Dante's
Paradiso; see note to l. 36. I may add here that Dr. Furnivall has also
reprinted two more lives of St. Cecilia, one from Caxton's Golden Legende,
in English prose, ed. 1483, fol. ccclxxvij, back; the other in English verse,
in a metre similar to that used by Robert of Gloucester, from MS. Ashmole
43, leaf 185, back, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Another copy of the
latter, found in MS. Laud 108, is printed in the Early South-English
Legendary, ed. C. Horstmann, p. 490 (Early Eng. Text Society). There is yet
another Middle-English version, in short rimed lines, found in MS. Harl.
4196 and MS. Cott. Tib. E 7; it is printed (from the former MS.) in
Englische Studien, i. 235. These do not throw much further light upon the
matter; and, in fact, the chief texts worth consulting are the Latin one of
Jacobus a Voragine (or 'LA'), and the somewhat different version due to
Simeon Metaphrastes (or 'Lip.'). Of these Dunlop says, in his History of
Fiction, 3rd ed. p. 286—'The grand repertory of pious fiction seems to have
been the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, a Genoese Dominican, a
work entitled Golden from its popularity, on the same principle that this
epithet was bestowed on the 'Ass' of Apuleius. A similar composition in
Greek, by Simon Metaphrastes, written about the end of the tenth century,
was the prototype of this work of the thirteenth century, which
comprehends the lives of individual saints, whose history had already been
written, or was current from tradition. The Golden Legend, however, does
not consist solely of the lives of saints, but is said in the colophon to be
interspersed with many other beautiful and strange relations, which were
probably extracted from the Gesta Longobardorum, and other sources too
obscure and voluminous to be easily traced; indeed, one of the original titles
of the Legenda Aurea was Historia Lombardica. The work of [Jacobus a]
Voragine was translated into French by Jean de Vignai, and was one of the
three books from which Caxton's Golden Legend was compiled.'
It is, however, probable that Chaucer may have seen the French version
also, as he seems to have taken from it the idea of his first four stanzas, ll.
1-28. But he has taken thence merely the general idea, and no more; see
notes to l. 1 and to l. 7. The Invocation to the Virgin bears some
resemblance to the Prioresses Prologue; see note to l. 50. It contains,
moreover, a passage (36-56) which is a free translation of one in Dante's
Paradiso; see note to l. 36. I may add here that Dr. Furnivall has also
reprinted two more lives of St. Cecilia, one from Caxton's Golden Legende,
in English prose, ed. 1483, fol. ccclxxvij, back; the other in English verse,
in a metre similar to that used by Robert of Gloucester, from MS. Ashmole
43, leaf 185, back, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Another copy of the
latter, found in MS. Laud 108, is printed in the Early South-English
Legendary, ed. C. Horstmann, p. 490 (Early Eng. Text Society). There is yet
another Middle-English version, in short rimed lines, found in MS. Harl.
4196 and MS. Cott. Tib. E 7; it is printed (from the former MS.) in
Englische Studien, i. 235. These do not throw much further light upon the
matter; and, in fact, the chief texts worth consulting are the Latin one of
Jacobus a Voragine (or 'LA'), and the somewhat different version due to
Simeon Metaphrastes (or 'Lip.'). Of these Dunlop says, in his History of
Fiction, 3rd ed. p. 286—'The grand repertory of pious fiction seems to have
been the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, a Genoese Dominican, a
work entitled Golden from its popularity, on the same principle that this
epithet was bestowed on the 'Ass' of Apuleius. A similar composition in
Greek, by Simon Metaphrastes, written about the end of the tenth century,
was the prototype of this work of the thirteenth century, which
comprehends the lives of individual saints, whose history had already been
written, or was current from tradition. The Golden Legend, however, does
not consist solely of the lives of saints, but is said in the colophon to be
interspersed with many other beautiful and strange relations, which were
probably extracted from the Gesta Longobardorum, and other sources too
obscure and voluminous to be easily traced; indeed, one of the original titles
of the Legenda Aurea was Historia Lombardica. The work of [Jacobus a]
Voragine was translated into French by Jean de Vignai, and was one of the
three books from which Caxton's Golden Legend was compiled.'
Page 695
Dr. Kölbing further shews that Chaucer also took a few particulars from the
Lives of Valerian and Tiburtius, as given in the Acta Sanctorum (April 14).
For a curious example of this, see note to l. 369, on the word corniculere.
Dr. Kölbing's article should be consulted. I here subjoin only some of the
more important points. The numbers refer to the lines of the Tale, in Group
G.
85-348. Chiefly from LA. 189: 'for Ioye.' Cf. Lip.: [Urbanus] magno gaudio
est affectus, ... et manibus in caelum extensis. LA has: ille manus ad caelum
expandens.
218, 9. Cf. Lip.: Inuenit Caeciliam orantem in cubiculo, et Angelum Domini
stantem prope eam. LA has: Caeciliam cum angelo loquentem in cubiculo
inuenit.
233. Lip.: assensus es; LA: credidisti.
265. Lip.: Quomodo hoc cognouisti; LA: unde hoc nosti.
315. Lip.: et nos quoque cum eo puniemur, si inuenti fuerimus ad eum
ambulantes; LA: et nos in illius flammis pariter inuoluemur.
349-357. Lip.: Tunc Valerianus deduxit fratrem suum ad sanctissimum
Papam Vrbanum. Cui postquam narrauit omnia ... benigno Deo egit gratias.
Acceptum autem cum omni gaudio et exultatione Tiburtium, cum ...
baptizasset, &c. Quae quidem cum perfecta fuissent eius doctrina, post
septem dies Christi militem restituit. Here LA merely has: Ductus igitur et
purificatus. Whence we see the importance of here consulting the second
Latin text. Many similar examples occur throughout the latter part of the
Tale, for which I must refer the reader to Dr. Kölbing's article and to the
Notes in vol. v.
The earliest English Life of St. Cecilia is the Anglo-Saxon version printed
at p. 149 of Cockayne's 'Shrine,' of which I here offer a rather close
Lives of Valerian and Tiburtius, as given in the Acta Sanctorum (April 14).
For a curious example of this, see note to l. 369, on the word corniculere.
Dr. Kölbing's article should be consulted. I here subjoin only some of the
more important points. The numbers refer to the lines of the Tale, in Group
G.
85-348. Chiefly from LA. 189: 'for Ioye.' Cf. Lip.: [Urbanus] magno gaudio
est affectus, ... et manibus in caelum extensis. LA has: ille manus ad caelum
expandens.
218, 9. Cf. Lip.: Inuenit Caeciliam orantem in cubiculo, et Angelum Domini
stantem prope eam. LA has: Caeciliam cum angelo loquentem in cubiculo
inuenit.
233. Lip.: assensus es; LA: credidisti.
265. Lip.: Quomodo hoc cognouisti; LA: unde hoc nosti.
315. Lip.: et nos quoque cum eo puniemur, si inuenti fuerimus ad eum
ambulantes; LA: et nos in illius flammis pariter inuoluemur.
349-357. Lip.: Tunc Valerianus deduxit fratrem suum ad sanctissimum
Papam Vrbanum. Cui postquam narrauit omnia ... benigno Deo egit gratias.
Acceptum autem cum omni gaudio et exultatione Tiburtium, cum ...
baptizasset, &c. Quae quidem cum perfecta fuissent eius doctrina, post
septem dies Christi militem restituit. Here LA merely has: Ductus igitur et
purificatus. Whence we see the importance of here consulting the second
Latin text. Many similar examples occur throughout the latter part of the
Tale, for which I must refer the reader to Dr. Kölbing's article and to the
Notes in vol. v.
The earliest English Life of St. Cecilia is the Anglo-Saxon version printed
at p. 149 of Cockayne's 'Shrine,' of which I here offer a rather close
Page 696
translation:—
'On the 22nd day of this month [November] is the martyrdom of St. Cecilia,
the holy woman. She was wedded in her youth to a noble man, who was a
heathen; but she was a Christian. She was clothed with a hair-cloth upon her
body; and above the hair-cloth she was clothed with garments enwoven
with gold. And, on the night when she was led into the bride-chamber, she
said to the bridegroom that she saw an angel from heaven, who would slay
him with a sudden death if ever he touched her with unclean love. Then she
instructed the bridegroom, so that he received baptism, and believed in
God. When he was baptised, and entered the bride-chamber, then stood the
angel beside her with shining wings; and he had in his hand two crowns,
that sometimes glistened like rose-blossoms and sometimes like lily-
blossoms; and he gave one of the crowns to the woman, and the other to the
bridegroom, and said: "Keep ye these crowns by cleanly deeds, because I
have brought them to you from God's paradise."
'This woman suffered martyrdom for Christ. The prefect [lit. reeve] of the
city of Rome was named Almatheus, who strove to compel her to forsake
Christ; to which when she would not consent, he commanded her to be
enclosed in a boiling [lit. burning] bath, in which she remained, without
sweating, for a day and a night. Then the executioner approached her with a
sword, and struck her thrice therewith, but was unable to strike off her head.
But she commended herself to the pope, who was named Urbanus; and
then, in the pope's presence, distributed all that she had, and gave it him,
and said: "For three days' space I have prayed to the Lord that I might give
thee this, in order that thou mightest hallow my house for a church." And
thereupon she gave up her spirit to God.'
The Life of St. Cecilia occurs also in Ælfric's Lives of the Saints, as given
in MS. Julius E vii, a portion of which I have edited for the Early English
Text Society, though this passage is not as yet in type. I do not find that this
Life differs from that in the Aurea Legenda in any particular that deserves
especial mention, except that it is somewhat briefer, and omits, as might be
expected, the passage in Chaucer's Tale, ll. 270-283.
'On the 22nd day of this month [November] is the martyrdom of St. Cecilia,
the holy woman. She was wedded in her youth to a noble man, who was a
heathen; but she was a Christian. She was clothed with a hair-cloth upon her
body; and above the hair-cloth she was clothed with garments enwoven
with gold. And, on the night when she was led into the bride-chamber, she
said to the bridegroom that she saw an angel from heaven, who would slay
him with a sudden death if ever he touched her with unclean love. Then she
instructed the bridegroom, so that he received baptism, and believed in
God. When he was baptised, and entered the bride-chamber, then stood the
angel beside her with shining wings; and he had in his hand two crowns,
that sometimes glistened like rose-blossoms and sometimes like lily-
blossoms; and he gave one of the crowns to the woman, and the other to the
bridegroom, and said: "Keep ye these crowns by cleanly deeds, because I
have brought them to you from God's paradise."
'This woman suffered martyrdom for Christ. The prefect [lit. reeve] of the
city of Rome was named Almatheus, who strove to compel her to forsake
Christ; to which when she would not consent, he commanded her to be
enclosed in a boiling [lit. burning] bath, in which she remained, without
sweating, for a day and a night. Then the executioner approached her with a
sword, and struck her thrice therewith, but was unable to strike off her head.
But she commended herself to the pope, who was named Urbanus; and
then, in the pope's presence, distributed all that she had, and gave it him,
and said: "For three days' space I have prayed to the Lord that I might give
thee this, in order that thou mightest hallow my house for a church." And
thereupon she gave up her spirit to God.'
The Life of St. Cecilia occurs also in Ælfric's Lives of the Saints, as given
in MS. Julius E vii, a portion of which I have edited for the Early English
Text Society, though this passage is not as yet in type. I do not find that this
Life differs from that in the Aurea Legenda in any particular that deserves
especial mention, except that it is somewhat briefer, and omits, as might be
expected, the passage in Chaucer's Tale, ll. 270-283.
Page 697
The chief interest of the Life of St. Cecilia in Caxton's Golden Legende is
that, as Dr. Kölbing has shewn, his translation exhibits clear traces of the
influence of Chaucer. A single example will perhaps suffice. In l. 432,
Chaucer has: 'Of whennes comth thyn answering so rude?' And Caxton has:
'Fro whens cometh thy rude answer?' Yet neither of the Latin texts suggests
this exact expression. LA has: 'Unde tibi tanta praesumtio respondendi?'
Lip.: 'Undenam est tibi haec fiducia?'
In The Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages, by Paul Lacroix, at
p. 426, is the following brief account of Saint Cecilia: 'Under the reign of
Alexander Severus, many illustrious martyrs were put to death: St. Cecilia,
her husband, and her brother-in-law among the number. St. Cecilia was
descended from a very ancient family which dated back to the time of
Tarquin the Proud; she belonged to the same house as Metella, many of
whose children were raised to the honours of triumph and of the consulate
in the heyday of the Roman republic. Her parents gave her in marriage to a
young Roman patrician, named Valerian. But Cecilia had dedicated her
virginity to God, and her husband, converted to the faith by her arguments
and entreaties, respected her vow, and himself converted his brother
Tiburtius. They all three relieved their persecuted brethren, and this
Christian charity betrayed them. In spite of their distinguished birth, their
wealth and their connexions, they were arrested, and their refusal to
sacrifice to the false gods led to their being condemned to death. We find a
multitude of analogous occurrences in Gaul, and also in the most distant
provinces of the East.' On the preceding page of the same book is figured a
copy of a piece of mosaic work of the third or fourth century, which was
taken from the cemetery of St. Sixtus, and is preserved in the church of St.
Cecilia, at Rome. It represents St. Cecilia and St. Valerian, with roses and
lilies in bloom at their feet, and having on each side of them a palm-tree
laden with fruit, a symbol of their victories and of their meritorious
martyrdom. Upon one of the palm-trees is a phoenix with a 'gloria' round its
head, the ancient symbol of resurrection.
The following interesting account of the church and statue of St. Cecilia is
extracted from Mrs. Jameson's beautiful work upon Sacred and Legendary
Art:—
that, as Dr. Kölbing has shewn, his translation exhibits clear traces of the
influence of Chaucer. A single example will perhaps suffice. In l. 432,
Chaucer has: 'Of whennes comth thyn answering so rude?' And Caxton has:
'Fro whens cometh thy rude answer?' Yet neither of the Latin texts suggests
this exact expression. LA has: 'Unde tibi tanta praesumtio respondendi?'
Lip.: 'Undenam est tibi haec fiducia?'
In The Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages, by Paul Lacroix, at
p. 426, is the following brief account of Saint Cecilia: 'Under the reign of
Alexander Severus, many illustrious martyrs were put to death: St. Cecilia,
her husband, and her brother-in-law among the number. St. Cecilia was
descended from a very ancient family which dated back to the time of
Tarquin the Proud; she belonged to the same house as Metella, many of
whose children were raised to the honours of triumph and of the consulate
in the heyday of the Roman republic. Her parents gave her in marriage to a
young Roman patrician, named Valerian. But Cecilia had dedicated her
virginity to God, and her husband, converted to the faith by her arguments
and entreaties, respected her vow, and himself converted his brother
Tiburtius. They all three relieved their persecuted brethren, and this
Christian charity betrayed them. In spite of their distinguished birth, their
wealth and their connexions, they were arrested, and their refusal to
sacrifice to the false gods led to their being condemned to death. We find a
multitude of analogous occurrences in Gaul, and also in the most distant
provinces of the East.' On the preceding page of the same book is figured a
copy of a piece of mosaic work of the third or fourth century, which was
taken from the cemetery of St. Sixtus, and is preserved in the church of St.
Cecilia, at Rome. It represents St. Cecilia and St. Valerian, with roses and
lilies in bloom at their feet, and having on each side of them a palm-tree
laden with fruit, a symbol of their victories and of their meritorious
martyrdom. Upon one of the palm-trees is a phoenix with a 'gloria' round its
head, the ancient symbol of resurrection.
The following interesting account of the church and statue of St. Cecilia is
extracted from Mrs. Jameson's beautiful work upon Sacred and Legendary
Art:—
Page 698
'According to her wish, the house of Cecilia was consecrated as a church,
the chamber in which she suffered martyrdom being regarded as a spot of
peculiar sanctity. There is mention of a council held in the church of St.
Cecilia by Pope Symmachus, in the year 500. Afterwards, in the troubles
and invasions of the barbarians, this ancient church fell into ruin, and was
rebuilt by Pope Paschal I. in the ninth century. It is related that, while
engaged in this work, Paschal had a dream, in which St. Cecilia appeared to
him, and revealed the spot in which she lay buried; accordingly search was
made, and her body was found in the cemetery of Calixtus, wrapt in a
shroud of gold tissue, and round her feet a linen cloth dipt in her blood: near
her were the remains of Valerian, Tibertius, and Maximus, which, together
with hers, were deposited in the same church, now St. Cecilia-in-Trastevere.
The little room, containing her bath, in which she was murdered or
martyred, is now a chapel. The rich frescoes with which it was decorated
are in a state of utter ruin from age and damp; but the machinery for heating
the bath, the pipes, the stoves, yet remain. This church, having again fallen
into ruin, was again repaired, and sumptuously embellished in the taste of
the sixteenth century, by Cardinal Sfondrati. On this occasion the
sarcophagus containing the body of St. Cecilia was opened with great
solemnity in the presence of several cardinals and dignitaries of the Church,
among others Cardinal Baronius, who has given us an exact description of
the appearance of the body, which had been buried by Pope Paschal in 820,
when exhumed in 1599[163]. "She was lying," says Baronius, "within a
coffin of cypress wood, enclosed in a marble sarcophagus; not in the
manner of one dead and buried, that is, on her back, but on her right side, as
one asleep; and in a very modest attitude; covered with a simple stuff of
taffety, having her head bound with cloth, and at her feet the remains of the
cloth of gold and silk which Pope Paschal had found in her tomb." Clement
VIII ordered that the relics should remain untouched, inviolate; and the
cypress coffin was enclosed in a silver shrine, and replaced under the altar.
This re-interment took place in presence of the pope and clergy, with great
pomp and solemnity, and the people crowded in from the neighbouring
towns to assist at the ceremony. Stefano Maderno, who was then in the
employment of the Cardinal Sfondrati as sculptor and architect, and acted
as his secretary, was not, we may suppose, absent on this occasion; by the
order of the Cardinal he executed the beautiful and celebrated statue of "St.
Cecilia lying dead," which was intended to commemorate the attitude in
the chamber in which she suffered martyrdom being regarded as a spot of
peculiar sanctity. There is mention of a council held in the church of St.
Cecilia by Pope Symmachus, in the year 500. Afterwards, in the troubles
and invasions of the barbarians, this ancient church fell into ruin, and was
rebuilt by Pope Paschal I. in the ninth century. It is related that, while
engaged in this work, Paschal had a dream, in which St. Cecilia appeared to
him, and revealed the spot in which she lay buried; accordingly search was
made, and her body was found in the cemetery of Calixtus, wrapt in a
shroud of gold tissue, and round her feet a linen cloth dipt in her blood: near
her were the remains of Valerian, Tibertius, and Maximus, which, together
with hers, were deposited in the same church, now St. Cecilia-in-Trastevere.
The little room, containing her bath, in which she was murdered or
martyred, is now a chapel. The rich frescoes with which it was decorated
are in a state of utter ruin from age and damp; but the machinery for heating
the bath, the pipes, the stoves, yet remain. This church, having again fallen
into ruin, was again repaired, and sumptuously embellished in the taste of
the sixteenth century, by Cardinal Sfondrati. On this occasion the
sarcophagus containing the body of St. Cecilia was opened with great
solemnity in the presence of several cardinals and dignitaries of the Church,
among others Cardinal Baronius, who has given us an exact description of
the appearance of the body, which had been buried by Pope Paschal in 820,
when exhumed in 1599[163]. "She was lying," says Baronius, "within a
coffin of cypress wood, enclosed in a marble sarcophagus; not in the
manner of one dead and buried, that is, on her back, but on her right side, as
one asleep; and in a very modest attitude; covered with a simple stuff of
taffety, having her head bound with cloth, and at her feet the remains of the
cloth of gold and silk which Pope Paschal had found in her tomb." Clement
VIII ordered that the relics should remain untouched, inviolate; and the
cypress coffin was enclosed in a silver shrine, and replaced under the altar.
This re-interment took place in presence of the pope and clergy, with great
pomp and solemnity, and the people crowded in from the neighbouring
towns to assist at the ceremony. Stefano Maderno, who was then in the
employment of the Cardinal Sfondrati as sculptor and architect, and acted
as his secretary, was not, we may suppose, absent on this occasion; by the
order of the Cardinal he executed the beautiful and celebrated statue of "St.
Cecilia lying dead," which was intended to commemorate the attitude in
Page 699
which she was found. It is thus described by Sir Charles Bell:—"The body
lies on its side, the limbs a little drawn up; the hands are delicate and fine,
—they are not locked, but crossed at the wrists: the arms are stretched out.
The drapery is beautifully modelled, and modestly covers the limbs. The
head is enveloped in linen, but the general form is seen, and the artist has
contrived to convey by its position, though not offensively, that it is
separated from the body. A gold circlet is round the neck, to conceal the
place of decollation (?). It is the statue of a lady, perfect in form, and
affecting from the resemblance to reality in the drapery of white marble,
and the unspotted appearance of the statue altogether. It lies as no living
body could lie, and yet correctly, as the dead when left to expire,—I mean
in the gravitation of the limbs."
'It must be remembered that Cecilia did not suffer decollation; that her head
was not separated from the body; and the gold band is to conceal the wound
in the neck; otherwise, this description of the statue agrees exactly with the
description which Cardinal Baronius has given of the body of the saint
when found in 1599.
'The ornaments round the shrine, of bronze and rare and precious marbles,
are in the worst taste, and do not harmonize with the pathetic simplicity of
the figure.
'At what period St. Cecilia came to be regarded as the patron saint of music,
and accompanied by the musical attributes, I cannot decide. It is certain that
in ancient devotional representations she is not so distinguished; nor in the
old Italian series of subjects from her life have I found any in which she is
figured as singing, or playing upon instruments[164].'
§ 73. The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, and Tale. The Prologue, as well as
the Tale itself, belongs to the very latest period of Chaucer's work. This is
clear at once, from its originality, as well as from the metre, and the careless
ease of the rhythm, which sometimes almost degenerates into slovenliness,
as though our author had written some of it in hot haste, with the intention
of revising it more carefully afterwards. Besides, the poet has boldly
improved upon his plan of the pilgrims' stories as laid down in his Prologue.
lies on its side, the limbs a little drawn up; the hands are delicate and fine,
—they are not locked, but crossed at the wrists: the arms are stretched out.
The drapery is beautifully modelled, and modestly covers the limbs. The
head is enveloped in linen, but the general form is seen, and the artist has
contrived to convey by its position, though not offensively, that it is
separated from the body. A gold circlet is round the neck, to conceal the
place of decollation (?). It is the statue of a lady, perfect in form, and
affecting from the resemblance to reality in the drapery of white marble,
and the unspotted appearance of the statue altogether. It lies as no living
body could lie, and yet correctly, as the dead when left to expire,—I mean
in the gravitation of the limbs."
'It must be remembered that Cecilia did not suffer decollation; that her head
was not separated from the body; and the gold band is to conceal the wound
in the neck; otherwise, this description of the statue agrees exactly with the
description which Cardinal Baronius has given of the body of the saint
when found in 1599.
'The ornaments round the shrine, of bronze and rare and precious marbles,
are in the worst taste, and do not harmonize with the pathetic simplicity of
the figure.
'At what period St. Cecilia came to be regarded as the patron saint of music,
and accompanied by the musical attributes, I cannot decide. It is certain that
in ancient devotional representations she is not so distinguished; nor in the
old Italian series of subjects from her life have I found any in which she is
figured as singing, or playing upon instruments[164].'
§ 73. The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, and Tale. The Prologue, as well as
the Tale itself, belongs to the very latest period of Chaucer's work. This is
clear at once, from its originality, as well as from the metre, and the careless
ease of the rhythm, which sometimes almost degenerates into slovenliness,
as though our author had written some of it in hot haste, with the intention
of revising it more carefully afterwards. Besides, the poet has boldly
improved upon his plan of the pilgrims' stories as laid down in his Prologue.
Page 700
We have there no hint of the Canon nor of his Yeoman; they are two new
pilgrims who join themselves to the rest upon the road. A dispute arising
between the master and the man, the former is put out of countenance, and
actually rides away for very sorrow and shame (l. 702); but the man
remains, to denounce the cupidity of the alchemists and to expose their
trickery. Tyrwhitt remarks:—'The introduction of the Chanouns Yeman to
tell a tale, at a time when so many of the original characters remain to be
called upon, appears a little extraordinary. It should seem, that some sudden
resentment had determined Chaucer to interrupt the regular course of his
work, in order to insert a satire against the alchemists. That their pretended
science was much cultivated about this time, and produced its usual evils,
may fairly be inferred from the Act, which was passed soon after, 5 Henry
IV, cap. iv. to make it Felonie to multiplie gold or siluer, or to vse the art of
multiplication.' He adds—'The first considerable coinage of gold in this
country was begun by Edward III in the year 1343, and according to
Camden (in his Remains, art. Money), "the Alchemists did affirm, as an
unwritten verity, that the Rose-nobles, which were coined soon after, were
made by projection or multiplication Alchemical of Raymund Lully in the
Tower of London." Ashmole, in his Theatrum Chemicum, p. 443, has
repeated this ridiculous story concerning Lully with additional
circumstances, as if he really believed it; though Lully, by the best accounts,
had been dead above twenty years before Edward III began to coin
gold[165].'
The above-mentioned volume by Ashmole, entitled Theatrum
Chemicum[166], is a very singular production. And, perhaps, not the least
singular circumstance is that Ashmole actually gives 'The Tale of the
Chanon's Yeman, written by our ancient and famous poet, Geoffry Chaucer,'
Prologue and all, at full length (pp. 227-256), under the impression,
apparently, that Chaucer was really a believer in the science! He says—'One
reason why I selected out of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales that of the
Chanon's Yeoman was, to let the world see what notorious cheating there
has beene ever used, under pretence of this true (though injur'd) Science;
Another is, to shew that Chaucer himselfe was a Master therein.' It is indeed
true that Chaucer had examined into alchemy very closely; but it is
perfectly clear that he had made up his mind, with his strong English
common sense, that the whole matter was a delusion. Had he lived in the
pilgrims who join themselves to the rest upon the road. A dispute arising
between the master and the man, the former is put out of countenance, and
actually rides away for very sorrow and shame (l. 702); but the man
remains, to denounce the cupidity of the alchemists and to expose their
trickery. Tyrwhitt remarks:—'The introduction of the Chanouns Yeman to
tell a tale, at a time when so many of the original characters remain to be
called upon, appears a little extraordinary. It should seem, that some sudden
resentment had determined Chaucer to interrupt the regular course of his
work, in order to insert a satire against the alchemists. That their pretended
science was much cultivated about this time, and produced its usual evils,
may fairly be inferred from the Act, which was passed soon after, 5 Henry
IV, cap. iv. to make it Felonie to multiplie gold or siluer, or to vse the art of
multiplication.' He adds—'The first considerable coinage of gold in this
country was begun by Edward III in the year 1343, and according to
Camden (in his Remains, art. Money), "the Alchemists did affirm, as an
unwritten verity, that the Rose-nobles, which were coined soon after, were
made by projection or multiplication Alchemical of Raymund Lully in the
Tower of London." Ashmole, in his Theatrum Chemicum, p. 443, has
repeated this ridiculous story concerning Lully with additional
circumstances, as if he really believed it; though Lully, by the best accounts,
had been dead above twenty years before Edward III began to coin
gold[165].'
The above-mentioned volume by Ashmole, entitled Theatrum
Chemicum[166], is a very singular production. And, perhaps, not the least
singular circumstance is that Ashmole actually gives 'The Tale of the
Chanon's Yeman, written by our ancient and famous poet, Geoffry Chaucer,'
Prologue and all, at full length (pp. 227-256), under the impression,
apparently, that Chaucer was really a believer in the science! He says—'One
reason why I selected out of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales that of the
Chanon's Yeoman was, to let the world see what notorious cheating there
has beene ever used, under pretence of this true (though injur'd) Science;
Another is, to shew that Chaucer himselfe was a Master therein.' It is indeed
true that Chaucer had examined into alchemy very closely; but it is
perfectly clear that he had made up his mind, with his strong English
common sense, that the whole matter was a delusion. Had he lived in the
Page 701
present century, he could hardly have spoken out in more assured terms. In
a similar manner he had studied astrology, and was equally a disbeliever in
all but the terms of it and a few of its most general and vague assertions. He
says expressly, in his Treatise on the Astrolabe, pt. ii. sec. 4, l. 36:
—'natheles, thise ben observauncez of iudicial matiere and rytes of payens
[pagans], in which my spirit ne hath no feith, ne no knowing of hir
horoscopum.' But it is evident that the believers in alchemy had to make the
best use they could of Chaucer's language, by applying it as being directed
only against notorious cheats; and accordingly, we find in The Ordinall of
Alchimy, by Thomas Norton of Bristol, printed in Ashmole's collection,
various passages imitated from Chaucer, such as, e.g. that at p. 17:—
'The fals man walketh from Towne
to Towne,
For the most parte in a threed-bare
Gowne,' &c.
And again, George Ripley, in his Compound of Alchymie, dedicated to
King Edward IV., printed in the same collection, says, at p. 153:—
'Their Clothes be bawdy and woryn
threde-bare,
Men may them smell for
Multyplyers where they go,'
&c.[167]
Ashmole's work contains several treatises which profess to explain
alchemy, nearly all alike couched in mysterious, and often in ridiculous
language. Such are Norton's Ordinall of Alchimy, Ripley's Compound of
Alchymie, Liber Patris Sapientiae, Hermes Bird (really Lydgate's poem of
The Churl and the Bird), Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman's Tale (!), Pearce the
Blacke Monke upon the Elixir, Charnock's Breviary of Naturall
Philosophy[168], Ripley's Mistery of Alchymists, an extract from Gower's
Confessio Amantis, Aristotle's Secreta Secretorum, translated by Lydgate;
and so on. On the whole, the book is equally curious and dull.
a similar manner he had studied astrology, and was equally a disbeliever in
all but the terms of it and a few of its most general and vague assertions. He
says expressly, in his Treatise on the Astrolabe, pt. ii. sec. 4, l. 36:
—'natheles, thise ben observauncez of iudicial matiere and rytes of payens
[pagans], in which my spirit ne hath no feith, ne no knowing of hir
horoscopum.' But it is evident that the believers in alchemy had to make the
best use they could of Chaucer's language, by applying it as being directed
only against notorious cheats; and accordingly, we find in The Ordinall of
Alchimy, by Thomas Norton of Bristol, printed in Ashmole's collection,
various passages imitated from Chaucer, such as, e.g. that at p. 17:—
'The fals man walketh from Towne
to Towne,
For the most parte in a threed-bare
Gowne,' &c.
And again, George Ripley, in his Compound of Alchymie, dedicated to
King Edward IV., printed in the same collection, says, at p. 153:—
'Their Clothes be bawdy and woryn
threde-bare,
Men may them smell for
Multyplyers where they go,'
&c.[167]
Ashmole's work contains several treatises which profess to explain
alchemy, nearly all alike couched in mysterious, and often in ridiculous
language. Such are Norton's Ordinall of Alchimy, Ripley's Compound of
Alchymie, Liber Patris Sapientiae, Hermes Bird (really Lydgate's poem of
The Churl and the Bird), Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman's Tale (!), Pearce the
Blacke Monke upon the Elixir, Charnock's Breviary of Naturall
Philosophy[168], Ripley's Mistery of Alchymists, an extract from Gower's
Confessio Amantis, Aristotle's Secreta Secretorum, translated by Lydgate;
and so on. On the whole, the book is equally curious and dull.
Page 702
It would hardly be possible to give much idea of alchemy in a brief space,
and it would certainly be unprofitable. The curious will find an excellent
article upon it (entitled 'Alchemy') in the new edition of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica; and a history of it, by no means uninteresting, in the first
volume of Thomson's History of Chemistry. In Whewell's History of the
Inductive Sciences, 2nd edition, 1847, vol. i. p. 320, the following notice of
it occurs, which I quote for the reader's convenience:—'Like other kinds of
Mysticism, Alchemy seems to have grown out of the notions of moral,
personal, and mythological qualities, which men associated with terms, of
which the primary application was to physical properties. This is the form
in which the subject is presented to us in the earliest writings which we
possess on the subject of chemistry, those of Geber of Seville, who is
supposed to have lived in the eighth or ninth century. The very titles of
Geber's works show the notions on which this pretended science proceeds.
They are, "Of the Search of Perfection;" "Of the Sum of Perfection or of the
Perfect Magistery;" "Of the Invention of Verity, of Perfection." The basis of
this phraseology is the distinction of metals into more or less perfect; gold
being the most perfect, as being the most valuable, most beautiful, most
pure, most durable; silver the next; and so on. The "Search of Perfection"
was, therefore, the attempt to convert other metals into gold; and doctrines
were adopted which represented the metals as all compounded of the same
elements, so that this was theoretically possible. But the mystical trains of
association were pursued much further than this; gold and silver were held
to be the most noble of metals; gold was their King, and silver their Queen.
Mythological associations were called in aid of these fancies, as had been
done in astrology. Gold was Sol, the sun; silver was Luna, the moon;
copper, iron, tin, lead, were assigned to Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn. The
processes of mixture and heat were spoken of as personal actions and
relations, struggles and victories. Some elements were conquerors, some
conquered; there existed preparations which possessed the power of
changing the whole of a body into a substance of another kind: these were
called magisteries[169]. When gold and quicksilver are combined, the king
and the queen are married, to produce children of their own kind. It will
easily be conceived, that when chemical operations were described in
phraseology of this sort, the enthusiasm of the fancy would be added to that
of the hopes, and observation would not be permitted to correct the
delusion, or to suggest sounder and more rational views.
and it would certainly be unprofitable. The curious will find an excellent
article upon it (entitled 'Alchemy') in the new edition of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica; and a history of it, by no means uninteresting, in the first
volume of Thomson's History of Chemistry. In Whewell's History of the
Inductive Sciences, 2nd edition, 1847, vol. i. p. 320, the following notice of
it occurs, which I quote for the reader's convenience:—'Like other kinds of
Mysticism, Alchemy seems to have grown out of the notions of moral,
personal, and mythological qualities, which men associated with terms, of
which the primary application was to physical properties. This is the form
in which the subject is presented to us in the earliest writings which we
possess on the subject of chemistry, those of Geber of Seville, who is
supposed to have lived in the eighth or ninth century. The very titles of
Geber's works show the notions on which this pretended science proceeds.
They are, "Of the Search of Perfection;" "Of the Sum of Perfection or of the
Perfect Magistery;" "Of the Invention of Verity, of Perfection." The basis of
this phraseology is the distinction of metals into more or less perfect; gold
being the most perfect, as being the most valuable, most beautiful, most
pure, most durable; silver the next; and so on. The "Search of Perfection"
was, therefore, the attempt to convert other metals into gold; and doctrines
were adopted which represented the metals as all compounded of the same
elements, so that this was theoretically possible. But the mystical trains of
association were pursued much further than this; gold and silver were held
to be the most noble of metals; gold was their King, and silver their Queen.
Mythological associations were called in aid of these fancies, as had been
done in astrology. Gold was Sol, the sun; silver was Luna, the moon;
copper, iron, tin, lead, were assigned to Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn. The
processes of mixture and heat were spoken of as personal actions and
relations, struggles and victories. Some elements were conquerors, some
conquered; there existed preparations which possessed the power of
changing the whole of a body into a substance of another kind: these were
called magisteries[169]. When gold and quicksilver are combined, the king
and the queen are married, to produce children of their own kind. It will
easily be conceived, that when chemical operations were described in
phraseology of this sort, the enthusiasm of the fancy would be added to that
of the hopes, and observation would not be permitted to correct the
delusion, or to suggest sounder and more rational views.
Page 703
'The exaggeration of the vague notion of perfection and power in the object
of the alchemist's search was carried further still. The same preparation
which possessed the faculty of turning baser metals into gold, was imagined
to be also a universal medicine, to have the gift of curing or preventing
diseases, prolonging life, producing bodily strength and beauty: the
philosopher's stone was finally invested with every desirable efficacy which
the fancy of the "philosophers" could devise.'
See also Dr. Whewell's account of the doctrine of 'the four elements' in the
same work; vol. iii. p. 121.
The history of the rise and growth of the ideas involved in alchemy is ably
treated of in the article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica already referred to;
it is of some interest to note how some of the more important notions were
developed. From ancient Persia came the idea of a correspondence between
the heavenly bodies and parts of the human frame, alluded to in Chaucer's
Treatise on the Astrolabe, and in Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, i. 3. 148[170].
From ancient India came the idea of a peregrination of sinful souls through
the animal, vegetable, and even the mineral world, till they were absorbed
into Deity. Hence was further evolved the notion of a transmutation of
elements. The Greeks held that different deities had under their protection
and guidance different types of men; an idea still preserved in our words
mercurial, jovial, and saturnine. The school of Hippocrates held the
doctrine of the four elements, or primary substances of which all others
were made, an idea first mentioned (it is said) by Empedocles; to which
Aristotle added a fifth element, that of ether (Arist. de Caelo, i. 2). But this
idea is probably older; for we find five bhútas, or elements, enumerated in
Sanskrit, viz. earth, water, fire, air, and ether; see Benfey's Skt. Dict. s.v.
bhú, p. 658. Another very ancient notion is that male and female principles
existed in all three worlds alike, animal, vegetable, and mineral; from which
it followed that the union of two metals could produce a third. It was argued
that 'monstrosities are the productions of diseased metals (really alloys),
which, if properly treated, may be cured, and will turn to gold, or at least
silver. The second stage in this imitation of nature is to obtain, by tincture or
projection, solid or liquid gold, the cure of all evils'; Encycl. Brit. i. 463,
col. 2. This notion is still preserved in the word arsenic (Gk. ἀρσενικόν,
male). It was universally believed that nature produced changes in the
of the alchemist's search was carried further still. The same preparation
which possessed the faculty of turning baser metals into gold, was imagined
to be also a universal medicine, to have the gift of curing or preventing
diseases, prolonging life, producing bodily strength and beauty: the
philosopher's stone was finally invested with every desirable efficacy which
the fancy of the "philosophers" could devise.'
See also Dr. Whewell's account of the doctrine of 'the four elements' in the
same work; vol. iii. p. 121.
The history of the rise and growth of the ideas involved in alchemy is ably
treated of in the article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica already referred to;
it is of some interest to note how some of the more important notions were
developed. From ancient Persia came the idea of a correspondence between
the heavenly bodies and parts of the human frame, alluded to in Chaucer's
Treatise on the Astrolabe, and in Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, i. 3. 148[170].
From ancient India came the idea of a peregrination of sinful souls through
the animal, vegetable, and even the mineral world, till they were absorbed
into Deity. Hence was further evolved the notion of a transmutation of
elements. The Greeks held that different deities had under their protection
and guidance different types of men; an idea still preserved in our words
mercurial, jovial, and saturnine. The school of Hippocrates held the
doctrine of the four elements, or primary substances of which all others
were made, an idea first mentioned (it is said) by Empedocles; to which
Aristotle added a fifth element, that of ether (Arist. de Caelo, i. 2). But this
idea is probably older; for we find five bhútas, or elements, enumerated in
Sanskrit, viz. earth, water, fire, air, and ether; see Benfey's Skt. Dict. s.v.
bhú, p. 658. Another very ancient notion is that male and female principles
existed in all three worlds alike, animal, vegetable, and mineral; from which
it followed that the union of two metals could produce a third. It was argued
that 'monstrosities are the productions of diseased metals (really alloys),
which, if properly treated, may be cured, and will turn to gold, or at least
silver. The second stage in this imitation of nature is to obtain, by tincture or
projection, solid or liquid gold, the cure of all evils'; Encycl. Brit. i. 463,
col. 2. This notion is still preserved in the word arsenic (Gk. ἀρσενικόν,
male). It was universally believed that nature produced changes in the
Page 704
substance of various metals by slow degrees, and the great object of
alchemy was to produce the same changes quickly. The chief names in
connexion with the progress of alchemy are Geber, a Sabaean, who
flourished about A.D. 800; Avicenna, a native of Shiraz, born A.D. 980, died
June, 1037; Albertus Magnus, born about 1193, died Nov. 15, 1280, who
uses much more intelligible language than alchemists usually indulge in;
Raymund Lully, born at Majorca in 1235, a scholar of Roger Bacon, who
was himself deeply imbued with the mystery of alchemy; Arnoldus de Villa
Nova (mentioned by Chaucer), so named because born at Villeneuve, in
Provence, in 1240; and others. Paracelsus[171], a Swiss physician (born in
1493, died 1541) was somewhat better than a mere alchemist. He did
something towards destroying the notion of the necessity of consulting
astrological influences, and prepared the way for the discoveries of Van
Helmont (born at Brussels in 1577, died 1644), with whom the history of
modern chemistry may be said to begin. Van Helmont was the inventor of
two new terms, gas[172] and blas, the former of which remains in common
use, though the latter is wholly forgotten.
The great storehouse of treatises upon alchemy is the Latin collection, in
five volumes, called Theatrum Chemicum. I have made considerable use of
the edition of this work published in 1660, which I have frequently quoted
in the Notes. We hence gather that most of the authors upon the subject
wished men to believe that the true secrets of the science were known to
themselves only; yet they all learnt more or less of a certain jargon which
they continually repeated, attributing their empirical rules to Hermes, or
Geber, or other supposed masters. The same ideas, alleged results, and
supposed principles continually recur; and the brief statement of a few of
these will at once shew what the reader of an alchemical treatise may expect
to find. Much depended on the supposed powers of certain numbers. Thus,
there were three primary colours, black, white, and red[173], from which all
others were produced by combination; Theat. Chem. iv. 536. According to
Gower, there were really three kinds of the philosopher's stone, viz. animal,
vegetable, and mineral. Some said it was composed of three parts; body,
spirit, and soul—corpus, spiritus, and anima; Ashmole's Th. Ch. p. 382.
Again, there were four elements; four complexions of nature or
temperaments; four colours (said some), viz. white, black, citrine (i.e. gold-
coloured, with a purple tinge), and red; four savours, insipid, acid, sweet,
alchemy was to produce the same changes quickly. The chief names in
connexion with the progress of alchemy are Geber, a Sabaean, who
flourished about A.D. 800; Avicenna, a native of Shiraz, born A.D. 980, died
June, 1037; Albertus Magnus, born about 1193, died Nov. 15, 1280, who
uses much more intelligible language than alchemists usually indulge in;
Raymund Lully, born at Majorca in 1235, a scholar of Roger Bacon, who
was himself deeply imbued with the mystery of alchemy; Arnoldus de Villa
Nova (mentioned by Chaucer), so named because born at Villeneuve, in
Provence, in 1240; and others. Paracelsus[171], a Swiss physician (born in
1493, died 1541) was somewhat better than a mere alchemist. He did
something towards destroying the notion of the necessity of consulting
astrological influences, and prepared the way for the discoveries of Van
Helmont (born at Brussels in 1577, died 1644), with whom the history of
modern chemistry may be said to begin. Van Helmont was the inventor of
two new terms, gas[172] and blas, the former of which remains in common
use, though the latter is wholly forgotten.
The great storehouse of treatises upon alchemy is the Latin collection, in
five volumes, called Theatrum Chemicum. I have made considerable use of
the edition of this work published in 1660, which I have frequently quoted
in the Notes. We hence gather that most of the authors upon the subject
wished men to believe that the true secrets of the science were known to
themselves only; yet they all learnt more or less of a certain jargon which
they continually repeated, attributing their empirical rules to Hermes, or
Geber, or other supposed masters. The same ideas, alleged results, and
supposed principles continually recur; and the brief statement of a few of
these will at once shew what the reader of an alchemical treatise may expect
to find. Much depended on the supposed powers of certain numbers. Thus,
there were three primary colours, black, white, and red[173], from which all
others were produced by combination; Theat. Chem. iv. 536. According to
Gower, there were really three kinds of the philosopher's stone, viz. animal,
vegetable, and mineral. Some said it was composed of three parts; body,
spirit, and soul—corpus, spiritus, and anima; Ashmole's Th. Ch. p. 382.
Again, there were four elements; four complexions of nature or
temperaments; four colours (said some), viz. white, black, citrine (i.e. gold-
coloured, with a purple tinge), and red; four savours, insipid, acid, sweet,
Page 705
and bitter; four odours, sweet, fetid, intense, and slight (remissus); Theat.
Chem. iii. 82. In particular, there were four spirits, sulphur, sal ammoniac,
quicksilver, and arsenic; see note to line 778; also four states or conditions,
hot, cold, wet, and dry; Theat. Chem. iv. 537. There were seven planets; and
because there were seven planets, it followed that every planet had a
corresponding note in the musical scale of seven notes. Every planet had its
proper colour; and, in this view, there were seven colours, sable, vert, gules,
or, argent, sanguine, and umber; Batman upon Bartholome, lib. 19, c. 37.
Every planet had its proper metal; there were therefore seven metals; see the
extract from Gower, in the note to l. 820. Now, as all substances are made
of the same four elements, it follows that if a substance can be decomposed,
and reunited in different proportions, its nature may be so changed that it
shall become another substance. Many substances, if subjected to heat, are
destroyed; but metals are not so, and therefore became the favourite subject
for experiments. It was laid down that one metal could be transmuted into
another, but only after having been first reduced into its primary elements;
Theat. Chem. iv. 531. Ere long, it was accepted as an axiom that all baser
metals could be transmuted either into gold (or sol), typified by the sun, or
into silver (or luna), typified by the moon; these being the two extremes
between which the other five metals were ranged. It was agreed that the
chief agents in producing this transmutation were quicksilver and sulphur,
and of these quicksilver was the more important; so much so, that the
mention of quicksilver meets us everywhere, and no alchemist could work
without it[174]. It was also agreed that certain processes must be gone
through in a due order, generally ten or twelve in number; and if any one of
them failed, the whole work had to be begun afresh. They are commonly
described as (1) calcination, (2) solution, (3) separation of the elements, (4)
conjunction, (5) putrefaction, (6) coagulation, (7) cibation, (8) sublimation,
(9) fermentation, (10) exaltation, (11) augmentation or multiplication; and
(12) projection; Theat. Chem. ii. 175, and Ripley's Compound of Alchemy.
By insisting on the necessity of all these processes, alchemists sufficiently
guarded against all chances of an unfavourable result, viz. by securing that
a result could not very well be arrived at.
The moment that we attempt to analyse their processes more closely, we are
met by two difficulties that are simply insuperable: the first, that the same
name is clearly used to denote quite different substances; and the second,
Chem. iii. 82. In particular, there were four spirits, sulphur, sal ammoniac,
quicksilver, and arsenic; see note to line 778; also four states or conditions,
hot, cold, wet, and dry; Theat. Chem. iv. 537. There were seven planets; and
because there were seven planets, it followed that every planet had a
corresponding note in the musical scale of seven notes. Every planet had its
proper colour; and, in this view, there were seven colours, sable, vert, gules,
or, argent, sanguine, and umber; Batman upon Bartholome, lib. 19, c. 37.
Every planet had its proper metal; there were therefore seven metals; see the
extract from Gower, in the note to l. 820. Now, as all substances are made
of the same four elements, it follows that if a substance can be decomposed,
and reunited in different proportions, its nature may be so changed that it
shall become another substance. Many substances, if subjected to heat, are
destroyed; but metals are not so, and therefore became the favourite subject
for experiments. It was laid down that one metal could be transmuted into
another, but only after having been first reduced into its primary elements;
Theat. Chem. iv. 531. Ere long, it was accepted as an axiom that all baser
metals could be transmuted either into gold (or sol), typified by the sun, or
into silver (or luna), typified by the moon; these being the two extremes
between which the other five metals were ranged. It was agreed that the
chief agents in producing this transmutation were quicksilver and sulphur,
and of these quicksilver was the more important; so much so, that the
mention of quicksilver meets us everywhere, and no alchemist could work
without it[174]. It was also agreed that certain processes must be gone
through in a due order, generally ten or twelve in number; and if any one of
them failed, the whole work had to be begun afresh. They are commonly
described as (1) calcination, (2) solution, (3) separation of the elements, (4)
conjunction, (5) putrefaction, (6) coagulation, (7) cibation, (8) sublimation,
(9) fermentation, (10) exaltation, (11) augmentation or multiplication; and
(12) projection; Theat. Chem. ii. 175, and Ripley's Compound of Alchemy.
By insisting on the necessity of all these processes, alchemists sufficiently
guarded against all chances of an unfavourable result, viz. by securing that
a result could not very well be arrived at.
The moment that we attempt to analyse their processes more closely, we are
met by two difficulties that are simply insuperable: the first, that the same
name is clearly used to denote quite different substances; and the second,
Page 706
that the same substance is called by many different names. Hence also arose
endless evasions, and arrogant claims to pretended secrets; it was often said
that the quicksilver of the alchemists was a substance only known to adepts,
and that those who used only ordinary quicksilver knew nothing of the
matter. The master could thus always mystify his pupils, and make it appear
that he alone, and no one else, knew what he was talking about.
Yet it was frequently alleged that the experiments did succeed. The easiest
explanation of this matter is, that the hopes of the alchemists were doubtless
buoyed up by the fact that every now and then the experiments appeared to
succeed; and it is easy to shew how. The close affinity of quicksilver for
gold is well known. I copy the following from a book on experiments,
which really suffices to explain the whole matter. 'If a sovereign be rubbed
with mercury, it will lose its usual appearance, and appear as if silvered
over[175]; the attraction of the gold for the mercury being sufficient to cause
a coating of it to remain. When it is wished to remove the silvery
appearance, dip the sovereign in a dilute solution of nitric acid, which will
entirely take it off.' Now the alchemists tell us that quicksilver must always
be used in all experiments; and they constantly recommend the introduction
into the substances experimented on of a small quantity of gold, which they
thought would be increased. The experiments constantly failed; and
whenever they failed, the pieces of molten metal were carefully saved, to be
used over and over again. The frequent introduction of small quantities of
gold caused that metal to accumulate; and if, by any favourable process, the
quicksilver was separated from the mass, a considerable quantity of gold
would now and then actually appear. This account is so much in accordance
with all that we read, that we may confidently accept the conclusion of Dr.
Thomson, the author of the History of Chemistry, that the vaunted
philosopher's stone was certainly an amalgam of gold; which, 'if projected
into melted lead or tin, and afterwards cupellated, would leave a portion of
gold; all the gold, of course, that existed previously in the amalgam.' He
adds that 'the alchemists who prepared the amalgam could not be ignorant
that it contained gold'; a statement which I am inclined to modify by
suggesting that it may very easily have contained more gold than they
supposed it did. In a word, we may conclude that some deceived
themselves, and others were conscious cheats.
endless evasions, and arrogant claims to pretended secrets; it was often said
that the quicksilver of the alchemists was a substance only known to adepts,
and that those who used only ordinary quicksilver knew nothing of the
matter. The master could thus always mystify his pupils, and make it appear
that he alone, and no one else, knew what he was talking about.
Yet it was frequently alleged that the experiments did succeed. The easiest
explanation of this matter is, that the hopes of the alchemists were doubtless
buoyed up by the fact that every now and then the experiments appeared to
succeed; and it is easy to shew how. The close affinity of quicksilver for
gold is well known. I copy the following from a book on experiments,
which really suffices to explain the whole matter. 'If a sovereign be rubbed
with mercury, it will lose its usual appearance, and appear as if silvered
over[175]; the attraction of the gold for the mercury being sufficient to cause
a coating of it to remain. When it is wished to remove the silvery
appearance, dip the sovereign in a dilute solution of nitric acid, which will
entirely take it off.' Now the alchemists tell us that quicksilver must always
be used in all experiments; and they constantly recommend the introduction
into the substances experimented on of a small quantity of gold, which they
thought would be increased. The experiments constantly failed; and
whenever they failed, the pieces of molten metal were carefully saved, to be
used over and over again. The frequent introduction of small quantities of
gold caused that metal to accumulate; and if, by any favourable process, the
quicksilver was separated from the mass, a considerable quantity of gold
would now and then actually appear. This account is so much in accordance
with all that we read, that we may confidently accept the conclusion of Dr.
Thomson, the author of the History of Chemistry, that the vaunted
philosopher's stone was certainly an amalgam of gold; which, 'if projected
into melted lead or tin, and afterwards cupellated, would leave a portion of
gold; all the gold, of course, that existed previously in the amalgam.' He
adds that 'the alchemists who prepared the amalgam could not be ignorant
that it contained gold'; a statement which I am inclined to modify by
suggesting that it may very easily have contained more gold than they
supposed it did. In a word, we may conclude that some deceived
themselves, and others were conscious cheats.
Page 707
Group H.
§ 74. The Manciple's Prologue. In the black-letter editions, this Prologue
begins with the 16 lines printed at p. 289 (vol. iv) as the Epilogue to the
Nonne Prestes Tale; because, in them, that Tale precedes. See remarks on §
51 above (p. 433).
The Prologue is self-explanatory; we see how the responsibility passed
from the Cook to the Manciple. It is curious that the Cook is addressed as if
he had told no Tale hitherto; see, as to this, the remarks on § 28 above (p.
399).
§ 75. The Maunciples Tale. With respect to this story, Tyrwhitt briefly
remarks that 'The Fable of the Crow has been related by so many authors,
from Ovid down to Gower, that it is impossible to say whom Chaucer
principally followed. His skill in new dressing an old story was never,
perhaps, more successfully exerted.'
Chaucer was so familiar with Ovid, and, in particular, with the
Metamorphoses, that we may fairly suppose that this was the real source of
his Tale; see Metam. ii. 534-632. The last line of his story (H 308),
excluding the moral, closely agrees in sense with the last line in Ovid's tale
—'Inter aues albas uetuit considere coruum.'
Gower's story is in his Confessio Amantis, bk. iii, ed. Pauli, i. 305-6; but it
is so briefly sketched, in 35 lines, that Chaucer could have derived nothing
from it, even if he had wished to do so.
Another Middle-English analogue, much more important than Gower's, is
the story of the Magpie, being the 10th Tale in the collection known as The
Seven Sages, printed in Weber's Metrical Romances, iii. 86. It is much the
same as the story of the Popinjay in Wright's edition of the Seven Sages, p.
73. The version in the Seven Sages clearly points to an Eastern origin for
the story. See Mr. Clouston's essay on The Tell-tale Bird, in Originals and
Analogues (Chaucer Soc.), p. 437; to which I refer the reader for further
information.
§ 74. The Manciple's Prologue. In the black-letter editions, this Prologue
begins with the 16 lines printed at p. 289 (vol. iv) as the Epilogue to the
Nonne Prestes Tale; because, in them, that Tale precedes. See remarks on §
51 above (p. 433).
The Prologue is self-explanatory; we see how the responsibility passed
from the Cook to the Manciple. It is curious that the Cook is addressed as if
he had told no Tale hitherto; see, as to this, the remarks on § 28 above (p.
399).
§ 75. The Maunciples Tale. With respect to this story, Tyrwhitt briefly
remarks that 'The Fable of the Crow has been related by so many authors,
from Ovid down to Gower, that it is impossible to say whom Chaucer
principally followed. His skill in new dressing an old story was never,
perhaps, more successfully exerted.'
Chaucer was so familiar with Ovid, and, in particular, with the
Metamorphoses, that we may fairly suppose that this was the real source of
his Tale; see Metam. ii. 534-632. The last line of his story (H 308),
excluding the moral, closely agrees in sense with the last line in Ovid's tale
—'Inter aues albas uetuit considere coruum.'
Gower's story is in his Confessio Amantis, bk. iii, ed. Pauli, i. 305-6; but it
is so briefly sketched, in 35 lines, that Chaucer could have derived nothing
from it, even if he had wished to do so.
Another Middle-English analogue, much more important than Gower's, is
the story of the Magpie, being the 10th Tale in the collection known as The
Seven Sages, printed in Weber's Metrical Romances, iii. 86. It is much the
same as the story of the Popinjay in Wright's edition of the Seven Sages, p.
73. The version in the Seven Sages clearly points to an Eastern origin for
the story. See Mr. Clouston's essay on The Tell-tale Bird, in Originals and
Analogues (Chaucer Soc.), p. 437; to which I refer the reader for further
information.
Page 708
Dr. Köppel[176] has shewn that several passages in the moral advice with
which the Tale concludes (including nearly the whole of lines H 325-358),
are taken from a work by Albertano of Brescia, entitled De Arte Loquendi
et Tacendi, written in 1245, and newly edited by Thor Sundby in the second
Appendix to his work called Brunetto Latinos levnet og skrifter (Life and
Writings of Brunetto Latino), Copenhagen, 1869. See further in my Notes.
Group I.
§ 76. The Parson's Prologue. Most copies place this after the Manciples
Tale, and insert the word maunciple in the first line. The black-letter edition
of 1542 added the spurious Plowman's Tale after the Parson's, i.e. at the end
of all. But all the later editions in black-letter inserted this spurious Tale
before the Parson's, and hence the editors had to alter the word maunciple
(above) into Plowman; which they did.
The Persones Tale was clearly meant to come last (I 47), and there is an
allusion to the hour of 4 P. M. (I 5, and note). The Maunciples Tale well
precedes it, because the Prologue to that Tale says they were approaching
Canterbury (H 2, 3). But there is a great difficulty in the mention of the
early morning (H 16); and this is why Group I has to be taken as a separate
Fragment.
The reading Foure, in l. 5, is explained and justified in the Notes.
Some German commentators have endeavoured to discover the date of the
Tales from lines 10, 11, by giving these lines a wholly gratuitous and
impossible interpretation, as if they were meant to express that the moon's
position was in Libra! But Chaucer says nothing of the sort; he is speaking
of the moon's exaltation, and adds, parenthetically, 'I mean (to say) Libra.'
Unluckily, he happens to go wrong; for Libra was the exaltation of Saturn:
but this does not alter the fact, that exaltation never denotes position, but
was a common astrological term. It invariably refers to a sign of the Zodiac;
and although Chaucer, for the moment, forgot to which planet Libra caused
an exaltation or increase of strength, he really did know the meaning of one
which the Tale concludes (including nearly the whole of lines H 325-358),
are taken from a work by Albertano of Brescia, entitled De Arte Loquendi
et Tacendi, written in 1245, and newly edited by Thor Sundby in the second
Appendix to his work called Brunetto Latinos levnet og skrifter (Life and
Writings of Brunetto Latino), Copenhagen, 1869. See further in my Notes.
Group I.
§ 76. The Parson's Prologue. Most copies place this after the Manciples
Tale, and insert the word maunciple in the first line. The black-letter edition
of 1542 added the spurious Plowman's Tale after the Parson's, i.e. at the end
of all. But all the later editions in black-letter inserted this spurious Tale
before the Parson's, and hence the editors had to alter the word maunciple
(above) into Plowman; which they did.
The Persones Tale was clearly meant to come last (I 47), and there is an
allusion to the hour of 4 P. M. (I 5, and note). The Maunciples Tale well
precedes it, because the Prologue to that Tale says they were approaching
Canterbury (H 2, 3). But there is a great difficulty in the mention of the
early morning (H 16); and this is why Group I has to be taken as a separate
Fragment.
The reading Foure, in l. 5, is explained and justified in the Notes.
Some German commentators have endeavoured to discover the date of the
Tales from lines 10, 11, by giving these lines a wholly gratuitous and
impossible interpretation, as if they were meant to express that the moon's
position was in Libra! But Chaucer says nothing of the sort; he is speaking
of the moon's exaltation, and adds, parenthetically, 'I mean (to say) Libra.'
Unluckily, he happens to go wrong; for Libra was the exaltation of Saturn:
but this does not alter the fact, that exaltation never denotes position, but
was a common astrological term. It invariably refers to a sign of the Zodiac;
and although Chaucer, for the moment, forgot to which planet Libra caused
an exaltation or increase of strength, he really did know the meaning of one
Page 709
of the commonest terms in all astrology. It is much to be regretted that
theories should be founded on such gross misconceptions.
§ 77. The Persones Tale. It is now known that this Tale is little else than an
adaptation (with alterations, omissions, and additions, as usual with
Chaucer) of a French treatise by Frère Lorens, entitled La Somme des Vices
et des Vertus, written in 1279. The English work by Dan Michel of
Northgate, usually known by the title of The Ayenbite of Inwyt, or Remorse
of Conscience, is a much more literal and closer translation of the same
treatise, and thus affords a good guide for comparison between Chaucer and
the French original. The French treatise has never been printed, but exists in
two MSS. in the British Museum[177], viz. Cleop. A v, and Royal 19 C ii.
An excellent dissertation on this Tale, in which a close comparison with its
original is duly made, was written in German by Dr. W. Eilers in 1882, and
has been rendered more accessible to Chaucer students by an English
translation made in 1884, and printed in Essays on Chaucer (Chaucer Soc.),
p. 501. Of this Essay I have made much use in the Notes, to which I refer
the reader for further information.
It is clear that this Tale was once an independent Treatise (see § 104, in vol.
iv. p. 644), which people could either 'herkne or rede'; and it was probably
written before 1380, at much the same time as the Tale of Melibeus, which
it somewhat resembles in style. It was obvious that, if this treatise was to be
inserted among the Canterbury Tales, it could only be assigned to the
Parson, who is made, accordingly, to warn the company that he dislikes
rime, and can only tell them 'a mery tale in prose'; see I 46. The word mery
sometimes meant what we should now call 'interesting'; and it probably
interested a much larger number of people in those days than it can possibly
do at the present time. Our ancestors, at times, certainly inclined to serious
discourses, such as the present age has no relish for.
It is quite clear that a few paragraphs near the end (iv. 644, I 1084-90)—
beginning with and namely, and ending with my soule—were inserted at a
much later time, probably on one of the last occasions when the poet
revised his work. This passage has sometimes been called his 'Retractation';
theories should be founded on such gross misconceptions.
§ 77. The Persones Tale. It is now known that this Tale is little else than an
adaptation (with alterations, omissions, and additions, as usual with
Chaucer) of a French treatise by Frère Lorens, entitled La Somme des Vices
et des Vertus, written in 1279. The English work by Dan Michel of
Northgate, usually known by the title of The Ayenbite of Inwyt, or Remorse
of Conscience, is a much more literal and closer translation of the same
treatise, and thus affords a good guide for comparison between Chaucer and
the French original. The French treatise has never been printed, but exists in
two MSS. in the British Museum[177], viz. Cleop. A v, and Royal 19 C ii.
An excellent dissertation on this Tale, in which a close comparison with its
original is duly made, was written in German by Dr. W. Eilers in 1882, and
has been rendered more accessible to Chaucer students by an English
translation made in 1884, and printed in Essays on Chaucer (Chaucer Soc.),
p. 501. Of this Essay I have made much use in the Notes, to which I refer
the reader for further information.
It is clear that this Tale was once an independent Treatise (see § 104, in vol.
iv. p. 644), which people could either 'herkne or rede'; and it was probably
written before 1380, at much the same time as the Tale of Melibeus, which
it somewhat resembles in style. It was obvious that, if this treatise was to be
inserted among the Canterbury Tales, it could only be assigned to the
Parson, who is made, accordingly, to warn the company that he dislikes
rime, and can only tell them 'a mery tale in prose'; see I 46. The word mery
sometimes meant what we should now call 'interesting'; and it probably
interested a much larger number of people in those days than it can possibly
do at the present time. Our ancestors, at times, certainly inclined to serious
discourses, such as the present age has no relish for.
It is quite clear that a few paragraphs near the end (iv. 644, I 1084-90)—
beginning with and namely, and ending with my soule—were inserted at a
much later time, probably on one of the last occasions when the poet
revised his work. This passage has sometimes been called his 'Retractation';
Page 710
but this term is a bad one[178]. The phrase used is 'the whiche I revoke in my
retracciouns,' i.e. among the things which I disclaim; and the word revoke,
i.e. recall, means that he wishes to disclaim many of his works, as being
deficient in such theological merit as would conduce to the salvation of his
soul; a disclaimer which he at once follows up by thanking 'oure lord and
his blisful moder and alle the seintes,' for such works as were of a moral
and meritorious character. This I believe to be the real meaning, and to refer
to the prevalent idea that many evil deeds and sayings could be out-
balanced, even at the last moment, by an appeal to a few good actions; of
which medieval literature affords us many examples. Perhaps it is fair to
add that the poet had good cause to regret such Tales as those of the Miller,
the Reeve, and the Merchant.
In Essays on Chaucer, p. 227, is printed an Essay on this Tale by H. Simon,
of Schmalkalden. The object of the Essay is to prove that Chaucer was a
Wycliffite; and, filled with this idea (the truth of which I am not particularly
careful either to deny or assert), the author endeavours to shew that the
Persones Tale is full of interpolations made by some designing and
fraudulent person. He even goes so far as to give us what he considers to be
'the original Tale' (p. 283). The French text tends to upset at least some
portions of this superfluous theory, and Dr. Köppel has written an excellent
article[179] to shew—what to a plain person needs but little proof—that the
Persones Tale is to be considered as wholly genuine, inasmuch as a
considerable number of conspicuous passages reappear, in a slightly
modified form, in other parts of the Canterbury Tales. If we are to go
through the Tales, picking out, and setting aside as spurious, every passage
which does not please us, the result can only be unsatisfactory. Different
readers will eliminate different phrases and opinions, and the residuum will
be valueless. I see no reason why we may not be content with the Tales in
the form presented by the best MSS.
Postscript.
P. 395.—In a small book by Professor G. Stephens, entitled Förteckning
öfver de fornämsta Brittiska och Fransyska Handskrifterna i Stockholm
(Stockholm, 1847), at p. 20, is a description of a MS. which contains a copy
retracciouns,' i.e. among the things which I disclaim; and the word revoke,
i.e. recall, means that he wishes to disclaim many of his works, as being
deficient in such theological merit as would conduce to the salvation of his
soul; a disclaimer which he at once follows up by thanking 'oure lord and
his blisful moder and alle the seintes,' for such works as were of a moral
and meritorious character. This I believe to be the real meaning, and to refer
to the prevalent idea that many evil deeds and sayings could be out-
balanced, even at the last moment, by an appeal to a few good actions; of
which medieval literature affords us many examples. Perhaps it is fair to
add that the poet had good cause to regret such Tales as those of the Miller,
the Reeve, and the Merchant.
In Essays on Chaucer, p. 227, is printed an Essay on this Tale by H. Simon,
of Schmalkalden. The object of the Essay is to prove that Chaucer was a
Wycliffite; and, filled with this idea (the truth of which I am not particularly
careful either to deny or assert), the author endeavours to shew that the
Persones Tale is full of interpolations made by some designing and
fraudulent person. He even goes so far as to give us what he considers to be
'the original Tale' (p. 283). The French text tends to upset at least some
portions of this superfluous theory, and Dr. Köppel has written an excellent
article[179] to shew—what to a plain person needs but little proof—that the
Persones Tale is to be considered as wholly genuine, inasmuch as a
considerable number of conspicuous passages reappear, in a slightly
modified form, in other parts of the Canterbury Tales. If we are to go
through the Tales, picking out, and setting aside as spurious, every passage
which does not please us, the result can only be unsatisfactory. Different
readers will eliminate different phrases and opinions, and the residuum will
be valueless. I see no reason why we may not be content with the Tales in
the form presented by the best MSS.
Postscript.
P. 395.—In a small book by Professor G. Stephens, entitled Förteckning
öfver de fornämsta Brittiska och Fransyska Handskrifterna i Stockholm
(Stockholm, 1847), at p. 20, is a description of a MS. which contains a copy
Page 711
of Palamon and Arcite in French verse, and was written early in the
fifteenth century. It is remarkable that the metre is the same as that of the
Knightes Tale; from which, perhaps, it was borrowed.
In Anglia, XVI. 261, L. Fränkel, of Munich, reprints a Latin fable by
Casparus Cropacius, which first appeared in 1581, in illustration of the
Milleres Tale. This fable follows Chaucer closely in the principal details,
but omits the humour of the original. I fail to see any merit in this form of
the story, and therefore refrain from reproducing it.
P. 423. See Dr. Jessopp's article on 'William of Norwich' in The Nineteenth
Century, May, 1893.
THE OXFORD EDITION
OF
Piers the Plowman
In two Volumes, demy 8vo, pp. civ + 1112, uniform with this
Edition, price £1 11s. 6d.
THE VISION OF WILLIAM
CONCERNING
PIERS THE PLOWMAN
IN THREE PARALLEL TEXTS
TOGETHER WITH
RICHARD THE REDELESS
fifteenth century. It is remarkable that the metre is the same as that of the
Knightes Tale; from which, perhaps, it was borrowed.
In Anglia, XVI. 261, L. Fränkel, of Munich, reprints a Latin fable by
Casparus Cropacius, which first appeared in 1581, in illustration of the
Milleres Tale. This fable follows Chaucer closely in the principal details,
but omits the humour of the original. I fail to see any merit in this form of
the story, and therefore refrain from reproducing it.
P. 423. See Dr. Jessopp's article on 'William of Norwich' in The Nineteenth
Century, May, 1893.
THE OXFORD EDITION
OF
Piers the Plowman
In two Volumes, demy 8vo, pp. civ + 1112, uniform with this
Edition, price £1 11s. 6d.
THE VISION OF WILLIAM
CONCERNING
PIERS THE PLOWMAN
IN THREE PARALLEL TEXTS
TOGETHER WITH
RICHARD THE REDELESS
Page 712
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(ABOUT 1362-1399 A.D.)
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ELRINGTON AND BOSWORTH PROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON
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Oxford
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LONDON: HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AMEN CORNER, E.C.
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Prof. W. W. SKEAT, Litt.D.
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Page 713
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Page 714
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FOOTNOTES.
[1]
It is also mentioned as 'the book of Fame' at the end of the Persones Tale,
I 1086. I accept this passage as genuine.
[2]
In Dante's Inferno, this invocation begins Canto II.; for Canto I. forms a
general introduction to the whole.
[3]
Where Chaucer says 'leet the reynes goon' (l. 951), and Dante has
'abbandonò li freni' (Inf. xvii. 107), we find in Ovid 'equi ... colla iugo
eripiunt, abruptaque lora relinquunt' (Met. ii. 315). Chaucer's words seem
closer to Dante than to the Latin original.
[4]
Wycliffe, about A.D. 1380, and Revised by John Purvey, about A.D.
1388. With Glossary, &c. Extra fcap. 8vo, cloth, 6s.
The Books of Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of
Solomon: according to the Wycliffite Version made by Nicholas de
Hereford, about A.D. 1381, and Revised by John Purvey, about A.D.
1388. With Glossary, &c. Extra fcap. 8vo, cloth, 3s. 6d.
The Gospel of St. Mark in Gothic. Extra fcap. 8vo, cloth, 4s.
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
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FOOTNOTES.
[1]
It is also mentioned as 'the book of Fame' at the end of the Persones Tale,
I 1086. I accept this passage as genuine.
[2]
In Dante's Inferno, this invocation begins Canto II.; for Canto I. forms a
general introduction to the whole.
[3]
Where Chaucer says 'leet the reynes goon' (l. 951), and Dante has
'abbandonò li freni' (Inf. xvii. 107), we find in Ovid 'equi ... colla iugo
eripiunt, abruptaque lora relinquunt' (Met. ii. 315). Chaucer's words seem
closer to Dante than to the Latin original.
[4]
Page 715
On which Prof. Lounsbury remarks (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 243)—'More
extreme indeed than that of any one else is the position of Professor
Skeat. He asserts in all seriousness that the "House of Fame" is the
translation to which reference is made by Lydgate, when he said that
Chaucer wrote "Dante in English." Beyond this utterance it is hardly
possible to go.' This is mere banter, and entirely misrepresents my view.
Lydgate does not say that 'Dant in English' was a translation; this is a
pure assumption, for a strategical purpose in argument. Lydgate was
ignorant of Italian, and has used a stupid phrase, the correctness of which
I by no means admit. But he certainly meant something; and the
prominence which he gives to "Dant in English," when he comes to speak
of Chaucer's Minor Poems, naturally suggests The House of Fame, which
he otherwise omits! My challenge to 'some competent critic' to tell me
what other poem is here referred to, remains unanswered.
[5]
When Chaucer consulted Dante, his thoughts were naturally directed to
Vergil. We find, accordingly, that he begins by quoting (in ll. 143-8) the
opening lines of the Æneid; and a large portion of Book I (ll. 143-467) is
entirely taken up with a general sketch of the contents of that poem. It is
clear that, at the time of writing, Vergil was, in the main, a new book to
him, whilst Ovid was certainly an old acquaintance.
[6]
By this, I only mean that Lydgate seems to have been indebted to
Chaucer for the general idea of his poem, and even for the title of it (cf.
Ho. Fame, 120). For a full account of all its sources, see the admirable
edition of Lydgate's Temple of Glas by Dr. J. Schick, p. cxv. (Early Eng.
Text Society).
[7]
Misprinted 'bright,' as the final e has 'dropped out' at press; of course it
should be the adverbial form, with final e. In l. 507, the form is 'brighte'
again, where it is the plural adjective. And, owing to this repetition, MSS.
F. and B. actually omit lines 504-7.
[8]
extreme indeed than that of any one else is the position of Professor
Skeat. He asserts in all seriousness that the "House of Fame" is the
translation to which reference is made by Lydgate, when he said that
Chaucer wrote "Dante in English." Beyond this utterance it is hardly
possible to go.' This is mere banter, and entirely misrepresents my view.
Lydgate does not say that 'Dant in English' was a translation; this is a
pure assumption, for a strategical purpose in argument. Lydgate was
ignorant of Italian, and has used a stupid phrase, the correctness of which
I by no means admit. But he certainly meant something; and the
prominence which he gives to "Dant in English," when he comes to speak
of Chaucer's Minor Poems, naturally suggests The House of Fame, which
he otherwise omits! My challenge to 'some competent critic' to tell me
what other poem is here referred to, remains unanswered.
[5]
When Chaucer consulted Dante, his thoughts were naturally directed to
Vergil. We find, accordingly, that he begins by quoting (in ll. 143-8) the
opening lines of the Æneid; and a large portion of Book I (ll. 143-467) is
entirely taken up with a general sketch of the contents of that poem. It is
clear that, at the time of writing, Vergil was, in the main, a new book to
him, whilst Ovid was certainly an old acquaintance.
[6]
By this, I only mean that Lydgate seems to have been indebted to
Chaucer for the general idea of his poem, and even for the title of it (cf.
Ho. Fame, 120). For a full account of all its sources, see the admirable
edition of Lydgate's Temple of Glas by Dr. J. Schick, p. cxv. (Early Eng.
Text Society).
[7]
Misprinted 'bright,' as the final e has 'dropped out' at press; of course it
should be the adverbial form, with final e. In l. 507, the form is 'brighte'
again, where it is the plural adjective. And, owing to this repetition, MSS.
F. and B. actually omit lines 504-7.
[8]
Page 716
Morris has rabewyures, from MS. F.; but there is no such word in his
Glossary. See the New E. Dictionary, s.v. Baboon.
[9]
Morris has Reues; but his Glossary has: 'Reues, or reyes, sb. a kind of
dance.' Of course it is plural.
[10]
Morris has clywe; and his Glossary has 'Clywe, v. to turn or twist'; but no
such verb is known. See Claw, v. § 3, in the New E. Dict.
[11]
Morris has frot; but it does not appear in the Glossary.
[12]
I do not here endorse all Ten Brink's dates. I give his scheme for what it is
worth, as it is certainly deserving of consideration.
Glossary. See the New E. Dictionary, s.v. Baboon.
[9]
Morris has Reues; but his Glossary has: 'Reues, or reyes, sb. a kind of
dance.' Of course it is plural.
[10]
Morris has clywe; and his Glossary has 'Clywe, v. to turn or twist'; but no
such verb is known. See Claw, v. § 3, in the New E. Dict.
[11]
Morris has frot; but it does not appear in the Glossary.
[12]
I do not here endorse all Ten Brink's dates. I give his scheme for what it is
worth, as it is certainly deserving of consideration.
Page 717
[13]
It is the stanza next following the last one quoted in vol. i. p. 23. I quote it
from the Aldine edition of Chaucer, ed. Morris, i. 80.
[14]
Of course Lydgate knew the work was unfinished; so he offers a
humorous excuse for its incompleteness. I may here note that Hoccleve
refers to the Legend in his poem entitled the Letter of Cupid, where
Cupid is made to speak of 'my Legende of Martres'; see Hoccleve's
Works, ed. Furnivall, p. 85, l. 316.
[15]
In December, 1384, Richard II. 'held his Christmas' at Eltham (Fabyan).
[16]
I think lines 568, 569 (added in B.) are meant to refer directly to ll. 703,
704.
[17]
The Knightes Tale is a clear exception. The original Palamon and Arcite
was too good to be wholly lost; but it was entirely recast in a new metre,
and so became quite a new work.
[18]
It is amusing to see that Chaucer forgot, at the same time, to alter A. 422
(= B. 432), in which Alcestis actually tells her name. The oversight is
obvious.
[19]
Line A. 277 reappears in the Canterbury Tales in the improved form
—'And ever a thousand gode ageyn oon badde.' This is the 47th line in
the Milleres Prologue, but is omitted in Tyrwhitt's edition, together with
the line that follows it.
[20]
It is the stanza next following the last one quoted in vol. i. p. 23. I quote it
from the Aldine edition of Chaucer, ed. Morris, i. 80.
[14]
Of course Lydgate knew the work was unfinished; so he offers a
humorous excuse for its incompleteness. I may here note that Hoccleve
refers to the Legend in his poem entitled the Letter of Cupid, where
Cupid is made to speak of 'my Legende of Martres'; see Hoccleve's
Works, ed. Furnivall, p. 85, l. 316.
[15]
In December, 1384, Richard II. 'held his Christmas' at Eltham (Fabyan).
[16]
I think lines 568, 569 (added in B.) are meant to refer directly to ll. 703,
704.
[17]
The Knightes Tale is a clear exception. The original Palamon and Arcite
was too good to be wholly lost; but it was entirely recast in a new metre,
and so became quite a new work.
[18]
It is amusing to see that Chaucer forgot, at the same time, to alter A. 422
(= B. 432), in which Alcestis actually tells her name. The oversight is
obvious.
[19]
Line A. 277 reappears in the Canterbury Tales in the improved form
—'And ever a thousand gode ageyn oon badde.' This is the 47th line in
the Milleres Prologue, but is omitted in Tyrwhitt's edition, together with
the line that follows it.
[20]
Page 718
I.e. with the exception of the stanzas which were transferred from that
work to the Man of Lawes Prologue and Tale; see the 'Account of the
Sources,' &c. p. 407, and the last note on p. 307 of the present volume.
[21]
I omit 'Marcia Catoun'; like Esther, she is hardly to be ranked with the
heroines of olden fables. Indeed, even Cleopatra comes in rather
strangely.
[22]
See De Claris Mulieribus:—Cleopatra, cap. 86. Thisbe, cap. 12. Dido,
cap. 40. Hypsipyle and Medea, capp. 15, 16. Lucretia, cap. 46.
Hypermnestra cap. 13. And see Morley's English Writers, v. 241 (1890).
[23]
It will be seen below that Chaucer certainly made use of this work for the
Legend of Hypermnestra; see p. xl.
[24]
Court of Love (original edition, 1561), stanzas 15, 16. I substitute
'ninetene' for the 'xix' of the original.
[25]
'The Jesuit Rapin, in his Latin poem entitled "Horti" (Paris, 1666), tells
how a Dalmatian virgin, persecuted by the amorous addresses of
Vertumnus, prayed to the gods for protection, and was transformed into a
tulip. In the same poem, he says that the Bellides (cf. bellis, a daisy), who
were once nymphs, are now flowers. The story [here] quoted [from Henry
Phillips] seems to have been fabricated out of these two passages.'—
Athenæum, Sept. 28, 1889.
[26]
M. Tarbé shews that the cult of the daisy arose from the frequent
occurrence of the name Marguérite in the royal family of France, from
the time of St. Louis downward. The wife of St. Louis was Marguérite de
Provence, and the same king (as well as Philip III., Philip IV., and Philip
V.) had a daughter so named.
work to the Man of Lawes Prologue and Tale; see the 'Account of the
Sources,' &c. p. 407, and the last note on p. 307 of the present volume.
[21]
I omit 'Marcia Catoun'; like Esther, she is hardly to be ranked with the
heroines of olden fables. Indeed, even Cleopatra comes in rather
strangely.
[22]
See De Claris Mulieribus:—Cleopatra, cap. 86. Thisbe, cap. 12. Dido,
cap. 40. Hypsipyle and Medea, capp. 15, 16. Lucretia, cap. 46.
Hypermnestra cap. 13. And see Morley's English Writers, v. 241 (1890).
[23]
It will be seen below that Chaucer certainly made use of this work for the
Legend of Hypermnestra; see p. xl.
[24]
Court of Love (original edition, 1561), stanzas 15, 16. I substitute
'ninetene' for the 'xix' of the original.
[25]
'The Jesuit Rapin, in his Latin poem entitled "Horti" (Paris, 1666), tells
how a Dalmatian virgin, persecuted by the amorous addresses of
Vertumnus, prayed to the gods for protection, and was transformed into a
tulip. In the same poem, he says that the Bellides (cf. bellis, a daisy), who
were once nymphs, are now flowers. The story [here] quoted [from Henry
Phillips] seems to have been fabricated out of these two passages.'—
Athenæum, Sept. 28, 1889.
[26]
M. Tarbé shews that the cult of the daisy arose from the frequent
occurrence of the name Marguérite in the royal family of France, from
the time of St. Louis downward. The wife of St. Louis was Marguérite de
Provence, and the same king (as well as Philip III., Philip IV., and Philip
V.) had a daughter so named.
Page 719
[27]
Chaucer nearly suffered the same fate himself; see Ho. Fame, 586.
[28]
Dr. Köppel notes that the name also occurs in Boccaccio's Amorosa
Visione (V. 50) in company with that of Claudian: 'Claudiano, Persio, ed
Agatone.'—Anglia, xiv. 237.
[29]
He should also have excepted Philomela.
[30]
These numbers refer to the lines of the B-text of the Prologue.
[31]
Cf. L. G. W. 2177, 2227.
[32]
Cf. L. G. W. 1952-8.
[33]
Gower is amusing when he turns Ovid's 'Ad uada Maeandri' (Her. vii. 2)
into a reference to 'King Menander'!
[34]
The unfamiliar form Guido was read as Ouide, by changing G, o, into O,
e.
[35]
Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 259) objects that many scholars
suppose that Valerius Flaccus was unknown previously to 1416. But, if
so, how did Chaucer know that the title of his poem was 'Argonauticon
Libri,' and not 'Argonautae,' as in Dares?
[36]
Chaucer nearly suffered the same fate himself; see Ho. Fame, 586.
[28]
Dr. Köppel notes that the name also occurs in Boccaccio's Amorosa
Visione (V. 50) in company with that of Claudian: 'Claudiano, Persio, ed
Agatone.'—Anglia, xiv. 237.
[29]
He should also have excepted Philomela.
[30]
These numbers refer to the lines of the B-text of the Prologue.
[31]
Cf. L. G. W. 2177, 2227.
[32]
Cf. L. G. W. 1952-8.
[33]
Gower is amusing when he turns Ovid's 'Ad uada Maeandri' (Her. vii. 2)
into a reference to 'King Menander'!
[34]
The unfamiliar form Guido was read as Ouide, by changing G, o, into O,
e.
[35]
Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, ii. 259) objects that many scholars
suppose that Valerius Flaccus was unknown previously to 1416. But, if
so, how did Chaucer know that the title of his poem was 'Argonauticon
Libri,' and not 'Argonautae,' as in Dares?
[36]
Page 720
In fact, St. Augustine tells the whole story; De Ciuitate Dei, lib. i. cap.
xix. And it was copied from St. Augustine's version into the Gesta
Romanorum, Tale 135.
[37]
For lines 1896-8, Bech refers us to Godfrey of Viterbo's Speculum
Regum; see the extract from it in Pertz, Monumenta Germanica, vol. xxii.
p. 38, l. 159; which tells us that the teaching of philosophy and of the
seven sciences at Athens was introduced there by Jupiter; see further, at p.
lvi.
[38]
We must remember that, in olden times, writers often had to trust to their
memory for details not always at hand. Hence such a mistake as this was
easily made.
[39]
The reference seems to be to Paulus Orosius, Hist. i. 11; but Belus is not
there mentioned. Yet Hyginus (Fab. 168) has: 'Danaus Beli filius ex
pluribus coniugibus quinquaginta filias habuit.' See Anglia, v. 350.
[40]
People were soon called 'old' in those days. Dante, at 35, was in the
'middle' of life; after which, all was downhill. Hoccleve was miserably
old at 53; Works, ed. Furnivall, p. 119. Jean de Meun, in his Testament,
ed. Méon, iv. 9, even goes so far as to say that man flourishes up to the
age of 30 or 40, after which he 'ne fait que langorir.' Premature age seems
to have been rather common in medieval times. Moreover, Gower is
speaking comparatively, as of one no longer 'in the floures of his youthe.'
[41]
Ten Brink, Chaucer's Sprache, &c., p. 174.
[42]
The heroic couplet was practically unknown to us till Chaucer introduced
it. The rare examples of it before his time are almost accidental. A lyrical
poem printed in Böddeker's Altenglische Dichtungen, p. 232, from MS.
xix. And it was copied from St. Augustine's version into the Gesta
Romanorum, Tale 135.
[37]
For lines 1896-8, Bech refers us to Godfrey of Viterbo's Speculum
Regum; see the extract from it in Pertz, Monumenta Germanica, vol. xxii.
p. 38, l. 159; which tells us that the teaching of philosophy and of the
seven sciences at Athens was introduced there by Jupiter; see further, at p.
lvi.
[38]
We must remember that, in olden times, writers often had to trust to their
memory for details not always at hand. Hence such a mistake as this was
easily made.
[39]
The reference seems to be to Paulus Orosius, Hist. i. 11; but Belus is not
there mentioned. Yet Hyginus (Fab. 168) has: 'Danaus Beli filius ex
pluribus coniugibus quinquaginta filias habuit.' See Anglia, v. 350.
[40]
People were soon called 'old' in those days. Dante, at 35, was in the
'middle' of life; after which, all was downhill. Hoccleve was miserably
old at 53; Works, ed. Furnivall, p. 119. Jean de Meun, in his Testament,
ed. Méon, iv. 9, even goes so far as to say that man flourishes up to the
age of 30 or 40, after which he 'ne fait que langorir.' Premature age seems
to have been rather common in medieval times. Moreover, Gower is
speaking comparatively, as of one no longer 'in the floures of his youthe.'
[41]
Ten Brink, Chaucer's Sprache, &c., p. 174.
[42]
The heroic couplet was practically unknown to us till Chaucer introduced
it. The rare examples of it before his time are almost accidental. A lyrical
poem printed in Böddeker's Altenglische Dichtungen, p. 232, from MS.
Page 721
Harl. 2253, ends with a fair specimen, and is older than Chaucer. The last
two lines are:—
'For loue of vs his wonges waxeþ
þunne,
His herte-blod he ȝef for al mon-
kunne.'
The oldest single line of this form is at the end of Sawles Warde (ab. A.D.
1210); see Spec. of English, pt. i. p. 95:—
'That ich mot iesu crist mi sawle
ȝelden.'
[43]
Not 1491, as Bell says; he has mistaken the line.
[44]
From geten to gayler; Dr. Furnivall has not got this quite right.
[45]
This excellent essay investigates Chaucer's sources, and is the best
commentary upon the present poem. I had written most of my Notes
independently, and had discovered most of his results for myself. This
does not diminish my sense of the thoroughness of the essay, and I desire
to express fully my acknowledgments to this careful student. I may
remark here that Chaucer's obligations to Froissart were long ago pointed
out by Tyrwhitt, and that the name Agatho was explained in Cary's Dante.
There is very little else that Bech has missed. Perhaps I may put in some
claim to the discovery of a sentence taken from Boethius; and to some
other points of minor importance.
[46]
I.e. haste, rapidity. Cf. 'Rydynge ful rapely;' Piers the Plowman, B. xvii.
49.
[47]
two lines are:—
'For loue of vs his wonges waxeþ
þunne,
His herte-blod he ȝef for al mon-
kunne.'
The oldest single line of this form is at the end of Sawles Warde (ab. A.D.
1210); see Spec. of English, pt. i. p. 95:—
'That ich mot iesu crist mi sawle
ȝelden.'
[43]
Not 1491, as Bell says; he has mistaken the line.
[44]
From geten to gayler; Dr. Furnivall has not got this quite right.
[45]
This excellent essay investigates Chaucer's sources, and is the best
commentary upon the present poem. I had written most of my Notes
independently, and had discovered most of his results for myself. This
does not diminish my sense of the thoroughness of the essay, and I desire
to express fully my acknowledgments to this careful student. I may
remark here that Chaucer's obligations to Froissart were long ago pointed
out by Tyrwhitt, and that the name Agatho was explained in Cary's Dante.
There is very little else that Bech has missed. Perhaps I may put in some
claim to the discovery of a sentence taken from Boethius; and to some
other points of minor importance.
[46]
I.e. haste, rapidity. Cf. 'Rydynge ful rapely;' Piers the Plowman, B. xvii.
49.
[47]
Page 722
See Part ii. sect. 1, l. 4; sect. 3, l. 11. 'Obviously, nobody putting a
hypothetical case in that way to a child would go out of his way to name
with a past verb [see the second case] a date still in the future.'—Morley's
Eng. Writers, v. 270. Similarly, the expression 'I wolde knowe,' in the
former case, precludes a date in the past; and hence we are driven to
conclude that the date refers to time present. Curiously enough, there is
an exactly parallel case. Blundevill's Description of Blagrave's Astralabe,
printed at London by William Stansby, is undated. Turning to his
Proposition VI, p. 615, we find—'As for example, I would know the
Meridian Altitude of the Sun ye first of July, 1592.' The same date, 1592,
is again mentioned, at pp. 619, 620, 621, 636, and 639, which renders it
probable that the book was printed in that year.
[48]
'Neither his collect, ne his expans
yeres,
Ne his rotes, ne his othere geres';
F 1275-6.
[49]
Not wishing to enforce this view upon every reader, and in order to save
trouble in reference, I have numbered these sections 44 and 45. But if
they belong, as I suppose, to Part iv., they should have been named 'Part
iv. Canon 1,' and 'Part iv. Canon 2' respectively.
[50]
'A smal instrument portatif aboute'; Prol. l. 52 (p. 177).
[51]
'The almikanteras in thyn Astrolabie been compouned by two and two.'
Part ii. sect. 5, l. 1.
[52]
Mr. Bradshaw gave me the hint; I afterwards found this remark by
Selden, in his Preface to Drayton's Polyolbion: 'his [Chaucer's] Treatise
of the Astrolabe, which I dare swear was chiefly learned out of
Messahalah.'
hypothetical case in that way to a child would go out of his way to name
with a past verb [see the second case] a date still in the future.'—Morley's
Eng. Writers, v. 270. Similarly, the expression 'I wolde knowe,' in the
former case, precludes a date in the past; and hence we are driven to
conclude that the date refers to time present. Curiously enough, there is
an exactly parallel case. Blundevill's Description of Blagrave's Astralabe,
printed at London by William Stansby, is undated. Turning to his
Proposition VI, p. 615, we find—'As for example, I would know the
Meridian Altitude of the Sun ye first of July, 1592.' The same date, 1592,
is again mentioned, at pp. 619, 620, 621, 636, and 639, which renders it
probable that the book was printed in that year.
[48]
'Neither his collect, ne his expans
yeres,
Ne his rotes, ne his othere geres';
F 1275-6.
[49]
Not wishing to enforce this view upon every reader, and in order to save
trouble in reference, I have numbered these sections 44 and 45. But if
they belong, as I suppose, to Part iv., they should have been named 'Part
iv. Canon 1,' and 'Part iv. Canon 2' respectively.
[50]
'A smal instrument portatif aboute'; Prol. l. 52 (p. 177).
[51]
'The almikanteras in thyn Astrolabie been compouned by two and two.'
Part ii. sect. 5, l. 1.
[52]
Mr. Bradshaw gave me the hint; I afterwards found this remark by
Selden, in his Preface to Drayton's Polyolbion: 'his [Chaucer's] Treatise
of the Astrolabe, which I dare swear was chiefly learned out of
Messahalah.'
Page 723
[53]
Macha-allah or Messahala, an Arabian astronomer, by religion a Jew,
flourished towards the end of the eighth century. Latin translations of four
of his works (not including the Treatise on the Astrolabe) have been
printed, and were published at Nuremberg in 1549. A list of his works is
given in Casiri (Bibl. Arab.-hisp. tom. 1er. pag. 434), and in the
Biographie Universelle.
[54]
This splendid MS., of the thirteenth century, is dated 1276, and illustrated
with beautifully executed coloured diagrams. It is a storehouse of
information about the Astrolabe, and I have often consulted it.
[55]
It is printed in full in my edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe, published for the
Early Eng. Text Society in 1872, at pp. 88-104.
[56]
In my edition of the 'Astrolabe' for the Early Eng. Text Society (1872), I
have inserted a large number of examples of strange blunders in the
printed editions.
[57]
There are two astrolabes in Merton College, besides a plate exhibiting
astronomical tables. These are all described in a paper entitled 'Remarks
on an Astrolabe belonging to F. A. Hyett, Esq.,' written by my friend
Robert Taylor, M.A., and printed in the Transactions of the Bristol and
Gloucestershire Archæological Society, vol. xii. Mr. Taylor further
describes two Astrolabes in the British Museum.
[58]
This word has several senses in Chaucer. It means (1) the discs of an
astrolabe; (2) a set of tablets; (3) astronomical tables; and (4) the game of
'tables.'
[59]
Macha-allah or Messahala, an Arabian astronomer, by religion a Jew,
flourished towards the end of the eighth century. Latin translations of four
of his works (not including the Treatise on the Astrolabe) have been
printed, and were published at Nuremberg in 1549. A list of his works is
given in Casiri (Bibl. Arab.-hisp. tom. 1er. pag. 434), and in the
Biographie Universelle.
[54]
This splendid MS., of the thirteenth century, is dated 1276, and illustrated
with beautifully executed coloured diagrams. It is a storehouse of
information about the Astrolabe, and I have often consulted it.
[55]
It is printed in full in my edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe, published for the
Early Eng. Text Society in 1872, at pp. 88-104.
[56]
In my edition of the 'Astrolabe' for the Early Eng. Text Society (1872), I
have inserted a large number of examples of strange blunders in the
printed editions.
[57]
There are two astrolabes in Merton College, besides a plate exhibiting
astronomical tables. These are all described in a paper entitled 'Remarks
on an Astrolabe belonging to F. A. Hyett, Esq.,' written by my friend
Robert Taylor, M.A., and printed in the Transactions of the Bristol and
Gloucestershire Archæological Society, vol. xii. Mr. Taylor further
describes two Astrolabes in the British Museum.
[58]
This word has several senses in Chaucer. It means (1) the discs of an
astrolabe; (2) a set of tablets; (3) astronomical tables; and (4) the game of
'tables.'
[59]
Page 724
'Pertuis: m. A hole. Pertuis de l'Araigne, the centre of an Astrolabe; the
hole wherein all the tables thereof are, by a pin or naile, joined
together.'—Cotgrave's French Dictionary.
[60]
As far as I can ascertain.
[61]
Here insert—[they mene]—which CP omit.
[62]
The words from euene to climat are added at the bottom of the page in
the MS.
[63]
Really ten; for rout-e is dissyllabic.
[64]
Misprinted wo; cf. two, l. 2093.
[65]
Imitated from Parl. of Foules, 693.
[66]
Cf. Book Duch. 1332.
[67]
From Parl. of Foules, 696.
[68]
There are such accounts; but they are probably copied from Chaucer,
who seems to have invented this transformation himself. See Notes and
Queries, 7 Ser. vi. 186, 309, 372.
[69]
Not twentieth; for Legend IV contains two heroines.
hole wherein all the tables thereof are, by a pin or naile, joined
together.'—Cotgrave's French Dictionary.
[60]
As far as I can ascertain.
[61]
Here insert—[they mene]—which CP omit.
[62]
The words from euene to climat are added at the bottom of the page in
the MS.
[63]
Really ten; for rout-e is dissyllabic.
[64]
Misprinted wo; cf. two, l. 2093.
[65]
Imitated from Parl. of Foules, 693.
[66]
Cf. Book Duch. 1332.
[67]
From Parl. of Foules, 696.
[68]
There are such accounts; but they are probably copied from Chaucer,
who seems to have invented this transformation himself. See Notes and
Queries, 7 Ser. vi. 186, 309, 372.
[69]
Not twentieth; for Legend IV contains two heroines.
Page 725
[70]
The MS. has shete, an obvious error for swete, the alliteration being on
sw. But the editors print shene.
[71]
Not 'formator,' as in Bell's note; a contraction for 'um' is added.
[72]
This is doubtless quoted from some gloss upon Ptolemy, not from the
work itself. The reference is right, for the 'motus celi' are discussed in the
Almagest, lib. i. c. 8.
[73]
This star (α Arietis) was on the supposed horn of the Ram, and hence its
name; since El-nâtih signifies 'the butter,' and 'El-nath' is 'butting' or
'pushing.' See Ideler, Die Bedeutung der Sternnamen, p. 135.
[74]
Well expressed by Dante, Parad, xxx. 38—
'Noi semo usciti fuore
Del maggior corpo al ciel ch'é
pura luce.'
Dante, like Chaucer, makes the eighth sphere that of fixed stars, and the
ninth the primum mobile or swiftest heaven (ciel velocissimo); Parad,
xxvii. 99.
[75]
Here follows a table, shewing that, in Aries, the value of Saturn is 5, of
Jupiter 5, &c.; with the values of the planets in all the other signs. The
value 5, of Saturn, is obtained by adding a triplicite (value 3) to a terme
(value 2), these being the 'witnesses' of Saturne in Aries; and so on
throughout.
The MS. has shete, an obvious error for swete, the alliteration being on
sw. But the editors print shene.
[71]
Not 'formator,' as in Bell's note; a contraction for 'um' is added.
[72]
This is doubtless quoted from some gloss upon Ptolemy, not from the
work itself. The reference is right, for the 'motus celi' are discussed in the
Almagest, lib. i. c. 8.
[73]
This star (α Arietis) was on the supposed horn of the Ram, and hence its
name; since El-nâtih signifies 'the butter,' and 'El-nath' is 'butting' or
'pushing.' See Ideler, Die Bedeutung der Sternnamen, p. 135.
[74]
Well expressed by Dante, Parad, xxx. 38—
'Noi semo usciti fuore
Del maggior corpo al ciel ch'é
pura luce.'
Dante, like Chaucer, makes the eighth sphere that of fixed stars, and the
ninth the primum mobile or swiftest heaven (ciel velocissimo); Parad,
xxvii. 99.
[75]
Here follows a table, shewing that, in Aries, the value of Saturn is 5, of
Jupiter 5, &c.; with the values of the planets in all the other signs. The
value 5, of Saturn, is obtained by adding a triplicite (value 3) to a terme
(value 2), these being the 'witnesses' of Saturne in Aries; and so on
throughout.
Page 726
[76]
So on p. 12 of another tract (D) in the same MS., we find—
'Aries calidum & sucum;
bonum.
Nill capiti noceas, Aries cum luna
refulget,
De vena minuas & balnea tutius
intres,
Non tangas Aures, nec barbam
radere debes.'
Each of the signs is described in similar triplets, from the grammar of
which I conclude that Aries is here put for in Ariete, in the first
hexameter.
[77]
1385 is also the date of the latest allusion in the Canterbury Tales; see
note to B 3589.
[78]
King John of France travelled from Canterbury to Dover (16 miles) on
Sunday, July 5, 1360; but he heard mass in the cathedral before starting.
—Temporary Pref. to the Six-text Edition, p. 131.
[79]
Tyrwhitt says 'at least one Tale'; but see Prol. 792. The fact is that
Chaucer himself tacitly modified his plan afterwards, and altered the two
tales to one; see the Parson's Prologue, I 16-29.
[80]
Warton wrongly adds, or the Host. But the Host was the umpire, not a
tale-teller himself.
[81]
So on p. 12 of another tract (D) in the same MS., we find—
'Aries calidum & sucum;
bonum.
Nill capiti noceas, Aries cum luna
refulget,
De vena minuas & balnea tutius
intres,
Non tangas Aures, nec barbam
radere debes.'
Each of the signs is described in similar triplets, from the grammar of
which I conclude that Aries is here put for in Ariete, in the first
hexameter.
[77]
1385 is also the date of the latest allusion in the Canterbury Tales; see
note to B 3589.
[78]
King John of France travelled from Canterbury to Dover (16 miles) on
Sunday, July 5, 1360; but he heard mass in the cathedral before starting.
—Temporary Pref. to the Six-text Edition, p. 131.
[79]
Tyrwhitt says 'at least one Tale'; but see Prol. 792. The fact is that
Chaucer himself tacitly modified his plan afterwards, and altered the two
tales to one; see the Parson's Prologue, I 16-29.
[80]
Warton wrongly adds, or the Host. But the Host was the umpire, not a
tale-teller himself.
[81]
Page 727
The term 'link,' and such terms as 'head-link,' 'end-link,' and the like, are
to be found in the Six-text edition published by the Chaucer Society,
whence I have copied them.
[82]
In 1749, the coach from Edinburgh to Glasgow, forty-four miles, took
two days for the journey. Twenty miles a day was fast. We may allow the
pilgrims about fifteen miles a day. See Chambers' Book of Days, ii. 228.
Once more, it is absurd to suppose Chaucer capable of proposing to
crowd about sixty tales or so into a single day! A day of ten hours would,
with interruptions, leave each speaker less than ten minutes apiece. See
also Temporary Pref. to the Six-text, p. 119, shewing that Queen Isabella,
in 1358, arrived at Canterbury from London in three or four days;
stopping at Dartford, Rochester, and Ospringe. From the same, p. 129, we
find that King John of France went from London to Eltham, June 30,
1360 (Tuesday); to Dartford (Wednesday); to Rochester (Thursday); to
Ospringe (Friday); and to Canterbury (Saturday). Cf. Notes and Queries,
8th S. i. 474, 522.
[83]
By 'B 5' I mean Group B, l. 5, as numbered in the Chaucer Society's Six-
text edition; the arrangement of which I have adopted throughout.
[84]
See note to l. 8 of the Prologue.
[85]
Except as regards convenience of reference. It was Dr. Furnivall who
placed C more forward; nothing is gained by it, and it complicates
references. I heartily wish this had never been done.
[86]
Tyrwhitt suggests the same thing, in a note to his Introductory Discourse.
[87]
In the Proem, the Nun calls herself an 'unworthy son of Eve'; G 62.
to be found in the Six-text edition published by the Chaucer Society,
whence I have copied them.
[82]
In 1749, the coach from Edinburgh to Glasgow, forty-four miles, took
two days for the journey. Twenty miles a day was fast. We may allow the
pilgrims about fifteen miles a day. See Chambers' Book of Days, ii. 228.
Once more, it is absurd to suppose Chaucer capable of proposing to
crowd about sixty tales or so into a single day! A day of ten hours would,
with interruptions, leave each speaker less than ten minutes apiece. See
also Temporary Pref. to the Six-text, p. 119, shewing that Queen Isabella,
in 1358, arrived at Canterbury from London in three or four days;
stopping at Dartford, Rochester, and Ospringe. From the same, p. 129, we
find that King John of France went from London to Eltham, June 30,
1360 (Tuesday); to Dartford (Wednesday); to Rochester (Thursday); to
Ospringe (Friday); and to Canterbury (Saturday). Cf. Notes and Queries,
8th S. i. 474, 522.
[83]
By 'B 5' I mean Group B, l. 5, as numbered in the Chaucer Society's Six-
text edition; the arrangement of which I have adopted throughout.
[84]
See note to l. 8 of the Prologue.
[85]
Except as regards convenience of reference. It was Dr. Furnivall who
placed C more forward; nothing is gained by it, and it complicates
references. I heartily wish this had never been done.
[86]
Tyrwhitt suggests the same thing, in a note to his Introductory Discourse.
[87]
In the Proem, the Nun calls herself an 'unworthy son of Eve'; G 62.
Page 728
[88]
See the extracts from Chaucer's Book of the Duchess as compared with
some from Machault's Remède de Fortune in Furnivall's Trial Forewords,
p. 47, where he quotes from Étude sur G. Chaucer, by M. Sandras, p. 290.
Or consult the Notes, in vol. i., to the Book of the Duchesse, ll. 155, 250,
634, 779, 805, 919, 950, 1037.
[89]
Observe particularly this rime of complain with plein. This shews whence
Chaucer derived such rimes as seke, seke; Prol. 17, 18. There is a poem of
92 lines called Le Dit de la Harpe, printed in Bartsch's Crestomathie
Française, p. 408, in which more than half the rimes are of this character.
[90]
It is none too clear who are meant by 'the parson and his companion.'
Perhaps it means the Parson and the Ploughman (his brother).
[91]
Observe this substitution of one Tale for two, tacitly accepted by
Chaucer's readers as better suiting the circumstances.
[92]
This statement, that the Frere was 'a grey frere,' is of some interest.
[93]
See Morley's English Writers, vi. 115-8, where an analysis of the Tale is
given.
[94]
I.e. thorpe, village; I quote from the edition of 1561. Broughton is an
error for Boughton.
[95]
Ed. 'as ye'; which gives no sense.
See the extracts from Chaucer's Book of the Duchess as compared with
some from Machault's Remède de Fortune in Furnivall's Trial Forewords,
p. 47, where he quotes from Étude sur G. Chaucer, by M. Sandras, p. 290.
Or consult the Notes, in vol. i., to the Book of the Duchesse, ll. 155, 250,
634, 779, 805, 919, 950, 1037.
[89]
Observe particularly this rime of complain with plein. This shews whence
Chaucer derived such rimes as seke, seke; Prol. 17, 18. There is a poem of
92 lines called Le Dit de la Harpe, printed in Bartsch's Crestomathie
Française, p. 408, in which more than half the rimes are of this character.
[90]
It is none too clear who are meant by 'the parson and his companion.'
Perhaps it means the Parson and the Ploughman (his brother).
[91]
Observe this substitution of one Tale for two, tacitly accepted by
Chaucer's readers as better suiting the circumstances.
[92]
This statement, that the Frere was 'a grey frere,' is of some interest.
[93]
See Morley's English Writers, vi. 115-8, where an analysis of the Tale is
given.
[94]
I.e. thorpe, village; I quote from the edition of 1561. Broughton is an
error for Boughton.
[95]
Ed. 'as ye'; which gives no sense.
Page 729
[96]
For a good account of the Tabard Inn and a discussion of the pilgrims, see
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, by J. Saunders, ed. 1889.
[97]
Compare the articles by Koch and Kölbing, in Englische Studien, i. 249,
ii. 528, and in Essays on Chaucer, p. 357.
[98]
'In describing the commencement of this amour, which is to be the
subject of the remainder of the poem, Chaucer has entirely departed from
his author in three principal circumstances, and, I think, in each with very
good reason, (1) By supposing Emilia to be seen first by Palamon, he
gives him an advantage over his rival which makes the catastrophe more
consonant to poetical justice. (2) The picture which Boccaccio has
exhibited of two young princes violently enamoured of the same object,
without jealousy or rivalship, if not absolutely unnatural, is certainly very
insipid and unpoetical. (3) As no consequence is to follow from their
being seen by Emilia at this time, it is better, I think, to suppose, as
Chaucer has done, that they are not seen by her.'—Tyrwhitt.
[99]
The same story has been imitated in the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, and in
the Berceau of Lafontaine (Morley).
[100]
I.e. Abington, seven miles to the S.E. of Cambridge, and nearly as far
from Trumpington. In one way, it suits better; Trumpington is too near
Cambridge for the clerks to have been benighted there.
[101]
For an analysis of the Tale, see Morley, Eng. Writers, v. 321.
[102]
Se-ïnt seems to have been occasionally dissyllabic, as in Chaucer's
Prologue, A 697.
For a good account of the Tabard Inn and a discussion of the pilgrims, see
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, by J. Saunders, ed. 1889.
[97]
Compare the articles by Koch and Kölbing, in Englische Studien, i. 249,
ii. 528, and in Essays on Chaucer, p. 357.
[98]
'In describing the commencement of this amour, which is to be the
subject of the remainder of the poem, Chaucer has entirely departed from
his author in three principal circumstances, and, I think, in each with very
good reason, (1) By supposing Emilia to be seen first by Palamon, he
gives him an advantage over his rival which makes the catastrophe more
consonant to poetical justice. (2) The picture which Boccaccio has
exhibited of two young princes violently enamoured of the same object,
without jealousy or rivalship, if not absolutely unnatural, is certainly very
insipid and unpoetical. (3) As no consequence is to follow from their
being seen by Emilia at this time, it is better, I think, to suppose, as
Chaucer has done, that they are not seen by her.'—Tyrwhitt.
[99]
The same story has been imitated in the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, and in
the Berceau of Lafontaine (Morley).
[100]
I.e. Abington, seven miles to the S.E. of Cambridge, and nearly as far
from Trumpington. In one way, it suits better; Trumpington is too near
Cambridge for the clerks to have been benighted there.
[101]
For an analysis of the Tale, see Morley, Eng. Writers, v. 321.
[102]
Se-ïnt seems to have been occasionally dissyllabic, as in Chaucer's
Prologue, A 697.
Page 730
[103]
This may be true of some of the traditions embodied in the story; but as
we have it, the date is much later.
[104]
Or of the fourteenth century; they did not much vary.
[105]
Reprinted in Chalmers' English Poets, i. 607 (1810).
[106]
The objection is made that all people 'speak in prose'; but I think Chaucer
refers to something more rhetorical than ordinary conversation.
[107]
All adapted from his early work, Of the Wretched Engendering of
Mankinde; see p. 407. The four stanzas are: B 421-7, 771-7, 925-31, and
1135-41.
[108]
Chaucer is, in fact, alluding to Trivet.
[109]
In Anglia, xiv. 77-122, 147-185.
[110]
I sometimes copy Mr. Brock's very words.
[111]
The Dominican friars were also called Friars Preachers.
[112]
Reprinted for the Early Eng. Text Soc., ed. S. J. Herrtage, 1879; see pp.
311, 493 of this edition.
This may be true of some of the traditions embodied in the story; but as
we have it, the date is much later.
[104]
Or of the fourteenth century; they did not much vary.
[105]
Reprinted in Chalmers' English Poets, i. 607 (1810).
[106]
The objection is made that all people 'speak in prose'; but I think Chaucer
refers to something more rhetorical than ordinary conversation.
[107]
All adapted from his early work, Of the Wretched Engendering of
Mankinde; see p. 407. The four stanzas are: B 421-7, 771-7, 925-31, and
1135-41.
[108]
Chaucer is, in fact, alluding to Trivet.
[109]
In Anglia, xiv. 77-122, 147-185.
[110]
I sometimes copy Mr. Brock's very words.
[111]
The Dominican friars were also called Friars Preachers.
[112]
Reprinted for the Early Eng. Text Soc., ed. S. J. Herrtage, 1879; see pp.
311, 493 of this edition.
Page 731
[113]
Warton gives the reference, viz. to his Speculum Historiale, lib. vii. c. 90,
fol. 86 a.
[114]
I.e. it is the sole authority for placing both the Shipman's Prologue and
his Tale precisely here. At the same time, at least seventeen other MSS.
make the Shipman's Prologue follow the Man of Law's Tale; only they
turn it into a Prologue for the Sompnour or Squire.
[115]
The Monk's cell is mentioned in the Prologue, l. 172; Chaucer's was his
'celle fantastyk'; Kn. Ta. 518 (A 1376).
[116]
I put (e) not (b), in order to show the chronological order, which is that of
the letters, a, b, c, d, e, f.
[117]
The group (f) has nothing to do with (e); as will appear.
[118]
I say 'recollections' advisedly; see note to B 3293. The mistake of
confusing 'Busirus' with Diomedes, king of Thrace, suggests that Chaucer
had not as yet written out his translation of Boethius, but had read it
hastily. In other words, part of the Monkes Tale must be earlier than 1380.
[119]
Printed 'Chauncer' in the old edition which I here follow.
[120]
Ed. 1532, alther; Edd. 1550, 1561, all ther; Morris corrects to a lither.
[121]
Compare C 1.
Warton gives the reference, viz. to his Speculum Historiale, lib. vii. c. 90,
fol. 86 a.
[114]
I.e. it is the sole authority for placing both the Shipman's Prologue and
his Tale precisely here. At the same time, at least seventeen other MSS.
make the Shipman's Prologue follow the Man of Law's Tale; only they
turn it into a Prologue for the Sompnour or Squire.
[115]
The Monk's cell is mentioned in the Prologue, l. 172; Chaucer's was his
'celle fantastyk'; Kn. Ta. 518 (A 1376).
[116]
I put (e) not (b), in order to show the chronological order, which is that of
the letters, a, b, c, d, e, f.
[117]
The group (f) has nothing to do with (e); as will appear.
[118]
I say 'recollections' advisedly; see note to B 3293. The mistake of
confusing 'Busirus' with Diomedes, king of Thrace, suggests that Chaucer
had not as yet written out his translation of Boethius, but had read it
hastily. In other words, part of the Monkes Tale must be earlier than 1380.
[119]
Printed 'Chauncer' in the old edition which I here follow.
[120]
Ed. 1532, alther; Edd. 1550, 1561, all ther; Morris corrects to a lither.
[121]
Compare C 1.
Page 732
[122]
C 164.
[123]
C 165-170; 178-189.
[124]
C 154.
[125]
C 142.
[126]
C. 192-9.
[127]
C 203-206.
[128]
C 254-276.
[129]
A remarkable coincidence with the language of St. Paul in 1 Tim. vi. 10.
[130]
But this passage still more resembles Jerome against Jovinian; see note to
the line.
[131]
Cf. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 292.
[132]
I.e. the first edition of Gower's poem certainly preceded the Wife's Tale,
though the second edition did not appear till 1393.
C 164.
[123]
C 165-170; 178-189.
[124]
C 154.
[125]
C 142.
[126]
C. 192-9.
[127]
C 203-206.
[128]
C 254-276.
[129]
A remarkable coincidence with the language of St. Paul in 1 Tim. vi. 10.
[130]
But this passage still more resembles Jerome against Jovinian; see note to
the line.
[131]
Cf. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 292.
[132]
I.e. the first edition of Gower's poem certainly preceded the Wife's Tale,
though the second edition did not appear till 1393.
Page 733
[133]
Lat. 'nepos'; but later on, Claudius is called his eme, i.e. uncle.
[134]
To which it is not unusual to object, by insisting that it was not Chaucer
himself who met Petrarch, but the Clerk who tells the tale. I doubt if this
amounts to more than a quibble. There is nothing out of place in
Chaucer's reference to an incident in his own life, inasmuch as he was a
clerk himself, in the sense of being a student. Otherwise, we have to
explain how the poor clerk raised the money to pay for this long journey;
how it came to pass that he met Petrarch, and when; and how he acquired
a copy of Petrarch's tale.
[135]
See E 27, 40.
[136]
See E 1147—'Petrark wryteth.' And yet Warton could imagine that
Chaucer did not use a copy of Petrarch's version, but only wrote from
recollection of what he had heard! If we enquire, how did Chaucer obtain
this version, no answer is so likely as the supposition that Petrarch gave it
him at parting. It is difficult to see how he could have got it otherwise.
[137]
The words 'He is now deed,' in E 29, suggest that Petrarch was still living
when Chaucer first wrote the Tale.
[138]
'There was also Grisildis
innocence,
And al hir mekenes and hir
pacience.'
Lydgate, Temple of
Glas, ed. Schick,
l. 75.
Lat. 'nepos'; but later on, Claudius is called his eme, i.e. uncle.
[134]
To which it is not unusual to object, by insisting that it was not Chaucer
himself who met Petrarch, but the Clerk who tells the tale. I doubt if this
amounts to more than a quibble. There is nothing out of place in
Chaucer's reference to an incident in his own life, inasmuch as he was a
clerk himself, in the sense of being a student. Otherwise, we have to
explain how the poor clerk raised the money to pay for this long journey;
how it came to pass that he met Petrarch, and when; and how he acquired
a copy of Petrarch's tale.
[135]
See E 27, 40.
[136]
See E 1147—'Petrark wryteth.' And yet Warton could imagine that
Chaucer did not use a copy of Petrarch's version, but only wrote from
recollection of what he had heard! If we enquire, how did Chaucer obtain
this version, no answer is so likely as the supposition that Petrarch gave it
him at parting. It is difficult to see how he could have got it otherwise.
[137]
The words 'He is now deed,' in E 29, suggest that Petrarch was still living
when Chaucer first wrote the Tale.
[138]
'There was also Grisildis
innocence,
And al hir mekenes and hir
pacience.'
Lydgate, Temple of
Glas, ed. Schick,
l. 75.
Page 734
[139]
It occurs also in the black-letter editions, and in MSS. Harl. 1758 and
7333, Barlow 20, and Royal 18 C. ii; as well as in E., Hn., Cm., and Dd.
Several MSS. follow it up by various scraps, taken from E. 2419-40 and
F 1-8, with the false substitution of Sire Frankeleyn for Squier in F 1,
which makes the line too long. See Part I of the Six-text edition, pp.
xvii*-xx*.
[140]
Chaucer und Albertanus Brixiensis; in Archiv für das Studium der
neueren Sprachen; vol. 86, p. 29.
[141]
To which are appended fables by Avian (leaf 106); by Alfonce (leaf 120,
back); and by Poge the Florentyn (leaf 134).
[142]
The 'reasons' are not recondite; for fifteen MSS., at the least, have this
arrangement.
[143]
Tyrwhitt is quite right; he is alluding to the true Shipman's Prologue; B
1163-90.
[144]
Only a few hours after writing this sentence, I found that Mr. Keightley,
in his Tales and Popular Fictions, published in 1834, at p. 76, distinctly
derives Chaucer's Tale from the travels of Marco Polo. I let the sentence
stand, however, as an example of undesigned coincidence.
[145]
So in Mr. Hazlitt's edition; Warton originally wrote—'to believe this story
to be one of the many fables which the Arabians imported into Europe.'
[146]
It occurs also in the black-letter editions, and in MSS. Harl. 1758 and
7333, Barlow 20, and Royal 18 C. ii; as well as in E., Hn., Cm., and Dd.
Several MSS. follow it up by various scraps, taken from E. 2419-40 and
F 1-8, with the false substitution of Sire Frankeleyn for Squier in F 1,
which makes the line too long. See Part I of the Six-text edition, pp.
xvii*-xx*.
[140]
Chaucer und Albertanus Brixiensis; in Archiv für das Studium der
neueren Sprachen; vol. 86, p. 29.
[141]
To which are appended fables by Avian (leaf 106); by Alfonce (leaf 120,
back); and by Poge the Florentyn (leaf 134).
[142]
The 'reasons' are not recondite; for fifteen MSS., at the least, have this
arrangement.
[143]
Tyrwhitt is quite right; he is alluding to the true Shipman's Prologue; B
1163-90.
[144]
Only a few hours after writing this sentence, I found that Mr. Keightley,
in his Tales and Popular Fictions, published in 1834, at p. 76, distinctly
derives Chaucer's Tale from the travels of Marco Polo. I let the sentence
stand, however, as an example of undesigned coincidence.
[145]
So in Mr. Hazlitt's edition; Warton originally wrote—'to believe this story
to be one of the many fables which the Arabians imported into Europe.'
[146]
Page 735
'All things can be known by Perspective, because all operations of things
take place according to the multiplication of forms and forces, by means
of this world's agents, upon yielding materials.'—Opus Minus (see
Warton).
[147]
'That sword, wrought with such art, that it cuts through enchantment and
every charm.' I correct the errors in these quotations.
[148]
'Enchantment avails not, where it inflicts a cut.'
[149]
'O splendid falsehood, when is truth so beautiful that one can prefer her to
thee?' In Warton's book, the Italian quotations abound in misprints, not all
of which are removed in Hazlitt's edition. I cannot construe 'al vero,' as
there printed.
[150]
I would ask the reader to observe that the seven best MSS. all have the
spelling Cambynskan or Kambynskan. The form Cambuscan (in Milton,
Il Pens. 110) is found in the old black-letter editions. It is strange that
Milton should accent the wrong syllable. Cambynskan arose from reading
Camiuscan as Caminskan.
[151]
I find that Mr. Keightley has already suggested this.
[152]
Evidently Shangtu, Coleridge's Xanadu. See his well-known lines—'In
Xanadu did Kubla Khan,' &c.
[153]
This is Chaucer's 'Sarra'; see note to F 9.
[154]
take place according to the multiplication of forms and forces, by means
of this world's agents, upon yielding materials.'—Opus Minus (see
Warton).
[147]
'That sword, wrought with such art, that it cuts through enchantment and
every charm.' I correct the errors in these quotations.
[148]
'Enchantment avails not, where it inflicts a cut.'
[149]
'O splendid falsehood, when is truth so beautiful that one can prefer her to
thee?' In Warton's book, the Italian quotations abound in misprints, not all
of which are removed in Hazlitt's edition. I cannot construe 'al vero,' as
there printed.
[150]
I would ask the reader to observe that the seven best MSS. all have the
spelling Cambynskan or Kambynskan. The form Cambuscan (in Milton,
Il Pens. 110) is found in the old black-letter editions. It is strange that
Milton should accent the wrong syllable. Cambynskan arose from reading
Camiuscan as Caminskan.
[151]
I find that Mr. Keightley has already suggested this.
[152]
Evidently Shangtu, Coleridge's Xanadu. See his well-known lines—'In
Xanadu did Kubla Khan,' &c.
[153]
This is Chaucer's 'Sarra'; see note to F 9.
[154]
Page 736
Mr. Keightley shews, in his Tales and Popular Fictions, p. 75, that
Cervantes has confused two stories, (1) that of a prince carrying off a
princess on a wooden horse; and (2) that of Peter of Provence running
away with the fair Magalona.
[155]
See Arber's reprint, p. 85, where 'the hors of tree' [i.e. wood], ridden by
'Cleomedes the kynges sone,' is expressly mentioned, and is said to be
'torned' by 'a pynne that stode on his brest.'
[156]
This magic ring is likewise referred to in chap. 32 of Caxton's Reynard
the Fox. It had 'thre hebrews names therin,' and it contained 'a stone of
thre maner colours.' The same chapter mentions the magic mirror.
[157]
A friend of Milton's father; see Masson, Life of Milton, i. 42.
[158]
Printed at Brussels, 1865; ed. A. van Hasselt.
[159]
I take the liberty of abridging the story by omitting several details.
[160]
It had previously appeared in the fifth book of his Philocopo, a juvenile
work.
[161]
But Dr. Köppel argues that the date must be several years later. See his
article in Anglia, xiv. 227; and observe Chaucer's use of Dante, Par.
xxxiii. 1-21, in ll. 36-56, which may, however, be due to the insertion of
ll. 36-56 at a later time. His argument that the Lyf of Seint Cecyle was
written after Troilus, because it contains neither forthy nor forwhy, seems
to me entirely valueless. The whole Tale only contains 553 lines, whereas
we find in Troilus 777 consecutive lines in which neither word occurs,
viz. in V. 351-1127.
Cervantes has confused two stories, (1) that of a prince carrying off a
princess on a wooden horse; and (2) that of Peter of Provence running
away with the fair Magalona.
[155]
See Arber's reprint, p. 85, where 'the hors of tree' [i.e. wood], ridden by
'Cleomedes the kynges sone,' is expressly mentioned, and is said to be
'torned' by 'a pynne that stode on his brest.'
[156]
This magic ring is likewise referred to in chap. 32 of Caxton's Reynard
the Fox. It had 'thre hebrews names therin,' and it contained 'a stone of
thre maner colours.' The same chapter mentions the magic mirror.
[157]
A friend of Milton's father; see Masson, Life of Milton, i. 42.
[158]
Printed at Brussels, 1865; ed. A. van Hasselt.
[159]
I take the liberty of abridging the story by omitting several details.
[160]
It had previously appeared in the fifth book of his Philocopo, a juvenile
work.
[161]
But Dr. Köppel argues that the date must be several years later. See his
article in Anglia, xiv. 227; and observe Chaucer's use of Dante, Par.
xxxiii. 1-21, in ll. 36-56, which may, however, be due to the insertion of
ll. 36-56 at a later time. His argument that the Lyf of Seint Cecyle was
written after Troilus, because it contains neither forthy nor forwhy, seems
to me entirely valueless. The whole Tale only contains 553 lines, whereas
we find in Troilus 777 consecutive lines in which neither word occurs,
viz. in V. 351-1127.
Page 737
[162]
In l. 32, we have 'Thou comfort of us wrecches,' and in l. 58, 'Me flemed
wrecche.' I suspect that these lines were, in the original draught, not far
apart. l. 57 would follow l. 35 very suitably.
[163]
Compare the section in the Acta Sanctorum, April 14, p. 209, headed:
'Nova corporum inventio sub Clemente VIII, A.D. MDXCIX.'
[164]
See my note to l. 134 of the Tale.
[165]
Tyrwhitt further explains that a poem in Ashmole's volume, called
Hermes Bird, and by him attributed to Raymund Lully, is really a poem
of Lydgate's, printed by Caxton with the title The Chorle and the Bird.
[166]
It is a totally different work from the Latin collection of alchemical
works, also called Theatrum Chemicum, so often cited in my notes.
[167]
At p. 470, Ashmole gives a brief account of Chaucer, made up from
Speght, Bale, Pits, and others, of no particular value. At p. 226, he gives
an engraving of the marble monument erected to Chaucer's memory in
Westminster Abbey, by Nicholas Brigham, A.D. 1556.
[168]
This is somewhat amusing. Charnock describes his numerous
misadventures, and it is not clear that he preserved his faith in alchemy
unshaken.
[169]
Thomson's Hist. Chemistry, i. 25.
In l. 32, we have 'Thou comfort of us wrecches,' and in l. 58, 'Me flemed
wrecche.' I suspect that these lines were, in the original draught, not far
apart. l. 57 would follow l. 35 very suitably.
[163]
Compare the section in the Acta Sanctorum, April 14, p. 209, headed:
'Nova corporum inventio sub Clemente VIII, A.D. MDXCIX.'
[164]
See my note to l. 134 of the Tale.
[165]
Tyrwhitt further explains that a poem in Ashmole's volume, called
Hermes Bird, and by him attributed to Raymund Lully, is really a poem
of Lydgate's, printed by Caxton with the title The Chorle and the Bird.
[166]
It is a totally different work from the Latin collection of alchemical
works, also called Theatrum Chemicum, so often cited in my notes.
[167]
At p. 470, Ashmole gives a brief account of Chaucer, made up from
Speght, Bale, Pits, and others, of no particular value. At p. 226, he gives
an engraving of the marble monument erected to Chaucer's memory in
Westminster Abbey, by Nicholas Brigham, A.D. 1556.
[168]
This is somewhat amusing. Charnock describes his numerous
misadventures, and it is not clear that he preserved his faith in alchemy
unshaken.
[169]
Thomson's Hist. Chemistry, i. 25.
Page 738
[170]
'Sir To. What shall we do else? Were we not born under Taurus? Sir And.
Taurus! that's sides and heart. Sir To. No, sir; it's legs and thighs.' Both
are wrong, of course, as Shakespeare knew. Chaucer says—'Aries hath
thin heved [head], and Taurus thy nekke and thy throte;' Astrolabe, pt. i.
sec. 21. l. 52.
[171]
See Browning's drama entitled 'Paracelsus.'
[172]
It is useless to try and discover an etymology for this word. It was
invented wittingly. The most that can be said was that Van Helmont may
have been thinking of the Dutch geest, a spirit; E. ghost.
[173]
This seems to us a strange selection; red, green, and violet would have
been better. But this scale of colours is due to Aristotle, De Sensu, ii.; cf.
Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, bk. xix. c. 7.
[174]
The Indian god Siva, was actually worshipped under the form of
quicksilver. Professor Cowell refers me to Marco Polo, ed. Yule, ii. 300,
and to his own edition of Colebrooke's Essays, i. 433; also to the semi-
mythic life of Sankara Áchárya, the great reformer of the eighth century.
[175]
This explains why the alchemists, in seeking gold, sometimes supposed
that they had obtained silver.
[176]
Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, ed. L. Herrig; vol. 86, p.
44.
[177]
MS. Douce 162 has a copy of the treatise in Provençal.
'Sir To. What shall we do else? Were we not born under Taurus? Sir And.
Taurus! that's sides and heart. Sir To. No, sir; it's legs and thighs.' Both
are wrong, of course, as Shakespeare knew. Chaucer says—'Aries hath
thin heved [head], and Taurus thy nekke and thy throte;' Astrolabe, pt. i.
sec. 21. l. 52.
[171]
See Browning's drama entitled 'Paracelsus.'
[172]
It is useless to try and discover an etymology for this word. It was
invented wittingly. The most that can be said was that Van Helmont may
have been thinking of the Dutch geest, a spirit; E. ghost.
[173]
This seems to us a strange selection; red, green, and violet would have
been better. But this scale of colours is due to Aristotle, De Sensu, ii.; cf.
Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, bk. xix. c. 7.
[174]
The Indian god Siva, was actually worshipped under the form of
quicksilver. Professor Cowell refers me to Marco Polo, ed. Yule, ii. 300,
and to his own edition of Colebrooke's Essays, i. 433; also to the semi-
mythic life of Sankara Áchárya, the great reformer of the eighth century.
[175]
This explains why the alchemists, in seeking gold, sometimes supposed
that they had obtained silver.
[176]
Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, ed. L. Herrig; vol. 86, p.
44.
[177]
MS. Douce 162 has a copy of the treatise in Provençal.
Page 739
[178]
Urry, the worst of editors, originated it.
[179]
Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, ed. L. Herrig, vol. 87, p.
33.
Urry, the worst of editors, originated it.
[179]
Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, ed. L. Herrig, vol. 87, p.
33.
Page 740
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