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The Project Gutenberg eBook of France and England in North
America, Part III: La Salle, Discovery of The Great West
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
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have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: France and England in North America, Part III: La Salle, Discovery of
The Great West
Author: Francis Parkman
Release date: July 4, 2012 [eBook #40143]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40143
Credits: Produced by Sharon Joiner, Christian Boissonnas, Charles
Franks and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCE AND
ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA, PART III: LA SALLE, DISCOVERY
OF THE GREAT WEST ***
America, Part III: La Salle, Discovery of The Great West
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: France and England in North America, Part III: La Salle, Discovery of
The Great West
Author: Francis Parkman
Release date: July 4, 2012 [eBook #40143]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40143
Credits: Produced by Sharon Joiner, Christian Boissonnas, Charles
Franks and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRANCE AND
ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA, PART III: LA SALLE, DISCOVERY
OF THE GREAT WEST ***
Page 4
Transcriber's Note:
Obvious punctuation and spelling errors repaired. Original spelling
and its variations were not harmonized.
Footnotes were moved to the ends of the chapters in which they
belonged and numbered in one continuous sequence. The pagination in
index entries which referred to these footnotes was not changed to
match their new locations and is therefore incorrect.
Francis Parkman's Works.
NEW LIBRARY EDITION.
Vol. III.
FRANCIS PARKMAN'S WORKS.
New Library Edition.
Pioneers of France in the New World 1 vol.
The Jesuits in North America 1 vol.
La Salle and the Discovery of the Great
West 1 vol.
The Old Régime in Canada 1 vol.
Count Frontenac and New France under
Louis XIV 1 vol.
Obvious punctuation and spelling errors repaired. Original spelling
and its variations were not harmonized.
Footnotes were moved to the ends of the chapters in which they
belonged and numbered in one continuous sequence. The pagination in
index entries which referred to these footnotes was not changed to
match their new locations and is therefore incorrect.
Francis Parkman's Works.
NEW LIBRARY EDITION.
Vol. III.
FRANCIS PARKMAN'S WORKS.
New Library Edition.
Pioneers of France in the New World 1 vol.
The Jesuits in North America 1 vol.
La Salle and the Discovery of the Great
West 1 vol.
The Old Régime in Canada 1 vol.
Count Frontenac and New France under
Louis XIV 1 vol.
Page 5
2
A Half Century of Conflict vols.
2
Montcalm and Wolfe vols.
The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian 2
War after the Conquest of Canada vols.
The Oregon Trail 1 vol.
A Half Century of Conflict vols.
2
Montcalm and Wolfe vols.
The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian 2
War after the Conquest of Canada vols.
The Oregon Trail 1 vol.
Page 6
Copyright, 1897, by Little, Brown & Co Goupil & Co., Paris
La Salle Presenting a Petition to Louis XIV.
Drawn by Adrien Moreau.
La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, Frontispiece
La Salle Presenting a Petition to Louis XIV.
Drawn by Adrien Moreau.
La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, Frontispiece
Page 7
LA SALLE
AND THE
DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT
WEST.
FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN
NORTH AMERICA.
Part Third.
BY
FRANCIS PARKMAN.
BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY.
1908
AND THE
DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT
WEST.
FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN
NORTH AMERICA.
Part Third.
BY
FRANCIS PARKMAN.
BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY.
1908
Page 8
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1869, by
Francis Parkman,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879, by
Francis Parkman,
in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
Copyright, 1897,
By Little, Brown, and Company.
Copyright, 1897,
By Grace P. Coffin and Katharine S. Coolidge.
Copyright, 1907,
By Grace P. Coffin.
Printers
S. J. Parkhill & Co., Boston, U. S. A.
TO
THE CLASS OF 1844,
Harvard College,
THIS BOOK IS CORDIALLY DEDICATED
BY ONE OF THEIR NUMBER.
Francis Parkman,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879, by
Francis Parkman,
in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
Copyright, 1897,
By Little, Brown, and Company.
Copyright, 1897,
By Grace P. Coffin and Katharine S. Coolidge.
Copyright, 1907,
By Grace P. Coffin.
Printers
S. J. Parkhill & Co., Boston, U. S. A.
TO
THE CLASS OF 1844,
Harvard College,
THIS BOOK IS CORDIALLY DEDICATED
BY ONE OF THEIR NUMBER.
Page 9
Page 10
PREFACE OF THE ELEVENTH EDITION.
When the earlier editions of this book were published, I was aware of the
existence of a collection of documents relating to La Salle, and containing
important material to which I had not succeeded in gaining access. This
collection was in possession of M. Pierre Margry, director of the Archives
of the Marine and Colonies at Paris, and was the result of more than thirty
years of research. With rare assiduity and zeal, M. Margry had explored not
only the vast depository with which he has been officially connected from
youth, and of which he is now the chief, but also the other public archives
of France, and many private collections in Paris and the provinces. The
object of his search was to throw light on the career and achievements of
French explorers, and, above all, of La Salle. A collection of extraordinary
richness grew gradually upon his hands. In the course of my own inquiries,
I owed much to his friendly aid; but his collections, as a whole, remained
inaccessible, since he naturally wished to be the first to make known the
results of his labors. An attempt to induce Congress to furnish him with the
means of printing documents so interesting to American history was made
in 1870 and 1871, by Henry Harrisse, Esq., aided by the American minister
at Paris; but it unfortunately failed.
In the summer and autumn of 1872, I had numerous interviews with M.
Margry, and at his desire undertook to try to induce some American
bookseller to publish the collection. On returning to the United States, I
accordingly made an arrangement with Messrs. Little, Brown & Co., of
Boston, by which they agreed to print the papers if a certain number of
subscriptions should first be obtained. The condition proved very difficult;
and it became clear that the best hope of success lay in another appeal to
Congress. This was made in the following winter, in conjunction with Hon.
E. B. Washburne; Colonel Charles Whittlesey, of Cleveland; O. H.
Marshall, Esq., of Buffalo; and other gentlemen interested in early
American history. The attempt succeeded. Congress made an appropriation
for the purchase of five hundred copies of the work, to be printed at Paris,
under direction of M. Margry; and the three volumes devoted to La Salle
are at length before the public.
When the earlier editions of this book were published, I was aware of the
existence of a collection of documents relating to La Salle, and containing
important material to which I had not succeeded in gaining access. This
collection was in possession of M. Pierre Margry, director of the Archives
of the Marine and Colonies at Paris, and was the result of more than thirty
years of research. With rare assiduity and zeal, M. Margry had explored not
only the vast depository with which he has been officially connected from
youth, and of which he is now the chief, but also the other public archives
of France, and many private collections in Paris and the provinces. The
object of his search was to throw light on the career and achievements of
French explorers, and, above all, of La Salle. A collection of extraordinary
richness grew gradually upon his hands. In the course of my own inquiries,
I owed much to his friendly aid; but his collections, as a whole, remained
inaccessible, since he naturally wished to be the first to make known the
results of his labors. An attempt to induce Congress to furnish him with the
means of printing documents so interesting to American history was made
in 1870 and 1871, by Henry Harrisse, Esq., aided by the American minister
at Paris; but it unfortunately failed.
In the summer and autumn of 1872, I had numerous interviews with M.
Margry, and at his desire undertook to try to induce some American
bookseller to publish the collection. On returning to the United States, I
accordingly made an arrangement with Messrs. Little, Brown & Co., of
Boston, by which they agreed to print the papers if a certain number of
subscriptions should first be obtained. The condition proved very difficult;
and it became clear that the best hope of success lay in another appeal to
Congress. This was made in the following winter, in conjunction with Hon.
E. B. Washburne; Colonel Charles Whittlesey, of Cleveland; O. H.
Marshall, Esq., of Buffalo; and other gentlemen interested in early
American history. The attempt succeeded. Congress made an appropriation
for the purchase of five hundred copies of the work, to be printed at Paris,
under direction of M. Margry; and the three volumes devoted to La Salle
are at length before the public.
Page 11
Of the papers contained in them which I had not before examined, the
most interesting are the letters of La Salle, found in the original by M.
Margry, among the immense accumulations of the Archives of the Marine
and Colonies and the Bibliothèque Nationale. The narrative of La Salle's
companion, Joutel, far more copious than the abstract printed in 1713,
under the title of "Journal Historique," also deserves special mention.
These, with other fresh material in these three volumes, while they add new
facts and throw new light on the character of La Salle, confirm nearly every
statement made in the first edition of the Discovery of the Great West. The
only exception of consequence relates to the causes of La Salle's failure to
find the mouth of the Mississippi in 1684, and to the conduct, on that
occasion, of the naval commander, Beaujeu.
This edition is revised throughout, and in part rewritten with large
additions. A map of the country traversed by the explorers is also added.
The name of La Salle is placed on the titlepage, as seems to be demanded
by his increased prominence in the narrative of which he is the central
figure.
Boston, 10 December, 1878.
Note.—The title of M. Margry's printed collection is Découvertes et Établissements des
Français dans l'Ouest et dans le Sud de l'Amérique Septentrionale (1614-1754), Mémoires
et Documents originaux." I., II., III. Besides the three volumes relating to La Salle, there
will be two others, relating to other explorers. In accordance with the agreement with
Congress, an independent edition will appear in France, with an introduction setting forth
the circumstances of the publication.
most interesting are the letters of La Salle, found in the original by M.
Margry, among the immense accumulations of the Archives of the Marine
and Colonies and the Bibliothèque Nationale. The narrative of La Salle's
companion, Joutel, far more copious than the abstract printed in 1713,
under the title of "Journal Historique," also deserves special mention.
These, with other fresh material in these three volumes, while they add new
facts and throw new light on the character of La Salle, confirm nearly every
statement made in the first edition of the Discovery of the Great West. The
only exception of consequence relates to the causes of La Salle's failure to
find the mouth of the Mississippi in 1684, and to the conduct, on that
occasion, of the naval commander, Beaujeu.
This edition is revised throughout, and in part rewritten with large
additions. A map of the country traversed by the explorers is also added.
The name of La Salle is placed on the titlepage, as seems to be demanded
by his increased prominence in the narrative of which he is the central
figure.
Boston, 10 December, 1878.
Note.—The title of M. Margry's printed collection is Découvertes et Établissements des
Français dans l'Ouest et dans le Sud de l'Amérique Septentrionale (1614-1754), Mémoires
et Documents originaux." I., II., III. Besides the three volumes relating to La Salle, there
will be two others, relating to other explorers. In accordance with the agreement with
Congress, an independent edition will appear in France, with an introduction setting forth
the circumstances of the publication.
Page 12
PREFACE OF THE FIRST EDITION.
The discovery of the "Great West," or the valleys of the Mississippi and
the Lakes, is a portion of our history hitherto very obscure. Those
magnificent regions were revealed to the world through a series of daring
enterprises, of which the motives and even the incidents have been but
partially and superficially known. The chief actor in them wrote much, but
printed nothing; and the published writings of his associates stand wofully
in need of interpretation from the unpublished documents which exist, but
which have not heretofore been used as material for history.
This volume attempts to supply the defect. Of the large amount of wholly
new material employed in it, by far the greater part is drawn from the
various public archives of France, and the rest from private sources. The
discovery of many of these documents is due to the indefatigable research
of M. Pierre Margry, assistant director of the Archives of the Marine and
Colonies at Paris, whose labors as an investigator of the maritime and
colonial history of France can be appreciated only by those who have seen
their results. In the department of American colonial history, these results
have been invaluable; for, besides several private collections made by him,
he rendered important service in the collection of the French portion of the
Brodhead documents, selected and arranged the two great series of colonial
papers ordered by the Canadian government, and prepared with vast labor
analytical indexes of these and of supplementary documents in the French
archives, as well as a copious index of the mass of papers relating to
Louisiana. It is to be hoped that the valuable publications on the maritime
history of France which have appeared from his pen are an earnest of more
extended contributions in future.
The late President Sparks, some time after the publication of his Life of
La Salle, caused a collection to be made of documents relating to that
explorer, with the intention of incorporating them in a future edition. This
intention was never carried into effect, and the documents were never used.
With the liberality which always distinguished him, he placed them at my
disposal, and this privilege has been kindly continued by Mrs. Sparks.
The discovery of the "Great West," or the valleys of the Mississippi and
the Lakes, is a portion of our history hitherto very obscure. Those
magnificent regions were revealed to the world through a series of daring
enterprises, of which the motives and even the incidents have been but
partially and superficially known. The chief actor in them wrote much, but
printed nothing; and the published writings of his associates stand wofully
in need of interpretation from the unpublished documents which exist, but
which have not heretofore been used as material for history.
This volume attempts to supply the defect. Of the large amount of wholly
new material employed in it, by far the greater part is drawn from the
various public archives of France, and the rest from private sources. The
discovery of many of these documents is due to the indefatigable research
of M. Pierre Margry, assistant director of the Archives of the Marine and
Colonies at Paris, whose labors as an investigator of the maritime and
colonial history of France can be appreciated only by those who have seen
their results. In the department of American colonial history, these results
have been invaluable; for, besides several private collections made by him,
he rendered important service in the collection of the French portion of the
Brodhead documents, selected and arranged the two great series of colonial
papers ordered by the Canadian government, and prepared with vast labor
analytical indexes of these and of supplementary documents in the French
archives, as well as a copious index of the mass of papers relating to
Louisiana. It is to be hoped that the valuable publications on the maritime
history of France which have appeared from his pen are an earnest of more
extended contributions in future.
The late President Sparks, some time after the publication of his Life of
La Salle, caused a collection to be made of documents relating to that
explorer, with the intention of incorporating them in a future edition. This
intention was never carried into effect, and the documents were never used.
With the liberality which always distinguished him, he placed them at my
disposal, and this privilege has been kindly continued by Mrs. Sparks.
Page 13
Abbé Faillon, the learned author of "La Colonie Française en Canada,"
has sent me copies of various documents found by him, including family
papers of La Salle. Among others who in various ways have aided my
inquiries are Dr. John Paul, of Ottawa, Ill.; Count Adolphe de Circourt, and
M. Jules Marcou, of Paris; M. A. Gérin Lajoie, Assistant Librarian of the
Canadian Parliament; M. J. M. Le Moine, of Quebec; General Dix, Minister
of the United States at the Court of France; O. H. Marshall, of Buffalo; J. G.
Shea, of New York; Buckingham Smith, of St. Augustine; and Colonel
Thomas Aspinwall, of Boston.
The smaller map contained in the book is a portion of the manuscript
map of Franquelin, of which an account will be found in the Appendix.
The next volume of the series will be devoted to the efforts of Monarchy
and Feudalism under Louis XIV. to establish a permanent power on this
continent, and to the stormy career of Louis de Buade, Count of Frontenac.
Boston, 16 September, 1869.
has sent me copies of various documents found by him, including family
papers of La Salle. Among others who in various ways have aided my
inquiries are Dr. John Paul, of Ottawa, Ill.; Count Adolphe de Circourt, and
M. Jules Marcou, of Paris; M. A. Gérin Lajoie, Assistant Librarian of the
Canadian Parliament; M. J. M. Le Moine, of Quebec; General Dix, Minister
of the United States at the Court of France; O. H. Marshall, of Buffalo; J. G.
Shea, of New York; Buckingham Smith, of St. Augustine; and Colonel
Thomas Aspinwall, of Boston.
The smaller map contained in the book is a portion of the manuscript
map of Franquelin, of which an account will be found in the Appendix.
The next volume of the series will be devoted to the efforts of Monarchy
and Feudalism under Louis XIV. to establish a permanent power on this
continent, and to the stormy career of Louis de Buade, Count of Frontenac.
Boston, 16 September, 1869.
Page 14
CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION 3
CHAPTER I.
1643-1669.
CAVELIER DE LA SALLE.
The Youth of La Salle: his Connection with the Jesuits; he goes
to Canada; his Character; his Schemes; his Seigniory at La
Chine; his Expedition in Search of a Western Passage to
India. 7
CHAPTER II.
1669-1671.
LA SALLE AND THE SULPITIANS.
The French in Western New York.—Louis Joliet.—The
Sulpitians on Lake Erie; at Detroit; at Saut Ste. Marie.—
The Mystery of La Salle: he discovers the Ohio; he
descends the Illinois; did he reach the Mississippi? 19
CHAPTER III.
1670-1672
THE JESUITS ON THE LAKE.
The Old Missions and the New.—A Change of Spirit.—Lake
Superior and the Copper-mines.—Ste. Marie.—LaPointe.
— Michilimackinac.— Jesuits on Lake Michigan.—
Allouez and Dablon.—The Jesuit Fur-trade. 36
CHAPTER IV.
1667-1672.
FRANCE TAKES POSSESSION OF THE WEST.
Page
INTRODUCTION 3
CHAPTER I.
1643-1669.
CAVELIER DE LA SALLE.
The Youth of La Salle: his Connection with the Jesuits; he goes
to Canada; his Character; his Schemes; his Seigniory at La
Chine; his Expedition in Search of a Western Passage to
India. 7
CHAPTER II.
1669-1671.
LA SALLE AND THE SULPITIANS.
The French in Western New York.—Louis Joliet.—The
Sulpitians on Lake Erie; at Detroit; at Saut Ste. Marie.—
The Mystery of La Salle: he discovers the Ohio; he
descends the Illinois; did he reach the Mississippi? 19
CHAPTER III.
1670-1672
THE JESUITS ON THE LAKE.
The Old Missions and the New.—A Change of Spirit.—Lake
Superior and the Copper-mines.—Ste. Marie.—LaPointe.
— Michilimackinac.— Jesuits on Lake Michigan.—
Allouez and Dablon.—The Jesuit Fur-trade. 36
CHAPTER IV.
1667-1672.
FRANCE TAKES POSSESSION OF THE WEST.
Page 15
Talon.—Saint-Lusson.—Perrot.—The Ceremony at Saut Ste.
Marie.—The Speech of Allouez.—Count Frontenac. 48
CHAPTER V.
1672-1675.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
Joliet sent to find the Mississippi.—Jacques Marquette.—
Departure.— Green Bay.—The Wisconsin.—The
Mississippi.—Indians.—Manitous.— The Arkansas.—The
Illinois.—Joliet's Misfortune.—Marquette at Chicago: his
Illness; his Death. 57
CHAPTER VI.
1673-1678.
LA SALLE AND FRONTENAC.
Objects of La Salle.—Frontenac favors him.—Projects of
Frontenac.—Cataraqui.—Frontenac on Lake Ontario.—
Fort Frontenac.—La Salle and Fénelon.—Success of La
Salle: his Enemies. 83
CHAPTER VII.
1678.
PARTY STRIFE.
La Salle and his Reporter.—Jesuit Ascendency.—The Missions
and the Fur-trade.—Female Inquisitors.—Plots against La
Salle: his Brother the Priest.—Intrigues of the Jesuits.—La
Salle poisoned: he exculpates the Jesuits.—Renewed
Intrigues. 106
CHAPTER VIII.
1677, 1678.
THE GRAND ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Fort Frontenac.—La Salle at Court: his Memorial.
—Approval of the King.—Money and Means.—Henri de
Tonty.—Return to Canada. 120
Marie.—The Speech of Allouez.—Count Frontenac. 48
CHAPTER V.
1672-1675.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
Joliet sent to find the Mississippi.—Jacques Marquette.—
Departure.— Green Bay.—The Wisconsin.—The
Mississippi.—Indians.—Manitous.— The Arkansas.—The
Illinois.—Joliet's Misfortune.—Marquette at Chicago: his
Illness; his Death. 57
CHAPTER VI.
1673-1678.
LA SALLE AND FRONTENAC.
Objects of La Salle.—Frontenac favors him.—Projects of
Frontenac.—Cataraqui.—Frontenac on Lake Ontario.—
Fort Frontenac.—La Salle and Fénelon.—Success of La
Salle: his Enemies. 83
CHAPTER VII.
1678.
PARTY STRIFE.
La Salle and his Reporter.—Jesuit Ascendency.—The Missions
and the Fur-trade.—Female Inquisitors.—Plots against La
Salle: his Brother the Priest.—Intrigues of the Jesuits.—La
Salle poisoned: he exculpates the Jesuits.—Renewed
Intrigues. 106
CHAPTER VIII.
1677, 1678.
THE GRAND ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Fort Frontenac.—La Salle at Court: his Memorial.
—Approval of the King.—Money and Means.—Henri de
Tonty.—Return to Canada. 120
Page 16
CHAPTER IX.
1678-1679.
LA SALLE AT NIAGARA.
Father Louis Hennepin: his Past Life; his Character.—
Embarkation.— Niagara Falls.—Indian Jealousy.—La
Motte and the Senecas.— A Disaster.—La Salle and his
Followers. 131
CHAPTER X.
1679.
THE LAUNCH OF THE "GRIFFIN."
The Niagara Portage.—A Vessel on the Stocks.—Suffering and
Discontent.—La Salle's Winter Journey.—The Vessel
launched.— Fresh Disasters. 144
CHAPTER XI.
1679.
LA SALLE ON THE UPPER LAKES.
The Voyage of the "Griffin."—Detroit.—A Storm.—St. Ignace
of Michilimackinac.—Rivals and Enemies.—Lake
Michigan.— Hardships.—A Threatened Fight.—Fort
Miami.—Tonty's Misfortunes.—Forebodings. 151
CHAPTER XII.
1679, 1680.
LA SALLE ON THE ILLINOIS.
The St. Joseph.—Adventure of La Salle.—The Prairies.—
Famine.— The Great Town of the Illinois.—Indians.—
Intrigues.— Difficulties.—Policy of La Salle.—Desertion.
—Another Attempt to poison La Salle. 164
CHAPTER XIII.
1680.
FORT CRÈVECŒUR.
Building of the Fort.—Loss of the "Griffin."—A Bold 180
Resolution.—Another Vessel.—Hennepin sent to the
1678-1679.
LA SALLE AT NIAGARA.
Father Louis Hennepin: his Past Life; his Character.—
Embarkation.— Niagara Falls.—Indian Jealousy.—La
Motte and the Senecas.— A Disaster.—La Salle and his
Followers. 131
CHAPTER X.
1679.
THE LAUNCH OF THE "GRIFFIN."
The Niagara Portage.—A Vessel on the Stocks.—Suffering and
Discontent.—La Salle's Winter Journey.—The Vessel
launched.— Fresh Disasters. 144
CHAPTER XI.
1679.
LA SALLE ON THE UPPER LAKES.
The Voyage of the "Griffin."—Detroit.—A Storm.—St. Ignace
of Michilimackinac.—Rivals and Enemies.—Lake
Michigan.— Hardships.—A Threatened Fight.—Fort
Miami.—Tonty's Misfortunes.—Forebodings. 151
CHAPTER XII.
1679, 1680.
LA SALLE ON THE ILLINOIS.
The St. Joseph.—Adventure of La Salle.—The Prairies.—
Famine.— The Great Town of the Illinois.—Indians.—
Intrigues.— Difficulties.—Policy of La Salle.—Desertion.
—Another Attempt to poison La Salle. 164
CHAPTER XIII.
1680.
FORT CRÈVECŒUR.
Building of the Fort.—Loss of the "Griffin."—A Bold 180
Resolution.—Another Vessel.—Hennepin sent to the
Page 17
Mississippi.—Departure of La Salle.
CHAPTER XIV.
1680.
HARDIHOOD OF LA SALLE.
The Winter Journey.—The Deserted Town.—Starved Rock.—
Lake Michigan.—The Wilderness.—War Parties.—La
Salle's Men give out.—Ill Tidings.—Mutiny.—
Chastisement of the Mutineers. 189
CHAPTER XV.
1680.
INDIAN CONQUERORS.
The Enterprise renewed.—Attempt to rescue Tonty.—Buffalo.
—A Frightful Discovery.—Iroquois Fury.—The Ruined
Town.—A Night of Horror.—Traces of the Invaders.—No
News of Tonty. 202
CHAPTER XVI.
1680.
TONTY AND THE IROQUOIS.
The Deserters.—The Iroquois War.—The Great Town of the
Illinois.—The Alarm.—Onset of the Iroquois.—Peril of
Tonty.—A Treacherous Truce.—Intrepidity of Tonty.—
Murder of Ribourde.—War upon the Dead. 216
CHAPTER XVII.
1680.
THE ADVENTURES OF HENNEPIN.
Hennepin an Impostor: his Pretended Discovery; his Actual
Discovery; captured by the Sioux.—The Upper
Mississippi. 242
CHAPTER XVIII.
1680, 1681.
HENNEPIN AMONG THE SIOUX.
CHAPTER XIV.
1680.
HARDIHOOD OF LA SALLE.
The Winter Journey.—The Deserted Town.—Starved Rock.—
Lake Michigan.—The Wilderness.—War Parties.—La
Salle's Men give out.—Ill Tidings.—Mutiny.—
Chastisement of the Mutineers. 189
CHAPTER XV.
1680.
INDIAN CONQUERORS.
The Enterprise renewed.—Attempt to rescue Tonty.—Buffalo.
—A Frightful Discovery.—Iroquois Fury.—The Ruined
Town.—A Night of Horror.—Traces of the Invaders.—No
News of Tonty. 202
CHAPTER XVI.
1680.
TONTY AND THE IROQUOIS.
The Deserters.—The Iroquois War.—The Great Town of the
Illinois.—The Alarm.—Onset of the Iroquois.—Peril of
Tonty.—A Treacherous Truce.—Intrepidity of Tonty.—
Murder of Ribourde.—War upon the Dead. 216
CHAPTER XVII.
1680.
THE ADVENTURES OF HENNEPIN.
Hennepin an Impostor: his Pretended Discovery; his Actual
Discovery; captured by the Sioux.—The Upper
Mississippi. 242
CHAPTER XVIII.
1680, 1681.
HENNEPIN AMONG THE SIOUX.
Page 18
Signs of Danger.—Adoption.—Hennepin and his Indian
Relatives.—The Hunting Party.—The Sioux Camp.—Falls
of St. Anthony.—A Vagabond Friar: his Adventures on the
Mississippi.—Greysolon Du Lhut.—Return to Civilization. 259
CHAPTER XIX.
1681.
LA SALLE BEGINS ANEW.
His Constancy; his Plans; his Savage Allies; he becomes
Snow-blind.—Negotiations.—Grand Council.—La Salle's
Oratory.—Meeting with Tonty.—Preparation.—Departure. 283
CHAPTER XX.
1681-1682.
SUCCESS OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—The Chicago Portage.—Descent of the
Mississippi.—The Lost Hunter.—The Arkansas.—The
Taensas.—The Natchez.—Hostility.—The Mouth of the
Mississippi.—Louis XIV. proclaimed Sovereign of the
Great West. 295
CHAPTER XXI.
1682, 1683.
ST. LOUIS OF THE ILLINOIS.
Louisiana.—Illness of La Salle: his Colony on the Illinois.—
Fort St. Louis.—Recall of Frontenac.—Le Febvre de la
Barre.—Critical Position of La Salle.—Hostility of the
New Governor.—Triumph of the Adverse Faction.—La
Salle sails for France. 309
CHAPTER XXII.
1680-1683.
LA SALLE PAINTED BY HIMSELF.
Difficulty of knowing him: his Detractors; his Letters; 328
vexations of his Position; his Unfitness for Trade; risks of
Correspondence; his Reported Marriage; alleged
Relatives.—The Hunting Party.—The Sioux Camp.—Falls
of St. Anthony.—A Vagabond Friar: his Adventures on the
Mississippi.—Greysolon Du Lhut.—Return to Civilization. 259
CHAPTER XIX.
1681.
LA SALLE BEGINS ANEW.
His Constancy; his Plans; his Savage Allies; he becomes
Snow-blind.—Negotiations.—Grand Council.—La Salle's
Oratory.—Meeting with Tonty.—Preparation.—Departure. 283
CHAPTER XX.
1681-1682.
SUCCESS OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—The Chicago Portage.—Descent of the
Mississippi.—The Lost Hunter.—The Arkansas.—The
Taensas.—The Natchez.—Hostility.—The Mouth of the
Mississippi.—Louis XIV. proclaimed Sovereign of the
Great West. 295
CHAPTER XXI.
1682, 1683.
ST. LOUIS OF THE ILLINOIS.
Louisiana.—Illness of La Salle: his Colony on the Illinois.—
Fort St. Louis.—Recall of Frontenac.—Le Febvre de la
Barre.—Critical Position of La Salle.—Hostility of the
New Governor.—Triumph of the Adverse Faction.—La
Salle sails for France. 309
CHAPTER XXII.
1680-1683.
LA SALLE PAINTED BY HIMSELF.
Difficulty of knowing him: his Detractors; his Letters; 328
vexations of his Position; his Unfitness for Trade; risks of
Correspondence; his Reported Marriage; alleged
Page 19
Ostentation; motives of Action; charges of Harshness;
intrigues against him; unpopular Manners; a Strange
Confession; his Strength and his Weakness; contrasts of his
Character.
CHAPTER XXIII.
1684.
A NEW ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Court: his Proposals.—Occupation of Louisiana.—
Invasion of Mexico.—Royal Favor.— Preparation.—A
Divided Command.—Beaujeu and La Salle.—Mental
Condition of La Salle: his Farewell to his Mother. 343
CHAPTER XXIV.
1684, 1685.
THE VOYAGE.
Disputes with Beaujeu.—St. Domingo.—La Salle attacked
with Fever: his Desperate Condition.—The Gulf of
Mexico.—A Vain Search and a Fatal Error. 366
CHAPTER XXV.
1685.
LA SALLE IN TEXAS.
A Party of Exploration.—Wreck of the "Aimable."—Landing
of Colonists.—A Forlorn Position.—Indian Neighbors.—
Friendly Advances of Beaujeu: his Departure.—A Fatal
Discovery. 378
CHAPTER XXVI.
1685-1687.
ST. LOUIS OF TEXAS.
The Fort.—Misery and Dejection.— Energy of La Salle: his 391
Journey of Exploration.—Adventures and Accidents.—
Buffalo.—Duhaut.—Indian Massacre.—Return of La
Salle.—A New Calamity.—A Desperate Resolution.—
Departure for Canada.—Wreck of the "Belle."—Marriage.
intrigues against him; unpopular Manners; a Strange
Confession; his Strength and his Weakness; contrasts of his
Character.
CHAPTER XXIII.
1684.
A NEW ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Court: his Proposals.—Occupation of Louisiana.—
Invasion of Mexico.—Royal Favor.— Preparation.—A
Divided Command.—Beaujeu and La Salle.—Mental
Condition of La Salle: his Farewell to his Mother. 343
CHAPTER XXIV.
1684, 1685.
THE VOYAGE.
Disputes with Beaujeu.—St. Domingo.—La Salle attacked
with Fever: his Desperate Condition.—The Gulf of
Mexico.—A Vain Search and a Fatal Error. 366
CHAPTER XXV.
1685.
LA SALLE IN TEXAS.
A Party of Exploration.—Wreck of the "Aimable."—Landing
of Colonists.—A Forlorn Position.—Indian Neighbors.—
Friendly Advances of Beaujeu: his Departure.—A Fatal
Discovery. 378
CHAPTER XXVI.
1685-1687.
ST. LOUIS OF TEXAS.
The Fort.—Misery and Dejection.— Energy of La Salle: his 391
Journey of Exploration.—Adventures and Accidents.—
Buffalo.—Duhaut.—Indian Massacre.—Return of La
Salle.—A New Calamity.—A Desperate Resolution.—
Departure for Canada.—Wreck of the "Belle."—Marriage.
Page 20
—Sedition.—Adventures of La Salle's Party.—The Cenis.
—The Camanches.—The Only Hope.—The Last Farewell.
CHAPTER XXVII.
1687.
ASSASSINATION OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—Prairie Travelling.—A Hunters' Quarrel.—
The Murder of Moranget.—The Conspiracy.—Death of La
Salle: his Character. 420
CHAPTER XXVIII.
1687, 1688.
THE INNOCENT AND THE GUILTY.
Triumph of the Murderers.—Danger of Joutel.—Joutel among
the Cenis.—White Savages.— Insolence of Duhaut and his
Accomplices.—Murder of Duhaut and Liotot.—Hiens, the
Buccaneer.—Joutel and his Party: their Escape; they reach
the Arkansas.—Bravery and Devotion of Tonty.—The
Fugitives reach the Illinois.—Unworthy Conduct of
Cavelier.—He and his Companions return to France. 435
CHAPTER XXIX.
1688-1689.
FATE OF THE TEXAN COLONY.
Tonty attempts to rescue the Colonists: his Difficulties and
Hardships.—Spanish Hostility.—Expedition of Alonzo de
Leon: he reaches Fort St. Louis.—A Scene of Havoc.—
Destruction of the French.—The End. 464
APPENDIX.
I. Early Unpublished Maps of the Mississippi and the Great
Lakes. 475
II. The Eldorado of Mathieu Sâgean. 485
INDEX. 493
—The Camanches.—The Only Hope.—The Last Farewell.
CHAPTER XXVII.
1687.
ASSASSINATION OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—Prairie Travelling.—A Hunters' Quarrel.—
The Murder of Moranget.—The Conspiracy.—Death of La
Salle: his Character. 420
CHAPTER XXVIII.
1687, 1688.
THE INNOCENT AND THE GUILTY.
Triumph of the Murderers.—Danger of Joutel.—Joutel among
the Cenis.—White Savages.— Insolence of Duhaut and his
Accomplices.—Murder of Duhaut and Liotot.—Hiens, the
Buccaneer.—Joutel and his Party: their Escape; they reach
the Arkansas.—Bravery and Devotion of Tonty.—The
Fugitives reach the Illinois.—Unworthy Conduct of
Cavelier.—He and his Companions return to France. 435
CHAPTER XXIX.
1688-1689.
FATE OF THE TEXAN COLONY.
Tonty attempts to rescue the Colonists: his Difficulties and
Hardships.—Spanish Hostility.—Expedition of Alonzo de
Leon: he reaches Fort St. Louis.—A Scene of Havoc.—
Destruction of the French.—The End. 464
APPENDIX.
I. Early Unpublished Maps of the Mississippi and the Great
Lakes. 475
II. The Eldorado of Mathieu Sâgean. 485
INDEX. 493
Page 21
LA SALLE
AND THE
DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT WEST.
AND THE
DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT WEST.
Page 22
LA SALLE
AND THE
AND THE
Page 23
DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT WEST.
INTRODUCTION
The Spaniards discovered the Mississippi. De Soto was buried beneath its
waters; and it was down its muddy current that his followers fled from the
Eldorado of their dreams, transformed to a wilderness of misery and death.
The discovery was never used, and was well-nigh forgotten. On early
Spanish maps, the Mississippi is often indistinguishable from other
affluents of the Gulf. A century passed after De Soto's journeyings in the
South, before a French explorer reached a northern tributary of the great
river.
This was Jean Nicollet, interpreter at Three Rivers on the St. Lawrence.
He had been some twenty years in Canada, had lived among the savage
Algonquins of Allumette Island, and spent eight or nine years among the
Nipissings, on the lake which bears their name. Here he became an Indian
in all his habits, but remained, nevertheless, a zealous Catholic, and
returned to civilization at last because he could not live without the
sacraments. Strange stories were current among the Nipissings of a people
without hair or beard, who came from the West to trade with a tribe beyond
the Great Lakes. Who could doubt that these strangers were Chinese or
Japanese? Such tales may well have excited Nicollet's curiosity; and when,
in 1635, or possibly in 1638, he was sent as an ambassador to the tribe in
question, he would not have been surprised if on arriving he had found a
party of mandarins among them. Perhaps it was with a view to such a
contingency that he provided himself, as a dress of ceremony, with a robe of
Chinese damask embroidered with birds and flowers. The tribe to which he
was sent was that of the Winnebagoes, living near the head of the Green
Bay of Lake Michigan. They had come to blows with the Hurons, allies of
the French; and Nicollet was charged to negotiate a peace. When he
approached the Winnebago town, he sent one of his Indian attendants to
INTRODUCTION
The Spaniards discovered the Mississippi. De Soto was buried beneath its
waters; and it was down its muddy current that his followers fled from the
Eldorado of their dreams, transformed to a wilderness of misery and death.
The discovery was never used, and was well-nigh forgotten. On early
Spanish maps, the Mississippi is often indistinguishable from other
affluents of the Gulf. A century passed after De Soto's journeyings in the
South, before a French explorer reached a northern tributary of the great
river.
This was Jean Nicollet, interpreter at Three Rivers on the St. Lawrence.
He had been some twenty years in Canada, had lived among the savage
Algonquins of Allumette Island, and spent eight or nine years among the
Nipissings, on the lake which bears their name. Here he became an Indian
in all his habits, but remained, nevertheless, a zealous Catholic, and
returned to civilization at last because he could not live without the
sacraments. Strange stories were current among the Nipissings of a people
without hair or beard, who came from the West to trade with a tribe beyond
the Great Lakes. Who could doubt that these strangers were Chinese or
Japanese? Such tales may well have excited Nicollet's curiosity; and when,
in 1635, or possibly in 1638, he was sent as an ambassador to the tribe in
question, he would not have been surprised if on arriving he had found a
party of mandarins among them. Perhaps it was with a view to such a
contingency that he provided himself, as a dress of ceremony, with a robe of
Chinese damask embroidered with birds and flowers. The tribe to which he
was sent was that of the Winnebagoes, living near the head of the Green
Bay of Lake Michigan. They had come to blows with the Hurons, allies of
the French; and Nicollet was charged to negotiate a peace. When he
approached the Winnebago town, he sent one of his Indian attendants to
Page 24
announce his coming, put on his robe of damask, and advanced to meet the
expectant crowd with a pistol in each hand. The squaws and children fled,
screaming that it was a manito, or spirit, armed with thunder and lightning;
but the chiefs and warriors regaled him with so bountiful a hospitality that a
hundred and twenty beavers were devoured at a single feast. From the
Winnebagoes, he passed westward, ascended Fox River, crossed to the
Wisconsin, and descended it so far that, as he reported on his return, in three
days more he would have reached the sea. The truth seems to be that he
mistook the meaning of his Indian guides, and that the "great water" to
which he was so near was not the sea, but the Mississippi.
It has been affirmed that one Colonel Wood, of Virginia, reached a
branch of the Mississippi as early as the year 1654, and that about 1670 a
certain Captain Bolton penetrated to the river itself. Neither statement is
sustained by sufficient evidence. It is further affirmed that, in 1678, a party
from New England crossed the Mississippi, reached New Mexico, and,
returning, reported their discoveries to the authorities of Boston,—a story
without proof or probability. Meanwhile, French Jesuits and fur-traders
pushed deeper and deeper into the wilderness of the northern lakes. In 1641,
Jogues and Raymbault preached the Faith to a concourse of Indians at the
outlet of Lake Superior. Then came the havoc and desolation of the Iroquois
war, and for years farther exploration was arrested. In 1658-59 Pierre Esprit
Radisson, a Frenchman of St. Malo, and his brother-in-law, Médard Chouart
des Groseilliers, penetrated the regions beyond Lake Superior, and roamed
westward till, as Radisson declares, they reached what was called the
Forked River, "because it has two branches, the one towards the west, the
other towards the south, which, we believe, runs towards Mexico,"—which
seems to point to the Mississippi and its great confluent the Missouri. Two
years later, the aged Jesuit Ménard attempted to plant a mission on the
southern shore of Lake Superior, but perished in the forest by famine or the
tomahawk. Allouez succeeded him, explored a part of Lake Superior, and
heard, in his turn, of the Sioux and their great river the "Messipi." More and
more, the thoughts of the Jesuits—and not of the Jesuits alone—dwelt on
this mysterious stream. Through what regions did it flow; and whither
would it lead them,—to the South Sea or the "Sea of Virginia;" to Mexico,
Japan, or China? The problem was soon to be solved, and the mystery
revealed.
expectant crowd with a pistol in each hand. The squaws and children fled,
screaming that it was a manito, or spirit, armed with thunder and lightning;
but the chiefs and warriors regaled him with so bountiful a hospitality that a
hundred and twenty beavers were devoured at a single feast. From the
Winnebagoes, he passed westward, ascended Fox River, crossed to the
Wisconsin, and descended it so far that, as he reported on his return, in three
days more he would have reached the sea. The truth seems to be that he
mistook the meaning of his Indian guides, and that the "great water" to
which he was so near was not the sea, but the Mississippi.
It has been affirmed that one Colonel Wood, of Virginia, reached a
branch of the Mississippi as early as the year 1654, and that about 1670 a
certain Captain Bolton penetrated to the river itself. Neither statement is
sustained by sufficient evidence. It is further affirmed that, in 1678, a party
from New England crossed the Mississippi, reached New Mexico, and,
returning, reported their discoveries to the authorities of Boston,—a story
without proof or probability. Meanwhile, French Jesuits and fur-traders
pushed deeper and deeper into the wilderness of the northern lakes. In 1641,
Jogues and Raymbault preached the Faith to a concourse of Indians at the
outlet of Lake Superior. Then came the havoc and desolation of the Iroquois
war, and for years farther exploration was arrested. In 1658-59 Pierre Esprit
Radisson, a Frenchman of St. Malo, and his brother-in-law, Médard Chouart
des Groseilliers, penetrated the regions beyond Lake Superior, and roamed
westward till, as Radisson declares, they reached what was called the
Forked River, "because it has two branches, the one towards the west, the
other towards the south, which, we believe, runs towards Mexico,"—which
seems to point to the Mississippi and its great confluent the Missouri. Two
years later, the aged Jesuit Ménard attempted to plant a mission on the
southern shore of Lake Superior, but perished in the forest by famine or the
tomahawk. Allouez succeeded him, explored a part of Lake Superior, and
heard, in his turn, of the Sioux and their great river the "Messipi." More and
more, the thoughts of the Jesuits—and not of the Jesuits alone—dwelt on
this mysterious stream. Through what regions did it flow; and whither
would it lead them,—to the South Sea or the "Sea of Virginia;" to Mexico,
Japan, or China? The problem was soon to be solved, and the mystery
revealed.
Page 25
Page 26
CHAPTER I
1643-1669.
CAVELIER DE LA SALLE.
The Youth of La Salle: his Connection with the Jesuits; he goes to
Canada; his Character; his Schemes; his Seigniory at La Chine; his
Expedition in Search of a Western Passage to India.
Among the burghers of Rouen was the old and rich family of the
Caveliers. Though citizens and not nobles, some of their connections held
high diplomatic posts and honorable employments at Court. They were
destined to find a better claim to distinction. In 1643 was born at Rouen
Robert Cavelier, better known by the designation of La Salle.[1] His father
Jean and his uncle Henri were wealthy merchants, living more like nobles
than like burghers; and the boy received an education answering to the
marked traits of intellect and character which he soon began to display. He
showed an inclination for the exact sciences, and especially for the
mathematics, in which he made great proficiency. At an early age, it is said,
he became connected with the Jesuits; and, though doubt has been
expressed of the statement, it is probably true.[2]
La Salle was always an earnest Catholic; and yet,
judging by the qualities which his after-life evinced, he LA SALLE AND
THE JESUITS.
was not very liable to religious enthusiasm. It is
nevertheless clear that the Society of Jesus may have had a powerful
attraction for his youthful imagination. This great organization, so
complicated yet so harmonious, a mighty machine moved from the centre
by a single hand, was an image of regulated power, full of fascination for a
mind like his. But if it was likely that he would be drawn into it, it was no
less likely that he would soon wish to escape. To find himself not at the
centre of power, but at the circumference; not the mover, but the moved; the
passive instrument of another's will, taught to walk in prescribed paths, to
renounce his individuality and become a component atom of a vast whole,
1643-1669.
CAVELIER DE LA SALLE.
The Youth of La Salle: his Connection with the Jesuits; he goes to
Canada; his Character; his Schemes; his Seigniory at La Chine; his
Expedition in Search of a Western Passage to India.
Among the burghers of Rouen was the old and rich family of the
Caveliers. Though citizens and not nobles, some of their connections held
high diplomatic posts and honorable employments at Court. They were
destined to find a better claim to distinction. In 1643 was born at Rouen
Robert Cavelier, better known by the designation of La Salle.[1] His father
Jean and his uncle Henri were wealthy merchants, living more like nobles
than like burghers; and the boy received an education answering to the
marked traits of intellect and character which he soon began to display. He
showed an inclination for the exact sciences, and especially for the
mathematics, in which he made great proficiency. At an early age, it is said,
he became connected with the Jesuits; and, though doubt has been
expressed of the statement, it is probably true.[2]
La Salle was always an earnest Catholic; and yet,
judging by the qualities which his after-life evinced, he LA SALLE AND
THE JESUITS.
was not very liable to religious enthusiasm. It is
nevertheless clear that the Society of Jesus may have had a powerful
attraction for his youthful imagination. This great organization, so
complicated yet so harmonious, a mighty machine moved from the centre
by a single hand, was an image of regulated power, full of fascination for a
mind like his. But if it was likely that he would be drawn into it, it was no
less likely that he would soon wish to escape. To find himself not at the
centre of power, but at the circumference; not the mover, but the moved; the
passive instrument of another's will, taught to walk in prescribed paths, to
renounce his individuality and become a component atom of a vast whole,
Page 27
—would have been intolerable to him. Nature had shaped him for other
uses than to teach a class of boys on the benches of a Jesuit school. Nor, on
his part, was he likely to please his directors; for, self-controlled and self-
contained as he was, he was far too intractable a subject to serve their turn.
A youth whose calm exterior hid an inexhaustible fund of pride; whose
inflexible purposes, nursed in secret, the confessional and the
"manifestation of conscience" could hardly drag to the light; whose strong
personality would not yield to the shaping hand; and who, by a necessity of
his nature, could obey no initiative but his own,—was not after the model
that Loyola had commended to his followers.
La Salle left the Jesuits, parting with them, it is said, on good terms, and
with a reputation of excellent acquirements and unimpeachable morals. This
last is very credible. The cravings of a deep ambition, the hunger of an
insatiable intellect, the intense longing for action and achievement, subdued
in him all other passions; and in his faults the love of pleasure had no part.
He had an elder brother in Canada, the Abbé Jean Cavelier, a priest of St.
Sulpice. Apparently, it was this that shaped his destinies. His connection
with the Jesuits had deprived him, under the French law, of the inheritance
of his father, who had died not long before. An allowance was made to him
of three or (as is elsewhere stated) four hundred livres a year, the capital of
which was paid over to him; and with this pittance he sailed for Canada, to
seek his fortune, in the spring of 1666.[3]
Next, we find him at Montreal. In another volume, we
have seen how an association of enthusiastic devotees LA SALLE AT
MONTREAL.
had made a settlement at this place.[4] Having in some
measure accomplished its work, it was now dissolved; and the corporation
of priests, styled the Seminary of St. Sulpice, which had taken a prominent
part in the enterprise, and, indeed, had been created with a view to it, was
now the proprietor and the feudal lord of Montreal. It was destined to retain
its seignorial rights until the abolition of the feudal tenures of Canada in our
own day, and it still holds vast possessions in the city and island. These
worthy ecclesiastics, models of a discreet and sober conservatism, were
holding a post with which a band of veteran soldiers or warlike
frontiersmen would have been better matched. Montreal was perhaps the
most dangerous place in Canada. In time of war, which might have been
called the normal condition of the colony, it was exposed by its position to
uses than to teach a class of boys on the benches of a Jesuit school. Nor, on
his part, was he likely to please his directors; for, self-controlled and self-
contained as he was, he was far too intractable a subject to serve their turn.
A youth whose calm exterior hid an inexhaustible fund of pride; whose
inflexible purposes, nursed in secret, the confessional and the
"manifestation of conscience" could hardly drag to the light; whose strong
personality would not yield to the shaping hand; and who, by a necessity of
his nature, could obey no initiative but his own,—was not after the model
that Loyola had commended to his followers.
La Salle left the Jesuits, parting with them, it is said, on good terms, and
with a reputation of excellent acquirements and unimpeachable morals. This
last is very credible. The cravings of a deep ambition, the hunger of an
insatiable intellect, the intense longing for action and achievement, subdued
in him all other passions; and in his faults the love of pleasure had no part.
He had an elder brother in Canada, the Abbé Jean Cavelier, a priest of St.
Sulpice. Apparently, it was this that shaped his destinies. His connection
with the Jesuits had deprived him, under the French law, of the inheritance
of his father, who had died not long before. An allowance was made to him
of three or (as is elsewhere stated) four hundred livres a year, the capital of
which was paid over to him; and with this pittance he sailed for Canada, to
seek his fortune, in the spring of 1666.[3]
Next, we find him at Montreal. In another volume, we
have seen how an association of enthusiastic devotees LA SALLE AT
MONTREAL.
had made a settlement at this place.[4] Having in some
measure accomplished its work, it was now dissolved; and the corporation
of priests, styled the Seminary of St. Sulpice, which had taken a prominent
part in the enterprise, and, indeed, had been created with a view to it, was
now the proprietor and the feudal lord of Montreal. It was destined to retain
its seignorial rights until the abolition of the feudal tenures of Canada in our
own day, and it still holds vast possessions in the city and island. These
worthy ecclesiastics, models of a discreet and sober conservatism, were
holding a post with which a band of veteran soldiers or warlike
frontiersmen would have been better matched. Montreal was perhaps the
most dangerous place in Canada. In time of war, which might have been
called the normal condition of the colony, it was exposed by its position to
Page 28
incessant inroads of the Iroquois, or Five Nations, of New York; and no
man could venture into the forests or the fields without bearing his life in
his hand. The savage confederates had just received a sharp chastisement at
the hands of Courcelle, the governor; and the result was a treaty of peace
which might at any moment be broken, but which was an inexpressible
relief while it lasted.
The priests of St. Sulpice were granting out their lands, on very easy
terms, to settlers. They wished to extend a thin line of settlements along the
front of their island, to form a sort of outpost, from which an alarm could be
given on any descent of the Iroquois. La Salle was the man for such a
purpose. Had the priests understood him,—which they evidently did not, for
some of them suspected him of levity, the last foible with which he could be
charged,—had they understood him, they would have seen in him a young
man in whom the fire of youth glowed not the less ardently for the veil of
reserve that covered it; who would shrink from no danger, but would not
court it in bravado; and who would cling with an invincible tenacity of
gripe to any purpose which he might espouse. There is good reason to think
that he had come to Canada with purposes already conceived, and that he
was ready to avail himself of any stepping-stone which might help to
realize them. Queylus, Superior of the Seminary, made him a generous
offer; and he accepted it. This was the gratuitous grant of a large tract of
land at the place now called La Chine, above the great rapids of the same
name, and eight or nine miles from Montreal. On one hand, the place was
greatly exposed to attack; and, on the other, it was favorably situated for the
fur-trade. La Salle and his successors became its feudal proprietors, on the
sole condition of delivering to the Seminary, on every change of ownership,
a medal of fine silver, weighing one mark.[5] He entered on the
improvement of his new domain with what means he could command, and
began to grant out his land to such settlers as would join him.
Approaching the shore where the city of Montreal now stands, one would
have seen a row of small compact dwellings, extending along a narrow
street, parallel to the river, and then, as now, called St. Paul Street. On a hill
at the right stood the windmill of the seigniors, built of stone, and pierced
with loopholes to serve, in time of need, as a place of defence. On the left,
in an angle formed by the junction of a rivulet with the St. Lawrence, was a
square bastioned fort of stone. Here lived the military governor, appointed
man could venture into the forests or the fields without bearing his life in
his hand. The savage confederates had just received a sharp chastisement at
the hands of Courcelle, the governor; and the result was a treaty of peace
which might at any moment be broken, but which was an inexpressible
relief while it lasted.
The priests of St. Sulpice were granting out their lands, on very easy
terms, to settlers. They wished to extend a thin line of settlements along the
front of their island, to form a sort of outpost, from which an alarm could be
given on any descent of the Iroquois. La Salle was the man for such a
purpose. Had the priests understood him,—which they evidently did not, for
some of them suspected him of levity, the last foible with which he could be
charged,—had they understood him, they would have seen in him a young
man in whom the fire of youth glowed not the less ardently for the veil of
reserve that covered it; who would shrink from no danger, but would not
court it in bravado; and who would cling with an invincible tenacity of
gripe to any purpose which he might espouse. There is good reason to think
that he had come to Canada with purposes already conceived, and that he
was ready to avail himself of any stepping-stone which might help to
realize them. Queylus, Superior of the Seminary, made him a generous
offer; and he accepted it. This was the gratuitous grant of a large tract of
land at the place now called La Chine, above the great rapids of the same
name, and eight or nine miles from Montreal. On one hand, the place was
greatly exposed to attack; and, on the other, it was favorably situated for the
fur-trade. La Salle and his successors became its feudal proprietors, on the
sole condition of delivering to the Seminary, on every change of ownership,
a medal of fine silver, weighing one mark.[5] He entered on the
improvement of his new domain with what means he could command, and
began to grant out his land to such settlers as would join him.
Approaching the shore where the city of Montreal now stands, one would
have seen a row of small compact dwellings, extending along a narrow
street, parallel to the river, and then, as now, called St. Paul Street. On a hill
at the right stood the windmill of the seigniors, built of stone, and pierced
with loopholes to serve, in time of need, as a place of defence. On the left,
in an angle formed by the junction of a rivulet with the St. Lawrence, was a
square bastioned fort of stone. Here lived the military governor, appointed
Page 29
by the Seminary, and commanding a few soldiers of the regiment of
Carignan. In front, on the line of the street, were the enclosure and
buildings of the Seminary, and, nearly adjoining them, those of the Hôtel-
Dieu, or Hospital, both provided for defence in case of an Indian attack. In
the hospital enclosure was a small church, opening on the street, and, in the
absence of any other, serving for the whole settlement.[6]
Landing, passing the fort, and walking southward along the shore, one
would soon have left the rough clearings, and entered the primeval forest.
Here, mile after mile, he would have journeyed on in solitude, when the
hoarse roar of the rapids, foaming in fury on his left, would have reached
his listening ear; and at length, after a walk of some three hours, he would
have found the rude beginnings of a settlement. It was where the St.
Lawrence widens into the broad expanse called the Lake of St. Louis. Here,
La Salle had traced out the circuit of a palisaded village, and assigned to
each settler half an arpent, or about the third of an acre, within the
enclosure, for which he was to render to the young seignior a yearly
acknowledgment of three capons, besides six deniers—that is, half a sou—
in money. To each was assigned, moreover, sixty arpents of land beyond the
limits of the village, with the perpetual rent of half a sou for each arpent. He
also set apart a common, two hundred arpents in extent, for the use of the
settlers, on condition of the payment by each of five sous a year. He
reserved four hundred and twenty arpents for his own personal domain, and
on this he began to clear the ground and erect buildings. Similar to this were
the beginnings of all the Canadian seigniories formed at this troubled
period.[7]
That La Salle came to Canada with objects distinctly
in view, is probable from the fact that he at once began LA CHINE.
to study the Indian languages,—and with such success
that he is said, within two or three years, to have mastered the Iroquois and
seven or eight other languages and dialects.[8] From the shore of his
seigniory, he could gaze westward over the broad breast of the Lake of St.
Louis, bounded by the dim forests of Chateauguay and Beauharnois; but his
thoughts flew far beyond, across the wild and lonely world that stretched
towards the sunset. Like Champlain, and all the early explorers, he dreamed
of a passage to the South Sea, and a new road for commerce to the riches of
Carignan. In front, on the line of the street, were the enclosure and
buildings of the Seminary, and, nearly adjoining them, those of the Hôtel-
Dieu, or Hospital, both provided for defence in case of an Indian attack. In
the hospital enclosure was a small church, opening on the street, and, in the
absence of any other, serving for the whole settlement.[6]
Landing, passing the fort, and walking southward along the shore, one
would soon have left the rough clearings, and entered the primeval forest.
Here, mile after mile, he would have journeyed on in solitude, when the
hoarse roar of the rapids, foaming in fury on his left, would have reached
his listening ear; and at length, after a walk of some three hours, he would
have found the rude beginnings of a settlement. It was where the St.
Lawrence widens into the broad expanse called the Lake of St. Louis. Here,
La Salle had traced out the circuit of a palisaded village, and assigned to
each settler half an arpent, or about the third of an acre, within the
enclosure, for which he was to render to the young seignior a yearly
acknowledgment of three capons, besides six deniers—that is, half a sou—
in money. To each was assigned, moreover, sixty arpents of land beyond the
limits of the village, with the perpetual rent of half a sou for each arpent. He
also set apart a common, two hundred arpents in extent, for the use of the
settlers, on condition of the payment by each of five sous a year. He
reserved four hundred and twenty arpents for his own personal domain, and
on this he began to clear the ground and erect buildings. Similar to this were
the beginnings of all the Canadian seigniories formed at this troubled
period.[7]
That La Salle came to Canada with objects distinctly
in view, is probable from the fact that he at once began LA CHINE.
to study the Indian languages,—and with such success
that he is said, within two or three years, to have mastered the Iroquois and
seven or eight other languages and dialects.[8] From the shore of his
seigniory, he could gaze westward over the broad breast of the Lake of St.
Louis, bounded by the dim forests of Chateauguay and Beauharnois; but his
thoughts flew far beyond, across the wild and lonely world that stretched
towards the sunset. Like Champlain, and all the early explorers, he dreamed
of a passage to the South Sea, and a new road for commerce to the riches of
Page 30
China and Japan. Indians often came to his secluded settlement; and, on one
occasion, he was visited by a band of the Seneca Iroquois, not long before
the scourge of the colony, but now, in virtue of the treaty, wearing the
semblance of friendship. The visitors spent the winter with him, and told
him of a river called the Ohio, rising in their country, and flowing into the
sea, but at such a distance that its mouth could only be reached after a
journey of eight or nine months. Evidently, the Ohio and the Mississippi are
here merged into one.[9] In accordance with geographical views then
prevalent, he conceived that this great river must needs flow into the
"Vermilion Sea;" that is, the Gulf of California. If so, it would give him
what he sought, a western passage to China; while, in any case, the
populous Indian tribes said to inhabit its banks might be made a source of
great commercial profit.
La Salle's imagination took fire. His resolution was
soon formed; and he descended the St. Lawrence to SCHEMES OF
DISCOVERY.
Quebec, to gain the countenance of the governor for his
intended exploration. Few men were more skilled than he in the art of clear
and plausible statement. Both the governor Courcelle and the intendant
Talon were readily won over to his plan; for which, however, they seem to
have given him no more substantial aid than that of the governor's letters
patent authorizing the enterprise.[10] The cost was to be his own; and he had
no money, having spent it all on his seigniory. He therefore proposed that
the Seminary, which had given it to him, should buy it back again, with
such improvements as he had made. Queylus, the Superior, being favorably
disposed towards him, consented, and bought of him the greater part; while
La Salle sold the remainder, including the clearings, to one Jean Milot, an
iron-monger, for twenty-eight hundred livres.[11] With this he bought four
canoes, with the necessary supplies, and hired fourteen men.
Meanwhile, the Seminary itself was preparing a similar enterprise. The
Jesuits at this time not only held an ascendency over the other ecclesiastics
in Canada, but exercised an inordinate influence on the civil government.
The Seminary priests of Montreal were jealous of these powerful rivals, and
eager to emulate their zeal in the saving of souls and the conquering of new
domains for the Faith. Under this impulse, they had, three years before,
established a mission at Quinté, on the north shore of Lake Ontario, in
occasion, he was visited by a band of the Seneca Iroquois, not long before
the scourge of the colony, but now, in virtue of the treaty, wearing the
semblance of friendship. The visitors spent the winter with him, and told
him of a river called the Ohio, rising in their country, and flowing into the
sea, but at such a distance that its mouth could only be reached after a
journey of eight or nine months. Evidently, the Ohio and the Mississippi are
here merged into one.[9] In accordance with geographical views then
prevalent, he conceived that this great river must needs flow into the
"Vermilion Sea;" that is, the Gulf of California. If so, it would give him
what he sought, a western passage to China; while, in any case, the
populous Indian tribes said to inhabit its banks might be made a source of
great commercial profit.
La Salle's imagination took fire. His resolution was
soon formed; and he descended the St. Lawrence to SCHEMES OF
DISCOVERY.
Quebec, to gain the countenance of the governor for his
intended exploration. Few men were more skilled than he in the art of clear
and plausible statement. Both the governor Courcelle and the intendant
Talon were readily won over to his plan; for which, however, they seem to
have given him no more substantial aid than that of the governor's letters
patent authorizing the enterprise.[10] The cost was to be his own; and he had
no money, having spent it all on his seigniory. He therefore proposed that
the Seminary, which had given it to him, should buy it back again, with
such improvements as he had made. Queylus, the Superior, being favorably
disposed towards him, consented, and bought of him the greater part; while
La Salle sold the remainder, including the clearings, to one Jean Milot, an
iron-monger, for twenty-eight hundred livres.[11] With this he bought four
canoes, with the necessary supplies, and hired fourteen men.
Meanwhile, the Seminary itself was preparing a similar enterprise. The
Jesuits at this time not only held an ascendency over the other ecclesiastics
in Canada, but exercised an inordinate influence on the civil government.
The Seminary priests of Montreal were jealous of these powerful rivals, and
eager to emulate their zeal in the saving of souls and the conquering of new
domains for the Faith. Under this impulse, they had, three years before,
established a mission at Quinté, on the north shore of Lake Ontario, in
Page 31
charge of two of their number, one of whom was the Abbé Fénelon, elder
brother of the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray. Another of them, Dollier
de Casson, had spent the winter in a hunting-camp of the Nipissings, where
an Indian prisoner, captured in the Northwest, told him of populous tribes of
that quarter living in heathenish darkness. On this, the Seminary priests
resolved to essay their conversion; and an expedition, to be directed by
Dollier, was fitted out to this end.
He was not ill suited to the purpose. He had been a
soldier in his youth, and had fought valiantly as an DEPARTURE.
officer of cavalry under Turenne. He was a man of great
courage; of a tall, commanding person; and of uncommon bodily strength,
which he had notably proved in the campaign of Courcelle against the
Iroquois, three years before.[12] On going to Quebec to procure the
necessary outfit, he was urged by Courcelle to modify his plans so far as to
act in concert with La Salle in exploring the mystery of the great unknown
river of the West. Dollier and his brother priests consented. One of them,
Galinée, was joined with him as a colleague, because he was skilled in
surveying, and could make a map of their route. Three canoes were
procured, and seven hired men completed the party. It was determined that
La Salle's expedition and that of the Seminary should be combined in one,
—an arrangement ill suited to the character of the young explorer, who was
unfit for any enterprise of which he was not the undisputed chief.
Midsummer was near, and there was no time to lose. Yet the moment was
most unpropitious, for a Seneca chief had lately been murdered by three
scoundrel soldiers of the fort of Montreal; and, while they were undergoing
their trial, it became known that three other Frenchmen had treacherously
put to death several Iroquois of the Oneida tribe, in order to get possession
of their furs. The whole colony trembled in expectation of a new outbreak
of the war. Happily, the event proved otherwise. The authors of the last
murder escaped; but the three soldiers were shot at Montreal, in presence of
a considerable number of the Iroquois, who declared themselves satisfied
with the atonement; and on this same day, the sixth of July, the adventurers
began their voyage.
FOOTNOTES:
brother of the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray. Another of them, Dollier
de Casson, had spent the winter in a hunting-camp of the Nipissings, where
an Indian prisoner, captured in the Northwest, told him of populous tribes of
that quarter living in heathenish darkness. On this, the Seminary priests
resolved to essay their conversion; and an expedition, to be directed by
Dollier, was fitted out to this end.
He was not ill suited to the purpose. He had been a
soldier in his youth, and had fought valiantly as an DEPARTURE.
officer of cavalry under Turenne. He was a man of great
courage; of a tall, commanding person; and of uncommon bodily strength,
which he had notably proved in the campaign of Courcelle against the
Iroquois, three years before.[12] On going to Quebec to procure the
necessary outfit, he was urged by Courcelle to modify his plans so far as to
act in concert with La Salle in exploring the mystery of the great unknown
river of the West. Dollier and his brother priests consented. One of them,
Galinée, was joined with him as a colleague, because he was skilled in
surveying, and could make a map of their route. Three canoes were
procured, and seven hired men completed the party. It was determined that
La Salle's expedition and that of the Seminary should be combined in one,
—an arrangement ill suited to the character of the young explorer, who was
unfit for any enterprise of which he was not the undisputed chief.
Midsummer was near, and there was no time to lose. Yet the moment was
most unpropitious, for a Seneca chief had lately been murdered by three
scoundrel soldiers of the fort of Montreal; and, while they were undergoing
their trial, it became known that three other Frenchmen had treacherously
put to death several Iroquois of the Oneida tribe, in order to get possession
of their furs. The whole colony trembled in expectation of a new outbreak
of the war. Happily, the event proved otherwise. The authors of the last
murder escaped; but the three soldiers were shot at Montreal, in presence of
a considerable number of the Iroquois, who declared themselves satisfied
with the atonement; and on this same day, the sixth of July, the adventurers
began their voyage.
FOOTNOTES:
Page 32
[ The following is the acte de naissance, discovered by Margry in the registres de l'état
1] civil, Paroisse St. Herbland, Rouen: "Le vingt-deuxième jour de novembre, 1643, a été
baptisé Robert Cavelier, fils de honorable homme Jean Cavelier et de Catherine Geest; ses parrain
et marraine honorables personnes Nicolas Geest et Marguerite Morice."
La Salle's name in full was René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle. La
Salle was the name of an estate near Rouen, belonging to the Caveliers.
The wealthy French burghers often distinguished the various members of
their families by designations borrowed from landed estates. Thus,
François Marie Arouet, son of an ex-notary, received the name of
Voltaire, which he made famous.
[ Margry, after investigations at Rouen, is satisfied of its truth (Journal Général de
2] l'Instruction Publique, xxxi. 571.) Family papers of the Caveliers, examined by the Abbé
Faillon, and copies of some of which he has sent to me, lead to the same conclusion. We shall
find several allusions hereafter to La Salle's having in his youth taught in a school, which, in his
position, could only have been in connection with some religious community. The doubts alluded
to have proceeded from the failure of Father Felix Martin, S. J., to find the name of La Salle on
the list of novices. If he had looked for the name of Robert Cavelier, he would probably have
found it. The companion of La Salle, Hennepin, is very explicit with regard to this connection
with the Jesuits, a point on which he had no motive for falsehood.
[ It does not appear what vows La Salle had taken. By a recent ordinance (1666), persons
3] entering religious orders could not take the final vows before the age of twenty-five. By the
family papers above mentioned, it appears, however, that he had brought himself under the
operation of the law, which debarred those who, having entered religious orders, afterwards
withdrew, from claiming the inheritance of relatives who had died after their entrance.
[ The Jesuits in North America, chap. xv.
4]
[ Transport de la Seigneurie de St. Sulpice, cited by Faillon. La Salle called his new
5] domain as above. Two or three years later, it received the name of La Chine, for a
reason which will appear.
[ A detailed plan of Montreal at this time is preserved in the Archives de l'Empire, and has
6] been reproduced by Faillon. There is another, a few years later, and still more minute, of
which a fac-simile will be found in the Library of the Canadian Parliament.
[ The above particulars have been unearthed by the indefatigable Abbé Faillon. Some of
7] La Salle's grants are still preserved in the ancient records of Montreal.
[ Papiers de Famille. He is said to have made several journeys into the forests, towards
8] the North, in the years 1667 and 1668, and to have satisfied himself that little could be
hoped from explorations in that direction.
[ According to Dollier de Casson, who had good opportunities of knowing, the Iroquois
9] always called the Mississippi the Ohio, while the Algonquins gave it its present name.
[ Patoulet à Colbert, 11 Nov., 1669.
10
] Cession de la Seigneurie; Contrat de Vente (Margry, i. 103, 104).
1] civil, Paroisse St. Herbland, Rouen: "Le vingt-deuxième jour de novembre, 1643, a été
baptisé Robert Cavelier, fils de honorable homme Jean Cavelier et de Catherine Geest; ses parrain
et marraine honorables personnes Nicolas Geest et Marguerite Morice."
La Salle's name in full was René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle. La
Salle was the name of an estate near Rouen, belonging to the Caveliers.
The wealthy French burghers often distinguished the various members of
their families by designations borrowed from landed estates. Thus,
François Marie Arouet, son of an ex-notary, received the name of
Voltaire, which he made famous.
[ Margry, after investigations at Rouen, is satisfied of its truth (Journal Général de
2] l'Instruction Publique, xxxi. 571.) Family papers of the Caveliers, examined by the Abbé
Faillon, and copies of some of which he has sent to me, lead to the same conclusion. We shall
find several allusions hereafter to La Salle's having in his youth taught in a school, which, in his
position, could only have been in connection with some religious community. The doubts alluded
to have proceeded from the failure of Father Felix Martin, S. J., to find the name of La Salle on
the list of novices. If he had looked for the name of Robert Cavelier, he would probably have
found it. The companion of La Salle, Hennepin, is very explicit with regard to this connection
with the Jesuits, a point on which he had no motive for falsehood.
[ It does not appear what vows La Salle had taken. By a recent ordinance (1666), persons
3] entering religious orders could not take the final vows before the age of twenty-five. By the
family papers above mentioned, it appears, however, that he had brought himself under the
operation of the law, which debarred those who, having entered religious orders, afterwards
withdrew, from claiming the inheritance of relatives who had died after their entrance.
[ The Jesuits in North America, chap. xv.
4]
[ Transport de la Seigneurie de St. Sulpice, cited by Faillon. La Salle called his new
5] domain as above. Two or three years later, it received the name of La Chine, for a
reason which will appear.
[ A detailed plan of Montreal at this time is preserved in the Archives de l'Empire, and has
6] been reproduced by Faillon. There is another, a few years later, and still more minute, of
which a fac-simile will be found in the Library of the Canadian Parliament.
[ The above particulars have been unearthed by the indefatigable Abbé Faillon. Some of
7] La Salle's grants are still preserved in the ancient records of Montreal.
[ Papiers de Famille. He is said to have made several journeys into the forests, towards
8] the North, in the years 1667 and 1668, and to have satisfied himself that little could be
hoped from explorations in that direction.
[ According to Dollier de Casson, who had good opportunities of knowing, the Iroquois
9] always called the Mississippi the Ohio, while the Algonquins gave it its present name.
[ Patoulet à Colbert, 11 Nov., 1669.
10
] Cession de la Seigneurie; Contrat de Vente (Margry, i. 103, 104).
Page 33
[ [ He was the author of the very curious and valuable Histoire de Montréal,
11 12 preserved in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, of which a copy is in my possession. The
] ] Historical Society of Montreal has recently resolved to print it.
11 12 preserved in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, of which a copy is in my possession. The
] ] Historical Society of Montreal has recently resolved to print it.
Page 34
CHAPTER II.
1669-1671.
LA SALLE AND THE SULPITIANS.
The French in Western New York.—Louis Joliet.—The Sulpitians on
Lake Erie; at Detroit; at Saut Ste. Marie.—The Mystery of La
Salle: he discovers the Ohio; he descends the Illinois; did he reach
the Mississippi?
La Chine was the starting-point; and the combined parties, in all twenty-
four men with seven canoes, embarked on the Lake of St. Louis. With them
were two other canoes, bearing the party of Senecas who had wintered at La
Salle's settlement, and who were now to act as guides. Father Galinée
recounts the journey. He was no woodsman: the river, the forests, the
rapids, were all new to him, and he dilates on them with the minuteness of a
novice. Above all, he admired the Indian birch canoes. "If God," he says,
"grants me the grace of returning to France, I shall try to carry one with
me." Then he describes the bivouac: "Your lodging is as extraordinary as
your vessels; for, after paddling or carrying the canoes all day, you find
mother earth ready to receive your wearied body. If the weather is fair, you
make a fire and lie down to sleep without further trouble; but if it rains, you
must peel bark from the trees, and make a shed by laying it on a frame of
sticks. As for your food, it is enough to make you burn all the cookery
books that ever were written; for in the woods of Canada one finds means
to live well without bread, wine, salt, pepper, or spice. The ordinary food is
Indian corn, or Turkey wheat as they call it in France, which is crushed
between two stones and boiled, seasoning it with meat or fish, when you
can get them. This sort of life seemed so strange to us that we all felt the
effects of it; and before we were a hundred leagues from Montreal, not one
of us was free from some malady or other. At last, after all our misery, on
the second of August, we discovered Lake Ontario, like a great sea with no
land beyond it."
1669-1671.
LA SALLE AND THE SULPITIANS.
The French in Western New York.—Louis Joliet.—The Sulpitians on
Lake Erie; at Detroit; at Saut Ste. Marie.—The Mystery of La
Salle: he discovers the Ohio; he descends the Illinois; did he reach
the Mississippi?
La Chine was the starting-point; and the combined parties, in all twenty-
four men with seven canoes, embarked on the Lake of St. Louis. With them
were two other canoes, bearing the party of Senecas who had wintered at La
Salle's settlement, and who were now to act as guides. Father Galinée
recounts the journey. He was no woodsman: the river, the forests, the
rapids, were all new to him, and he dilates on them with the minuteness of a
novice. Above all, he admired the Indian birch canoes. "If God," he says,
"grants me the grace of returning to France, I shall try to carry one with
me." Then he describes the bivouac: "Your lodging is as extraordinary as
your vessels; for, after paddling or carrying the canoes all day, you find
mother earth ready to receive your wearied body. If the weather is fair, you
make a fire and lie down to sleep without further trouble; but if it rains, you
must peel bark from the trees, and make a shed by laying it on a frame of
sticks. As for your food, it is enough to make you burn all the cookery
books that ever were written; for in the woods of Canada one finds means
to live well without bread, wine, salt, pepper, or spice. The ordinary food is
Indian corn, or Turkey wheat as they call it in France, which is crushed
between two stones and boiled, seasoning it with meat or fish, when you
can get them. This sort of life seemed so strange to us that we all felt the
effects of it; and before we were a hundred leagues from Montreal, not one
of us was free from some malady or other. At last, after all our misery, on
the second of August, we discovered Lake Ontario, like a great sea with no
land beyond it."
Page 35
Thirty-five days after leaving La Chine, they reached
Irondequoit Bay, on the south side of the lake. Here they THE SENECA
VILLAGES.
were met by a number of Seneca Indians, who professed
friendship and invited them to their villages, fifteen or twenty miles distant.
As this was on their way to the upper waters of the Ohio, and as they hoped
to find guides at the villages to conduct them, they accepted the invitation.
Dollier, with most of the men, remained to guard the canoes; while La
Salle, with Galinée and eight other Frenchmen, accompanied by a troop of
Indians, set out on the morning of the twelfth, and reached the principal
village before evening. It stood on a hill, in the midst of a clearing nearly
two leagues in compass.[13] A rude stockade surrounded it; and as the
visitors drew near they saw a band of old men seated on the grass, waiting
to receive them. One of these veterans, so feeble with age that he could
hardly stand, made them an harangue, in which he declared that the Senecas
were their brothers, and invited them to enter the village. They did so,
surrounded by a crowd of savages, and presently found themselves in the
midst of a disorderly cluster of large but filthy abodes of bark, about a
hundred and fifty in number, the most capacious of which was assigned to
their use. Here they made their quarters, and were soon overwhelmed by
Seneca hospitality. Children brought them pumpkins and berries from the
woods; and boy messengers came to summon them to endless feasts, where
they were regaled with the flesh of dogs and with boiled maize seasoned
with oil pressed from nuts and the seed of sunflowers.
La Salle had flattered himself that he knew enough Iroquois to hold
communication with the Senecas; but he failed completely in the attempt.
The priests had a Dutch interpreter, who spoke Iroquois fluently, but knew
so little French, and was withal so obstinate, that he proved useless; so that
it was necessary to employ a man in the service of the Jesuit Fremin, whose
mission was at this village. What the party needed was a guide to conduct
them to the Ohio; and soon after their arrival a party of warriors appeared,
with a young prisoner belonging to one of the tribes of that region. Galinée
wanted to beg or buy him from his captors; but the Senecas had other
intentions. "I saw," writes the priest, "the most miserable spectacle I ever
beheld in my life." It was the prisoner tied to a stake and tortured for six
hours with diabolical ingenuity, while the crowd danced and yelled with
delight, and the chiefs and elders sat in a row smoking their pipes and
Irondequoit Bay, on the south side of the lake. Here they THE SENECA
VILLAGES.
were met by a number of Seneca Indians, who professed
friendship and invited them to their villages, fifteen or twenty miles distant.
As this was on their way to the upper waters of the Ohio, and as they hoped
to find guides at the villages to conduct them, they accepted the invitation.
Dollier, with most of the men, remained to guard the canoes; while La
Salle, with Galinée and eight other Frenchmen, accompanied by a troop of
Indians, set out on the morning of the twelfth, and reached the principal
village before evening. It stood on a hill, in the midst of a clearing nearly
two leagues in compass.[13] A rude stockade surrounded it; and as the
visitors drew near they saw a band of old men seated on the grass, waiting
to receive them. One of these veterans, so feeble with age that he could
hardly stand, made them an harangue, in which he declared that the Senecas
were their brothers, and invited them to enter the village. They did so,
surrounded by a crowd of savages, and presently found themselves in the
midst of a disorderly cluster of large but filthy abodes of bark, about a
hundred and fifty in number, the most capacious of which was assigned to
their use. Here they made their quarters, and were soon overwhelmed by
Seneca hospitality. Children brought them pumpkins and berries from the
woods; and boy messengers came to summon them to endless feasts, where
they were regaled with the flesh of dogs and with boiled maize seasoned
with oil pressed from nuts and the seed of sunflowers.
La Salle had flattered himself that he knew enough Iroquois to hold
communication with the Senecas; but he failed completely in the attempt.
The priests had a Dutch interpreter, who spoke Iroquois fluently, but knew
so little French, and was withal so obstinate, that he proved useless; so that
it was necessary to employ a man in the service of the Jesuit Fremin, whose
mission was at this village. What the party needed was a guide to conduct
them to the Ohio; and soon after their arrival a party of warriors appeared,
with a young prisoner belonging to one of the tribes of that region. Galinée
wanted to beg or buy him from his captors; but the Senecas had other
intentions. "I saw," writes the priest, "the most miserable spectacle I ever
beheld in my life." It was the prisoner tied to a stake and tortured for six
hours with diabolical ingenuity, while the crowd danced and yelled with
delight, and the chiefs and elders sat in a row smoking their pipes and
Page 36
watching the contortions of the victim with an air of serene enjoyment. The
body was at last cut up and eaten, and in the evening the whole population
occupied themselves in scaring away the angry ghost by beating with sticks
against the bark sides of the lodges.
La Salle and his companions began to fear for their own safety. Some of
their hosts wished to kill them in revenge for the chief murdered near
Montreal; and as these and others were at times in a frenzy of drunkenness,
the position of the French became critical. They suspected that means had
been used to prejudice the Senecas against them. Not only could they get no
guides, but they were told that if they went to the Ohio the tribes of those
parts would infallibly kill them. Their Dutch interpreter became
disheartened and unmanageable, and, after staying a month at the village,
the hope of getting farther on their way seemed less than ever. Their plan, it
was clear, must be changed; and an Indian from Otinawatawa, a kind of
Iroquois colony at the head of Lake Ontario, offered to guide them to his
village and show them a better way to the Ohio. They left the Senecas,
coasted the south shore of the lake, passed the mouth of the Niagara, where
they heard the distant roar of the cataract, and on the twenty-fourth of
September reached Otinawatawa, which was a few miles north of the
present town of Hamilton. The inhabitants proved friendly, and La Salle
received the welcome present of a Shawanoe prisoner, who told them that
the Ohio could be reached in six weeks, and that he would guide them to it.
Delighted at this good fortune, they were about to set out; when they heard,
to their astonishment, of the arrival of two other Frenchmen at a
neighboring village.
One of the strangers was destined to hold a
conspicuous place in the history of western discovery. LOUIS JOLIET.
This was Louis Joliet, a young man of about the age of
La Salle. Like him, he had studied for the priesthood; but the world and the
wilderness had conquered his early inclinations, and changed him to an
active and adventurous fur-trader. Talon had sent him to discover and
explore the copper-mines of Lake Superior. He had failed in the attempt,
and was now returning. His Indian guide, afraid of passing the Niagara
portage lest he should meet enemies, had led him from Lake Erie, by way
of Grand River, towards the head of Lake Ontario; and thus it was that he
met La Salle and the Sulpitians.
body was at last cut up and eaten, and in the evening the whole population
occupied themselves in scaring away the angry ghost by beating with sticks
against the bark sides of the lodges.
La Salle and his companions began to fear for their own safety. Some of
their hosts wished to kill them in revenge for the chief murdered near
Montreal; and as these and others were at times in a frenzy of drunkenness,
the position of the French became critical. They suspected that means had
been used to prejudice the Senecas against them. Not only could they get no
guides, but they were told that if they went to the Ohio the tribes of those
parts would infallibly kill them. Their Dutch interpreter became
disheartened and unmanageable, and, after staying a month at the village,
the hope of getting farther on their way seemed less than ever. Their plan, it
was clear, must be changed; and an Indian from Otinawatawa, a kind of
Iroquois colony at the head of Lake Ontario, offered to guide them to his
village and show them a better way to the Ohio. They left the Senecas,
coasted the south shore of the lake, passed the mouth of the Niagara, where
they heard the distant roar of the cataract, and on the twenty-fourth of
September reached Otinawatawa, which was a few miles north of the
present town of Hamilton. The inhabitants proved friendly, and La Salle
received the welcome present of a Shawanoe prisoner, who told them that
the Ohio could be reached in six weeks, and that he would guide them to it.
Delighted at this good fortune, they were about to set out; when they heard,
to their astonishment, of the arrival of two other Frenchmen at a
neighboring village.
One of the strangers was destined to hold a
conspicuous place in the history of western discovery. LOUIS JOLIET.
This was Louis Joliet, a young man of about the age of
La Salle. Like him, he had studied for the priesthood; but the world and the
wilderness had conquered his early inclinations, and changed him to an
active and adventurous fur-trader. Talon had sent him to discover and
explore the copper-mines of Lake Superior. He had failed in the attempt,
and was now returning. His Indian guide, afraid of passing the Niagara
portage lest he should meet enemies, had led him from Lake Erie, by way
of Grand River, towards the head of Lake Ontario; and thus it was that he
met La Salle and the Sulpitians.
Page 37
This meeting caused a change of plan. Joliet showed the priests a map
which he had made of such parts of the Upper Lakes as he had visited, and
gave them a copy of it; telling them, at the same time, of the Pottawattamies
and other tribes of that region in grievous need of spiritual succor. The
result was a determination on their part to follow the route which he
suggested, notwithstanding the remonstrances of La Salle, who in vain
reminded them that the Jesuits had preoccupied the field, and would regard
them as intruders. They resolved that the Pottawattamies should no longer
sit in darkness; while, as for the Mississippi, it could be reached, as they
conceived, with less risk by this northern route than by that of the south.
La Salle was of a different mind. His goal was the Ohio, and not the
northern lakes. A few days before, while hunting, he had been attacked by a
fever, sarcastically ascribed by Galinée to his having seen three large rattle-
snakes crawling up a rock. He now told his two colleagues that he was in no
condition to go forward, and should be forced to part with them. The staple
of La Salle's character, as his life will attest, was an invincible
determination of purpose, which set at naught all risks and all sufferings. He
had cast himself with all his resources into this enterprise; and, while his
faculties remained, he was not a man to recoil from it. On the other hand,
the masculine fibre of which he was made did not always withhold him
from the practice of the arts of address, and the use of what Dollier de
Casson styles belles paroles. He respected the priesthood, with the
exception, it seems, of the Jesuits; and he was under obligations to the
Sulpitians of Montreal. Hence there can be no doubt that he used his illness
as a pretext for escaping from their company without ungraciousness, and
following his own path in his own way.
On the last day of September, the priests made an
altar, supported by the paddles of the canoes laid on SEPARATION.
forked sticks. Dollier said mass; La Salle and his
followers received the sacrament, as did also those of his late colleagues;
and thus they parted, the Sulpitians and their party descending the Grand
River towards Lake Erie, while La Salle, as they supposed, began his return
to Montreal. What course he actually took we shall soon inquire; and
meanwhile, for a few moments, we will follow the priests. When they
reached Lake Erie, they saw it tossing like an angry ocean. They had no
mind to tempt the dangerous and unknown navigation, and encamped for
which he had made of such parts of the Upper Lakes as he had visited, and
gave them a copy of it; telling them, at the same time, of the Pottawattamies
and other tribes of that region in grievous need of spiritual succor. The
result was a determination on their part to follow the route which he
suggested, notwithstanding the remonstrances of La Salle, who in vain
reminded them that the Jesuits had preoccupied the field, and would regard
them as intruders. They resolved that the Pottawattamies should no longer
sit in darkness; while, as for the Mississippi, it could be reached, as they
conceived, with less risk by this northern route than by that of the south.
La Salle was of a different mind. His goal was the Ohio, and not the
northern lakes. A few days before, while hunting, he had been attacked by a
fever, sarcastically ascribed by Galinée to his having seen three large rattle-
snakes crawling up a rock. He now told his two colleagues that he was in no
condition to go forward, and should be forced to part with them. The staple
of La Salle's character, as his life will attest, was an invincible
determination of purpose, which set at naught all risks and all sufferings. He
had cast himself with all his resources into this enterprise; and, while his
faculties remained, he was not a man to recoil from it. On the other hand,
the masculine fibre of which he was made did not always withhold him
from the practice of the arts of address, and the use of what Dollier de
Casson styles belles paroles. He respected the priesthood, with the
exception, it seems, of the Jesuits; and he was under obligations to the
Sulpitians of Montreal. Hence there can be no doubt that he used his illness
as a pretext for escaping from their company without ungraciousness, and
following his own path in his own way.
On the last day of September, the priests made an
altar, supported by the paddles of the canoes laid on SEPARATION.
forked sticks. Dollier said mass; La Salle and his
followers received the sacrament, as did also those of his late colleagues;
and thus they parted, the Sulpitians and their party descending the Grand
River towards Lake Erie, while La Salle, as they supposed, began his return
to Montreal. What course he actually took we shall soon inquire; and
meanwhile, for a few moments, we will follow the priests. When they
reached Lake Erie, they saw it tossing like an angry ocean. They had no
mind to tempt the dangerous and unknown navigation, and encamped for
Page 38
the winter in the forest near the peninsula called the Long Point. Here they
gathered a good store of chestnuts, hickory-nuts, plums, and grapes, and
built themselves a log cabin, with a recess at the end for an altar. They
passed the winter unmolested, shooting game in abundance, and saying
mass three times a week. Early in spring, they planted a large cross,
attached to it the arms of France, and took formal possession of the country
in the name of Louis XIV. This done, they resumed their voyage, and, after
many troubles, landed one evening in a state of exhaustion on or near Point
Pelée, towards the western extremity of Lake Erie. A storm rose as they lay
asleep, and swept off a great part of their baggage, which, in their fatigue,
they had left at the edge of the water. Their altar-service was lost with the
rest,—a misfortune which they ascribed to the jealousy and malice of the
Devil. Debarred henceforth from saying mass, they resolved to return to
Montreal and leave the Pottawattamies uninstructed. They presently entered
the strait by which Lake Huron joins Lake Erie, and landing near where
Detroit now stands, found a large stone, somewhat suggestive of the human
figure, which the Indians had bedaubed with paint, and which they
worshipped as a manito. In view of their late misfortune, this device of the
arch-enemy excited their utmost resentment. "After the loss of our altar-
service," writes Galinée, "and the hunger we had suffered, there was not a
man of us who was not filled with hatred against this false deity. I devoted
one of my axes to breaking him in pieces; and then, having fastened our
canoes side by side, we carried the largest piece to the middle of the river,
and threw it, with all the rest, into the water, that he might never be heard of
again. God rewarded us immediately for this good action, for we killed a
deer and a bear that same day."
This is the first recorded passage of white men
through the Strait of Detroit; though Joliet had, no AT STE. MARIE
DU SAUT.
doubt, passed this way on his return from the Upper
Lakes.[14] The two missionaries took this course, with the intention of
proceeding to the Saut Ste. Marie, and there joining the Ottawas, and other
tribes of that region, in their yearly descent to Montreal. They issued upon
Lake Huron; followed its eastern shores till they reached the Georgian Bay,
near the head of which the Jesuits had established their great mission of the
Hurons, destroyed, twenty years before, by the Iroquois;[15] and, ignoring or
slighting the labors of the rival missionaries, held their way northward
gathered a good store of chestnuts, hickory-nuts, plums, and grapes, and
built themselves a log cabin, with a recess at the end for an altar. They
passed the winter unmolested, shooting game in abundance, and saying
mass three times a week. Early in spring, they planted a large cross,
attached to it the arms of France, and took formal possession of the country
in the name of Louis XIV. This done, they resumed their voyage, and, after
many troubles, landed one evening in a state of exhaustion on or near Point
Pelée, towards the western extremity of Lake Erie. A storm rose as they lay
asleep, and swept off a great part of their baggage, which, in their fatigue,
they had left at the edge of the water. Their altar-service was lost with the
rest,—a misfortune which they ascribed to the jealousy and malice of the
Devil. Debarred henceforth from saying mass, they resolved to return to
Montreal and leave the Pottawattamies uninstructed. They presently entered
the strait by which Lake Huron joins Lake Erie, and landing near where
Detroit now stands, found a large stone, somewhat suggestive of the human
figure, which the Indians had bedaubed with paint, and which they
worshipped as a manito. In view of their late misfortune, this device of the
arch-enemy excited their utmost resentment. "After the loss of our altar-
service," writes Galinée, "and the hunger we had suffered, there was not a
man of us who was not filled with hatred against this false deity. I devoted
one of my axes to breaking him in pieces; and then, having fastened our
canoes side by side, we carried the largest piece to the middle of the river,
and threw it, with all the rest, into the water, that he might never be heard of
again. God rewarded us immediately for this good action, for we killed a
deer and a bear that same day."
This is the first recorded passage of white men
through the Strait of Detroit; though Joliet had, no AT STE. MARIE
DU SAUT.
doubt, passed this way on his return from the Upper
Lakes.[14] The two missionaries took this course, with the intention of
proceeding to the Saut Ste. Marie, and there joining the Ottawas, and other
tribes of that region, in their yearly descent to Montreal. They issued upon
Lake Huron; followed its eastern shores till they reached the Georgian Bay,
near the head of which the Jesuits had established their great mission of the
Hurons, destroyed, twenty years before, by the Iroquois;[15] and, ignoring or
slighting the labors of the rival missionaries, held their way northward
Page 39
along the rocky archipelago that edged those lonely coasts. They passed the
Manitoulins, and, ascending the strait by which Lake Superior discharges its
waters, arrived on the twenty-fifth of May at Ste. Marie du Saut. Here they
found the two Jesuits, Dablon and Marquette, in a square fort of cedar
pickets, built by their men within the past year, and enclosing a chapel and a
house. Near by, they had cleared a large tract of land, and sown it with
wheat, Indian corn, peas, and other crops. The new-comers were graciously
received, and invited to vespers in the chapel; but they very soon found La
Salle's prediction made good, and saw that the Jesuit fathers wanted no help
from St. Sulpice. Galinée, on his part, takes occasion to remark, that,
though the Jesuits had baptized a few Indians at the Saut, not one of them
was a good enough Christian to receive the Eucharist; and he intimates that
the case, by their own showing, was still worse at their mission of St.
Esprit. The two Sulpitians did not care to prolong their stay; and, three days
after their arrival, they left the Saut,—not, as they expected, with the
Indians, but with a French guide, furnished by the Jesuits. Ascending
French River to Lake Nipissing, they crossed to the waters of the Ottawa,
and descended to Montreal, which they reached on the eighteenth of June.
They had made no discoveries and no converts; but Galinée, after his
arrival, made the earliest map of the Upper Lakes known to exist.[16]
We return now to La Salle, only to find ourselves
involved in mist and obscurity. What did he do after he LA SALLE'S
DISCOVERIES.
left the two priests? Unfortunately, a definite answer is
not possible; and the next two years of his life remain in some measure an
enigma. That he was busied in active exploration, and that he made
important discoveries, is certain; but the extent and character of these
discoveries remain wrapped in doubt. He is known to have kept journals
and made maps; and these were in existence, and in possession of his niece,
Madeleine Cavelier, then in advanced age, as late as the year 1756; beyond
which time the most diligent inquiry has failed to trace them. Abbé Faillon
affirms that some of La Salle's men, refusing to follow him, returned to La
Chine, and that the place then received its name, in derision of the young
adventurer's dream of a westward passage to China.[17] As for himself, the
only distinct record of his movements is that contained in a paper, entitled
"Histoire de Monsieur de la Salle." It is an account of his explorations, and
of the state of parties in Canada previous to the year 1678,—taken from the
Manitoulins, and, ascending the strait by which Lake Superior discharges its
waters, arrived on the twenty-fifth of May at Ste. Marie du Saut. Here they
found the two Jesuits, Dablon and Marquette, in a square fort of cedar
pickets, built by their men within the past year, and enclosing a chapel and a
house. Near by, they had cleared a large tract of land, and sown it with
wheat, Indian corn, peas, and other crops. The new-comers were graciously
received, and invited to vespers in the chapel; but they very soon found La
Salle's prediction made good, and saw that the Jesuit fathers wanted no help
from St. Sulpice. Galinée, on his part, takes occasion to remark, that,
though the Jesuits had baptized a few Indians at the Saut, not one of them
was a good enough Christian to receive the Eucharist; and he intimates that
the case, by their own showing, was still worse at their mission of St.
Esprit. The two Sulpitians did not care to prolong their stay; and, three days
after their arrival, they left the Saut,—not, as they expected, with the
Indians, but with a French guide, furnished by the Jesuits. Ascending
French River to Lake Nipissing, they crossed to the waters of the Ottawa,
and descended to Montreal, which they reached on the eighteenth of June.
They had made no discoveries and no converts; but Galinée, after his
arrival, made the earliest map of the Upper Lakes known to exist.[16]
We return now to La Salle, only to find ourselves
involved in mist and obscurity. What did he do after he LA SALLE'S
DISCOVERIES.
left the two priests? Unfortunately, a definite answer is
not possible; and the next two years of his life remain in some measure an
enigma. That he was busied in active exploration, and that he made
important discoveries, is certain; but the extent and character of these
discoveries remain wrapped in doubt. He is known to have kept journals
and made maps; and these were in existence, and in possession of his niece,
Madeleine Cavelier, then in advanced age, as late as the year 1756; beyond
which time the most diligent inquiry has failed to trace them. Abbé Faillon
affirms that some of La Salle's men, refusing to follow him, returned to La
Chine, and that the place then received its name, in derision of the young
adventurer's dream of a westward passage to China.[17] As for himself, the
only distinct record of his movements is that contained in a paper, entitled
"Histoire de Monsieur de la Salle." It is an account of his explorations, and
of the state of parties in Canada previous to the year 1678,—taken from the
Page 40
lips of La Salle himself, by a person whose name does not appear, but who
declares that he had ten or twelve conversations with him at Paris, whither
he had come with a petition to the Court. The writer himself had never been
in America, and was ignorant of its geography; hence blunders on his part
might reasonably be expected. His statements, however, are in some
measure intelligible; and the following is the substance of them.
After leaving the priests, La Salle went to Onondaga, where we are left to
infer that he succeeded better in getting a guide than he had before done
among the Senecas. Thence he made his way to a point six or seven leagues
distant from Lake Erie, where he reached a branch of the Ohio, and,
descending it, followed the river as far as the rapids at Louisville,—or, as
has been maintained, beyond its confluence with the Mississippi. His men
now refused to go farther, and abandoned him, escaping to the English and
the Dutch; whereupon he retraced his steps alone.[18] This must have been
in the winter of 1669-70, or in the following spring; unless there is an error
of date in the statement of Nicolas Perrot, the famous voyageur, who says
that he met him in the summer of 1670, hunting on the Ottawa with a party
of Iroquois.[19]
But how was La Salle employed in the following
year? The same memoir has its solution to the problem. THE RIVER
By this it appears that the indefatigable explorer ILLINOIS.
embarked on Lake Erie, ascended the Detroit to Lake Huron, coasted the
unknown shores of Michigan, passed the Straits of Michilimackinac, and,
leaving Green Bay behind him, entered what is described as an
incomparably larger bay, but which was evidently the southern portion of
Lake Michigan. Thence he crossed to a river flowing westward,—evidently
the Illinois,—and followed it until it was joined by another river flowing
from the northwest to the southeast. By this, the Mississippi only can be
meant; and he is reported to have said that he descended it to the thirty-sixth
degree of latitude; where he stopped, assured that it discharged itself not
into the Gulf of California, but into the Gulf of Mexico, and resolved to
follow it thither at a future day, when better provided with men and
supplies.[20]
The first of these statements,—that relating to the
Ohio,—confused, vague, and in great part incorrect, as it THE MISSISSIPPI.
declares that he had ten or twelve conversations with him at Paris, whither
he had come with a petition to the Court. The writer himself had never been
in America, and was ignorant of its geography; hence blunders on his part
might reasonably be expected. His statements, however, are in some
measure intelligible; and the following is the substance of them.
After leaving the priests, La Salle went to Onondaga, where we are left to
infer that he succeeded better in getting a guide than he had before done
among the Senecas. Thence he made his way to a point six or seven leagues
distant from Lake Erie, where he reached a branch of the Ohio, and,
descending it, followed the river as far as the rapids at Louisville,—or, as
has been maintained, beyond its confluence with the Mississippi. His men
now refused to go farther, and abandoned him, escaping to the English and
the Dutch; whereupon he retraced his steps alone.[18] This must have been
in the winter of 1669-70, or in the following spring; unless there is an error
of date in the statement of Nicolas Perrot, the famous voyageur, who says
that he met him in the summer of 1670, hunting on the Ottawa with a party
of Iroquois.[19]
But how was La Salle employed in the following
year? The same memoir has its solution to the problem. THE RIVER
By this it appears that the indefatigable explorer ILLINOIS.
embarked on Lake Erie, ascended the Detroit to Lake Huron, coasted the
unknown shores of Michigan, passed the Straits of Michilimackinac, and,
leaving Green Bay behind him, entered what is described as an
incomparably larger bay, but which was evidently the southern portion of
Lake Michigan. Thence he crossed to a river flowing westward,—evidently
the Illinois,—and followed it until it was joined by another river flowing
from the northwest to the southeast. By this, the Mississippi only can be
meant; and he is reported to have said that he descended it to the thirty-sixth
degree of latitude; where he stopped, assured that it discharged itself not
into the Gulf of California, but into the Gulf of Mexico, and resolved to
follow it thither at a future day, when better provided with men and
supplies.[20]
The first of these statements,—that relating to the
Ohio,—confused, vague, and in great part incorrect, as it THE MISSISSIPPI.
Page 41
certainly is, is nevertheless well sustained as regards one essential point. La
Salle himself, in a memorial addressed to Count Frontenac in 1677, affirms
that he discovered the Ohio, and descended it as far as to a fall which
obstructed it.[21] Again, his rival, Louis Joliet, whose testimony on this
point cannot be suspected, made two maps of the region of the Mississippi
and the Great Lakes. The Ohio is laid down on both of them, with an
inscription to the effect that it had been explored by La Salle.[22] That he
discovered the Ohio may then be regarded as established. That he
descended it to the Mississippi, he himself does not pretend; nor is there
reason to believe that he did so.
With regard to his alleged voyage down the Illinois, the case is different.
Here, he is reported to have made a statement which admits but one
interpretation,—that of the discovery by him of the Mississippi prior to its
discovery by Joliet and Marquette. This statement is attributed to a man not
prone to vaunt his own exploits, who never proclaimed them in print, and
whose testimony, even in his own case, must therefore have weight. But it
comes to us through the medium of a person strongly biassed in favor of La
Salle, and against Marquette and the Jesuits.
Seven years had passed since the alleged discovery,
and La Salle had not before laid claim to it; although it LA SALLE'S
DISCOVERIES.
was matter of notoriety that during five years it had been
claimed by Joliet, and that his claim was generally admitted. The
correspondence of the governor and the intendant is silent as to La Salle's
having penetrated to the Mississippi, though the attempt was made under
the auspices of the latter, as his own letters declare; while both had the
discovery of the great river earnestly at heart. The governor, Frontenac, La
Salle's ardent supporter and ally, believed in 1672, as his letters show, that
the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of California; and, two years later, he
announces to the minister Colbert its discovery by Joliet.[23] After La Salle's
death, his brother, his nephew, and his niece addressed a memorial to the
king, petitioning for certain grants in consideration of the discoveries of
their relative, which they specify at some length; but they do not pretend
that he reached the Mississippi before his expeditions of 1679 to 1682.[24]
This silence is the more significant, as it is this very niece who had
possession of the papers in which La Salle recounts the journeys of which
Salle himself, in a memorial addressed to Count Frontenac in 1677, affirms
that he discovered the Ohio, and descended it as far as to a fall which
obstructed it.[21] Again, his rival, Louis Joliet, whose testimony on this
point cannot be suspected, made two maps of the region of the Mississippi
and the Great Lakes. The Ohio is laid down on both of them, with an
inscription to the effect that it had been explored by La Salle.[22] That he
discovered the Ohio may then be regarded as established. That he
descended it to the Mississippi, he himself does not pretend; nor is there
reason to believe that he did so.
With regard to his alleged voyage down the Illinois, the case is different.
Here, he is reported to have made a statement which admits but one
interpretation,—that of the discovery by him of the Mississippi prior to its
discovery by Joliet and Marquette. This statement is attributed to a man not
prone to vaunt his own exploits, who never proclaimed them in print, and
whose testimony, even in his own case, must therefore have weight. But it
comes to us through the medium of a person strongly biassed in favor of La
Salle, and against Marquette and the Jesuits.
Seven years had passed since the alleged discovery,
and La Salle had not before laid claim to it; although it LA SALLE'S
DISCOVERIES.
was matter of notoriety that during five years it had been
claimed by Joliet, and that his claim was generally admitted. The
correspondence of the governor and the intendant is silent as to La Salle's
having penetrated to the Mississippi, though the attempt was made under
the auspices of the latter, as his own letters declare; while both had the
discovery of the great river earnestly at heart. The governor, Frontenac, La
Salle's ardent supporter and ally, believed in 1672, as his letters show, that
the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of California; and, two years later, he
announces to the minister Colbert its discovery by Joliet.[23] After La Salle's
death, his brother, his nephew, and his niece addressed a memorial to the
king, petitioning for certain grants in consideration of the discoveries of
their relative, which they specify at some length; but they do not pretend
that he reached the Mississippi before his expeditions of 1679 to 1682.[24]
This silence is the more significant, as it is this very niece who had
possession of the papers in which La Salle recounts the journeys of which
Page 42
the issues are in question.[25] Had they led him to the Mississippi, it is
reasonably certain that she would have made it known in her memorial. La
Salle discovered the Ohio, and in all probability the Illinois also; but that he
discovered the Mississippi has not been proved, nor, in the light of the
evidence we have, is it likely.
FOOTNOTES:
[ This village seems to have been that attacked by Denonville in 1687. It stood on
13 Boughton Hill, near the present town of Victor.
]
[ The Jesuits and fur-traders, on their way to the Upper Lakes, had followed the
14 route of the Ottawa, or, more recently, that of Toronto and the Georgian Bay. Iroquois
] hostility had long closed the Niagara portage and Lake Erie against them.
[ The Jesuits in North America.
15
] [ See Appendix. The above narrative is from Récit de ce qui s'est passé de plus
16 remarquable dans le Voyage de MM. Dollier et Galinée. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)
]
[ Dollier de Casson alludes to this as "cette transmigration célèbre qui se fit
17 de la Chine dans ces quartiers."
]
[ The following is the passage relating to this journey in the remarkable
18 paper above mentioned. After recounting La Salle's visit with the
] Sulpitians to the Seneca village, and stating that the intrigues of the
Jesuit missionary prevented them from obtaining a guide, it speaks of the separation of the
travellers and the journey of Galinée and his party to the Saut Ste. Marie, where "les Jésuites les
congédièrent." It then proceeds as follows: "Cependant M{r.} de la Salle continua son chemin par
une rivière qui va de l'est à l'ouest; et passe à Onontaqué [Onondaga], puis à six ou sept lieues au-
dessous du Lac Erié; et estant parvenu jusqu'au 280me ou 83me degré de longitude, et jusqu'au
41me degré de latitude, trouva un sault qui tombe vers l'ouest dans un pays bas, marescageux,
tout couvert de vielles souches, dont il y en a quelques-unes qui sont encore sur pied. Il fut donc
contraint de prendre terre, et suivant une hauteur qui le pouvoit mener loin, il trouva quelques
sauvages qui luy dirent que fort loin de là le mesme fleuve qui se perdoit dans cette terre basse et
vaste se réunnissoit en un lit. Il continua donc son chemin, mais comme la fatigue estoit grande,
23 ou 24 hommes qu'il avoit menez jusques là le quittèrent tous en une nuit, regagnèrent le
fleuve, et se sauvèrent, les uns à la Nouvelle Hollande et les autres à la Nouvelle Angleterre. Il se
vit donc seul à 400 lieues de chez luy, où il ne laisse pas de revenir, remontant la rivière et vivant
de chasse, d'herbes, et de ce que luy donnèrent les sauvages qu'il rencontra en son chemin."
[ Perrot, Mémoires, 119, 120.
19
] [ The memoir—after stating, as above, that he entered Lake Huron, doubled the
20 peninsula of Michigan, and passed La Baye des Puants (Green Bay)—says: "Il
] reconnut une baye incomparablement plus large; au fond de laquelle vers l'ouest il
trouva un très-beau havre et au fond de ce havre un fleuve qui va de l'est à l'ouest. Il suivit ce
fleuve, et estant parvenu jusqu'environ le 280me degré de longitude et le 39me de latitude, il
reasonably certain that she would have made it known in her memorial. La
Salle discovered the Ohio, and in all probability the Illinois also; but that he
discovered the Mississippi has not been proved, nor, in the light of the
evidence we have, is it likely.
FOOTNOTES:
[ This village seems to have been that attacked by Denonville in 1687. It stood on
13 Boughton Hill, near the present town of Victor.
]
[ The Jesuits and fur-traders, on their way to the Upper Lakes, had followed the
14 route of the Ottawa, or, more recently, that of Toronto and the Georgian Bay. Iroquois
] hostility had long closed the Niagara portage and Lake Erie against them.
[ The Jesuits in North America.
15
] [ See Appendix. The above narrative is from Récit de ce qui s'est passé de plus
16 remarquable dans le Voyage de MM. Dollier et Galinée. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)
]
[ Dollier de Casson alludes to this as "cette transmigration célèbre qui se fit
17 de la Chine dans ces quartiers."
]
[ The following is the passage relating to this journey in the remarkable
18 paper above mentioned. After recounting La Salle's visit with the
] Sulpitians to the Seneca village, and stating that the intrigues of the
Jesuit missionary prevented them from obtaining a guide, it speaks of the separation of the
travellers and the journey of Galinée and his party to the Saut Ste. Marie, where "les Jésuites les
congédièrent." It then proceeds as follows: "Cependant M{r.} de la Salle continua son chemin par
une rivière qui va de l'est à l'ouest; et passe à Onontaqué [Onondaga], puis à six ou sept lieues au-
dessous du Lac Erié; et estant parvenu jusqu'au 280me ou 83me degré de longitude, et jusqu'au
41me degré de latitude, trouva un sault qui tombe vers l'ouest dans un pays bas, marescageux,
tout couvert de vielles souches, dont il y en a quelques-unes qui sont encore sur pied. Il fut donc
contraint de prendre terre, et suivant une hauteur qui le pouvoit mener loin, il trouva quelques
sauvages qui luy dirent que fort loin de là le mesme fleuve qui se perdoit dans cette terre basse et
vaste se réunnissoit en un lit. Il continua donc son chemin, mais comme la fatigue estoit grande,
23 ou 24 hommes qu'il avoit menez jusques là le quittèrent tous en une nuit, regagnèrent le
fleuve, et se sauvèrent, les uns à la Nouvelle Hollande et les autres à la Nouvelle Angleterre. Il se
vit donc seul à 400 lieues de chez luy, où il ne laisse pas de revenir, remontant la rivière et vivant
de chasse, d'herbes, et de ce que luy donnèrent les sauvages qu'il rencontra en son chemin."
[ Perrot, Mémoires, 119, 120.
19
] [ The memoir—after stating, as above, that he entered Lake Huron, doubled the
20 peninsula of Michigan, and passed La Baye des Puants (Green Bay)—says: "Il
] reconnut une baye incomparablement plus large; au fond de laquelle vers l'ouest il
trouva un très-beau havre et au fond de ce havre un fleuve qui va de l'est à l'ouest. Il suivit ce
fleuve, et estant parvenu jusqu'environ le 280me degré de longitude et le 39me de latitude, il
Page 43
trouva un autre fleuve qui se joignant au premier coulait du nordouest au sudest, et il suivit ce
fleuve jusqu'au 36me degré de latitude."
The "très-beau havre" may have been the entrance of the river
Chicago, whence, by an easy portage, he might have reached the Des
Plaines branch of the Illinois. We shall see that he took this course in his
famous exploration of 1682.
The intendant Talon announces, in his despatches of this year that he
had sent La Salle southward and westward to explore.
[ The following are his words (he speaks of himself in the third person): "L'année 1667, et
21 les suivantes, il fit divers voyages avec beaucoup de dépenses, dans lesquels il découvrit le
] premier beaucoup de pays au sud des grands lacs, et entre autres la grande rivière d'Ohio;
il la suivit jusqu'à un endroit où elle tombe de fort haut dans de vastes marais, à la hauteur de 37
degrés, après avoir été grossie par une autre rivière fort large qui vient du nord; et toutes ces eaux
se dêchargent selon toutes les apparences dans le Golfe du Mexique."
This "autre rivière," which, it seems, was above the fall, may have
been the Miami or the Scioto. There is but one fall on the river, that of
Louisville, which is not so high as to deserve to be described as "fort
haut," being only a strong rapid. The latitude, as will be seen, is different
in the two accounts, and incorrect in both.
[ One of these maps is entitled Carte de la découverte du Sieur Joliet, 1674. Over the lines
22 representing the Ohio are the words, "Route du sieur de la Salle pour aller dans le
] Mexique." The other map of Joliet bears, also written over the Ohio, the words, "Rivière
par où descendit le sieur de la Salle au sortir du lac Erié pour aller dans le Mexique." I have also
another manuscript map, made before the voyage of Joliet and Marquette, and apparently in the
year 1673, on which the Ohio is represented as far as to a point a little below Louisville, and over
it is written, "Rivière Ohio, ainsy appellée par les Iroquois à cause de sa beauté, par où le sieur de
la Salle est descendu." The Mississippi is not represented on this map; but—and this is very
significant, as indicating the extent of La Salle's exploration of the following year—a small part
of the upper Illinois is laid down.
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1674. He here speaks of "la grande rivière qu'il
23 [Joliet] a trouvée, qui va du nord au sud, et qui est aussi large que celle du Saint-Laurent
] vis-à-vis de Québec." Four years later, Frontenac speaks slightingly of Joliet, but neither
denies his discovery of the Mississippi, nor claims it for La Salle, in whose interest he writes.
[ Papiers de Famille; Mémoire présenté au Roi. The following is an extract: "Il parvient ...
24 jusqu'à la rivière des Illinois. Il y construisit un fort situé à 350 lieues au-delà du fort de
] Frontenac, et suivant ensuite le cours de cette rivière, il trouva qu'elle se jettoit dans un
grand fleuve appellé par ceux du pays Mississippi, c'est à dire grande eau, environ cent lieues au-
dessous du fort qu'il venoit de construire." This fort was Fort Crèvecœur, built in 1680, near the
site of Peoria. The memoir goes on to relate the descent of La Salle to the Gulf, which concluded
this expedition of 1679-82.
fleuve jusqu'au 36me degré de latitude."
The "très-beau havre" may have been the entrance of the river
Chicago, whence, by an easy portage, he might have reached the Des
Plaines branch of the Illinois. We shall see that he took this course in his
famous exploration of 1682.
The intendant Talon announces, in his despatches of this year that he
had sent La Salle southward and westward to explore.
[ The following are his words (he speaks of himself in the third person): "L'année 1667, et
21 les suivantes, il fit divers voyages avec beaucoup de dépenses, dans lesquels il découvrit le
] premier beaucoup de pays au sud des grands lacs, et entre autres la grande rivière d'Ohio;
il la suivit jusqu'à un endroit où elle tombe de fort haut dans de vastes marais, à la hauteur de 37
degrés, après avoir été grossie par une autre rivière fort large qui vient du nord; et toutes ces eaux
se dêchargent selon toutes les apparences dans le Golfe du Mexique."
This "autre rivière," which, it seems, was above the fall, may have
been the Miami or the Scioto. There is but one fall on the river, that of
Louisville, which is not so high as to deserve to be described as "fort
haut," being only a strong rapid. The latitude, as will be seen, is different
in the two accounts, and incorrect in both.
[ One of these maps is entitled Carte de la découverte du Sieur Joliet, 1674. Over the lines
22 representing the Ohio are the words, "Route du sieur de la Salle pour aller dans le
] Mexique." The other map of Joliet bears, also written over the Ohio, the words, "Rivière
par où descendit le sieur de la Salle au sortir du lac Erié pour aller dans le Mexique." I have also
another manuscript map, made before the voyage of Joliet and Marquette, and apparently in the
year 1673, on which the Ohio is represented as far as to a point a little below Louisville, and over
it is written, "Rivière Ohio, ainsy appellée par les Iroquois à cause de sa beauté, par où le sieur de
la Salle est descendu." The Mississippi is not represented on this map; but—and this is very
significant, as indicating the extent of La Salle's exploration of the following year—a small part
of the upper Illinois is laid down.
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1674. He here speaks of "la grande rivière qu'il
23 [Joliet] a trouvée, qui va du nord au sud, et qui est aussi large que celle du Saint-Laurent
] vis-à-vis de Québec." Four years later, Frontenac speaks slightingly of Joliet, but neither
denies his discovery of the Mississippi, nor claims it for La Salle, in whose interest he writes.
[ Papiers de Famille; Mémoire présenté au Roi. The following is an extract: "Il parvient ...
24 jusqu'à la rivière des Illinois. Il y construisit un fort situé à 350 lieues au-delà du fort de
] Frontenac, et suivant ensuite le cours de cette rivière, il trouva qu'elle se jettoit dans un
grand fleuve appellé par ceux du pays Mississippi, c'est à dire grande eau, environ cent lieues au-
dessous du fort qu'il venoit de construire." This fort was Fort Crèvecœur, built in 1680, near the
site of Peoria. The memoir goes on to relate the descent of La Salle to the Gulf, which concluded
this expedition of 1679-82.
Page 44
[ The following is an extract, given by Margry, from a letter of the aged Madeleine
25 Cavelier, dated 21 Février, 1756, and addressed to her nephew, M. Le Baillif, who had
] applied for the papers in behalf of the minister, Silhouette: "J'ay cherché une occasion sûre
pour vous anvoyé les papiers de M. de la Salle. Il y a des cartes que j'ay jointe à ces papiers, qui
doivent prouver que, en 1675, M. de Lasalle avet déja fet deux voyages en ces decouverte,
puisqu'il y avet une carte, que je vous envoye, par laquelle il est fait mention de l'androit auquel
M. de Lasalle aborda près le fleuve de Mississipi; un autre androit qu'il nomme le fleuve Colbert;
en un autre il prans possession de ce pais au nom du roy et fait planter une crois."
The words of the aged and illiterate writer are obscure, but her
expression "aborda près" seems to indicate that La Salle had not reached
the Mississippi prior to 1675, but only approached it. Finally, a memorial
presented to Seignelay, along with the official narrative of 1679-81, by a
friend of La Salle, whose object was to place the discoverer and his
achievements in the most favorable light, contains the following: "Il [La
Salle] a esté le premier à former le dessein de ces descouvertes, qu'il
communiqua, il y a plus de quinze ans, à M. de Courcelles, gouverneur,
et à M. Talon, intendant du Canada, qui l'approuvèrent. Il a fait ensuite
plusieurs voyages de ce costé-là, et un entr'autres en 1669 avec MM.
Dolier et Galinée, prestres du Séminaire de St. Sulpice. Il est vray que le
sieur Jolliet, pour le prévenir, fit un voyage in 1673, à la rivière Colbert;
mais ce fut uniquement pour y faire commerce." See Margry, ii. 285.
This passage is a virtual admission that Joliet reached the Mississippi
(Colbert) before La Salle.
Margry, in a series of papers in the Journal Général de l'Instruction
Publique for 1862, first took the position that La Salle reached the
Mississippi in 1670 and 1671, and has brought forward in defence of it
all the documents which his unwearied research enabled him to discover.
Father Tailhan, S.J., has replied at length, in the copious notes to his
edition of Nicolas Perrot, but without having seen the principal document
cited by Margry, and of which extracts have been given in the notes to
this chapter.
25 Cavelier, dated 21 Février, 1756, and addressed to her nephew, M. Le Baillif, who had
] applied for the papers in behalf of the minister, Silhouette: "J'ay cherché une occasion sûre
pour vous anvoyé les papiers de M. de la Salle. Il y a des cartes que j'ay jointe à ces papiers, qui
doivent prouver que, en 1675, M. de Lasalle avet déja fet deux voyages en ces decouverte,
puisqu'il y avet une carte, que je vous envoye, par laquelle il est fait mention de l'androit auquel
M. de Lasalle aborda près le fleuve de Mississipi; un autre androit qu'il nomme le fleuve Colbert;
en un autre il prans possession de ce pais au nom du roy et fait planter une crois."
The words of the aged and illiterate writer are obscure, but her
expression "aborda près" seems to indicate that La Salle had not reached
the Mississippi prior to 1675, but only approached it. Finally, a memorial
presented to Seignelay, along with the official narrative of 1679-81, by a
friend of La Salle, whose object was to place the discoverer and his
achievements in the most favorable light, contains the following: "Il [La
Salle] a esté le premier à former le dessein de ces descouvertes, qu'il
communiqua, il y a plus de quinze ans, à M. de Courcelles, gouverneur,
et à M. Talon, intendant du Canada, qui l'approuvèrent. Il a fait ensuite
plusieurs voyages de ce costé-là, et un entr'autres en 1669 avec MM.
Dolier et Galinée, prestres du Séminaire de St. Sulpice. Il est vray que le
sieur Jolliet, pour le prévenir, fit un voyage in 1673, à la rivière Colbert;
mais ce fut uniquement pour y faire commerce." See Margry, ii. 285.
This passage is a virtual admission that Joliet reached the Mississippi
(Colbert) before La Salle.
Margry, in a series of papers in the Journal Général de l'Instruction
Publique for 1862, first took the position that La Salle reached the
Mississippi in 1670 and 1671, and has brought forward in defence of it
all the documents which his unwearied research enabled him to discover.
Father Tailhan, S.J., has replied at length, in the copious notes to his
edition of Nicolas Perrot, but without having seen the principal document
cited by Margry, and of which extracts have been given in the notes to
this chapter.
Page 45
CHAPTER III.
1670-1672.
THE JESUITS ON THE LAKES.
The Old Missions and the New.—A Change of Spirit.—Lake Superior and
the Copper-mines.—Ste. Marie.—La Pointe.—Michilimackinac.—
Jesuits on Lake Michigan.—Allouez and Dablon.—The Jesuit Fur-
trade.
What were the Jesuits doing? Since the ruin of their great mission of the
Hurons, a perceptible change had taken place in them. They had put forth
exertions almost superhuman, set at naught famine, disease, and death,
lived with the self-abnegation of saints and died with the devotion of
martyrs; and the result of all had been a disastrous failure. From no short-
coming on their part, but from the force of events beyond the sphere of their
influence, a very demon of havoc had crushed their incipient churches,
slaughtered their converts, uprooted the populous communities on which
their hopes had rested, and scattered them in bands of wretched fugitives far
and wide through the wilderness.[26] They had devoted themselves in the
fulness of faith to the building up of a Christian and Jesuit empire on the
conversion of the great stationary tribes of the lakes; and of these none
remained but the Iroquois, the destroyers of the rest,—among whom,
indeed, was a field which might stimulate their zeal by an abundant promise
of sufferings and martyrdoms, but which, from its geographical position,
was too much exposed to Dutch and English influence to promise great and
decisive results. Their best hopes were now in the North and the West; and
thither, in great part, they had turned their energies.
We find them on Lake Huron, Lake Superior, and
Lake Michigan, laboring vigorously as of old, but in a REPORTS OF THE
JESUITS.
spirit not quite the same. Now, as before, two objects
inspired their zeal,—the "greater glory of God," and the influence and credit
of the Order of Jesus. If the one motive had somewhat lost in power, the
other had gained. The epoch of the saints and martyrs was passing away;
1670-1672.
THE JESUITS ON THE LAKES.
The Old Missions and the New.—A Change of Spirit.—Lake Superior and
the Copper-mines.—Ste. Marie.—La Pointe.—Michilimackinac.—
Jesuits on Lake Michigan.—Allouez and Dablon.—The Jesuit Fur-
trade.
What were the Jesuits doing? Since the ruin of their great mission of the
Hurons, a perceptible change had taken place in them. They had put forth
exertions almost superhuman, set at naught famine, disease, and death,
lived with the self-abnegation of saints and died with the devotion of
martyrs; and the result of all had been a disastrous failure. From no short-
coming on their part, but from the force of events beyond the sphere of their
influence, a very demon of havoc had crushed their incipient churches,
slaughtered their converts, uprooted the populous communities on which
their hopes had rested, and scattered them in bands of wretched fugitives far
and wide through the wilderness.[26] They had devoted themselves in the
fulness of faith to the building up of a Christian and Jesuit empire on the
conversion of the great stationary tribes of the lakes; and of these none
remained but the Iroquois, the destroyers of the rest,—among whom,
indeed, was a field which might stimulate their zeal by an abundant promise
of sufferings and martyrdoms, but which, from its geographical position,
was too much exposed to Dutch and English influence to promise great and
decisive results. Their best hopes were now in the North and the West; and
thither, in great part, they had turned their energies.
We find them on Lake Huron, Lake Superior, and
Lake Michigan, laboring vigorously as of old, but in a REPORTS OF THE
JESUITS.
spirit not quite the same. Now, as before, two objects
inspired their zeal,—the "greater glory of God," and the influence and credit
of the Order of Jesus. If the one motive had somewhat lost in power, the
other had gained. The epoch of the saints and martyrs was passing away;
Page 46
and henceforth we find the Canadian Jesuit less and less an apostle, more
and more an explorer, a man of science, and a politician. The yearly reports
of the missions are still, for the edification of the pious reader, filled with
intolerably tedious stories of baptisms, conversions, and the exemplary
deportment of neophytes,—for these have become a part of the formula; but
they are relieved abundantly by more mundane topics. One finds
observations on the winds, currents, and tides of the Great Lakes;
speculations on a subterranean outlet of Lake Superior; accounts of its
copper-mines, and how we, the Jesuit fathers, are laboring to explore them
for the profit of the colony; surmises touching the North Sea, the South Sea,
the Sea of China, which we hope ere long to discover; and reports of that
great mysterious river of which the Indians tell us,—flowing southward,
perhaps to the Gulf of Mexico, perhaps to the Vermilion Sea,—and the
secrets whereof, with the help of the Virgin, we will soon reveal to the
world.
The Jesuit was as often a fanatic for his Order as for his faith; and oftener
yet the two fanaticisms mingled in him inextricably. Ardently as he burned
for the saving of souls, he would have none saved on the Upper Lakes
except by his brethren and himself. He claimed a monopoly of conversion,
with its attendant monopoly of toil, hardship, and martyrdom. Often
disinterested for himself, he was inordinately ambitious for the great
corporate power in which he had merged his own personality; and here lies
one cause, among many, of the seeming contradictions which abound in the
annals of the Order.
Prefixed to the Relation of 1671 is that monument of Jesuit hardihood
and enterprise, the map of Lake Superior,—a work of which, however, the
exactness has been exaggerated, as compared with other Canadian maps of
the day. While making surveys, the priests were diligently looking for
copper. Father Dablon reports that they had found it in greatest abundance
on Isle Minong, now Isle Royale. "A day's journey from the head of the
lake, on the south side, there is," he says, "a rock of copper weighing from
six hundred to eight hundred pounds, lying on the shore where any who
pass may see it;" and he further speaks of great copper boulders in the bed
of the river Ontonagan.[27]
and more an explorer, a man of science, and a politician. The yearly reports
of the missions are still, for the edification of the pious reader, filled with
intolerably tedious stories of baptisms, conversions, and the exemplary
deportment of neophytes,—for these have become a part of the formula; but
they are relieved abundantly by more mundane topics. One finds
observations on the winds, currents, and tides of the Great Lakes;
speculations on a subterranean outlet of Lake Superior; accounts of its
copper-mines, and how we, the Jesuit fathers, are laboring to explore them
for the profit of the colony; surmises touching the North Sea, the South Sea,
the Sea of China, which we hope ere long to discover; and reports of that
great mysterious river of which the Indians tell us,—flowing southward,
perhaps to the Gulf of Mexico, perhaps to the Vermilion Sea,—and the
secrets whereof, with the help of the Virgin, we will soon reveal to the
world.
The Jesuit was as often a fanatic for his Order as for his faith; and oftener
yet the two fanaticisms mingled in him inextricably. Ardently as he burned
for the saving of souls, he would have none saved on the Upper Lakes
except by his brethren and himself. He claimed a monopoly of conversion,
with its attendant monopoly of toil, hardship, and martyrdom. Often
disinterested for himself, he was inordinately ambitious for the great
corporate power in which he had merged his own personality; and here lies
one cause, among many, of the seeming contradictions which abound in the
annals of the Order.
Prefixed to the Relation of 1671 is that monument of Jesuit hardihood
and enterprise, the map of Lake Superior,—a work of which, however, the
exactness has been exaggerated, as compared with other Canadian maps of
the day. While making surveys, the priests were diligently looking for
copper. Father Dablon reports that they had found it in greatest abundance
on Isle Minong, now Isle Royale. "A day's journey from the head of the
lake, on the south side, there is," he says, "a rock of copper weighing from
six hundred to eight hundred pounds, lying on the shore where any who
pass may see it;" and he further speaks of great copper boulders in the bed
of the river Ontonagan.[27]
Page 47
There were two principal missions on the Upper
Lakes, which were, in a certain sense, the parents of the STE. MARIE DU
SAUT.
rest. One of these was Ste. Marie du Saut,—the same
visited by Dollier and Galinée,—at the outlet of Lake Superior. This was a
noted fishing-place; for the rapids were full of white-fish, and Indians came
thither in crowds. The permanent residents were an Ojibwa band, whom the
French called Sauteurs, and whose bark lodges were clustered at the foot of
the rapids, near the fort of the Jesuits. Besides these, a host of Algonquins,
of various tribes, resorted thither in the spring and summer,—living in
abundance on the fishery, and dispersing in winter to wander and starve in
scattered hunting-parties far and wide through the forests.
The other chief mission was that of St. Esprit, at La Pointe, near the
western extremity of Lake Superior. Here were the Hurons, fugitives twenty
years before from the slaughter of their countrymen; and the Ottawas, who,
like them, had sought an asylum from the rage of the Iroquois. Many other
tribes—Illinois, Pottawattamies, Foxes, Menomonies, Sioux, Assiniboins,
Knisteneaux, and a multitude besides—came hither yearly to trade with the
French. Here was a young Jesuit, Jacques Marquette, lately arrived from the
Saut Ste. Marie. His savage flock disheartened him by its backslidings; and
the best that he could report of the Hurons, after all the toil and all the blood
lavished in their conversion, was, that they "still retain a little Christianity;"
while the Ottawas are "far removed from the kingdom of God, and addicted
beyond all other tribes to foulness, incantations, and sacrifices to evil
spirits."[28]
Marquette heard from the Illinois—yearly visitors at
La Pointe—of the great river which they had crossed on MARQUETTE
AND ANDRÉ.
their way,[29] and which, as he conjectured, flowed into
the Gulf of California. He heard marvels of it also from the Sioux, who
lived on its banks; and a strong desire possessed him to explore the mystery
of its course. A sudden calamity dashed his hopes. The Sioux—the Iroquois
of the West, as the Jesuits call them—had hitherto kept the peace with the
expatriated tribes of La Pointe; but now, from some cause not worth inquiry,
they broke into open war, and so terrified the Hurons and Ottawas that they
abandoned their settlements and fled. Marquette followed his panic-stricken
flock, who, passing the Saut Ste. Marie, and descending to Lake Huron,
stopped at length,—the Hurons at Michilimackinac, and the Ottawas at the
Lakes, which were, in a certain sense, the parents of the STE. MARIE DU
SAUT.
rest. One of these was Ste. Marie du Saut,—the same
visited by Dollier and Galinée,—at the outlet of Lake Superior. This was a
noted fishing-place; for the rapids were full of white-fish, and Indians came
thither in crowds. The permanent residents were an Ojibwa band, whom the
French called Sauteurs, and whose bark lodges were clustered at the foot of
the rapids, near the fort of the Jesuits. Besides these, a host of Algonquins,
of various tribes, resorted thither in the spring and summer,—living in
abundance on the fishery, and dispersing in winter to wander and starve in
scattered hunting-parties far and wide through the forests.
The other chief mission was that of St. Esprit, at La Pointe, near the
western extremity of Lake Superior. Here were the Hurons, fugitives twenty
years before from the slaughter of their countrymen; and the Ottawas, who,
like them, had sought an asylum from the rage of the Iroquois. Many other
tribes—Illinois, Pottawattamies, Foxes, Menomonies, Sioux, Assiniboins,
Knisteneaux, and a multitude besides—came hither yearly to trade with the
French. Here was a young Jesuit, Jacques Marquette, lately arrived from the
Saut Ste. Marie. His savage flock disheartened him by its backslidings; and
the best that he could report of the Hurons, after all the toil and all the blood
lavished in their conversion, was, that they "still retain a little Christianity;"
while the Ottawas are "far removed from the kingdom of God, and addicted
beyond all other tribes to foulness, incantations, and sacrifices to evil
spirits."[28]
Marquette heard from the Illinois—yearly visitors at
La Pointe—of the great river which they had crossed on MARQUETTE
AND ANDRÉ.
their way,[29] and which, as he conjectured, flowed into
the Gulf of California. He heard marvels of it also from the Sioux, who
lived on its banks; and a strong desire possessed him to explore the mystery
of its course. A sudden calamity dashed his hopes. The Sioux—the Iroquois
of the West, as the Jesuits call them—had hitherto kept the peace with the
expatriated tribes of La Pointe; but now, from some cause not worth inquiry,
they broke into open war, and so terrified the Hurons and Ottawas that they
abandoned their settlements and fled. Marquette followed his panic-stricken
flock, who, passing the Saut Ste. Marie, and descending to Lake Huron,
stopped at length,—the Hurons at Michilimackinac, and the Ottawas at the
Page 48
Great Manitoulin Island. Two missions were now necessary to minister to
the divided bands. That of Michilimackinac was assigned to Marquette, and
that of the Manitoulin Island to Louis André. The former took post at Point
St. Ignace, on the north shore of the Straits of Michilimackinac, while the
latter began the mission of St. Simon at the new abode of the Ottawas.
When winter came, scattering his flock to their hunting-grounds, André
made a missionary tour among the Nipissings and other neighboring tribes.
The shores of Lake Huron had long been an utter solitude, swept of their
denizens by the terror of the all-conquering Iroquois; but now that these
tigers had felt the power of the French, and learned for a time to leave their
Indian allies in peace, the fugitive hordes were returning to their ancient
abodes. André's experience among them was of the roughest. The staple of
his diet was acorns and tripe de roche,—a species of lichen, which, being
boiled, resolved itself into a black glue, nauseous, but not void of
nourishment. At times, he was reduced to moss, the bark of trees, or
moccasins and old moose-skins cut into strips and boiled. His hosts treated
him very ill, and the worst of their fare was always his portion. When spring
came to his relief, he returned to his post of St. Simon, with impaired
digestion and unabated zeal.
Besides the Saut Ste. Marie and Michilimackinac,
both noted fishing-places, there was another spot, no less THE GREEN BAY
MISSION.
famous for game and fish, and therefore a favorite resort
of Indians. This was the head of the Green Bay of Lake Michigan.[30] Here
and in adjacent districts several distinct tribes had made their abode. The
Menomonies were on the river which bears their name; the Pottawattamies
and Winnebagoes were near the borders of the bay; the Sacs, on Fox River;
the Mascoutins, Miamis, and Kickapoos, on the same river, above Lake
Winnebago; and the Outagamies, or Foxes, on a tributary of it flowing from
the north. Green Bay was manifestly suited for a mission; and, as early as
the autumn of 1669, Father Claude Allouez was sent thither to found one.
After nearly perishing by the way, he set out to explore the destined field of
his labors, and went as far as the town of the Mascoutins. Early in the
autumn of 1670, having been joined by Dablon, Superior of the missions on
the Upper Lakes, he made another journey, but not until the two fathers had
held a council with the congregated tribes at St. François Xavier; for so they
named their mission of Green Bay. Here, as they harangued their naked
the divided bands. That of Michilimackinac was assigned to Marquette, and
that of the Manitoulin Island to Louis André. The former took post at Point
St. Ignace, on the north shore of the Straits of Michilimackinac, while the
latter began the mission of St. Simon at the new abode of the Ottawas.
When winter came, scattering his flock to their hunting-grounds, André
made a missionary tour among the Nipissings and other neighboring tribes.
The shores of Lake Huron had long been an utter solitude, swept of their
denizens by the terror of the all-conquering Iroquois; but now that these
tigers had felt the power of the French, and learned for a time to leave their
Indian allies in peace, the fugitive hordes were returning to their ancient
abodes. André's experience among them was of the roughest. The staple of
his diet was acorns and tripe de roche,—a species of lichen, which, being
boiled, resolved itself into a black glue, nauseous, but not void of
nourishment. At times, he was reduced to moss, the bark of trees, or
moccasins and old moose-skins cut into strips and boiled. His hosts treated
him very ill, and the worst of their fare was always his portion. When spring
came to his relief, he returned to his post of St. Simon, with impaired
digestion and unabated zeal.
Besides the Saut Ste. Marie and Michilimackinac,
both noted fishing-places, there was another spot, no less THE GREEN BAY
MISSION.
famous for game and fish, and therefore a favorite resort
of Indians. This was the head of the Green Bay of Lake Michigan.[30] Here
and in adjacent districts several distinct tribes had made their abode. The
Menomonies were on the river which bears their name; the Pottawattamies
and Winnebagoes were near the borders of the bay; the Sacs, on Fox River;
the Mascoutins, Miamis, and Kickapoos, on the same river, above Lake
Winnebago; and the Outagamies, or Foxes, on a tributary of it flowing from
the north. Green Bay was manifestly suited for a mission; and, as early as
the autumn of 1669, Father Claude Allouez was sent thither to found one.
After nearly perishing by the way, he set out to explore the destined field of
his labors, and went as far as the town of the Mascoutins. Early in the
autumn of 1670, having been joined by Dablon, Superior of the missions on
the Upper Lakes, he made another journey, but not until the two fathers had
held a council with the congregated tribes at St. François Xavier; for so they
named their mission of Green Bay. Here, as they harangued their naked
Page 49
audience, their gravity was put to the proof; for a band of warriors, anxious
to do them honor, walked incessantly up and down, aping the movements of
the soldiers on guard before the governor's tent at Montreal. "We could
hardly keep from laughing," writes Dablon, "though, we were discoursing
on very important subjects; namely, the mysteries of our religion, and the
things necessary to escaping from eternal fire."[31]
The fathers were delighted with the country, which Dablon calls an
earthly paradise; but he adds that the way to it is as hard as the path to
heaven. He alludes especially to the rapids of Fox River, which gave the
two travellers great trouble. Having safely passed them, they saw an Indian
idol on the bank, similar to that which Dollier and Galinée found at Detroit,
—being merely a rock, bearing some resemblance to a man, and hideously
painted. With the help of their attendants, they threw it into the river.
Dablon expatiates on the buffalo, which he describes apparently on the
report of others, as his description is not very accurate. Crossing Winnebago
Lake, the two priests followed the river leading to the town of the
Mascoutins and Miamis, which they reached on the fifteenth of September.
[32]
These two tribes lived together within the compass of the same
enclosure of palisades,—to the number, it is said, of more than three
thousand souls. The missionaries, who had brought a highly colored picture
of the Last Judgment, called the Indians to council and displayed it before
them; while Allouez, who spoke Algonquin, harangued them on hell,
demons, and eternal flames. They listened with open ears, beset him night
and day with questions, and invited him and his companion to unceasing
feasts. They were welcomed in every lodge, and followed everywhere with
eyes of curiosity, wonder, and awe. Dablon overflows with praises of the
Miami chief, who was honored by his subjects like a king, and whose
demeanor towards his guests had no savor of the savage.
Their hosts told them of the great river Mississippi, rising far in the north
and flowing southward,—they knew not whither,—and of many tribes that
dwelt along its banks. When at length they took their departure, they left
behind them a reputation as medicine-men of transcendent power.
In the winter following, Allouez visited the Foxes,
whom he found in extreme ill-humor. They were THE CROSS
AMONG THE
incensed against the French by the ill-usage which some
to do them honor, walked incessantly up and down, aping the movements of
the soldiers on guard before the governor's tent at Montreal. "We could
hardly keep from laughing," writes Dablon, "though, we were discoursing
on very important subjects; namely, the mysteries of our religion, and the
things necessary to escaping from eternal fire."[31]
The fathers were delighted with the country, which Dablon calls an
earthly paradise; but he adds that the way to it is as hard as the path to
heaven. He alludes especially to the rapids of Fox River, which gave the
two travellers great trouble. Having safely passed them, they saw an Indian
idol on the bank, similar to that which Dollier and Galinée found at Detroit,
—being merely a rock, bearing some resemblance to a man, and hideously
painted. With the help of their attendants, they threw it into the river.
Dablon expatiates on the buffalo, which he describes apparently on the
report of others, as his description is not very accurate. Crossing Winnebago
Lake, the two priests followed the river leading to the town of the
Mascoutins and Miamis, which they reached on the fifteenth of September.
[32]
These two tribes lived together within the compass of the same
enclosure of palisades,—to the number, it is said, of more than three
thousand souls. The missionaries, who had brought a highly colored picture
of the Last Judgment, called the Indians to council and displayed it before
them; while Allouez, who spoke Algonquin, harangued them on hell,
demons, and eternal flames. They listened with open ears, beset him night
and day with questions, and invited him and his companion to unceasing
feasts. They were welcomed in every lodge, and followed everywhere with
eyes of curiosity, wonder, and awe. Dablon overflows with praises of the
Miami chief, who was honored by his subjects like a king, and whose
demeanor towards his guests had no savor of the savage.
Their hosts told them of the great river Mississippi, rising far in the north
and flowing southward,—they knew not whither,—and of many tribes that
dwelt along its banks. When at length they took their departure, they left
behind them a reputation as medicine-men of transcendent power.
In the winter following, Allouez visited the Foxes,
whom he found in extreme ill-humor. They were THE CROSS
AMONG THE
incensed against the French by the ill-usage which some
Page 50
of their tribe had lately met when on a trading visit to FOXES.
Montreal; and they received the Faith with shouts of
derision. The priest was horror-stricken at what he saw. Their lodges, each
containing from five to ten families, seemed in his eyes like seraglios; for
some of the chiefs had eight wives. He armed himself with patience, and at
length gained a hearing. Nay, he succeeded so well, that when he showed
them his crucifix they would throw tobacco on it as an offering; and, on
another visit which he made them soon after, he taught the whole village to
make the sign of the cross. A war-party was going out against their enemies,
and he bethought him of telling them the story of the Cross and the
Emperor Constantine. This so wrought upon them that they all daubed the
figure of a cross on their shields of bull-hide, set out for the war, and came
back victorious, extolling the sacred symbol as a great war-medicine.
"Thus it is," writes Dablon, who chronicles the incident, "that our holy
faith is established among these people; and we have good hope that we
shall soon carry it to the famous river called the Mississippi, and perhaps
even to the South Sea."[33] Most things human have their phases of the
ludicrous; and the heroism of these untiring priests is no exception to the
rule.
The various missionary stations were much alike.
They consisted of a chapel (commonly of logs) and one TRADING WITH
INDIANS.
or more houses, with perhaps a store-house and a
workshop; the whole fenced with palisades, and forming, in fact, a stockade
fort, surrounded with clearings and cultivated fields. It is evident that the
priests had need of other hands than their own and those of the few lay
brothers attached to the mission. They required men inured to labor,
accustomed to the forest life, able to guide canoes and handle tools and
weapons. In the earlier epoch of the missions, when enthusiasm was at its
height, they were served in great measure by volunteers, who joined them
through devotion or penitence, and who were known as donnés or "given
men." Of late, the number of these had much diminished; and they now
relied chiefly on hired men, or engagés. These were employed in building,
hunting, fishing, clearing, and tilling the ground, guiding canoes, and (if
faith is to be placed in reports current throughout the colony) in trading with
the Indians for the profit of the missions. This charge of trading—which, if
the results were applied exclusively to the support of the missions, does not
Montreal; and they received the Faith with shouts of
derision. The priest was horror-stricken at what he saw. Their lodges, each
containing from five to ten families, seemed in his eyes like seraglios; for
some of the chiefs had eight wives. He armed himself with patience, and at
length gained a hearing. Nay, he succeeded so well, that when he showed
them his crucifix they would throw tobacco on it as an offering; and, on
another visit which he made them soon after, he taught the whole village to
make the sign of the cross. A war-party was going out against their enemies,
and he bethought him of telling them the story of the Cross and the
Emperor Constantine. This so wrought upon them that they all daubed the
figure of a cross on their shields of bull-hide, set out for the war, and came
back victorious, extolling the sacred symbol as a great war-medicine.
"Thus it is," writes Dablon, who chronicles the incident, "that our holy
faith is established among these people; and we have good hope that we
shall soon carry it to the famous river called the Mississippi, and perhaps
even to the South Sea."[33] Most things human have their phases of the
ludicrous; and the heroism of these untiring priests is no exception to the
rule.
The various missionary stations were much alike.
They consisted of a chapel (commonly of logs) and one TRADING WITH
INDIANS.
or more houses, with perhaps a store-house and a
workshop; the whole fenced with palisades, and forming, in fact, a stockade
fort, surrounded with clearings and cultivated fields. It is evident that the
priests had need of other hands than their own and those of the few lay
brothers attached to the mission. They required men inured to labor,
accustomed to the forest life, able to guide canoes and handle tools and
weapons. In the earlier epoch of the missions, when enthusiasm was at its
height, they were served in great measure by volunteers, who joined them
through devotion or penitence, and who were known as donnés or "given
men." Of late, the number of these had much diminished; and they now
relied chiefly on hired men, or engagés. These were employed in building,
hunting, fishing, clearing, and tilling the ground, guiding canoes, and (if
faith is to be placed in reports current throughout the colony) in trading with
the Indians for the profit of the missions. This charge of trading—which, if
the results were applied exclusively to the support of the missions, does not
Page 51
of necessity involve much censure—is vehemently reiterated in many
quarters, including the official despatches of the governor of Canada; while,
so far as I can discover, the Jesuits never distinctly denied it, and on several
occasions they partially admitted its truth.[34]
FOOTNOTES:
[ See "The Jesuits in North America."
26
] [ He complains that the Indians were very averse to giving information on the
27 subject, so that the Jesuits had not as yet discovered the metal in situ, though they
] hoped soon to do so. The Indians told him that the copper had first been found by
four hunters, who had landed on a certain island, near the north shore of the lake. Wishing to boil
their food in a vessel of bark, they gathered stones on the shore, heated them red hot, and threw
them in, but presently discovered them to be pure copper. Their repast over, they hastened to re-
embark, being afraid of the lynxes and the hares, which, on this island, were as large as dogs, and
which would have devoured their provisions, and perhaps their canoe. They took with them some
of the wonderful stones; but scarcely had they left the island, when a deep voice, like thunder,
sounded in their ears, "Who are these thieves who steal the toys of my children?" It was the God
of the Waters, or some other powerful manito. The four adventurers retreated in great terror; but
three of them soon died, and the fourth survived only long enough to reach his village, and tell
the story. The island has no foundation, but floats with the movement of the wind; and no Indian
dares land on its shores, dreading the wrath of the manito. Dablon, Relation, 1670, 84.
[ Lettre du Père Jacques Marquette au R. P. Supérieur des Missions; in Relation, 1670, 87.
28
] [ The Illinois lived at this time beyond the Mississippi, thirty days' journey from La
29 Pointe; whither they had been driven by the Iroquois, from their former abode near
] Lake Michigan. Dablon (Relation, 1671, 24, 25) says that they lived seven days'
journey beyond the Mississippi, in eight villages. A few years later, most of them returned to the
east side, and made their abode on the river Illinois.
[ The Baye des Puants of the early writers; or, more correctly, La Baye des Eaux Puantes.
30 The Winnebago Indians, living near it, were called Les Puans, apparently for no other
] reason than because some portion of the bay was said to have an odor like the sea.
Lake Michigan, the "Lac des Illinois" of the French, was, according to
a letter of Father Allouez, called "Machihiganing" by the Indians. Dablon
writes the name "Mitchiganon."
[ Relation, 1671, 43.
31
] [ This town was on the Neenah or Fox River, above Lake Winnebago. The
32 Mascoutins, Fire Nation, or Nation of the Prairie, are extinct or merged in other
] tribes. See "The Jesuits in North America." The Miamis soon removed to the banks
of the river St. Joseph, near Lake Michigan.
Relation, 1672, 42.
quarters, including the official despatches of the governor of Canada; while,
so far as I can discover, the Jesuits never distinctly denied it, and on several
occasions they partially admitted its truth.[34]
FOOTNOTES:
[ See "The Jesuits in North America."
26
] [ He complains that the Indians were very averse to giving information on the
27 subject, so that the Jesuits had not as yet discovered the metal in situ, though they
] hoped soon to do so. The Indians told him that the copper had first been found by
four hunters, who had landed on a certain island, near the north shore of the lake. Wishing to boil
their food in a vessel of bark, they gathered stones on the shore, heated them red hot, and threw
them in, but presently discovered them to be pure copper. Their repast over, they hastened to re-
embark, being afraid of the lynxes and the hares, which, on this island, were as large as dogs, and
which would have devoured their provisions, and perhaps their canoe. They took with them some
of the wonderful stones; but scarcely had they left the island, when a deep voice, like thunder,
sounded in their ears, "Who are these thieves who steal the toys of my children?" It was the God
of the Waters, or some other powerful manito. The four adventurers retreated in great terror; but
three of them soon died, and the fourth survived only long enough to reach his village, and tell
the story. The island has no foundation, but floats with the movement of the wind; and no Indian
dares land on its shores, dreading the wrath of the manito. Dablon, Relation, 1670, 84.
[ Lettre du Père Jacques Marquette au R. P. Supérieur des Missions; in Relation, 1670, 87.
28
] [ The Illinois lived at this time beyond the Mississippi, thirty days' journey from La
29 Pointe; whither they had been driven by the Iroquois, from their former abode near
] Lake Michigan. Dablon (Relation, 1671, 24, 25) says that they lived seven days'
journey beyond the Mississippi, in eight villages. A few years later, most of them returned to the
east side, and made their abode on the river Illinois.
[ The Baye des Puants of the early writers; or, more correctly, La Baye des Eaux Puantes.
30 The Winnebago Indians, living near it, were called Les Puans, apparently for no other
] reason than because some portion of the bay was said to have an odor like the sea.
Lake Michigan, the "Lac des Illinois" of the French, was, according to
a letter of Father Allouez, called "Machihiganing" by the Indians. Dablon
writes the name "Mitchiganon."
[ Relation, 1671, 43.
31
] [ This town was on the Neenah or Fox River, above Lake Winnebago. The
32 Mascoutins, Fire Nation, or Nation of the Prairie, are extinct or merged in other
] tribes. See "The Jesuits in North America." The Miamis soon removed to the banks
of the river St. Joseph, near Lake Michigan.
Relation, 1672, 42.
Page 52
[ [ This charge was made from the first establishment of the missions. For remarks on
33 34 it, see "The Jesuits in North America" and "The Old Régime in Canada."
] ]
33 34 it, see "The Jesuits in North America" and "The Old Régime in Canada."
] ]
Page 53
CHAPTER IV.
1667-1672.
FRANCE TAKES POSSESSION OF THE WEST.
Talon.—Saint-Lusson.—Perrot.—The Ceremony at Saut Ste. Marie.—
The Speech of Allouez.—Count Frontenac.
Jean Talon, intendant of Canada, was full of projects for the good of the
colony. On the one hand, he set himself to the development of its industries,
and, on the other, to the extension of its domain. He meant to occupy the
interior of the continent, control the rivers, which were its only highways,
and hold it for France against every other nation. On the east, England was
to be hemmed within a narrow strip of seaboard; while, on the south, Talon
aimed at securing a port on the Gulf of Mexico, to keep the Spaniards in
check, and dispute with them the possession of the vast regions which they
claimed as their own. But the interior of the continent was still an unknown
world. It behooved him to explore it; and to that end he availed himself of
Jesuits, officers, fur-traders, and enterprising schemers like La Salle. His
efforts at discovery seem to have been conducted with a singular economy
of the King's purse. La Salle paid all the expenses of his first expedition
made under Talon's auspices; and apparently of the second also, though the
intendant announces it in his despatches as an expedition sent out by
himself.[35] When, in 1670, he ordered Daumont de Saint-Lusson to search
for copper mines on Lake Superior, and at the same time to take formal
possession of the whole interior for the King, it was arranged that he should
pay the costs of the journey by trading with the Indians.[36]
Saint-Lusson set out with a small party of men, and
Nicolas Perrot as his interpreter. Among Canadian SAINT-LUSSON
AND PERROT.
voyageurs, few names are so conspicuous as that of
Perrot; not because there were not others who matched him in achievement,
but because he could write, and left behind him a tolerable account of what
he had seen.[37] He was at this time twenty-six years old, and had formerly
1667-1672.
FRANCE TAKES POSSESSION OF THE WEST.
Talon.—Saint-Lusson.—Perrot.—The Ceremony at Saut Ste. Marie.—
The Speech of Allouez.—Count Frontenac.
Jean Talon, intendant of Canada, was full of projects for the good of the
colony. On the one hand, he set himself to the development of its industries,
and, on the other, to the extension of its domain. He meant to occupy the
interior of the continent, control the rivers, which were its only highways,
and hold it for France against every other nation. On the east, England was
to be hemmed within a narrow strip of seaboard; while, on the south, Talon
aimed at securing a port on the Gulf of Mexico, to keep the Spaniards in
check, and dispute with them the possession of the vast regions which they
claimed as their own. But the interior of the continent was still an unknown
world. It behooved him to explore it; and to that end he availed himself of
Jesuits, officers, fur-traders, and enterprising schemers like La Salle. His
efforts at discovery seem to have been conducted with a singular economy
of the King's purse. La Salle paid all the expenses of his first expedition
made under Talon's auspices; and apparently of the second also, though the
intendant announces it in his despatches as an expedition sent out by
himself.[35] When, in 1670, he ordered Daumont de Saint-Lusson to search
for copper mines on Lake Superior, and at the same time to take formal
possession of the whole interior for the King, it was arranged that he should
pay the costs of the journey by trading with the Indians.[36]
Saint-Lusson set out with a small party of men, and
Nicolas Perrot as his interpreter. Among Canadian SAINT-LUSSON
AND PERROT.
voyageurs, few names are so conspicuous as that of
Perrot; not because there were not others who matched him in achievement,
but because he could write, and left behind him a tolerable account of what
he had seen.[37] He was at this time twenty-six years old, and had formerly
Page 54
been an engagé of the Jesuits. He was a man of enterprise, courage, and
address,—the last being especially shown in his dealings with Indians, over
whom he had great influence. He spoke Algonquin fluently, and was
favorably known to many tribes of that family.
Saint-Lusson wintered at the Manitoulin Islands; while Perrot, having
first sent messages to the tribes of the north, inviting them to meet the
deputy of the governor at the Saut Ste. Marie in the following spring,
proceeded to Green Bay, to urge the same invitation upon the tribes of that
quarter. They knew him well, and greeted him with clamors of welcome.
The Miamis, it is said, received him with a sham battle, which was designed
to do him honor, but by which nerves more susceptible would have been
severely shaken.[38] They entertained him also with a grand game of la
crosse, the Indian ball-play. Perrot gives a marvellous account of the
authority and state of the Miami chief, who, he says, was attended day and
night by a guard of warriors,—an assertion which would be incredible, were
it not sustained by the account of the same chief given by the Jesuit Dablon.
Of the tribes of the Bay, the greater part promised to send delegates to the
Saut; but the Pottawattamies dissuaded the Miami potentate from
attempting so long a journey, lest the fatigue incident to it might injure his
health; and he therefore deputed them to represent him and his tribesmen at
the great meeting. Their principal chiefs, with those of the Sacs,
Winnebagoes, and Menomonies, embarked, and paddled for the place of
rendezvous, where they and Perrot arrived on the fifth of May.[39]
Saint-Lusson was here with his men, fifteen in number, among whom
was Louis Joliet;[40] and Indians were fast thronging in from their wintering
grounds, attracted, as usual, by the fishery of the rapids or moved by the
messages sent by Perrot,—Crees, Monsonis, Amikoués, Nipissings, and
many more. When fourteen tribes, or their representatives, had arrived,
Saint-Lusson prepared to execute the commission with which he was
charged.
At the foot of the rapids was the village of the
Sauteurs, above the village was a hill, and hard by stood CEREMONY AT
THE SAUT.
the fort of the Jesuits. On the morning of the fourteenth
of June, Saint-Lusson led his followers to the top of the hill, all fully
equipped and under arms. Here, too, in the vestments of their priestly office,
address,—the last being especially shown in his dealings with Indians, over
whom he had great influence. He spoke Algonquin fluently, and was
favorably known to many tribes of that family.
Saint-Lusson wintered at the Manitoulin Islands; while Perrot, having
first sent messages to the tribes of the north, inviting them to meet the
deputy of the governor at the Saut Ste. Marie in the following spring,
proceeded to Green Bay, to urge the same invitation upon the tribes of that
quarter. They knew him well, and greeted him with clamors of welcome.
The Miamis, it is said, received him with a sham battle, which was designed
to do him honor, but by which nerves more susceptible would have been
severely shaken.[38] They entertained him also with a grand game of la
crosse, the Indian ball-play. Perrot gives a marvellous account of the
authority and state of the Miami chief, who, he says, was attended day and
night by a guard of warriors,—an assertion which would be incredible, were
it not sustained by the account of the same chief given by the Jesuit Dablon.
Of the tribes of the Bay, the greater part promised to send delegates to the
Saut; but the Pottawattamies dissuaded the Miami potentate from
attempting so long a journey, lest the fatigue incident to it might injure his
health; and he therefore deputed them to represent him and his tribesmen at
the great meeting. Their principal chiefs, with those of the Sacs,
Winnebagoes, and Menomonies, embarked, and paddled for the place of
rendezvous, where they and Perrot arrived on the fifth of May.[39]
Saint-Lusson was here with his men, fifteen in number, among whom
was Louis Joliet;[40] and Indians were fast thronging in from their wintering
grounds, attracted, as usual, by the fishery of the rapids or moved by the
messages sent by Perrot,—Crees, Monsonis, Amikoués, Nipissings, and
many more. When fourteen tribes, or their representatives, had arrived,
Saint-Lusson prepared to execute the commission with which he was
charged.
At the foot of the rapids was the village of the
Sauteurs, above the village was a hill, and hard by stood CEREMONY AT
THE SAUT.
the fort of the Jesuits. On the morning of the fourteenth
of June, Saint-Lusson led his followers to the top of the hill, all fully
equipped and under arms. Here, too, in the vestments of their priestly office,
Page 55
were four Jesuits,—Claude Dablon, Superior of the Missions of the lakes,
Gabriel Druilletes, Claude Allouez, and Louis André.[41] All around the
great throng of Indians stood, or crouched, or reclined at length, with eyes
and ears intent. A large cross of wood had been made ready. Dablon, in
solemn form, pronounced his blessing on it; and then it was reared and
planted in the ground, while the Frenchmen, uncovered, sang the Vexilla
Regis. Then a post of cedar was planted beside it, with a metal plate
attached, engraven with the royal arms; while Saint-Lusson's followers sang
the Exaudiat, and one of the Jesuits uttered a prayer for the King. Saint-
Lusson now advanced, and, holding his sword in one hand, and raising with
the other a sod of earth, proclaimed in a loud voice,—
"In the name of the Most High, Mighty, and Redoubted Monarch, Louis,
Fourteenth of that name, Most Christian King of France and of Navarre, I
take possession of this place, Sainte Marie du Saut, as also of Lakes Huron
and Superior, the Island of Manitoulin, and all countries, rivers, lakes, and
streams contiguous and adjacent thereunto,—both those which have been
discovered and those which may be discovered hereafter, in all their length
and breadth, bounded on the one side by the seas of the North and of the
West, and on the other by the South Sea: declaring to the nations thereof
that from this time forth they are vassals of his Majesty, bound to obey his
laws and follow his customs; promising them on his part all succor and
protection against the incursions and invasions of their enemies: declaring
to all other potentates, princes, sovereigns, states, and republics,—to them
and to their subjects,—that they cannot and are not to seize or settle upon
any parts of the aforesaid countries, save only under the good pleasure of
His Most Christian Majesty, and of him who will govern in his behalf; and
this on pain of incurring his resentment and the efforts of his arms. Vive le
Roi."[42]
The Frenchmen fired their guns and shouted "Vive le Roi," and the yelps
of the astonished Indians mingled with the din.
What now remains of the sovereignty thus pompously proclaimed? Now
and then the accents of France on the lips of some straggling boatman or
vagabond half-breed,—this, and nothing more.
Gabriel Druilletes, Claude Allouez, and Louis André.[41] All around the
great throng of Indians stood, or crouched, or reclined at length, with eyes
and ears intent. A large cross of wood had been made ready. Dablon, in
solemn form, pronounced his blessing on it; and then it was reared and
planted in the ground, while the Frenchmen, uncovered, sang the Vexilla
Regis. Then a post of cedar was planted beside it, with a metal plate
attached, engraven with the royal arms; while Saint-Lusson's followers sang
the Exaudiat, and one of the Jesuits uttered a prayer for the King. Saint-
Lusson now advanced, and, holding his sword in one hand, and raising with
the other a sod of earth, proclaimed in a loud voice,—
"In the name of the Most High, Mighty, and Redoubted Monarch, Louis,
Fourteenth of that name, Most Christian King of France and of Navarre, I
take possession of this place, Sainte Marie du Saut, as also of Lakes Huron
and Superior, the Island of Manitoulin, and all countries, rivers, lakes, and
streams contiguous and adjacent thereunto,—both those which have been
discovered and those which may be discovered hereafter, in all their length
and breadth, bounded on the one side by the seas of the North and of the
West, and on the other by the South Sea: declaring to the nations thereof
that from this time forth they are vassals of his Majesty, bound to obey his
laws and follow his customs; promising them on his part all succor and
protection against the incursions and invasions of their enemies: declaring
to all other potentates, princes, sovereigns, states, and republics,—to them
and to their subjects,—that they cannot and are not to seize or settle upon
any parts of the aforesaid countries, save only under the good pleasure of
His Most Christian Majesty, and of him who will govern in his behalf; and
this on pain of incurring his resentment and the efforts of his arms. Vive le
Roi."[42]
The Frenchmen fired their guns and shouted "Vive le Roi," and the yelps
of the astonished Indians mingled with the din.
What now remains of the sovereignty thus pompously proclaimed? Now
and then the accents of France on the lips of some straggling boatman or
vagabond half-breed,—this, and nothing more.
Page 56
When the uproar was over, Father Allouez addressed
the Indians in a solemn harangue; and these were his ALLOUEZ'S
words: "It is a good work, my brothers, an important HARANGUE.
work, a great work, that brings us together in council to-day. Look up at the
cross which rises so high above your heads. It was there that Jesus Christ,
the Son of God, after making himself a man for the love of men, was nailed
and died, to satisfy his Eternal Father for our sins. He is the master of our
lives; the ruler of Heaven, Earth, and Hell. It is he of whom I am
continually speaking to you, and whose name and word I have borne
through all your country. But look at this post to which are fixed the arms of
the great chief of France, whom we call King. He lives across the sea. He is
the chief of the greatest chiefs, and has no equal on earth. All the chiefs
whom you have ever seen are but children beside him. He is like a great
tree, and they are but the little herbs that one walks over and tramples under
foot. You know Onontio,[43] that famous chief at Quebec; you know and
you have seen that he is the terror of the Iroquois, and that his very name
makes them tremble, since he has laid their country waste and burned their
towns with fire. Across the sea there are ten thousand Onontios like him,
who are but the warriors of our great King, of whom I have told you. When
he says, 'I am going to war,' everybody obeys his orders; and each of these
ten thousand chiefs raises a troop of a hundred warriors, some on sea and
some on land. Some embark in great ships, such as you have seen at
Quebec. Your canoes carry only four or five men, or, at the most, ten or
twelve; but our ships carry four or five hundred, and sometimes a thousand.
Others go to war by land, and in such numbers that if they stood in a double
file they would reach from here to Mississaquenk, which is more than
twenty leagues off. When our King attacks his enemies, he is more terrible
than the thunder: the earth trembles; the air and the sea are all on fire with
the blaze of his cannon: he is seen in the midst of his warriors, covered over
with the blood of his enemies, whom he kills in such numbers that he does
not reckon them by the scalps, but by the streams of blood which he causes
to flow. He takes so many prisoners that he holds them in no account, but
lets them go where they will, to show that he is not afraid of them. But now
nobody dares make war on him. All the nations beyond the sea have
submitted to him and begged humbly for peace. Men come from every
quarter of the earth to listen to him and admire him. All that is done in the
world is decided by him alone.
the Indians in a solemn harangue; and these were his ALLOUEZ'S
words: "It is a good work, my brothers, an important HARANGUE.
work, a great work, that brings us together in council to-day. Look up at the
cross which rises so high above your heads. It was there that Jesus Christ,
the Son of God, after making himself a man for the love of men, was nailed
and died, to satisfy his Eternal Father for our sins. He is the master of our
lives; the ruler of Heaven, Earth, and Hell. It is he of whom I am
continually speaking to you, and whose name and word I have borne
through all your country. But look at this post to which are fixed the arms of
the great chief of France, whom we call King. He lives across the sea. He is
the chief of the greatest chiefs, and has no equal on earth. All the chiefs
whom you have ever seen are but children beside him. He is like a great
tree, and they are but the little herbs that one walks over and tramples under
foot. You know Onontio,[43] that famous chief at Quebec; you know and
you have seen that he is the terror of the Iroquois, and that his very name
makes them tremble, since he has laid their country waste and burned their
towns with fire. Across the sea there are ten thousand Onontios like him,
who are but the warriors of our great King, of whom I have told you. When
he says, 'I am going to war,' everybody obeys his orders; and each of these
ten thousand chiefs raises a troop of a hundred warriors, some on sea and
some on land. Some embark in great ships, such as you have seen at
Quebec. Your canoes carry only four or five men, or, at the most, ten or
twelve; but our ships carry four or five hundred, and sometimes a thousand.
Others go to war by land, and in such numbers that if they stood in a double
file they would reach from here to Mississaquenk, which is more than
twenty leagues off. When our King attacks his enemies, he is more terrible
than the thunder: the earth trembles; the air and the sea are all on fire with
the blaze of his cannon: he is seen in the midst of his warriors, covered over
with the blood of his enemies, whom he kills in such numbers that he does
not reckon them by the scalps, but by the streams of blood which he causes
to flow. He takes so many prisoners that he holds them in no account, but
lets them go where they will, to show that he is not afraid of them. But now
nobody dares make war on him. All the nations beyond the sea have
submitted to him and begged humbly for peace. Men come from every
quarter of the earth to listen to him and admire him. All that is done in the
world is decided by him alone.
Page 57
"But what shall I say of his riches? You think yourselves rich when you
have ten or twelve sacks of corn, a few hatchets, beads, kettles, and other
things of that sort. He has cities of his own, more than there are of men in
all this country for five hundred leagues around. In each city there are store-
houses where there are hatchets enough to cut down all your forests, kettles
enough to cook all your moose, and beads enough to fill all your lodges.
His house is longer than from here to the top of the Saut,—that is to say,
more than half a league,—and higher than your tallest trees; and it holds
more families than the largest of your towns."[44] The father added more in
a similar strain; but the peroration of his harangue is not on record.
Whatever impression this curious effort of Jesuit rhetoric may have
produced upon the hearers, it did not prevent them from stripping the royal
arms from the post to which they were nailed, as soon as Saint-Lusson and
his men had left the Saut; probably, not because they understood the import
of the symbol, but because they feared it as a charm. Saint-Lusson
proceeded to Lake Superior, where, however, he accomplished nothing,
except, perhaps, a traffic with the Indians on his own account; and he soon
after returned to Quebec. Talon was resolved to find the Mississippi, the
most interesting object of search, and seemingly the most attainable, in the
wild and vague domain which he had just claimed for the King. The Indians
had described it; the Jesuits were eager to discover it; and La Salle, if he
had not reached it, had explored two several avenues by which it might be
approached. Talon looked about him for a fit agent of the enterprise, and
made choice of Louis Joliet, who had returned from Lake Superior.[45] But
the intendant was not to see the fulfilment of his design. His busy and
useful career in Canada was drawing to an end. A misunderstanding had
arisen between him and the governor, Courcelle. Both were faithful servants
of the King; but the relations between the two chiefs of the colony were of a
nature necessarily so critical, that a conflict of authority was scarcely to be
avoided. Each thought his functions encroached upon, and both asked for
recall. Another governor succeeded; one who was to stamp his mark, broad,
bold, and ineffaceable, on the most memorable page of French-American
History,—Louis de Buade, Count of Palluau and Frontenac.
FOOTNOTES:
have ten or twelve sacks of corn, a few hatchets, beads, kettles, and other
things of that sort. He has cities of his own, more than there are of men in
all this country for five hundred leagues around. In each city there are store-
houses where there are hatchets enough to cut down all your forests, kettles
enough to cook all your moose, and beads enough to fill all your lodges.
His house is longer than from here to the top of the Saut,—that is to say,
more than half a league,—and higher than your tallest trees; and it holds
more families than the largest of your towns."[44] The father added more in
a similar strain; but the peroration of his harangue is not on record.
Whatever impression this curious effort of Jesuit rhetoric may have
produced upon the hearers, it did not prevent them from stripping the royal
arms from the post to which they were nailed, as soon as Saint-Lusson and
his men had left the Saut; probably, not because they understood the import
of the symbol, but because they feared it as a charm. Saint-Lusson
proceeded to Lake Superior, where, however, he accomplished nothing,
except, perhaps, a traffic with the Indians on his own account; and he soon
after returned to Quebec. Talon was resolved to find the Mississippi, the
most interesting object of search, and seemingly the most attainable, in the
wild and vague domain which he had just claimed for the King. The Indians
had described it; the Jesuits were eager to discover it; and La Salle, if he
had not reached it, had explored two several avenues by which it might be
approached. Talon looked about him for a fit agent of the enterprise, and
made choice of Louis Joliet, who had returned from Lake Superior.[45] But
the intendant was not to see the fulfilment of his design. His busy and
useful career in Canada was drawing to an end. A misunderstanding had
arisen between him and the governor, Courcelle. Both were faithful servants
of the King; but the relations between the two chiefs of the colony were of a
nature necessarily so critical, that a conflict of authority was scarcely to be
avoided. Each thought his functions encroached upon, and both asked for
recall. Another governor succeeded; one who was to stamp his mark, broad,
bold, and ineffaceable, on the most memorable page of French-American
History,—Louis de Buade, Count of Palluau and Frontenac.
FOOTNOTES:
Page 58
[ At least, La Salle was in great need of money, about the time of his second journey. On
35 the sixth of August, 1671, he had received on credit, "dans son grand besoin et nécessité,"
] from Branssac, fiscal attorney of the Seminary, merchandise to the amount of four hundred
and fifty livres; and on the eighteenth of December of the following year he gave his promise to
pay the same sum, in money or furs, in the August following. Faillon found the papers in the
ancient records of Montreal.
[ In his despatch of 2d Nov., 1671, Talon writes to the King that "Saint-Lusson's
36 expedition will cost nothing, as he has received beaver enough from the Indians to pay
] him."
[ Mœurs, Coustumes, et Relligion des Sauvages de l'Amérique Septentrionale. This work
37 of Perrot, hitherto unpublished, appeared in 1864, under the editorship of Father Tailhan,
] S.J. A great part of it is incorporated in La Potherie.
[ See La Potherie, ii. 125. Perrot himself does not mention it. Charlevoix erroneously
38 places this interview at Chicago. Perrot's narrative shows that he did not go farther than the
] tribes of Green Bay; and the Miamis were then, as we have seen, on the upper part of Fox
River.
[ Perrot, Mémoires, 127.
39
] [ Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession, etc., 14 Juin, 1671. The names are
40 attached to this instrument.
]
[ Marquette is said to have been present; but the official act just cited, proves
41 the contrary. He was still at St. Esprit.
]
[ Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession.
42
] [ The Indian name of the governor of Canada.
43
] [ A close translation of Dablon's report of the speech. See
44 Relation, 1671, 27.
]
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672. In
45 the Brodhead Collection, by a copyist's error, the
] name of the Chevalier de Grandfontaine is substituted
for that of Talon.
35 the sixth of August, 1671, he had received on credit, "dans son grand besoin et nécessité,"
] from Branssac, fiscal attorney of the Seminary, merchandise to the amount of four hundred
and fifty livres; and on the eighteenth of December of the following year he gave his promise to
pay the same sum, in money or furs, in the August following. Faillon found the papers in the
ancient records of Montreal.
[ In his despatch of 2d Nov., 1671, Talon writes to the King that "Saint-Lusson's
36 expedition will cost nothing, as he has received beaver enough from the Indians to pay
] him."
[ Mœurs, Coustumes, et Relligion des Sauvages de l'Amérique Septentrionale. This work
37 of Perrot, hitherto unpublished, appeared in 1864, under the editorship of Father Tailhan,
] S.J. A great part of it is incorporated in La Potherie.
[ See La Potherie, ii. 125. Perrot himself does not mention it. Charlevoix erroneously
38 places this interview at Chicago. Perrot's narrative shows that he did not go farther than the
] tribes of Green Bay; and the Miamis were then, as we have seen, on the upper part of Fox
River.
[ Perrot, Mémoires, 127.
39
] [ Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession, etc., 14 Juin, 1671. The names are
40 attached to this instrument.
]
[ Marquette is said to have been present; but the official act just cited, proves
41 the contrary. He was still at St. Esprit.
]
[ Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession.
42
] [ The Indian name of the governor of Canada.
43
] [ A close translation of Dablon's report of the speech. See
44 Relation, 1671, 27.
]
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672. In
45 the Brodhead Collection, by a copyist's error, the
] name of the Chevalier de Grandfontaine is substituted
for that of Talon.
Page 59
CHAPTER V.
1672-1675.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
Joliet sent to find the Mississippi. Marquette.—Departure.—Green Bay.
—The Wisconsin.—The Mississippi.—Indians.—Manitous.—The
Arkansas.—The Illinois.—Joliet's Misfortune.—Marquette at
Chicago: his Illness; his Death.
If Talon had remained in the colony, Frontenac would infallibly have
quarrelled with him; but he was too clear-sighted not to approve his plans
for the discovery and occupation of the interior. Before sailing for France,
Talon recommended Joliet as a suitable agent for the discovery of the
Mississippi, and the governor accepted his counsel.[46]
Louis Joliet was the son of a wagon-maker in the service of the Company
of the Hundred Associates,[47] then owners of Canada. He was born at
Quebec in 1645, and was educated by the Jesuits. When still very young, he
resolved to be a priest. He received the tonsure and the minor orders at the
age of seventeen. Four years after, he is mentioned with especial honor for
the part he bore in the disputes in philosophy, at which the dignitaries of the
colony were present, and in which the intendant himself took part.[48] Not
long after, he renounced his clerical vocation, and turned fur-trader. Talon
sent him, with one Péré, to explore the copper-mines of Lake Superior; and
it was on his return from this expedition that he met La Salle and the
Sulpitians near the head of Lake Ontario.[49]
In what we know of Joliet, there is nothing that reveals any salient or
distinctive trait of character, any especial breadth of view or boldness of
design. He appears to have been simply a merchant, intelligent, well
educated, courageous, hardy, and enterprising. Though he had renounced
the priesthood, he retained his partiality for the Jesuits; and it is more than
probable that their influence had aided not a little to determine Talon's
1672-1675.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
Joliet sent to find the Mississippi. Marquette.—Departure.—Green Bay.
—The Wisconsin.—The Mississippi.—Indians.—Manitous.—The
Arkansas.—The Illinois.—Joliet's Misfortune.—Marquette at
Chicago: his Illness; his Death.
If Talon had remained in the colony, Frontenac would infallibly have
quarrelled with him; but he was too clear-sighted not to approve his plans
for the discovery and occupation of the interior. Before sailing for France,
Talon recommended Joliet as a suitable agent for the discovery of the
Mississippi, and the governor accepted his counsel.[46]
Louis Joliet was the son of a wagon-maker in the service of the Company
of the Hundred Associates,[47] then owners of Canada. He was born at
Quebec in 1645, and was educated by the Jesuits. When still very young, he
resolved to be a priest. He received the tonsure and the minor orders at the
age of seventeen. Four years after, he is mentioned with especial honor for
the part he bore in the disputes in philosophy, at which the dignitaries of the
colony were present, and in which the intendant himself took part.[48] Not
long after, he renounced his clerical vocation, and turned fur-trader. Talon
sent him, with one Péré, to explore the copper-mines of Lake Superior; and
it was on his return from this expedition that he met La Salle and the
Sulpitians near the head of Lake Ontario.[49]
In what we know of Joliet, there is nothing that reveals any salient or
distinctive trait of character, any especial breadth of view or boldness of
design. He appears to have been simply a merchant, intelligent, well
educated, courageous, hardy, and enterprising. Though he had renounced
the priesthood, he retained his partiality for the Jesuits; and it is more than
probable that their influence had aided not a little to determine Talon's
Page 60
choice. One of their number, Jacques Marquette, was chosen to accompany
him.
him.
Page 61
He passed up the lakes to Michilimackinac, and found
his destined companion at Point St. Ignace, on the north MARQUETTE.
side of the strait, where, in his palisaded mission-house
and chapel, he had labored for two years past to instruct the Huron refugees
from St. Esprit, and a band of Ottawas who had joined them. Marquette was
born in 1637, of an old and honorable family at Laon, in the north of
France, and was now thirty-five years of age. When about seventeen, he had
joined the Jesuits, evidently from motives purely religious; and in 1666 he
was sent to the missions of Canada. At first, he was destined to the station
of Tadoussac; and to prepare himself for it, he studied the Montagnais
language under Gabriel Druilletes. But his destination was changed, and he
was sent to the Upper Lakes in 1668, where he had since remained. His
talents as a linguist must have been great; for within a few years he learned
to speak with ease six Indian languages. The traits of his character are
unmistakable. He was of the brotherhood of the early Canadian
missionaries, and the true counterpart of Garnier or Jogues. He was a
devout votary of the Virgin Mary, who, imaged to his mind in shapes of the
most transcendent loveliness with which the pencil of human genius has
ever informed the canvas, was to him the object of an adoration not
unmingled with a sentiment of chivalrous devotion. The longings of a
sensitive heart, divorced from earth, sought solace in the skies. A subtile
element of romance was blended with the fervor of his worship, and hung
like an illumined cloud over the harsh and hard realities of his daily lot.
Kindled by the smile of his celestial mistress, his gentle and noble nature
knew no fear. For her he burned to dare and to suffer, discover new lands
and conquer new realms to her sway.
He begins the journal of his voyage thus: "The day of the Immaculate
Conception of the Holy Virgin; whom I had continually invoked since I
came to this country of the Ottawas to obtain from God the favor of being
enabled to visit the nations on the river Mississippi,—this very day was
precisely that on which M. Joliet arrived with orders from Count Frontenac,
our governor, and from M. Talon, our intendant, to go with me on this
discovery. I was all the more delighted at this good news, because I saw my
plans about to be accomplished, and found myself in the happy necessity of
exposing my life for the salvation of all these tribes,—and especially of the
his destined companion at Point St. Ignace, on the north MARQUETTE.
side of the strait, where, in his palisaded mission-house
and chapel, he had labored for two years past to instruct the Huron refugees
from St. Esprit, and a band of Ottawas who had joined them. Marquette was
born in 1637, of an old and honorable family at Laon, in the north of
France, and was now thirty-five years of age. When about seventeen, he had
joined the Jesuits, evidently from motives purely religious; and in 1666 he
was sent to the missions of Canada. At first, he was destined to the station
of Tadoussac; and to prepare himself for it, he studied the Montagnais
language under Gabriel Druilletes. But his destination was changed, and he
was sent to the Upper Lakes in 1668, where he had since remained. His
talents as a linguist must have been great; for within a few years he learned
to speak with ease six Indian languages. The traits of his character are
unmistakable. He was of the brotherhood of the early Canadian
missionaries, and the true counterpart of Garnier or Jogues. He was a
devout votary of the Virgin Mary, who, imaged to his mind in shapes of the
most transcendent loveliness with which the pencil of human genius has
ever informed the canvas, was to him the object of an adoration not
unmingled with a sentiment of chivalrous devotion. The longings of a
sensitive heart, divorced from earth, sought solace in the skies. A subtile
element of romance was blended with the fervor of his worship, and hung
like an illumined cloud over the harsh and hard realities of his daily lot.
Kindled by the smile of his celestial mistress, his gentle and noble nature
knew no fear. For her he burned to dare and to suffer, discover new lands
and conquer new realms to her sway.
He begins the journal of his voyage thus: "The day of the Immaculate
Conception of the Holy Virgin; whom I had continually invoked since I
came to this country of the Ottawas to obtain from God the favor of being
enabled to visit the nations on the river Mississippi,—this very day was
precisely that on which M. Joliet arrived with orders from Count Frontenac,
our governor, and from M. Talon, our intendant, to go with me on this
discovery. I was all the more delighted at this good news, because I saw my
plans about to be accomplished, and found myself in the happy necessity of
exposing my life for the salvation of all these tribes,—and especially of the
Page 62
Illinois, who, when I was at Point St. Esprit, had begged me very earnestly
to bring the word of God among them."
The outfit of the travellers was very simple. They
provided themselves with two birch canoes, and a DEPARTURE.
supply of smoked meat and Indian corn; embarked with
five men, and began their voyage on the seventeenth of May. They had
obtained all possible information from the Indians, and had made, by means
of it, a species of map of their intended route. "Above all," writes
Marquette, "I placed our voyage under the protection of the Holy Virgin
Immaculate, promising that if she granted us the favor of discovering the
great river, I would give it the name of the Conception."[50] Their course
was westward; and, plying their paddles, they passed the Straits of
Michilimackinac, and coasted the northern shores of Lake Michigan,
landing at evening to build their camp-fire at the edge of the forest, and
draw up their canoes on the strand. They soon reached the river
Menomonie, and ascended it to the village of the Menomonies, or Wild-rice
Indians.[51] When they told them the object of their voyage, they were filled
with astonishment, and used their best ingenuity to dissuade them. The
banks of the Mississippi, they said, were inhabited by ferocious tribes, who
put every stranger to death, tomahawking all new-comers without cause or
provocation. They added that there was a demon in a certain part of the
river, whose roar could be heard at a great distance, and who would engulf
them in the abyss where he dwelt; that its waters were full of frightful
monsters, who would devour them and their canoe; and, finally, that the
heat was so great that they would perish inevitably. Marquette set their
counsel at naught, gave them a few words of instruction in the mysteries of
the Faith, taught them a prayer, and bade them farewell.
The travellers next reached the mission at the head of Green Bay; entered
Fox River; with difficulty and labor dragged their canoes up the long and
tumultuous rapids; crossed Lake Winnebago; and followed the quiet
windings of the river beyond, where they glided through an endless growth
of wild rice, and scared the innumerable birds that fed upon it. On either
hand rolled the prairie, dotted with groves and trees, browsing elk and deer.
[52]
On the seventh of June, they reached the Mascoutins and Miamis, who,
since the visit of Dablon and Allouez, had been joined by the Kickapoos.
to bring the word of God among them."
The outfit of the travellers was very simple. They
provided themselves with two birch canoes, and a DEPARTURE.
supply of smoked meat and Indian corn; embarked with
five men, and began their voyage on the seventeenth of May. They had
obtained all possible information from the Indians, and had made, by means
of it, a species of map of their intended route. "Above all," writes
Marquette, "I placed our voyage under the protection of the Holy Virgin
Immaculate, promising that if she granted us the favor of discovering the
great river, I would give it the name of the Conception."[50] Their course
was westward; and, plying their paddles, they passed the Straits of
Michilimackinac, and coasted the northern shores of Lake Michigan,
landing at evening to build their camp-fire at the edge of the forest, and
draw up their canoes on the strand. They soon reached the river
Menomonie, and ascended it to the village of the Menomonies, or Wild-rice
Indians.[51] When they told them the object of their voyage, they were filled
with astonishment, and used their best ingenuity to dissuade them. The
banks of the Mississippi, they said, were inhabited by ferocious tribes, who
put every stranger to death, tomahawking all new-comers without cause or
provocation. They added that there was a demon in a certain part of the
river, whose roar could be heard at a great distance, and who would engulf
them in the abyss where he dwelt; that its waters were full of frightful
monsters, who would devour them and their canoe; and, finally, that the
heat was so great that they would perish inevitably. Marquette set their
counsel at naught, gave them a few words of instruction in the mysteries of
the Faith, taught them a prayer, and bade them farewell.
The travellers next reached the mission at the head of Green Bay; entered
Fox River; with difficulty and labor dragged their canoes up the long and
tumultuous rapids; crossed Lake Winnebago; and followed the quiet
windings of the river beyond, where they glided through an endless growth
of wild rice, and scared the innumerable birds that fed upon it. On either
hand rolled the prairie, dotted with groves and trees, browsing elk and deer.
[52]
On the seventh of June, they reached the Mascoutins and Miamis, who,
since the visit of Dablon and Allouez, had been joined by the Kickapoos.
Page 63
Marquette, who had an eye for natural beauty, was delighted with the
situation of the town, which he describes as standing on the crown of a hill;
while, all around, the prairie stretched beyond the sight, interspersed with
groves and belts of tall forest. But he was still more delighted when he saw
a cross planted in the midst of the place. The Indians had decorated it with a
number of dressed deer-skins, red girdles, and bows and arrows, which they
had hung upon it as an offering to the Great Manitou of the French; a sight
by which Marquette says he was "extremely consoled."
The travellers had no sooner reached the town than
they called the chiefs and elders to a council. Joliet told THE WISCONSIN
them that the governor of Canada had sent him to RIVER.
discover new countries, and that God had sent his companion to teach the
true faith to the inhabitants; and he prayed for guides to show them the way
to the waters of the Wisconsin. The council readily consented; and on the
tenth of June the Frenchmen embarked again, with two Indians to conduct
them. All the town came down to the shore to see their departure. Here were
the Miamis, with long locks of hair dangling over each ear, after a fashion
which Marquette thought very becoming; and here, too, the Mascoutins and
the Kickapoos, whom he describes as mere boors in comparison with their
Miami townsmen. All stared alike at the seven adventurers, marvelling that
men could be found to risk an enterprise so hazardous.
The river twisted among lakes and marshes choked with wild rice; and,
but for their guides, they could scarcely have followed the perplexed and
narrow channel. It brought them at last to the portage, where, after carrying
their canoes a mile and a half over the prairie and through the marsh, they
launched them on the Wisconsin, bade farewell to the waters that flowed to
the St. Lawrence, and committed themselves to the current that was to bear
them they knew not whither,—perhaps to the Gulf of Mexico, perhaps to
the South Sea or the Gulf of California. They glided calmly down the
tranquil stream, by islands choked with trees and matted with entangling
grape-vines; by forests, groves, and prairies, the parks and pleasure-grounds
of a prodigal Nature; by thickets and marshes and broad bare sand-bars;
under the shadowing trees, between whose tops looked down from afar the
bold brow of some woody bluff. At night, the bivouac,—the canoes inverted
on the bank, the flickering fire, the meal of bison-flesh or venison, the
evening pipes, and slumber beneath the stars; and when in the morning they
situation of the town, which he describes as standing on the crown of a hill;
while, all around, the prairie stretched beyond the sight, interspersed with
groves and belts of tall forest. But he was still more delighted when he saw
a cross planted in the midst of the place. The Indians had decorated it with a
number of dressed deer-skins, red girdles, and bows and arrows, which they
had hung upon it as an offering to the Great Manitou of the French; a sight
by which Marquette says he was "extremely consoled."
The travellers had no sooner reached the town than
they called the chiefs and elders to a council. Joliet told THE WISCONSIN
them that the governor of Canada had sent him to RIVER.
discover new countries, and that God had sent his companion to teach the
true faith to the inhabitants; and he prayed for guides to show them the way
to the waters of the Wisconsin. The council readily consented; and on the
tenth of June the Frenchmen embarked again, with two Indians to conduct
them. All the town came down to the shore to see their departure. Here were
the Miamis, with long locks of hair dangling over each ear, after a fashion
which Marquette thought very becoming; and here, too, the Mascoutins and
the Kickapoos, whom he describes as mere boors in comparison with their
Miami townsmen. All stared alike at the seven adventurers, marvelling that
men could be found to risk an enterprise so hazardous.
The river twisted among lakes and marshes choked with wild rice; and,
but for their guides, they could scarcely have followed the perplexed and
narrow channel. It brought them at last to the portage, where, after carrying
their canoes a mile and a half over the prairie and through the marsh, they
launched them on the Wisconsin, bade farewell to the waters that flowed to
the St. Lawrence, and committed themselves to the current that was to bear
them they knew not whither,—perhaps to the Gulf of Mexico, perhaps to
the South Sea or the Gulf of California. They glided calmly down the
tranquil stream, by islands choked with trees and matted with entangling
grape-vines; by forests, groves, and prairies, the parks and pleasure-grounds
of a prodigal Nature; by thickets and marshes and broad bare sand-bars;
under the shadowing trees, between whose tops looked down from afar the
bold brow of some woody bluff. At night, the bivouac,—the canoes inverted
on the bank, the flickering fire, the meal of bison-flesh or venison, the
evening pipes, and slumber beneath the stars; and when in the morning they
Page 64
embarked again, the mist hung on the river like a bridal veil, then melted
before the sun, till the glassy water and the languid woods basked breathless
in the sultry glare.[53]
On the seventeenth of June they saw on their right the
broad meadows, bounded in the distance by rugged hills, THE MISSISSIPPI.
where now stand the town and fort of Prairie du Chien.
Before them a wide and rapid current coursed athwart their way, by the foot
of lofty heights wrapped thick in forests. They had found what they sought,
and "with a joy," writes Marquette, "which I cannot express," they steered
forth their canoes on the eddies of the Mississippi.
Turning southward, they paddled down the stream, through a solitude
unrelieved by the faintest trace of man. A large fish, apparently one of the
huge cat-fish of the Mississippi, blundered against Marquette's canoe, with
a force which seems to have startled him; and once, as they drew in their
net, they caught a "spade-fish," whose eccentric appearance greatly
astonished them. At length the buffalo began to appear, grazing in herds on
the great prairies which then bordered the river; and Marquette describes
the fierce and stupid look of the old bulls, as they stared at the intruders
through the tangled mane which nearly blinded them.
They advanced with extreme caution, landed at night,
and made a fire to cook their evening meal; then THE ILLINOIS
INDIANS.
extinguished it, embarked again, paddled some way
farther, and anchored in the stream, keeping a man on the watch till
morning. They had journeyed more than a fortnight without meeting a
human being, when, on the twenty-fifth, they discovered footprints of men
in the mud of the western bank, and a well-trodden path that led to the
adjacent prairie. Joliet and Marquette resolved to follow it; and leaving the
canoes in charge of their men, they set out on their hazardous adventure.
The day was fair, and they walked two leagues in silence, following the
path through the forest and across the sunny prairie, till they discovered an
Indian village on the banks of a river, and two others on a hill half a league
distant.[54] Now, with beating hearts, they invoked the aid of Heaven, and,
again advancing, came so near, without being seen, that they could hear the
voices of the Indians among the wigwams. Then they stood forth in full
view, and shouted to attract attention. There was great commotion in the
before the sun, till the glassy water and the languid woods basked breathless
in the sultry glare.[53]
On the seventeenth of June they saw on their right the
broad meadows, bounded in the distance by rugged hills, THE MISSISSIPPI.
where now stand the town and fort of Prairie du Chien.
Before them a wide and rapid current coursed athwart their way, by the foot
of lofty heights wrapped thick in forests. They had found what they sought,
and "with a joy," writes Marquette, "which I cannot express," they steered
forth their canoes on the eddies of the Mississippi.
Turning southward, they paddled down the stream, through a solitude
unrelieved by the faintest trace of man. A large fish, apparently one of the
huge cat-fish of the Mississippi, blundered against Marquette's canoe, with
a force which seems to have startled him; and once, as they drew in their
net, they caught a "spade-fish," whose eccentric appearance greatly
astonished them. At length the buffalo began to appear, grazing in herds on
the great prairies which then bordered the river; and Marquette describes
the fierce and stupid look of the old bulls, as they stared at the intruders
through the tangled mane which nearly blinded them.
They advanced with extreme caution, landed at night,
and made a fire to cook their evening meal; then THE ILLINOIS
INDIANS.
extinguished it, embarked again, paddled some way
farther, and anchored in the stream, keeping a man on the watch till
morning. They had journeyed more than a fortnight without meeting a
human being, when, on the twenty-fifth, they discovered footprints of men
in the mud of the western bank, and a well-trodden path that led to the
adjacent prairie. Joliet and Marquette resolved to follow it; and leaving the
canoes in charge of their men, they set out on their hazardous adventure.
The day was fair, and they walked two leagues in silence, following the
path through the forest and across the sunny prairie, till they discovered an
Indian village on the banks of a river, and two others on a hill half a league
distant.[54] Now, with beating hearts, they invoked the aid of Heaven, and,
again advancing, came so near, without being seen, that they could hear the
voices of the Indians among the wigwams. Then they stood forth in full
view, and shouted to attract attention. There was great commotion in the
Page 65
village. The inmates swarmed out of their huts, and four of their chief men
presently came forward to meet the strangers, advancing very deliberately,
and holding up toward the sun two calumets, or peace-pipes, decorated with
feathers. They stopped abruptly before the two Frenchmen, and stood
gazing at them without speaking a word. Marquette was much relieved on
seeing that they wore French cloth, whence he judged that they must be
friends and allies. He broke the silence, and asked them who they were;
whereupon they answered that they were Illinois, and offered the pipe;
which having been duly smoked, they all went together to the village. Here
the chief received the travellers after a singular fashion, meant to do them
honor. He stood stark naked at the door of a large wigwam, holding up both
hands as if to shield his eyes. "Frenchmen, how bright the sun shines when
you come to visit us! All our village awaits you; and you shall enter our
wigwams in peace." So saying, he led them into his own, which was
crowded to suffocation with savages, staring at their guests in silence.
Having smoked with the chiefs and old men, they were invited to visit the
great chief of all the Illinois, at one of the villages they had seen in the
distance; and thither they proceeded, followed by a throng of warriors,
squaws, and children. On arriving, they were forced to smoke again, and
listen to a speech of welcome from the great chief, who delivered it
standing between two old men, naked like himself. His lodge was crowded
with the dignitaries of the tribe, whom Marquette addressed in Algonquin,
announcing himself as a messenger sent by the God who had made them,
and whom it behooves them to recognize and obey. He added a few words
touching the power and glory of Count Frontenac, and concluded by asking
information concerning the Mississippi, and the tribes along its banks,
whom he was on his way to visit. The chief replied with a speech of
compliment; assuring his guests that their presence added flavor to his
tobacco, made the river more calm, the sky more serene, and the earth more
beautiful. In conclusion, he gave them a young slave and a calumet,
begging them at the same time to abandon their purpose of descending the
Mississippi.
A feast of four courses now followed. First, a wooden bowl full of a
porridge of Indian meal boiled with grease was set before the guests; and
the master of ceremonies fed them in turn, like infants, with a large spoon.
Then appeared a platter of fish; and the same functionary, carefully
presently came forward to meet the strangers, advancing very deliberately,
and holding up toward the sun two calumets, or peace-pipes, decorated with
feathers. They stopped abruptly before the two Frenchmen, and stood
gazing at them without speaking a word. Marquette was much relieved on
seeing that they wore French cloth, whence he judged that they must be
friends and allies. He broke the silence, and asked them who they were;
whereupon they answered that they were Illinois, and offered the pipe;
which having been duly smoked, they all went together to the village. Here
the chief received the travellers after a singular fashion, meant to do them
honor. He stood stark naked at the door of a large wigwam, holding up both
hands as if to shield his eyes. "Frenchmen, how bright the sun shines when
you come to visit us! All our village awaits you; and you shall enter our
wigwams in peace." So saying, he led them into his own, which was
crowded to suffocation with savages, staring at their guests in silence.
Having smoked with the chiefs and old men, they were invited to visit the
great chief of all the Illinois, at one of the villages they had seen in the
distance; and thither they proceeded, followed by a throng of warriors,
squaws, and children. On arriving, they were forced to smoke again, and
listen to a speech of welcome from the great chief, who delivered it
standing between two old men, naked like himself. His lodge was crowded
with the dignitaries of the tribe, whom Marquette addressed in Algonquin,
announcing himself as a messenger sent by the God who had made them,
and whom it behooves them to recognize and obey. He added a few words
touching the power and glory of Count Frontenac, and concluded by asking
information concerning the Mississippi, and the tribes along its banks,
whom he was on his way to visit. The chief replied with a speech of
compliment; assuring his guests that their presence added flavor to his
tobacco, made the river more calm, the sky more serene, and the earth more
beautiful. In conclusion, he gave them a young slave and a calumet,
begging them at the same time to abandon their purpose of descending the
Mississippi.
A feast of four courses now followed. First, a wooden bowl full of a
porridge of Indian meal boiled with grease was set before the guests; and
the master of ceremonies fed them in turn, like infants, with a large spoon.
Then appeared a platter of fish; and the same functionary, carefully
Page 66
removing the bones with his fingers, and blowing on the morsels to cool
them, placed them in the mouths of the two Frenchmen. A large dog, killed
and cooked for the occasion, was next placed before them; but, failing to
tempt their fastidious appetites, was supplanted by a dish of fat buffalo-
meat, which concluded the entertainment. The crowd having dispersed,
buffalo-robes were spread on the ground, and Marquette and Joliet spent the
night on the scene of the late festivity. In the morning, the chief, with some
six hundred of his tribesmen, escorted them to their canoes, and bade them,
after their stolid fashion, a friendly farewell.
Again they were on their way, slowly drifting down
the great river. They passed the mouth of the Illinois, A REAL
and glided beneath that line of rocks on the eastern side, DANGER.
cut into fantastic forms by the elements, and marked as "The Ruined
Castles" on some of the early French maps. Presently they beheld a sight
which reminded them that the Devil was still lord paramount of this
wilderness. On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and
green, a pair of monsters, each "as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red
eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. The
face is something like that of a man, the body covered with scales; and the
tail so long that it passes entirely round the body, over the head and between
the legs, ending like that of a fish." Such is the account which the worthy
Jesuit gives of these manitous, or Indian gods.[55] He confesses that at first
they frightened him; and his imagination and that of his credulous
companions was so wrought upon by these unhallowed efforts of Indian art,
that they continued for a long time to talk of them as they plied their
paddles. They were thus engaged, when they were suddenly aroused by a
real danger. A torrent of yellow mud rushed furiously athwart the calm blue
current of the Mississippi, boiling and surging, and sweeping in its course
logs, branches, and uprooted trees. They had reached the mouth of the
Missouri, where that savage river, descending from its mad career through a
vast unknown of barbarism, poured its turbid floods into the bosom of its
gentler sister. Their light canoes whirled on the miry vortex like dry leaves
on an angry brook. "I never," writes Marquette, "saw anything more
terrific;" but they escaped with their fright, and held their way down the
turbulent and swollen current of the now united rivers.[56] They passed the
lonely forest that covered the site of the destined city of St. Louis, and, a
them, placed them in the mouths of the two Frenchmen. A large dog, killed
and cooked for the occasion, was next placed before them; but, failing to
tempt their fastidious appetites, was supplanted by a dish of fat buffalo-
meat, which concluded the entertainment. The crowd having dispersed,
buffalo-robes were spread on the ground, and Marquette and Joliet spent the
night on the scene of the late festivity. In the morning, the chief, with some
six hundred of his tribesmen, escorted them to their canoes, and bade them,
after their stolid fashion, a friendly farewell.
Again they were on their way, slowly drifting down
the great river. They passed the mouth of the Illinois, A REAL
and glided beneath that line of rocks on the eastern side, DANGER.
cut into fantastic forms by the elements, and marked as "The Ruined
Castles" on some of the early French maps. Presently they beheld a sight
which reminded them that the Devil was still lord paramount of this
wilderness. On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and
green, a pair of monsters, each "as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red
eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. The
face is something like that of a man, the body covered with scales; and the
tail so long that it passes entirely round the body, over the head and between
the legs, ending like that of a fish." Such is the account which the worthy
Jesuit gives of these manitous, or Indian gods.[55] He confesses that at first
they frightened him; and his imagination and that of his credulous
companions was so wrought upon by these unhallowed efforts of Indian art,
that they continued for a long time to talk of them as they plied their
paddles. They were thus engaged, when they were suddenly aroused by a
real danger. A torrent of yellow mud rushed furiously athwart the calm blue
current of the Mississippi, boiling and surging, and sweeping in its course
logs, branches, and uprooted trees. They had reached the mouth of the
Missouri, where that savage river, descending from its mad career through a
vast unknown of barbarism, poured its turbid floods into the bosom of its
gentler sister. Their light canoes whirled on the miry vortex like dry leaves
on an angry brook. "I never," writes Marquette, "saw anything more
terrific;" but they escaped with their fright, and held their way down the
turbulent and swollen current of the now united rivers.[56] They passed the
lonely forest that covered the site of the destined city of St. Louis, and, a
Page 67
few days later, saw on their left the mouth of the stream to which the
Iroquois had given the well-merited name of Ohio, or the "Beautiful River."
[57]
Soon they began to see the marshy shores buried in a dense growth of
the cane, with its tall straight stems and feathery light-green foliage. The
sun glowed through the hazy air with a languid stifling heat, and by day and
night mosquitoes in myriads left them no peace. They floated slowly down
the current, crouched in the shade of the sails which they had spread as
awnings, when suddenly they saw Indians on the east bank. The surprise
was mutual, and each party was as much frightened as the other. Marquette
hastened to display the calumet which the Illinois had given him by way of
passport; and the Indians, recognizing the pacific symbol, replied with an
invitation to land. Evidently, they were in communication with Europeans,
for they were armed with guns, knives, and hatchets, wore garments of
cloth, and carried their gunpowder in small bottles of thick glass. They
feasted the Frenchmen with buffalo-meat, bear's oil, and white plums; and
gave them a variety of doubtful information, including the agreeable but
delusive assurance that they would reach the mouth of the river in ten days.
It was, in fact, more than a thousand miles distant.
They resumed their course, and again floated down
the interminable monotony of river, marsh, and forest. THE LOWER
MISSISSIPPI.
Day after day passed on in solitude, and they had
paddled some three hundred miles since their meeting with the Indians,
when, as they neared the mouth of the Arkansas, they saw a cluster of
wigwams on the west bank. Their inmates were all astir, yelling the war-
whoop, snatching their weapons, and running to the shore to meet the
strangers, who, on their part, called for succor to the Virgin. In truth, they
had need of her aid; for several large wooden canoes, filled with savages,
were putting out from the shore, above and below them, to cut off their
retreat, while a swarm of headlong young warriors waded into the water to
attack them. The current proved too strong; and, failing to reach the canoes
of the Frenchmen, one of them threw his war-club, which flew over the
heads of the startled travellers. Meanwhile, Marquette had not ceased to
hold up his calumet, to which the excited crowd gave no heed, but strung
their bows and notched their arrows for immediate action; when at length
the elders of the village arrived, saw the peace-pipe, restrained the ardor of
the youth, and urged the Frenchmen to come ashore. Marquette and his
Iroquois had given the well-merited name of Ohio, or the "Beautiful River."
[57]
Soon they began to see the marshy shores buried in a dense growth of
the cane, with its tall straight stems and feathery light-green foliage. The
sun glowed through the hazy air with a languid stifling heat, and by day and
night mosquitoes in myriads left them no peace. They floated slowly down
the current, crouched in the shade of the sails which they had spread as
awnings, when suddenly they saw Indians on the east bank. The surprise
was mutual, and each party was as much frightened as the other. Marquette
hastened to display the calumet which the Illinois had given him by way of
passport; and the Indians, recognizing the pacific symbol, replied with an
invitation to land. Evidently, they were in communication with Europeans,
for they were armed with guns, knives, and hatchets, wore garments of
cloth, and carried their gunpowder in small bottles of thick glass. They
feasted the Frenchmen with buffalo-meat, bear's oil, and white plums; and
gave them a variety of doubtful information, including the agreeable but
delusive assurance that they would reach the mouth of the river in ten days.
It was, in fact, more than a thousand miles distant.
They resumed their course, and again floated down
the interminable monotony of river, marsh, and forest. THE LOWER
MISSISSIPPI.
Day after day passed on in solitude, and they had
paddled some three hundred miles since their meeting with the Indians,
when, as they neared the mouth of the Arkansas, they saw a cluster of
wigwams on the west bank. Their inmates were all astir, yelling the war-
whoop, snatching their weapons, and running to the shore to meet the
strangers, who, on their part, called for succor to the Virgin. In truth, they
had need of her aid; for several large wooden canoes, filled with savages,
were putting out from the shore, above and below them, to cut off their
retreat, while a swarm of headlong young warriors waded into the water to
attack them. The current proved too strong; and, failing to reach the canoes
of the Frenchmen, one of them threw his war-club, which flew over the
heads of the startled travellers. Meanwhile, Marquette had not ceased to
hold up his calumet, to which the excited crowd gave no heed, but strung
their bows and notched their arrows for immediate action; when at length
the elders of the village arrived, saw the peace-pipe, restrained the ardor of
the youth, and urged the Frenchmen to come ashore. Marquette and his
Page 68
companions complied, trembling, and found a better reception than they
had reason to expect. One of the Indians spoke a little Illinois, and served as
interpreter; a friendly conference was followed by a feast of sagamite and
fish; and the travellers, not without sore misgivings, spent the night in the
lodges of their entertainers.[58]
Early in the morning, they embarked again, and
proceeded to a village of the Arkansas tribe, about eight THE ARKANSAS.
leagues below. Notice of their coming was sent before
them by their late hosts; and as they drew near they were met by a canoe, in
the prow of which stood a naked personage, holding a calumet, singing, and
making gestures of friendship. On reaching the village, which was on the
east side,[59] opposite the mouth of the river Arkansas, they were conducted
to a sort of scaffold, before the lodge of the war-chief. The space beneath
had been prepared for their reception, the ground being neatly covered with
rush mats. On these they were seated; the warriors sat around them in a
semi-circle; then the elders of the tribe; and then the promiscuous crowd of
villagers, standing, and staring over the heads of the more dignified
members of the assembly. All the men were naked; but, to compensate for
the lack of clothing, they wore strings of beads in their noses and ears. The
women were clothed in shabby skins, and wore their hair clumped in a mass
behind each ear. By good luck, there was a young Indian in the village, who
had an excellent knowledge of Illinois; and through him Marquette
endeavored to explain the mysteries of Christianity, and to gain information
concerning the river below. To this end he gave his auditors the presents
indispensable on such occasions, but received very little in return. They told
him that the Mississippi was infested by hostile Indians, armed with guns
procured from white men; and that they, the Arkansas, stood in such fear of
them that they dared not hunt the buffalo, but were forced to live on Indian
corn, of which they raised three crops a year.
During the speeches on either side, food was brought in without ceasing,
—sometimes a platter of sagamite or mush; sometimes of corn boiled
whole; sometimes a roasted dog. The villagers had large earthen pots and
platters, made by themselves with tolerable skill, as well as hatchets,
knives, and beads, gained by traffic with the Illinois and other tribes in
contact with the French or Spaniards. All day there was feasting without
respite, after the merciless practice of Indian hospitality; but at night some
had reason to expect. One of the Indians spoke a little Illinois, and served as
interpreter; a friendly conference was followed by a feast of sagamite and
fish; and the travellers, not without sore misgivings, spent the night in the
lodges of their entertainers.[58]
Early in the morning, they embarked again, and
proceeded to a village of the Arkansas tribe, about eight THE ARKANSAS.
leagues below. Notice of their coming was sent before
them by their late hosts; and as they drew near they were met by a canoe, in
the prow of which stood a naked personage, holding a calumet, singing, and
making gestures of friendship. On reaching the village, which was on the
east side,[59] opposite the mouth of the river Arkansas, they were conducted
to a sort of scaffold, before the lodge of the war-chief. The space beneath
had been prepared for their reception, the ground being neatly covered with
rush mats. On these they were seated; the warriors sat around them in a
semi-circle; then the elders of the tribe; and then the promiscuous crowd of
villagers, standing, and staring over the heads of the more dignified
members of the assembly. All the men were naked; but, to compensate for
the lack of clothing, they wore strings of beads in their noses and ears. The
women were clothed in shabby skins, and wore their hair clumped in a mass
behind each ear. By good luck, there was a young Indian in the village, who
had an excellent knowledge of Illinois; and through him Marquette
endeavored to explain the mysteries of Christianity, and to gain information
concerning the river below. To this end he gave his auditors the presents
indispensable on such occasions, but received very little in return. They told
him that the Mississippi was infested by hostile Indians, armed with guns
procured from white men; and that they, the Arkansas, stood in such fear of
them that they dared not hunt the buffalo, but were forced to live on Indian
corn, of which they raised three crops a year.
During the speeches on either side, food was brought in without ceasing,
—sometimes a platter of sagamite or mush; sometimes of corn boiled
whole; sometimes a roasted dog. The villagers had large earthen pots and
platters, made by themselves with tolerable skill, as well as hatchets,
knives, and beads, gained by traffic with the Illinois and other tribes in
contact with the French or Spaniards. All day there was feasting without
respite, after the merciless practice of Indian hospitality; but at night some
Page 69
of their entertainers proposed to kill and plunder them,—a scheme which
was defeated by the vigilance of the chief, who visited their quarters, and
danced the calumet dance to reassure his guests.
The travellers now held counsel as to what course they should take. They
had gone far enough, as they thought, to establish one important point,—
that the Mississippi discharged its waters, not into the Atlantic or sea of
Virginia, nor into the Gulf of California or Vermilion Sea, but into the Gulf
of Mexico. They thought themselves nearer to its mouth than they actually
were, the distance being still about seven hundred miles; and they feared
that if they went farther they might be killed by Indians or captured by
Spaniards, whereby the results of their discovery would be lost. Therefore
they resolved to return to Canada, and report what they had seen.
They left the Arkansas village, and began their homeward voyage on the
seventeenth of July. It was no easy task to urge their way upward, in the
heat of midsummer, against the current of the dark and gloomy stream,
toiling all day under the parching sun, and sleeping at night in the
exhalations of the unwholesome shore, or in the narrow confines of their
birchen vessels, anchored on the river. Marquette was attacked with
dysentery. Languid and well-nigh spent, he invoked his celestial mistress, as
day after day, and week after week, they won their slow way northward. At
length, they reached the Illinois, and, entering its mouth, followed its
course, charmed, as they went, with its placid waters, its shady forests, and
its rich plains, grazed by the bison and the deer. They stopped at a spot soon
to be made famous in the annals of western discovery. This was a village of
the Illinois, then called "Kaskaskia;" a name afterwards transferred to
another locality.[60] A chief, with a band of young warriors, offered to guide
them to the Lake of the Illinois; that is to say, Lake Michigan. Thither they
repaired; and, coasting its shores, reached Green Bay at the end of
September, after an absence of about four months, during which they had
paddled their canoes somewhat more than two thousand five hundred miles.
[61]
Marquette remained to recruit his exhausted strength;
but Joliet descended to Quebec, to bear the report of his RETURN TO
discovery to Count Frontenac. Fortune had wonderfully CANADA.
favored him on his long and perilous journey; but now she abandoned him
was defeated by the vigilance of the chief, who visited their quarters, and
danced the calumet dance to reassure his guests.
The travellers now held counsel as to what course they should take. They
had gone far enough, as they thought, to establish one important point,—
that the Mississippi discharged its waters, not into the Atlantic or sea of
Virginia, nor into the Gulf of California or Vermilion Sea, but into the Gulf
of Mexico. They thought themselves nearer to its mouth than they actually
were, the distance being still about seven hundred miles; and they feared
that if they went farther they might be killed by Indians or captured by
Spaniards, whereby the results of their discovery would be lost. Therefore
they resolved to return to Canada, and report what they had seen.
They left the Arkansas village, and began their homeward voyage on the
seventeenth of July. It was no easy task to urge their way upward, in the
heat of midsummer, against the current of the dark and gloomy stream,
toiling all day under the parching sun, and sleeping at night in the
exhalations of the unwholesome shore, or in the narrow confines of their
birchen vessels, anchored on the river. Marquette was attacked with
dysentery. Languid and well-nigh spent, he invoked his celestial mistress, as
day after day, and week after week, they won their slow way northward. At
length, they reached the Illinois, and, entering its mouth, followed its
course, charmed, as they went, with its placid waters, its shady forests, and
its rich plains, grazed by the bison and the deer. They stopped at a spot soon
to be made famous in the annals of western discovery. This was a village of
the Illinois, then called "Kaskaskia;" a name afterwards transferred to
another locality.[60] A chief, with a band of young warriors, offered to guide
them to the Lake of the Illinois; that is to say, Lake Michigan. Thither they
repaired; and, coasting its shores, reached Green Bay at the end of
September, after an absence of about four months, during which they had
paddled their canoes somewhat more than two thousand five hundred miles.
[61]
Marquette remained to recruit his exhausted strength;
but Joliet descended to Quebec, to bear the report of his RETURN TO
discovery to Count Frontenac. Fortune had wonderfully CANADA.
favored him on his long and perilous journey; but now she abandoned him
Page 70
on the very threshold of home. At the foot of the rapids of La Chine, and
immediately above Montreal, his canoe was overset, two of his men and an
Indian boy were drowned, all his papers were lost, and he himself narrowly
escaped.[62] In a letter to Frontenac, he speaks of the accident as follows: "I
had escaped every peril from the Indians; I had passed forty-two rapids; and
was on the point of disembarking, full of joy at the success of so long and
difficult an enterprise, when my canoe capsized, after all the danger seemed
over. I lost two men and my box of papers, within sight of the first French
settlements, which I had left almost two years before. Nothing remains to
me but my life, and the ardent desire to employ it on any service which you
may please to direct."[63]
Marquette spent the winter and the following summer
at the mission of Green Bay, still suffering from his MARQUETTE'S
malady. In the autumn, however, it abated; and he was MISSION.
permitted by his Superior to attempt the execution of a plan to which he
was devotedly attached,—the founding, at the principal town of the Illinois,
of a mission to be called the "Immaculate Conception," a name which he
had already given to the river Mississippi. He set out on this errand on the
twenty-fifth of October, accompanied by two men, named Pierre and
Jacques, one of whom had been with him on his great journey of discovery.
A band of Pottawattamies and another band of Illinois also joined him. The
united parties—ten canoes in all—followed the east shore of Green Bay as
far as the inlet then called "Sturgeon Cove," from the head of which they
crossed by a difficult portage through the forest to the shore of Lake
Michigan. November had come. The bright hues of the autumn foliage were
changed to rusty brown. The shore was desolate, and the lake was stormy.
They were more than a month in coasting its western border, when at length
they reached the river Chicago, entered it, and ascended about two leagues.
Marquette's disease had lately returned, and hemorrhage now ensued. He
told his two companions that this journey would be his last. In the condition
in which he was, it was impossible to go farther. The two men built a log
hut by the river, and here they prepared to spend the winter; while
Marquette, feeble as he was, began the spiritual exercises of Saint Ignatius,
and confessed his two companions twice a week.
Meadow, marsh, and forest were sheeted with snow, but game was
abundant. Pierre and Jacques killed buffalo and deer, and shot wild turkeys
immediately above Montreal, his canoe was overset, two of his men and an
Indian boy were drowned, all his papers were lost, and he himself narrowly
escaped.[62] In a letter to Frontenac, he speaks of the accident as follows: "I
had escaped every peril from the Indians; I had passed forty-two rapids; and
was on the point of disembarking, full of joy at the success of so long and
difficult an enterprise, when my canoe capsized, after all the danger seemed
over. I lost two men and my box of papers, within sight of the first French
settlements, which I had left almost two years before. Nothing remains to
me but my life, and the ardent desire to employ it on any service which you
may please to direct."[63]
Marquette spent the winter and the following summer
at the mission of Green Bay, still suffering from his MARQUETTE'S
malady. In the autumn, however, it abated; and he was MISSION.
permitted by his Superior to attempt the execution of a plan to which he
was devotedly attached,—the founding, at the principal town of the Illinois,
of a mission to be called the "Immaculate Conception," a name which he
had already given to the river Mississippi. He set out on this errand on the
twenty-fifth of October, accompanied by two men, named Pierre and
Jacques, one of whom had been with him on his great journey of discovery.
A band of Pottawattamies and another band of Illinois also joined him. The
united parties—ten canoes in all—followed the east shore of Green Bay as
far as the inlet then called "Sturgeon Cove," from the head of which they
crossed by a difficult portage through the forest to the shore of Lake
Michigan. November had come. The bright hues of the autumn foliage were
changed to rusty brown. The shore was desolate, and the lake was stormy.
They were more than a month in coasting its western border, when at length
they reached the river Chicago, entered it, and ascended about two leagues.
Marquette's disease had lately returned, and hemorrhage now ensued. He
told his two companions that this journey would be his last. In the condition
in which he was, it was impossible to go farther. The two men built a log
hut by the river, and here they prepared to spend the winter; while
Marquette, feeble as he was, began the spiritual exercises of Saint Ignatius,
and confessed his two companions twice a week.
Meadow, marsh, and forest were sheeted with snow, but game was
abundant. Pierre and Jacques killed buffalo and deer, and shot wild turkeys
Page 71
close to their hut. There was an encampment of Illinois within two days'
journey; and other Indians, passing by this well-known thoroughfare,
occasionally visited them, treating the exiles kindly, and sometimes
bringing them game and Indian corn. Eighteen leagues distant was the camp
of two adventurous French traders,—one of them, a noted coureur de bois,
nicknamed La Taupine;[64] and the other, a self-styled surgeon. They also
visited Marquette, and befriended him to the best of their power.
Urged by a burning desire to lay, before he died, the
foundation of his new mission of the Immaculate THE MISSION AT
KASKASKIA.
Conception, Marquette begged his two followers to join
him in a novena, or nine days' devotion to the Virgin. In consequence of
this, as he believed, his disease relented; he began to regain strength, and in
March was able to resume the journey. On the thirtieth of the month, they
left their hut, which had been inundated by a sudden rise of the river, and
carried their canoe through mud and water over the portage which led to the
Des Plaines. Marquette knew the way, for he had passed by this route on his
return from the Mississippi. Amid the rains of opening spring, they floated
down the swollen current of the Des Plaines, by naked woods and spongy,
saturated prairies, till they reached its junction with the main stream of the
Illinois, which they descended to their destination, the Indian town which
Marquette calls "Kaskaskia." Here, as we are told, he was received "like an
angel from Heaven." He passed from wigwam to wigwam, telling the
listening crowds of God and the Virgin, Paradise and Hell, angels and
demons; and, when he thought their minds prepared, he summoned them all
to a grand council.
It took place near the town, on the great meadow which lies between the
river and the modern village of Utica. Here five hundred chiefs and old men
were seated in a ring; behind stood fifteen hundred youths and warriors, and
behind these again all the women and children of the village. Marquette,
standing in the midst, displayed four large pictures of the Virgin; harangued
the assembly on the mysteries of the Faith, and exhorted them to adopt it.
The temper of his auditory met his utmost wishes. They begged him to stay
among them and continue his instructions; but his life was fast ebbing away,
and it behooved him to depart.
journey; and other Indians, passing by this well-known thoroughfare,
occasionally visited them, treating the exiles kindly, and sometimes
bringing them game and Indian corn. Eighteen leagues distant was the camp
of two adventurous French traders,—one of them, a noted coureur de bois,
nicknamed La Taupine;[64] and the other, a self-styled surgeon. They also
visited Marquette, and befriended him to the best of their power.
Urged by a burning desire to lay, before he died, the
foundation of his new mission of the Immaculate THE MISSION AT
KASKASKIA.
Conception, Marquette begged his two followers to join
him in a novena, or nine days' devotion to the Virgin. In consequence of
this, as he believed, his disease relented; he began to regain strength, and in
March was able to resume the journey. On the thirtieth of the month, they
left their hut, which had been inundated by a sudden rise of the river, and
carried their canoe through mud and water over the portage which led to the
Des Plaines. Marquette knew the way, for he had passed by this route on his
return from the Mississippi. Amid the rains of opening spring, they floated
down the swollen current of the Des Plaines, by naked woods and spongy,
saturated prairies, till they reached its junction with the main stream of the
Illinois, which they descended to their destination, the Indian town which
Marquette calls "Kaskaskia." Here, as we are told, he was received "like an
angel from Heaven." He passed from wigwam to wigwam, telling the
listening crowds of God and the Virgin, Paradise and Hell, angels and
demons; and, when he thought their minds prepared, he summoned them all
to a grand council.
It took place near the town, on the great meadow which lies between the
river and the modern village of Utica. Here five hundred chiefs and old men
were seated in a ring; behind stood fifteen hundred youths and warriors, and
behind these again all the women and children of the village. Marquette,
standing in the midst, displayed four large pictures of the Virgin; harangued
the assembly on the mysteries of the Faith, and exhorted them to adopt it.
The temper of his auditory met his utmost wishes. They begged him to stay
among them and continue his instructions; but his life was fast ebbing away,
and it behooved him to depart.
Page 72
A few days after Easter he left the village, escorted by
a crowd of Indians, who followed him as far as Lake BURIAL OF
Michigan. Here he embarked with his two companions. MARQUETTE.
Their destination was Michilimackinac, and their course lay along the
eastern borders of the lake. As, in the freshness of advancing spring, Pierre
and Jacques urged their canoe along that lonely and savage shore, the priest
lay with dimmed sight and prostrated strength, communing with the Virgin
and the angels. On the nineteenth of May, he felt that his hour was near;
and, as they passed the mouth of a small river, he requested his companions
to land. They complied, built a shed of bark on a rising ground near the
bank, and carried thither the dying Jesuit. With perfect cheerfulness and
composure, he gave directions for his burial, asked their forgiveness for the
trouble he had caused them, administered to them the sacrament of
penitence, and thanked God that he was permitted to die in the wilderness, a
missionary of the Faith and a member of the Jesuit brotherhood. At night,
seeing that they were fatigued, he told them to take rest, saying that he
would call them when he felt his time approaching. Two or three hours
after, they heard a feeble voice, and, hastening to his side, found him at the
point of death. He expired calmly, murmuring the names of Jesus and Mary,
with his eyes fixed on the crucifix which one of his followers held before
him. They dug a grave beside the hut, and here they buried him according to
the directions which he had given them; then, re-embarking, they made
their way to Michilimackinac, to bear the tidings to the priests at the
mission of St. Ignace.[65]
In the winter of 1676, a party of Kiskakon Ottawas were hunting on Lake
Michigan; and when, in the following spring, they prepared to return home,
they bethought them, in accordance with an Indian custom, of taking with
them the bones of Marquette, who had been their instructor at the mission
of St. Esprit. They repaired to the spot, found the grave, opened it, washed
and dried the bones and placed them carefully in a box of birch-bark. Then,
in a procession of thirty canoes, they bore it, singing their funeral songs, to
St. Ignace of Michilimackinac. As they approached, priests, Indians, and
traders all thronged to the shore. The relics of Marquette were received with
solemn ceremony, and buried beneath the floor of the little chapel of the
mission.[66]
a crowd of Indians, who followed him as far as Lake BURIAL OF
Michigan. Here he embarked with his two companions. MARQUETTE.
Their destination was Michilimackinac, and their course lay along the
eastern borders of the lake. As, in the freshness of advancing spring, Pierre
and Jacques urged their canoe along that lonely and savage shore, the priest
lay with dimmed sight and prostrated strength, communing with the Virgin
and the angels. On the nineteenth of May, he felt that his hour was near;
and, as they passed the mouth of a small river, he requested his companions
to land. They complied, built a shed of bark on a rising ground near the
bank, and carried thither the dying Jesuit. With perfect cheerfulness and
composure, he gave directions for his burial, asked their forgiveness for the
trouble he had caused them, administered to them the sacrament of
penitence, and thanked God that he was permitted to die in the wilderness, a
missionary of the Faith and a member of the Jesuit brotherhood. At night,
seeing that they were fatigued, he told them to take rest, saying that he
would call them when he felt his time approaching. Two or three hours
after, they heard a feeble voice, and, hastening to his side, found him at the
point of death. He expired calmly, murmuring the names of Jesus and Mary,
with his eyes fixed on the crucifix which one of his followers held before
him. They dug a grave beside the hut, and here they buried him according to
the directions which he had given them; then, re-embarking, they made
their way to Michilimackinac, to bear the tidings to the priests at the
mission of St. Ignace.[65]
In the winter of 1676, a party of Kiskakon Ottawas were hunting on Lake
Michigan; and when, in the following spring, they prepared to return home,
they bethought them, in accordance with an Indian custom, of taking with
them the bones of Marquette, who had been their instructor at the mission
of St. Esprit. They repaired to the spot, found the grave, opened it, washed
and dried the bones and placed them carefully in a box of birch-bark. Then,
in a procession of thirty canoes, they bore it, singing their funeral songs, to
St. Ignace of Michilimackinac. As they approached, priests, Indians, and
traders all thronged to the shore. The relics of Marquette were received with
solemn ceremony, and buried beneath the floor of the little chapel of the
mission.[66]
Page 73
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672; Ibid., 14 Nov., 1674.
46
] [ See "The Jesuits in North America."
47
] [ "Le 2 Juillet (1666) les premières disputes de philosophie se font dans la
48 congrégation avec succès. Toutes les puissances s'y trouvent; M. l'Intendant
] entr'autres y a argumenté très-bien. M. Jolliet et Pierre Francheville y ont très-
bien répondu de toute la logique."—Journal des Jésuites.
[ Nothing was known of Joliet till Shea investigated his history. Ferland, in his Notes sur
49 les Registres de Notre-Dame de Québec; Faillon, in his Colonie Française en Canada; and
] Margry, in a series of papers in the Journal Général de l'Instruction Publique,—have
thrown much new light on his life. From journals of a voyage made by him at a later period to the
coast of Labrador, given in substance by Margry, he seems to have been a man of close and
intelligent observation. His mathematical acquirements appear to have been very considerable.
[ The doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, sanctioned in our own time by the Pope,
50 was always a favorite tenet of the Jesuits; and Marquette was especially devoted to it.
]
[ The Malhoumines, Malouminek, Oumalouminek, or Nation des Folles-Avoines, of
51 early French writers. The folle-avoine, wild oats or "wild rice" (Zizania aquatica),
] was their ordinary food, as also of other tribes of this region.
[ Dablon, on his journey with Allouez in 1670, was delighted with the aspect of the
52 country and the abundance of game along this river. Carver, a century later, speaks to the
] same effect, saying that the birds rose up in clouds from the wild-rice marshes.
[ The above traits of the scenery of the Wisconsin are taken from personal observation of
53 the river during midsummer.
]
[ The Indian villages, under the names of Peouaria (Peoria) and Moingouena, are
54 represented in Marquette's map upon a river corresponding in position with the Des
] Moines; though the distance from the Wisconsin, as given by him, would indicate a
river farther north.
[ The rock where these figures were painted is immediately above the city of Alton. The
55 tradition of their existence remains, though they are entirely effaced by time. In 1867, when
] I passed the place, a part of the rock had been quarried away, and, instead of Marquette's
monsters, it bore a huge advertisement of "Plantation Bitters." Some years ago, certain persons,
with more zeal than knowledge, proposed to restore the figures, after conceptions of their own;
but the idea was abandoned.
Marquette made a drawing of the two monsters, but it is lost. I have,
however, a fac-simile of a map made a few years later, by order of the
Intendant Duchesneau, which is decorated with the portrait of one of
them, answering to Marquette's description, and probably copied from
his drawing. St. Cosme, who saw them in 1699, says that they were even
then almost effaced. Douay and Joutel also speak of them,—the former,
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 2 Nov., 1672; Ibid., 14 Nov., 1674.
46
] [ See "The Jesuits in North America."
47
] [ "Le 2 Juillet (1666) les premières disputes de philosophie se font dans la
48 congrégation avec succès. Toutes les puissances s'y trouvent; M. l'Intendant
] entr'autres y a argumenté très-bien. M. Jolliet et Pierre Francheville y ont très-
bien répondu de toute la logique."—Journal des Jésuites.
[ Nothing was known of Joliet till Shea investigated his history. Ferland, in his Notes sur
49 les Registres de Notre-Dame de Québec; Faillon, in his Colonie Française en Canada; and
] Margry, in a series of papers in the Journal Général de l'Instruction Publique,—have
thrown much new light on his life. From journals of a voyage made by him at a later period to the
coast of Labrador, given in substance by Margry, he seems to have been a man of close and
intelligent observation. His mathematical acquirements appear to have been very considerable.
[ The doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, sanctioned in our own time by the Pope,
50 was always a favorite tenet of the Jesuits; and Marquette was especially devoted to it.
]
[ The Malhoumines, Malouminek, Oumalouminek, or Nation des Folles-Avoines, of
51 early French writers. The folle-avoine, wild oats or "wild rice" (Zizania aquatica),
] was their ordinary food, as also of other tribes of this region.
[ Dablon, on his journey with Allouez in 1670, was delighted with the aspect of the
52 country and the abundance of game along this river. Carver, a century later, speaks to the
] same effect, saying that the birds rose up in clouds from the wild-rice marshes.
[ The above traits of the scenery of the Wisconsin are taken from personal observation of
53 the river during midsummer.
]
[ The Indian villages, under the names of Peouaria (Peoria) and Moingouena, are
54 represented in Marquette's map upon a river corresponding in position with the Des
] Moines; though the distance from the Wisconsin, as given by him, would indicate a
river farther north.
[ The rock where these figures were painted is immediately above the city of Alton. The
55 tradition of their existence remains, though they are entirely effaced by time. In 1867, when
] I passed the place, a part of the rock had been quarried away, and, instead of Marquette's
monsters, it bore a huge advertisement of "Plantation Bitters." Some years ago, certain persons,
with more zeal than knowledge, proposed to restore the figures, after conceptions of their own;
but the idea was abandoned.
Marquette made a drawing of the two monsters, but it is lost. I have,
however, a fac-simile of a map made a few years later, by order of the
Intendant Duchesneau, which is decorated with the portrait of one of
them, answering to Marquette's description, and probably copied from
his drawing. St. Cosme, who saw them in 1699, says that they were even
then almost effaced. Douay and Joutel also speak of them,—the former,
Page 74
bitterly hostile to his Jesuit contemporaries, charging Marquette with
exaggeration in his account of them. Joutel could see nothing terrifying
in their appearance; but he says that his Indians made sacrifices to them
as they passed.
[ The Missouri is called "Pekitanouï" by Marquette. It also bears, on early French maps,
56 the names of "Rivière des Osages," and "Rivière des Emissourites," or "Oumessourits." On
] Marquette's map, a tribe of this name is placed near its banks, just above the Osages.
Judging by the course of the Mississippi that it discharged into the Gulf of Mexico, he conceived
the hope of one day reaching the South Sea by way of the Missouri.
[ Called, on Marquette's map, "Ouabouskiaou." On some of the earliest maps, it is called
57 "Ouabache" (Wabash).
]
[ This village, called "Mitchigamea," is represented on several contemporary maps.
58
] [ A few years later, the Arkansas were all on the west side.
59
] [ Marquette says that it consisted at this time of seventy-four lodges.
60 These, like the Huron and Iroquois lodges, contained each several fires
] and several families. This village was about seven miles below the site
of the present town of Ottawa.
[ The journal of Marquette, first published in an imperfect form by Thevenot, in 1681, has
61 been reprinted by Mr. Lenox, under the direction of Mr. Shea, from the manuscript
] preserved in the archives of the Canadian Jesuits. It will also be found in Shea's Discovery
and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, and the Relations Inédites of Martin. The true map of
Marquette accompanies all these publications. The map published by Thevenot and reproduced
by Bancroft is not Marquette's. The original of this, of which I have a fac-simile, bears the title
Carte de la Nouvelle Découverte que les Pères Jésuites ont faite en l'année 1672, et continuée
par le Père Jacques Marquette, etc. The return route of the expedition is incorrectly laid down on
it. A manuscript map of the Jesuit Raffeix, preserved in the Bibliothèque Impériale, is more
accurate in this particular. I have also another contemporary manuscript map, indicating the
various Jesuit stations in the West at this time, and representing the Mississippi, as discovered by
Marquette. For these and other maps, see Appendix.
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, Québec, 14 Nov., 1674.
62
] [ This letter is appended to Joliet's smaller map of his discoveries. See Appendix.
63 Compare Détails sur le Voyage de Louis Joliet and Relation de la Descouverte de
] plusieurs Pays situez au midi de la Nouvelle France, faite en 1673 (Margry, i. 259).
These are oral accounts given by Joliet after the loss of his papers. Also, Lettre de Joliet, Oct. 10,
1674 (Harrisse). On the seventh of October, 1675, Joliet married Claire Bissot, daughter of a
wealthy Canadian merchant, engaged in trade with the northern Indians. This drew Joliet's
attention to Hudson's Bay; and he made a journey thither in 1679, by way of the Saguenay. He
found three English forts on the bay, occupied by about sixty men, who had also an armed vessel
of twelve guns and several small trading-craft. The English held out great inducements to Joliet to
join them; but he declined, and returned to Quebec, where he reported that unless these
formidable rivals were dispossessed, the trade of Canada would be ruined. In consequence of this
report, some of the principal merchants of the colony formed a company to compete with the
English in the trade of Hudson's Bay. In the year of this journey, Joliet received a grant of the
exaggeration in his account of them. Joutel could see nothing terrifying
in their appearance; but he says that his Indians made sacrifices to them
as they passed.
[ The Missouri is called "Pekitanouï" by Marquette. It also bears, on early French maps,
56 the names of "Rivière des Osages," and "Rivière des Emissourites," or "Oumessourits." On
] Marquette's map, a tribe of this name is placed near its banks, just above the Osages.
Judging by the course of the Mississippi that it discharged into the Gulf of Mexico, he conceived
the hope of one day reaching the South Sea by way of the Missouri.
[ Called, on Marquette's map, "Ouabouskiaou." On some of the earliest maps, it is called
57 "Ouabache" (Wabash).
]
[ This village, called "Mitchigamea," is represented on several contemporary maps.
58
] [ A few years later, the Arkansas were all on the west side.
59
] [ Marquette says that it consisted at this time of seventy-four lodges.
60 These, like the Huron and Iroquois lodges, contained each several fires
] and several families. This village was about seven miles below the site
of the present town of Ottawa.
[ The journal of Marquette, first published in an imperfect form by Thevenot, in 1681, has
61 been reprinted by Mr. Lenox, under the direction of Mr. Shea, from the manuscript
] preserved in the archives of the Canadian Jesuits. It will also be found in Shea's Discovery
and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, and the Relations Inédites of Martin. The true map of
Marquette accompanies all these publications. The map published by Thevenot and reproduced
by Bancroft is not Marquette's. The original of this, of which I have a fac-simile, bears the title
Carte de la Nouvelle Découverte que les Pères Jésuites ont faite en l'année 1672, et continuée
par le Père Jacques Marquette, etc. The return route of the expedition is incorrectly laid down on
it. A manuscript map of the Jesuit Raffeix, preserved in the Bibliothèque Impériale, is more
accurate in this particular. I have also another contemporary manuscript map, indicating the
various Jesuit stations in the West at this time, and representing the Mississippi, as discovered by
Marquette. For these and other maps, see Appendix.
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, Québec, 14 Nov., 1674.
62
] [ This letter is appended to Joliet's smaller map of his discoveries. See Appendix.
63 Compare Détails sur le Voyage de Louis Joliet and Relation de la Descouverte de
] plusieurs Pays situez au midi de la Nouvelle France, faite en 1673 (Margry, i. 259).
These are oral accounts given by Joliet after the loss of his papers. Also, Lettre de Joliet, Oct. 10,
1674 (Harrisse). On the seventh of October, 1675, Joliet married Claire Bissot, daughter of a
wealthy Canadian merchant, engaged in trade with the northern Indians. This drew Joliet's
attention to Hudson's Bay; and he made a journey thither in 1679, by way of the Saguenay. He
found three English forts on the bay, occupied by about sixty men, who had also an armed vessel
of twelve guns and several small trading-craft. The English held out great inducements to Joliet to
join them; but he declined, and returned to Quebec, where he reported that unless these
formidable rivals were dispossessed, the trade of Canada would be ruined. In consequence of this
report, some of the principal merchants of the colony formed a company to compete with the
English in the trade of Hudson's Bay. In the year of this journey, Joliet received a grant of the
Page 75
islands of Mignan; and in the following year, 1652, he received another grant, of the great island
of Anticosti in the lower St. Lawrence. In 1681 he was established here, with his wife and six
servants. He was engaged in fisheries; and, being a skilful navigator and surveyor, he made about
this time a chart of the St. Lawrence. In 1690, Sir William Phips, on his way with an English fleet
to attack Quebec, made a descent on Joliet's establishment, burnt his buildings, and took prisoners
his wife and his mother-in-law. In 1694 Joliet explored the coasts of Labrador, under the auspices
of a company formed for the whale and seal fishery. On his return, Frontenac made him royal
pilot for the St. Lawrence; and at about the same time he received the appointment of
hydrographer at Quebec. He died, apparently poor, in 1699 or 1700, and was buried on one of the
islands of Mignan. The discovery of the above facts is due in great part to the researches of
Margry.
[ Pierre Moreau, alias La Taupine, was afterwards bitterly complained of by the Intendant
64 Duchesneau, for acting as the governor's agent in illicit trade with the Indians.
]
[ The contemporary Relation tells us that a miracle took place at the burial of
65 Marquette. One of the two Frenchmen, overcome with grief and colic, bethought him
] of applying a little earth from the grave to the seat of pain. This at once restored him
to health and cheerfulness.
[ For Marquette's death, see the contemporary Relation, published by Shea, Lenox, and
66 Martin, with the accompanying Lettre et Journal. The river where he died is a small stream
] in the west of Michigan, some distance south of the promontory called the "Sleeping Bear."
It long bore his name, which is now borne by a larger neighboring stream, Charlevoix's account
of Marquette's death is derived from tradition, and is not supported by the contemporary
narrative. In 1877, human bones, with fragments of birch-bark, were found buried on the
supposed site of the Jesuit chapel at Point St. Ignace.
In 1847, the missionary of the Algonquins at the Lake of Two
Mountains, above Montreal, wrote down a tradition of the death of
Marquette, from the lips of an old Indian woman, born in 1777, at
Michilimackinac. Her ancestress had been baptized by the subject of the
story. The tradition has a resemblance to that related as fact by
Charlevoix. The old squaw said that the Jesuit was returning, very ill, to
Michilimackinac, when a storm forced him and his two men to land near
a little river. Here he told them that he should die, and directed them to
ring a bell over his grave and plant a cross. They all remained four days
at the spot; and, though without food, the men felt no hunger. On the
night of the fourth day he died, and the men buried him as he had
directed. On waking in the morning, they saw a sack of Indian corn, a
quantity of bacon, and some biscuit, miraculously sent to them, in
accordance with the promise of Marquette, who had told them that they
should have food enough for their journey to Michilimackinac. At the
same instant, the stream began to rise, and in a few moments encircled
the grave of the Jesuit, which formed, thenceforth, an islet in the waters.
of Anticosti in the lower St. Lawrence. In 1681 he was established here, with his wife and six
servants. He was engaged in fisheries; and, being a skilful navigator and surveyor, he made about
this time a chart of the St. Lawrence. In 1690, Sir William Phips, on his way with an English fleet
to attack Quebec, made a descent on Joliet's establishment, burnt his buildings, and took prisoners
his wife and his mother-in-law. In 1694 Joliet explored the coasts of Labrador, under the auspices
of a company formed for the whale and seal fishery. On his return, Frontenac made him royal
pilot for the St. Lawrence; and at about the same time he received the appointment of
hydrographer at Quebec. He died, apparently poor, in 1699 or 1700, and was buried on one of the
islands of Mignan. The discovery of the above facts is due in great part to the researches of
Margry.
[ Pierre Moreau, alias La Taupine, was afterwards bitterly complained of by the Intendant
64 Duchesneau, for acting as the governor's agent in illicit trade with the Indians.
]
[ The contemporary Relation tells us that a miracle took place at the burial of
65 Marquette. One of the two Frenchmen, overcome with grief and colic, bethought him
] of applying a little earth from the grave to the seat of pain. This at once restored him
to health and cheerfulness.
[ For Marquette's death, see the contemporary Relation, published by Shea, Lenox, and
66 Martin, with the accompanying Lettre et Journal. The river where he died is a small stream
] in the west of Michigan, some distance south of the promontory called the "Sleeping Bear."
It long bore his name, which is now borne by a larger neighboring stream, Charlevoix's account
of Marquette's death is derived from tradition, and is not supported by the contemporary
narrative. In 1877, human bones, with fragments of birch-bark, were found buried on the
supposed site of the Jesuit chapel at Point St. Ignace.
In 1847, the missionary of the Algonquins at the Lake of Two
Mountains, above Montreal, wrote down a tradition of the death of
Marquette, from the lips of an old Indian woman, born in 1777, at
Michilimackinac. Her ancestress had been baptized by the subject of the
story. The tradition has a resemblance to that related as fact by
Charlevoix. The old squaw said that the Jesuit was returning, very ill, to
Michilimackinac, when a storm forced him and his two men to land near
a little river. Here he told them that he should die, and directed them to
ring a bell over his grave and plant a cross. They all remained four days
at the spot; and, though without food, the men felt no hunger. On the
night of the fourth day he died, and the men buried him as he had
directed. On waking in the morning, they saw a sack of Indian corn, a
quantity of bacon, and some biscuit, miraculously sent to them, in
accordance with the promise of Marquette, who had told them that they
should have food enough for their journey to Michilimackinac. At the
same instant, the stream began to rise, and in a few moments encircled
the grave of the Jesuit, which formed, thenceforth, an islet in the waters.
Page 76
The tradition adds, that an Indian battle afterwards took place on the
banks of this stream, between Christians and infidels; and that the former
gained the victory, in consequence of invoking the name of Marquette.
This story bears the attestation of the priest of the Two Mountains that it
is a literal translation of the tradition, as recounted by the old woman.
It has been asserted that the Illinois country was visited by two priests,
some time before the visit of Marquette. This assertion was first made by
M. Noiseux, late Grand Vicar of Quebec, who gives no authority for it.
Not the slightest indication of any such visit appears in any
contemporary document or map, thus far discovered. The contemporary
writers, down to the time of Marquette and La Salle, all speak of the
Illinois as an unknown country. The entire groundlessness of Noiseux's
assertion is shown by Shea, in a paper in the "Weekly Herald," of New
York, April 21, 1855.
banks of this stream, between Christians and infidels; and that the former
gained the victory, in consequence of invoking the name of Marquette.
This story bears the attestation of the priest of the Two Mountains that it
is a literal translation of the tradition, as recounted by the old woman.
It has been asserted that the Illinois country was visited by two priests,
some time before the visit of Marquette. This assertion was first made by
M. Noiseux, late Grand Vicar of Quebec, who gives no authority for it.
Not the slightest indication of any such visit appears in any
contemporary document or map, thus far discovered. The contemporary
writers, down to the time of Marquette and La Salle, all speak of the
Illinois as an unknown country. The entire groundlessness of Noiseux's
assertion is shown by Shea, in a paper in the "Weekly Herald," of New
York, April 21, 1855.
Page 77
CHAPTER VI.
1673-1678.
LA SALLE AND FRONTENAC.
Objects of La Salle.—Frontenac favors him.—Projects of Frontenac.—
Cataraqui.—Frontenac on Lake Ontario.—Fort Frontenac.—La
Salle and Fénelon.—Success of La Salle: his Enemies.
We turn from the humble Marquette, thanking God with his last breath
that he died for his Order and his Faith; and by our side stands the
masculine form of Cavelier de la Salle. Prodigious was the contrast between
the two discoverers: the one, with clasped hands and upturned eyes, seems a
figure evoked from some dim legend of mediæval saintship; the other, with
feet firm planted on the hard earth, breathes the self-relying energies of
modern practical enterprise. Nevertheless, La Salle's enemies called him a
visionary. His projects perplexed and startled them. At first, they ridiculed
him; and then, as step by step he advanced towards his purpose, they
denounced and maligned him. What was this purpose? It was not of sudden
growth, but developed as years went on. La Salle at La Chine dreamed of a
western passage to China, and nursed vague schemes of western discovery.
Then, when his earlier journeyings revealed to him the valley of the Ohio
and the fertile plains of Illinois, his imagination took wing over the
boundless prairies and forests drained by the great river of the West. His
ambition had found its field. He would leave barren and frozen Canada
behind, and lead France and civilization into the valley of the Mississippi.
Neither the English nor the Jesuits should conquer that rich domain: the one
must rest content with the country east of the Alleghanies, and the other
with the forests, savages, and beaver-skins of the northern lakes. It was for
him to call into light the latent riches of the great West. But the way to his
land of promise was rough and long: it lay through Canada, filled with
hostile traders and hostile priests, and barred by ice for half the year. The
difficulty was soon solved. La Salle became convinced that the Mississippi
flowed, not into the Pacific or the Gulf of California, but into the Gulf of
1673-1678.
LA SALLE AND FRONTENAC.
Objects of La Salle.—Frontenac favors him.—Projects of Frontenac.—
Cataraqui.—Frontenac on Lake Ontario.—Fort Frontenac.—La
Salle and Fénelon.—Success of La Salle: his Enemies.
We turn from the humble Marquette, thanking God with his last breath
that he died for his Order and his Faith; and by our side stands the
masculine form of Cavelier de la Salle. Prodigious was the contrast between
the two discoverers: the one, with clasped hands and upturned eyes, seems a
figure evoked from some dim legend of mediæval saintship; the other, with
feet firm planted on the hard earth, breathes the self-relying energies of
modern practical enterprise. Nevertheless, La Salle's enemies called him a
visionary. His projects perplexed and startled them. At first, they ridiculed
him; and then, as step by step he advanced towards his purpose, they
denounced and maligned him. What was this purpose? It was not of sudden
growth, but developed as years went on. La Salle at La Chine dreamed of a
western passage to China, and nursed vague schemes of western discovery.
Then, when his earlier journeyings revealed to him the valley of the Ohio
and the fertile plains of Illinois, his imagination took wing over the
boundless prairies and forests drained by the great river of the West. His
ambition had found its field. He would leave barren and frozen Canada
behind, and lead France and civilization into the valley of the Mississippi.
Neither the English nor the Jesuits should conquer that rich domain: the one
must rest content with the country east of the Alleghanies, and the other
with the forests, savages, and beaver-skins of the northern lakes. It was for
him to call into light the latent riches of the great West. But the way to his
land of promise was rough and long: it lay through Canada, filled with
hostile traders and hostile priests, and barred by ice for half the year. The
difficulty was soon solved. La Salle became convinced that the Mississippi
flowed, not into the Pacific or the Gulf of California, but into the Gulf of
Page 78
Mexico. By a fortified post at its mouth, he could guard it against both
English and Spaniards, and secure for the trade of the interior an access and
an outlet under his own control, and open at every season. Of this trade, the
hides of the buffalo would at first form the staple, and along with furs
would reward the enterprise till other resources should be developed.
Such were the vast projects that unfolded themselves in the mind of La
Salle. Canada must needs be, at the outset, his base of action, and without
the support of its authorities he could do nothing. This support he found.
From the moment when Count Frontenac assumed the government of the
colony, he seems to have looked with favor on the young discoverer. There
were points of likeness between the two men. Both were ardent, bold, and
enterprising. The irascible and fiery pride of the noble found its match in
the reserved and seemingly cold pride of the ambitious burgher. Each could
comprehend the other; and they had, moreover, strong prejudices and
dislikes in common. An understanding, not to say an alliance, soon grew up
between them.
Frontenac had come to Canada a ruined man. He was
ostentatious, lavish, and in no way disposed to let slip an PROJECTS OF
opportunity of mending his fortune. He presently FRONTENAC.
thought that he had found a plan by which he could serve both the colony
and himself. His predecessor, Courcelle, had urged upon the King the
expediency of building a fort on Lake Ontario, in order to hold the Iroquois
in check and intercept the trade which the tribes of the Upper Lakes had
begun to carry on with the Dutch and English of New York. Thus a stream
of wealth would be turned into Canada, which would otherwise enrich her
enemies. Here, to all appearance, was a great public good, and from the
military point of view it was so in fact; but it was clear that the trade thus
secured might be made to profit, not the colony at large, but those alone
who had control of the fort, which would then become the instrument of a
monopoly. This the governor understood; and, without doubt, he meant that
the projected establishment should pay him tribute. How far he and La Salle
were acting in concurrence at this time, it is not easy to say; but Frontenac
often took counsel of the explorer, who, on his part, saw in the design a
possible first step towards the accomplishment of his own far-reaching
schemes.
English and Spaniards, and secure for the trade of the interior an access and
an outlet under his own control, and open at every season. Of this trade, the
hides of the buffalo would at first form the staple, and along with furs
would reward the enterprise till other resources should be developed.
Such were the vast projects that unfolded themselves in the mind of La
Salle. Canada must needs be, at the outset, his base of action, and without
the support of its authorities he could do nothing. This support he found.
From the moment when Count Frontenac assumed the government of the
colony, he seems to have looked with favor on the young discoverer. There
were points of likeness between the two men. Both were ardent, bold, and
enterprising. The irascible and fiery pride of the noble found its match in
the reserved and seemingly cold pride of the ambitious burgher. Each could
comprehend the other; and they had, moreover, strong prejudices and
dislikes in common. An understanding, not to say an alliance, soon grew up
between them.
Frontenac had come to Canada a ruined man. He was
ostentatious, lavish, and in no way disposed to let slip an PROJECTS OF
opportunity of mending his fortune. He presently FRONTENAC.
thought that he had found a plan by which he could serve both the colony
and himself. His predecessor, Courcelle, had urged upon the King the
expediency of building a fort on Lake Ontario, in order to hold the Iroquois
in check and intercept the trade which the tribes of the Upper Lakes had
begun to carry on with the Dutch and English of New York. Thus a stream
of wealth would be turned into Canada, which would otherwise enrich her
enemies. Here, to all appearance, was a great public good, and from the
military point of view it was so in fact; but it was clear that the trade thus
secured might be made to profit, not the colony at large, but those alone
who had control of the fort, which would then become the instrument of a
monopoly. This the governor understood; and, without doubt, he meant that
the projected establishment should pay him tribute. How far he and La Salle
were acting in concurrence at this time, it is not easy to say; but Frontenac
often took counsel of the explorer, who, on his part, saw in the design a
possible first step towards the accomplishment of his own far-reaching
schemes.
Page 79
Such of the Canadian merchants as were not in the
governor's confidence looked on his plan with extreme EXPEDITION OF
distrust. Frontenac, therefore, thought it expedient "to FRONTENAC
make use," as he expresses it, "of address." He gave out merely that he
intended to make a tour through the upper parts of the colony with an armed
force, in order to inspire the Indians with respect, and secure a solid peace.
He had neither troops, money, munitions, nor means of transportation; yet
there was no time to lose, for, should he delay the execution of his plan, it
might be countermanded by the King. His only resource, therefore, was in a
prompt and hardy exertion of the royal authority; and he issued an order
requiring the inhabitants of Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers, and other
settlements to furnish him, at their own cost, as soon as the spring sowing
should be over, with a certain number of armed men, besides the requisite
canoes. At the same time, he invited the officers settled in the country to
join the expedition,—an invitation which, anxious as they were to gain his
good graces, few of them cared to decline. Regardless of murmurs and
discontent, he pushed his preparation vigorously, and on the third of June
left Quebec with his guard, his staff, a part of the garrison of the Castle of
St. Louis, and a number of volunteers. He had already sent to La Salle, who
was then at Montreal, directing him to repair to Onondaga, the political
centre of the Iroquois, and invite their sachems to meet the governor in
council at the Bay of Quinté on the north of Lake Ontario. La Salle had set
out on his mission, but first sent Frontenac a map, which convinced him
that the best site for his proposed fort was the mouth of the Cataraqui,
where Kingston now stands. Another messenger was accordingly
despatched, to change the rendezvous to this point.
Meanwhile, the governor proceeded at his leisure towards Montreal,
stopping by the way to visit the officers settled along the bank, who, eager
to pay their homage to the newly risen sun, received him with a hospitality
which under the roof of a log hut was sometimes graced by the polished
courtesies of the salon and the boudoir. Reaching Montreal, which he had
never before seen, he gazed, we may suppose, with some interest at the long
row of humble dwellings which lined the bank, the massive buildings of the
Seminary, and the spire of the church predominant over all. It was a rude
scene, but the greeting that awaited him savored nothing of the rough
simplicity of the wilderness. Perrot, the local governor, was on the shore
governor's confidence looked on his plan with extreme EXPEDITION OF
distrust. Frontenac, therefore, thought it expedient "to FRONTENAC
make use," as he expresses it, "of address." He gave out merely that he
intended to make a tour through the upper parts of the colony with an armed
force, in order to inspire the Indians with respect, and secure a solid peace.
He had neither troops, money, munitions, nor means of transportation; yet
there was no time to lose, for, should he delay the execution of his plan, it
might be countermanded by the King. His only resource, therefore, was in a
prompt and hardy exertion of the royal authority; and he issued an order
requiring the inhabitants of Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers, and other
settlements to furnish him, at their own cost, as soon as the spring sowing
should be over, with a certain number of armed men, besides the requisite
canoes. At the same time, he invited the officers settled in the country to
join the expedition,—an invitation which, anxious as they were to gain his
good graces, few of them cared to decline. Regardless of murmurs and
discontent, he pushed his preparation vigorously, and on the third of June
left Quebec with his guard, his staff, a part of the garrison of the Castle of
St. Louis, and a number of volunteers. He had already sent to La Salle, who
was then at Montreal, directing him to repair to Onondaga, the political
centre of the Iroquois, and invite their sachems to meet the governor in
council at the Bay of Quinté on the north of Lake Ontario. La Salle had set
out on his mission, but first sent Frontenac a map, which convinced him
that the best site for his proposed fort was the mouth of the Cataraqui,
where Kingston now stands. Another messenger was accordingly
despatched, to change the rendezvous to this point.
Meanwhile, the governor proceeded at his leisure towards Montreal,
stopping by the way to visit the officers settled along the bank, who, eager
to pay their homage to the newly risen sun, received him with a hospitality
which under the roof of a log hut was sometimes graced by the polished
courtesies of the salon and the boudoir. Reaching Montreal, which he had
never before seen, he gazed, we may suppose, with some interest at the long
row of humble dwellings which lined the bank, the massive buildings of the
Seminary, and the spire of the church predominant over all. It was a rude
scene, but the greeting that awaited him savored nothing of the rough
simplicity of the wilderness. Perrot, the local governor, was on the shore
Page 80
with his soldiers and the inhabitants, drawn up under arms and firing a
salute to welcome the representative of the King. Frontenac was compelled
to listen to a long harangue from the judge of the place, followed by another
from the syndic. Then there was a solemn procession to the church, where
he was forced to undergo a third effort of oratory from one of the priests. Te
Deum followed, in thanks for his arrival; and then he took refuge in the fort.
Here he remained thirteen days, busied with his preparations, organizing the
militia, soothing their mutual jealousies, and settling knotty questions of
rank and precedence. During this time, every means, as he declares, was
used to prevent him from proceeding; and among other devices a rumor was
set on foot that a Dutch fleet, having just captured Boston, was on its way to
attack Quebec.[67]
Having sent men, canoes, and baggage, by land, to La
Salle's old settlement of La Chine, Frontenac himself FRONTENAC'S
JOURNEY
followed on the twenty-eighth of June. Including Indians
from the missions, he now had with him about four hundred men and a
hundred and twenty canoes, besides two large flat-boats, which he caused to
be painted in red and blue, with strange devices, intended to dazzle the
Iroquois by a display of unwonted splendor. Now their hard task began.
Shouldering canoes through the forest, dragging the flat-boats along the
shore, working like beavers,—sometimes in water to the knees, sometimes
to the armpits, their feet cut by the sharp stones, and they themselves well-
nigh swept down by the furious current,—they fought their way upward
against the chain of mighty rapids that break the navigation of the St.
Lawrence. The Indians were of the greatest service. Frontenac, like La
Salle, showed from the first a special faculty of managing them; for his
keen, incisive spirit was exactly to their liking, and they worked for him as
they would have worked for no man else. As they approached the Long
Saut, rain fell in torrents; and the governor, without his cloak, and drenched
to the skin, directed in person the amphibious toil of his followers. Once, it
is said, he lay awake all night, in his anxiety lest the biscuit should be wet,
which would have ruined the expedition. No such mischance took place,
and at length the last rapid was passed, and smooth water awaited them to
their journey's end. Soon they reached the Thousand Islands, and their light
flotilla glided in long file among those watery labyrinths, by rocky islets,
where some lonely pine towered like a mast against the sky; by sun-
salute to welcome the representative of the King. Frontenac was compelled
to listen to a long harangue from the judge of the place, followed by another
from the syndic. Then there was a solemn procession to the church, where
he was forced to undergo a third effort of oratory from one of the priests. Te
Deum followed, in thanks for his arrival; and then he took refuge in the fort.
Here he remained thirteen days, busied with his preparations, organizing the
militia, soothing their mutual jealousies, and settling knotty questions of
rank and precedence. During this time, every means, as he declares, was
used to prevent him from proceeding; and among other devices a rumor was
set on foot that a Dutch fleet, having just captured Boston, was on its way to
attack Quebec.[67]
Having sent men, canoes, and baggage, by land, to La
Salle's old settlement of La Chine, Frontenac himself FRONTENAC'S
JOURNEY
followed on the twenty-eighth of June. Including Indians
from the missions, he now had with him about four hundred men and a
hundred and twenty canoes, besides two large flat-boats, which he caused to
be painted in red and blue, with strange devices, intended to dazzle the
Iroquois by a display of unwonted splendor. Now their hard task began.
Shouldering canoes through the forest, dragging the flat-boats along the
shore, working like beavers,—sometimes in water to the knees, sometimes
to the armpits, their feet cut by the sharp stones, and they themselves well-
nigh swept down by the furious current,—they fought their way upward
against the chain of mighty rapids that break the navigation of the St.
Lawrence. The Indians were of the greatest service. Frontenac, like La
Salle, showed from the first a special faculty of managing them; for his
keen, incisive spirit was exactly to their liking, and they worked for him as
they would have worked for no man else. As they approached the Long
Saut, rain fell in torrents; and the governor, without his cloak, and drenched
to the skin, directed in person the amphibious toil of his followers. Once, it
is said, he lay awake all night, in his anxiety lest the biscuit should be wet,
which would have ruined the expedition. No such mischance took place,
and at length the last rapid was passed, and smooth water awaited them to
their journey's end. Soon they reached the Thousand Islands, and their light
flotilla glided in long file among those watery labyrinths, by rocky islets,
where some lonely pine towered like a mast against the sky; by sun-
Page 81
scorched crags, where the brown lichens crisped in the parching glare; by
deep dells, shady and cool, rich in rank ferns, and spongy, dark-green
mosses; by still coves, where the water-lilies lay like snow-flakes on their
broad, flat leaves,—till at length they neared their goal, and the glistening
bosom of Lake Ontario opened on their sight.
Frontenac, to impose respect on the Iroquois, now set his canoes in order
of battle. Four divisions formed the first line, then came the two flat-boats;
he himself, with his guards, his staff, and the gentlemen volunteers,
followed, with the canoes of Three Rivers on his right, and those of the
Indians on his left, while two remaining divisions formed a rear line. Thus,
with measured paddles, they advanced over the still lake, till they saw a
canoe approaching to meet them. It bore several Iroquois chiefs, who told
them that the dignitaries of their nation awaited them at Cataraqui, and
offered to guide them to the spot. They entered the wide mouth of the river,
and passed along the shore, now covered by the quiet little city of Kingston,
till they reached the point at present occupied by the barracks, at the
western end of Cataraqui bridge. Here they stranded their canoes and
disembarked. Baggage was landed, fires lighted, tents pitched, and guards
set. Close at hand, under the lee of the forest, were the camping sheds of the
Iroquois, who had come to the rendezvous in considerable numbers.
At daybreak of the next morning, the thirteenth of
July, the drums beat, and the whole party were drawn up FRONTENAC AT
under arms. A double line of men extended from the CATARAQUI
front of Frontenac's tent to the Indian camp; and, through the lane thus
formed, the savage deputies, sixty in number, advanced to the place of
council. They could not hide their admiration at the martial array of the
French, many of whom were old soldiers of the regiment of Carignan; and
when they reached the tent they ejaculated their astonishment at the
uniforms of the governor's guard who surrounded it. Here the ground had
been carpeted with the sails of the flat-boats, on which the deputies squatted
themselves in a ring and smoked their pipes for a time with their usual air of
deliberate gravity; while Frontenac, who sat surrounded by his officers, had
full leisure to contemplate the formidable adversaries whose mettle was
hereafter to put his own to so severe a test. A chief named Garakontié, a
noted friend of the French, at length opened the council, in behalf of all the
five Iroquois nations, with expressions of great respect and deference
deep dells, shady and cool, rich in rank ferns, and spongy, dark-green
mosses; by still coves, where the water-lilies lay like snow-flakes on their
broad, flat leaves,—till at length they neared their goal, and the glistening
bosom of Lake Ontario opened on their sight.
Frontenac, to impose respect on the Iroquois, now set his canoes in order
of battle. Four divisions formed the first line, then came the two flat-boats;
he himself, with his guards, his staff, and the gentlemen volunteers,
followed, with the canoes of Three Rivers on his right, and those of the
Indians on his left, while two remaining divisions formed a rear line. Thus,
with measured paddles, they advanced over the still lake, till they saw a
canoe approaching to meet them. It bore several Iroquois chiefs, who told
them that the dignitaries of their nation awaited them at Cataraqui, and
offered to guide them to the spot. They entered the wide mouth of the river,
and passed along the shore, now covered by the quiet little city of Kingston,
till they reached the point at present occupied by the barracks, at the
western end of Cataraqui bridge. Here they stranded their canoes and
disembarked. Baggage was landed, fires lighted, tents pitched, and guards
set. Close at hand, under the lee of the forest, were the camping sheds of the
Iroquois, who had come to the rendezvous in considerable numbers.
At daybreak of the next morning, the thirteenth of
July, the drums beat, and the whole party were drawn up FRONTENAC AT
under arms. A double line of men extended from the CATARAQUI
front of Frontenac's tent to the Indian camp; and, through the lane thus
formed, the savage deputies, sixty in number, advanced to the place of
council. They could not hide their admiration at the martial array of the
French, many of whom were old soldiers of the regiment of Carignan; and
when they reached the tent they ejaculated their astonishment at the
uniforms of the governor's guard who surrounded it. Here the ground had
been carpeted with the sails of the flat-boats, on which the deputies squatted
themselves in a ring and smoked their pipes for a time with their usual air of
deliberate gravity; while Frontenac, who sat surrounded by his officers, had
full leisure to contemplate the formidable adversaries whose mettle was
hereafter to put his own to so severe a test. A chief named Garakontié, a
noted friend of the French, at length opened the council, in behalf of all the
five Iroquois nations, with expressions of great respect and deference
Page 82
towards "Onontio;" that is to say, the governor of Canada. Whereupon
Frontenac, whose native arrogance where Indians were concerned always
took a form which imposed respect without exciting anger, replied in the
following strain:—
"Children! Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. I am
glad to see you here, where I have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by,
and for me to talk to you. You have done well, my children, to obey the
command of your Father. Take courage: you will hear his word, which is
full of peace and tenderness. For do not think that I have come for war. My
mind is full of peace, and she walks by my side. Courage, then, children,
and take rest."
With that, he gave them six fathoms of tobacco, reiterated his assurances
of friendship, promised that he would be a kind father so long as they
should be obedient children, regretted that he was forced to speak through
an interpreter, and ended with a gift of guns to the men, and prunes and
raisins to their wives and children. Here closed this preliminary meeting,
the great council being postponed to another day.
During the meeting, Raudin, Frontenac's engineer, was tracing out the
lines of a fort, after a predetermined plan; and the whole party, under the
direction of their officers, now set themselves to construct it. Some cut
down trees, some dug the trenches, some hewed the palisades; and with
such order and alacrity was the work urged on, that the Indians were lost in
astonishment. Meanwhile, Frontenac spared no pains to make friends of the
chiefs, some of whom he had constantly at his table. He fondled the
Iroquois children, and gave them bread and sweetmeats, and in the evening
feasted the squaws to make them dance. The Indians were delighted with
these attentions, and conceived a high opinion of the new Onontio.
On the seventeenth, when the construction of the fort
was well advanced, Frontenac called the chiefs to a FRONTENAC
grand council, which was held with all possible state and AND THE
INDIANS.
ceremony. His dealing with the Indians on this and other
occasions was truly admirable. Unacquainted as he was with them, he
seems to have had an instinctive perception of the treatment they required.
His predecessors had never ventured to address the Iroquois as "Children,"
Frontenac, whose native arrogance where Indians were concerned always
took a form which imposed respect without exciting anger, replied in the
following strain:—
"Children! Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. I am
glad to see you here, where I have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by,
and for me to talk to you. You have done well, my children, to obey the
command of your Father. Take courage: you will hear his word, which is
full of peace and tenderness. For do not think that I have come for war. My
mind is full of peace, and she walks by my side. Courage, then, children,
and take rest."
With that, he gave them six fathoms of tobacco, reiterated his assurances
of friendship, promised that he would be a kind father so long as they
should be obedient children, regretted that he was forced to speak through
an interpreter, and ended with a gift of guns to the men, and prunes and
raisins to their wives and children. Here closed this preliminary meeting,
the great council being postponed to another day.
During the meeting, Raudin, Frontenac's engineer, was tracing out the
lines of a fort, after a predetermined plan; and the whole party, under the
direction of their officers, now set themselves to construct it. Some cut
down trees, some dug the trenches, some hewed the palisades; and with
such order and alacrity was the work urged on, that the Indians were lost in
astonishment. Meanwhile, Frontenac spared no pains to make friends of the
chiefs, some of whom he had constantly at his table. He fondled the
Iroquois children, and gave them bread and sweetmeats, and in the evening
feasted the squaws to make them dance. The Indians were delighted with
these attentions, and conceived a high opinion of the new Onontio.
On the seventeenth, when the construction of the fort
was well advanced, Frontenac called the chiefs to a FRONTENAC
grand council, which was held with all possible state and AND THE
INDIANS.
ceremony. His dealing with the Indians on this and other
occasions was truly admirable. Unacquainted as he was with them, he
seems to have had an instinctive perception of the treatment they required.
His predecessors had never ventured to address the Iroquois as "Children,"
Page 83
but had always styled them "Brothers;" and yet the assumption of paternal
authority on the part of Frontenac was not only taken in good part, but was
received with apparent gratitude. The martial nature of the man, his clear,
decisive speech, and his frank and downright manner, backed as they were
by a display of force which in their eyes was formidable, struck them with
admiration, and gave tenfold effect to his words of kindness. They thanked
him for that which from another they would not have endured.
Frontenac began by again expressing his satisfaction that they had
obeyed the commands of their Father, and come to Cataraqui to hear what
he had to say. Then he exhorted them to embrace Christianity; and on this
theme he dwelt at length, in words excellently adapted to produce the
desired effect,—words which it would be most superfluous to tax as
insincere, though doubtless they lost nothing in emphasis because in this
instance conscience and policy aimed alike. Then, changing his tone, he
pointed to his officers, his guard, the long files of the militia, and the two
flat-boats, mounted with cannon, which lay in the river near by. "If," he
said, "your Father can come so far, with so great a force, through such
dangerous rapids, merely to make you a visit of pleasure and friendship,
what would he do, if you should awaken his anger, and make it necessary
for him to punish his disobedient children? He is the arbiter of peace and
war. Beware how you offend him!" And he warned them not to molest the
Indian allies of the French, telling them, sharply, that he would chastise
them for the least infraction of the peace.
From threats he passed to blandishments, and urged them to confide in
his paternal kindness, saying that, in proof of his affection, he was building
a store-house at Cataraqui, where they could be supplied with all the goods
they needed, without the necessity of a long and dangerous journey. He
warned them against listening to bad men, who might seek to delude them
by misrepresentations and falsehoods; and he urged them to give heed to
none but "men of character, like the Sieur de la Salle." He expressed a hope
that they would suffer their children to learn French from the missionaries,
in order that they and his nephews—meaning the French colonists—might
become one people; and he concluded by requesting them to give him a
number of their children to be educated in the French manner, at Quebec.
authority on the part of Frontenac was not only taken in good part, but was
received with apparent gratitude. The martial nature of the man, his clear,
decisive speech, and his frank and downright manner, backed as they were
by a display of force which in their eyes was formidable, struck them with
admiration, and gave tenfold effect to his words of kindness. They thanked
him for that which from another they would not have endured.
Frontenac began by again expressing his satisfaction that they had
obeyed the commands of their Father, and come to Cataraqui to hear what
he had to say. Then he exhorted them to embrace Christianity; and on this
theme he dwelt at length, in words excellently adapted to produce the
desired effect,—words which it would be most superfluous to tax as
insincere, though doubtless they lost nothing in emphasis because in this
instance conscience and policy aimed alike. Then, changing his tone, he
pointed to his officers, his guard, the long files of the militia, and the two
flat-boats, mounted with cannon, which lay in the river near by. "If," he
said, "your Father can come so far, with so great a force, through such
dangerous rapids, merely to make you a visit of pleasure and friendship,
what would he do, if you should awaken his anger, and make it necessary
for him to punish his disobedient children? He is the arbiter of peace and
war. Beware how you offend him!" And he warned them not to molest the
Indian allies of the French, telling them, sharply, that he would chastise
them for the least infraction of the peace.
From threats he passed to blandishments, and urged them to confide in
his paternal kindness, saying that, in proof of his affection, he was building
a store-house at Cataraqui, where they could be supplied with all the goods
they needed, without the necessity of a long and dangerous journey. He
warned them against listening to bad men, who might seek to delude them
by misrepresentations and falsehoods; and he urged them to give heed to
none but "men of character, like the Sieur de la Salle." He expressed a hope
that they would suffer their children to learn French from the missionaries,
in order that they and his nephews—meaning the French colonists—might
become one people; and he concluded by requesting them to give him a
number of their children to be educated in the French manner, at Quebec.
Page 84
This speech, every clause of which was reinforced by
abundant presents, was extremely well received; though TREATY WITH
one speaker reminded him that he had forgotten one THE INDIANS.
important point, inasmuch as he had not told them at what prices they could
obtain goods at Cataraqui. Frontenac evaded a precise answer, but promised
them that the goods should be as cheap as possible, in view of the great
difficulty of transportation. As to the request concerning their children, they
said that they could not accede to it till they had talked the matter over in
their villages; but it is a striking proof of the influence which Frontenac had
gained over them, that, in the following year, they actually sent several of
their children to Quebec to be educated,—the girls among the Ursulines,
and the boys in the household of the governor.
Three days after the council, the Iroquois set out on their return; and as
the palisades of the fort were now finished, and the barracks nearly so,
Frontenac began to send his party homeward by detachments. He himself
was detained for a time by the arrival of another band of Iroquois, from the
villages on the north side of Lake Ontario. He repeated to them the speech
he had made to the others; and, this final meeting over, he embarked with
his guard, leaving a sufficient number to hold the fort, which was to be
provisioned for a year by means of a convoy then on its way up the river.
Passing the rapids safely, he reached Montreal on the first of August.
His enterprise had been a complete success. He had gained every point,
and, in spite of the dangerous navigation, had not lost a single canoe.
Thanks to the enforced and gratuitous assistance of the inhabitants, the
whole had cost the King only about ten thousand francs, which Frontenac
had advanced on his own credit. Though in a commercial point of view the
new establishment was of very questionable benefit to the colony at large,
the governor had, nevertheless, conferred an inestimable blessing on all
Canada by the assurance he had gained of a long respite from the fearful
scourge of Iroquois hostility. "Assuredly," he writes, "I may boast of having
impressed them at once with respect, fear, and good-will."[68] He adds that
the fort at Cataraqui, with the aid of a vessel now building, will command
Lake Ontario, keep the peace with the Iroquois, and cut off the trade with
the English; and he proceeds to say that by another fort at the mouth of the
Niagara, and another vessel on Lake Erie, we, the French, can command all
abundant presents, was extremely well received; though TREATY WITH
one speaker reminded him that he had forgotten one THE INDIANS.
important point, inasmuch as he had not told them at what prices they could
obtain goods at Cataraqui. Frontenac evaded a precise answer, but promised
them that the goods should be as cheap as possible, in view of the great
difficulty of transportation. As to the request concerning their children, they
said that they could not accede to it till they had talked the matter over in
their villages; but it is a striking proof of the influence which Frontenac had
gained over them, that, in the following year, they actually sent several of
their children to Quebec to be educated,—the girls among the Ursulines,
and the boys in the household of the governor.
Three days after the council, the Iroquois set out on their return; and as
the palisades of the fort were now finished, and the barracks nearly so,
Frontenac began to send his party homeward by detachments. He himself
was detained for a time by the arrival of another band of Iroquois, from the
villages on the north side of Lake Ontario. He repeated to them the speech
he had made to the others; and, this final meeting over, he embarked with
his guard, leaving a sufficient number to hold the fort, which was to be
provisioned for a year by means of a convoy then on its way up the river.
Passing the rapids safely, he reached Montreal on the first of August.
His enterprise had been a complete success. He had gained every point,
and, in spite of the dangerous navigation, had not lost a single canoe.
Thanks to the enforced and gratuitous assistance of the inhabitants, the
whole had cost the King only about ten thousand francs, which Frontenac
had advanced on his own credit. Though in a commercial point of view the
new establishment was of very questionable benefit to the colony at large,
the governor had, nevertheless, conferred an inestimable blessing on all
Canada by the assurance he had gained of a long respite from the fearful
scourge of Iroquois hostility. "Assuredly," he writes, "I may boast of having
impressed them at once with respect, fear, and good-will."[68] He adds that
the fort at Cataraqui, with the aid of a vessel now building, will command
Lake Ontario, keep the peace with the Iroquois, and cut off the trade with
the English; and he proceeds to say that by another fort at the mouth of the
Niagara, and another vessel on Lake Erie, we, the French, can command all
Page 85
the Upper Lakes. This plan was an essential link in the schemes of La Salle;
and we shall soon find him employed in executing it.
A curious incident occurred soon after the building of the fort on Lake
Ontario. Frontenac, on his way back, quarrelled with Perrot, the governor of
Montreal, whom, in view of his speculations in the fur-trade, he seems to
have regarded as a rival in business; but who, by his folly and arrogance,
would have justified any reasonable measure of severity. Frontenac,
however, was not reasonable. He arrested Perrot, threw him into prison, and
set up a man of his own as governor in his place; and as the judge of
Montreal was not in his interest, he removed him, and substituted another
on whom he could rely. Thus for a time he had Montreal well in hand.
The priests of the Seminary, seigniors of the island, regarded these
arbitrary proceedings with extreme uneasiness. They claimed the right of
nominating their own governor; and Perrot, though he held a commission
from the King, owed his place to their appointment. True, he had set them at
nought, and proved a veritable King Stork; yet nevertheless they regarded
his removal as an infringement of their rights.
During the quarrel with Perrot, La Salle chanced to be at Montreal,
lodged in the house of Jacques Le Ber, who, though one of the principal
merchants and most influential inhabitants of the settlement, was
accustomed to sell goods across his counter in person to white men and
Indians, his wife taking his place when he was absent. Such were the
primitive manners of the secluded little colony. Le Ber, at this time, was in
the interest of Frontenac and La Salle; though he afterwards became one of
their most determined opponents. Amid the excitement and discussion
occasioned by Perrot's arrest, La Salle declared himself an adherent of the
governor, and warned all persons against speaking ill of him in his hearing.
The Abbé Fénelon, already mentioned as half-brother
to the famous Archbishop, had attempted to mediate ABBÉ FÉNELON.
between Frontenac and Perrot, and to this end had made
a journey to Quebec on the ice, in midwinter. Being of an ardent
temperament, and more courageous than prudent, he had spoken somewhat
indiscreetly, and had been very roughly treated by the stormy and imperious
Count. He returned to Montreal greatly excited, and not without cause. It
and we shall soon find him employed in executing it.
A curious incident occurred soon after the building of the fort on Lake
Ontario. Frontenac, on his way back, quarrelled with Perrot, the governor of
Montreal, whom, in view of his speculations in the fur-trade, he seems to
have regarded as a rival in business; but who, by his folly and arrogance,
would have justified any reasonable measure of severity. Frontenac,
however, was not reasonable. He arrested Perrot, threw him into prison, and
set up a man of his own as governor in his place; and as the judge of
Montreal was not in his interest, he removed him, and substituted another
on whom he could rely. Thus for a time he had Montreal well in hand.
The priests of the Seminary, seigniors of the island, regarded these
arbitrary proceedings with extreme uneasiness. They claimed the right of
nominating their own governor; and Perrot, though he held a commission
from the King, owed his place to their appointment. True, he had set them at
nought, and proved a veritable King Stork; yet nevertheless they regarded
his removal as an infringement of their rights.
During the quarrel with Perrot, La Salle chanced to be at Montreal,
lodged in the house of Jacques Le Ber, who, though one of the principal
merchants and most influential inhabitants of the settlement, was
accustomed to sell goods across his counter in person to white men and
Indians, his wife taking his place when he was absent. Such were the
primitive manners of the secluded little colony. Le Ber, at this time, was in
the interest of Frontenac and La Salle; though he afterwards became one of
their most determined opponents. Amid the excitement and discussion
occasioned by Perrot's arrest, La Salle declared himself an adherent of the
governor, and warned all persons against speaking ill of him in his hearing.
The Abbé Fénelon, already mentioned as half-brother
to the famous Archbishop, had attempted to mediate ABBÉ FÉNELON.
between Frontenac and Perrot, and to this end had made
a journey to Quebec on the ice, in midwinter. Being of an ardent
temperament, and more courageous than prudent, he had spoken somewhat
indiscreetly, and had been very roughly treated by the stormy and imperious
Count. He returned to Montreal greatly excited, and not without cause. It
Page 86
fell to his lot to preach the Easter sermon. The service was held in the little
church of the Hôtel-Dieu, which was crowded to the porch, all the chief
persons of the settlement being present. The curé of the parish, whose name
also was Perrot, said High Mass, assisted by La Salle's brother, Cavelier,
and two other priests. Then Fénelon mounted the pulpit. Certain passages of
his sermon were obviously levelled against Frontenac. Speaking of the
duties of those clothed with temporal authority, he said that the magistrate,
inspired with the spirit of Christ, was as ready to pardon offences against
himself as to punish those against his prince; that he was full of respect for
the ministers of the altar, and never maltreated them when they attempted to
reconcile enemies and restore peace; that he never made favorites of those
who flattered him, nor under specious pretexts oppressed other persons in
authority who opposed his enterprises; that he used his power to serve his
king, and not to his own advantage; that he remained content with his
salary, without disturbing the commerce of the country, or abusing those
who refused him a share in their profits; and that he never troubled the
people by inordinate and unjust levies of men and material, using the name
of his prince as a cover to his own designs.[69]
La Salle sat near the door; but as the preacher
proceeded he suddenly rose to his feet in such a manner LA SALLE AND
FÉNELON.
as to attract the notice of the congregation. As they
turned their heads, he signed to the principal persons among them, and by
his angry looks and gesticulation called their attention to the words of
Fénelon. Then meeting the eye of the curé, who sat beside the altar, he
made the same signs to him, to which the curé replied by a deprecating
shrug of the shoulders. Fénelon changed color, but continued his sermon.[70]
This indecent proceeding of La Salle, and the zeal with which throughout
the quarrel he took the part of the governor, did not go unrewarded.
Henceforth, Frontenac was more than ever his friend; and this plainly
appeared in the disposition made, through his influence, of the new fort on
Lake Ontario. Attempts had been made to induce the king to have it
demolished; but it was resolved at last that, being built, it should be allowed
to stand; and, after long delay, a final arrangement was made for its
maintenance, in the manner following: In the autumn of 1674, La Salle
went to France, with letters of strong recommendation from Frontenac.[71]
church of the Hôtel-Dieu, which was crowded to the porch, all the chief
persons of the settlement being present. The curé of the parish, whose name
also was Perrot, said High Mass, assisted by La Salle's brother, Cavelier,
and two other priests. Then Fénelon mounted the pulpit. Certain passages of
his sermon were obviously levelled against Frontenac. Speaking of the
duties of those clothed with temporal authority, he said that the magistrate,
inspired with the spirit of Christ, was as ready to pardon offences against
himself as to punish those against his prince; that he was full of respect for
the ministers of the altar, and never maltreated them when they attempted to
reconcile enemies and restore peace; that he never made favorites of those
who flattered him, nor under specious pretexts oppressed other persons in
authority who opposed his enterprises; that he used his power to serve his
king, and not to his own advantage; that he remained content with his
salary, without disturbing the commerce of the country, or abusing those
who refused him a share in their profits; and that he never troubled the
people by inordinate and unjust levies of men and material, using the name
of his prince as a cover to his own designs.[69]
La Salle sat near the door; but as the preacher
proceeded he suddenly rose to his feet in such a manner LA SALLE AND
FÉNELON.
as to attract the notice of the congregation. As they
turned their heads, he signed to the principal persons among them, and by
his angry looks and gesticulation called their attention to the words of
Fénelon. Then meeting the eye of the curé, who sat beside the altar, he
made the same signs to him, to which the curé replied by a deprecating
shrug of the shoulders. Fénelon changed color, but continued his sermon.[70]
This indecent proceeding of La Salle, and the zeal with which throughout
the quarrel he took the part of the governor, did not go unrewarded.
Henceforth, Frontenac was more than ever his friend; and this plainly
appeared in the disposition made, through his influence, of the new fort on
Lake Ontario. Attempts had been made to induce the king to have it
demolished; but it was resolved at last that, being built, it should be allowed
to stand; and, after long delay, a final arrangement was made for its
maintenance, in the manner following: In the autumn of 1674, La Salle
went to France, with letters of strong recommendation from Frontenac.[71]
Page 87
He was well received at Court; and he made two petitions to the King,—the
one for a patent of nobility, in consideration of his services as an explorer;
and the other for a grant in seigniory of Fort Frontenac, for so he called the
new post, in honor of his patron. On his part, he offered to pay back the ten
thousand francs which the fort had cost the King; to maintain it at his own
charge, with a garrison equal to that of Montreal, besides fifteen or twenty
laborers; to form a French colony around it; to build a church, whenever the
number of inhabitants should reach one hundred; and, meanwhile, to
support one or more Récollet friars; and, finally, to form a settlement of
domesticated Indians in the neighborhood. His offers were accepted. He
was raised to the rank of the untitled nobles; received a grant of the fort and
lands adjacent, to the extent of four leagues in front and half a league in
depth, besides the neighboring islands; and was invested with the
government of the fort and settlement, subject to the orders of the governor-
general.[72]
La Salle returned to Canada, proprietor of a seigniory which, all things
considered, was one of the most valuable in the colony. His friends and his
family, rejoicing in his good fortune and not unwilling to share it, made him
large advances of money, enabling him to pay the stipulated sum to the
King, to rebuild the fort in stone, maintain soldiers and laborers, and
procure in part, at least, the necessary outfit. Had La Salle been a mere
merchant, he was in a fair way to make a fortune, for he was in a position to
control the better part of the Canadian fur-trade. But he was not a mere
merchant; and no commercial profit could content his ambition.
Those may believe, who will, that Frontenac did not expect a share in the
profits of the new post. That he did expect it, there is positive evidence; for
a deposition is extant, taken at the instance of his enemy the Intendant
Duchesneau, in which three witnesses attest that the governor, La Salle, his
lieutenant La Forest, and one Boisseau, had formed a partnership to carry
on the trade of Fort Frontenac.
No sooner was La Salle installed in his new post than
the merchants of Canada joined hands to oppose him. Le ENEMIES OF LA
SALLE.
Ber, once his friend, became his bitter enemy; for he
himself had hoped to share the monopoly of Fort Frontenac, of which he
and one Bazire had at first been placed provisionally in control, and from
one for a patent of nobility, in consideration of his services as an explorer;
and the other for a grant in seigniory of Fort Frontenac, for so he called the
new post, in honor of his patron. On his part, he offered to pay back the ten
thousand francs which the fort had cost the King; to maintain it at his own
charge, with a garrison equal to that of Montreal, besides fifteen or twenty
laborers; to form a French colony around it; to build a church, whenever the
number of inhabitants should reach one hundred; and, meanwhile, to
support one or more Récollet friars; and, finally, to form a settlement of
domesticated Indians in the neighborhood. His offers were accepted. He
was raised to the rank of the untitled nobles; received a grant of the fort and
lands adjacent, to the extent of four leagues in front and half a league in
depth, besides the neighboring islands; and was invested with the
government of the fort and settlement, subject to the orders of the governor-
general.[72]
La Salle returned to Canada, proprietor of a seigniory which, all things
considered, was one of the most valuable in the colony. His friends and his
family, rejoicing in his good fortune and not unwilling to share it, made him
large advances of money, enabling him to pay the stipulated sum to the
King, to rebuild the fort in stone, maintain soldiers and laborers, and
procure in part, at least, the necessary outfit. Had La Salle been a mere
merchant, he was in a fair way to make a fortune, for he was in a position to
control the better part of the Canadian fur-trade. But he was not a mere
merchant; and no commercial profit could content his ambition.
Those may believe, who will, that Frontenac did not expect a share in the
profits of the new post. That he did expect it, there is positive evidence; for
a deposition is extant, taken at the instance of his enemy the Intendant
Duchesneau, in which three witnesses attest that the governor, La Salle, his
lieutenant La Forest, and one Boisseau, had formed a partnership to carry
on the trade of Fort Frontenac.
No sooner was La Salle installed in his new post than
the merchants of Canada joined hands to oppose him. Le ENEMIES OF LA
SALLE.
Ber, once his friend, became his bitter enemy; for he
himself had hoped to share the monopoly of Fort Frontenac, of which he
and one Bazire had at first been placed provisionally in control, and from
Page 88
which he now saw himself ejected. La Chesnaye, Le Moyne, and others of
more or less influence took part in the league, which, in fact, embraced all
the traders in the colony except the few joined with Frontenac and La Salle.
Duchesneau, intendant of the colony, aided the malcontents. As time went
on, their bitterness grew more bitter; and when at last it was seen that, not
satisfied with the monopoly of Fort Frontenac, La Salle aimed at the control
of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, and the usufruct of half a
continent, the ire of his opponents redoubled, and Canada became for him a
nest of hornets, buzzing in wrath and watching the moment to sting. But
there was another element of opposition, less noisy, but not less formidable;
and this arose from the Jesuits. Frontenac hated them; and they, under
befitting forms of duty and courtesy, paid him back in the same coin.
Having no love for the governor, they would naturally have little for his
partisan and protégé; but their opposition had another and a deeper root, for
the plans of the daring young schemer jarred with their own.
We have seen the Canadian Jesuits in the early
apostolic days of their mission, when the flame of their PURPOSES OF
THE JESUITS.
zeal, fed by an ardent hope, burned bright and high. This
hope was doomed to disappointment. Their avowed purpose of building
another Paraguay on the borders of the Great Lakes[73] was never
accomplished, and their missions and their converts were swept away in an
avalanche of ruin. Still, they would not despair. From the lakes they turned
their eyes to the Valley of the Mississippi, in the hope to see it one day the
seat of their new empire of the Faith. But what did this new Paraguay
mean? It meant a little nation of converted and domesticated savages, docile
as children, under the paternal and absolute rule of Jesuit fathers, and
trained by them in industrial pursuits, the results of which were to inure, not
to the profit of the producers, but to the building of churches, the founding
of colleges, the establishment of warehouses and magazines, and the
construction of works of defence,—all controlled by Jesuits, and forming a
part of the vast possessions of the Order. Such was the old Paraguay;[74] and
such, we may suppose, would have been the new, had the plans of those
who designed it been realized.
I have said that since the middle of the century the religious exaltation of
the early missions had sensibly declined. In the nature of things, that grand
enthusiasm was too intense and fervent to be long sustained. But the vital
more or less influence took part in the league, which, in fact, embraced all
the traders in the colony except the few joined with Frontenac and La Salle.
Duchesneau, intendant of the colony, aided the malcontents. As time went
on, their bitterness grew more bitter; and when at last it was seen that, not
satisfied with the monopoly of Fort Frontenac, La Salle aimed at the control
of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, and the usufruct of half a
continent, the ire of his opponents redoubled, and Canada became for him a
nest of hornets, buzzing in wrath and watching the moment to sting. But
there was another element of opposition, less noisy, but not less formidable;
and this arose from the Jesuits. Frontenac hated them; and they, under
befitting forms of duty and courtesy, paid him back in the same coin.
Having no love for the governor, they would naturally have little for his
partisan and protégé; but their opposition had another and a deeper root, for
the plans of the daring young schemer jarred with their own.
We have seen the Canadian Jesuits in the early
apostolic days of their mission, when the flame of their PURPOSES OF
THE JESUITS.
zeal, fed by an ardent hope, burned bright and high. This
hope was doomed to disappointment. Their avowed purpose of building
another Paraguay on the borders of the Great Lakes[73] was never
accomplished, and their missions and their converts were swept away in an
avalanche of ruin. Still, they would not despair. From the lakes they turned
their eyes to the Valley of the Mississippi, in the hope to see it one day the
seat of their new empire of the Faith. But what did this new Paraguay
mean? It meant a little nation of converted and domesticated savages, docile
as children, under the paternal and absolute rule of Jesuit fathers, and
trained by them in industrial pursuits, the results of which were to inure, not
to the profit of the producers, but to the building of churches, the founding
of colleges, the establishment of warehouses and magazines, and the
construction of works of defence,—all controlled by Jesuits, and forming a
part of the vast possessions of the Order. Such was the old Paraguay;[74] and
such, we may suppose, would have been the new, had the plans of those
who designed it been realized.
I have said that since the middle of the century the religious exaltation of
the early missions had sensibly declined. In the nature of things, that grand
enthusiasm was too intense and fervent to be long sustained. But the vital
Page 89
force of Jesuitism had suffered no diminution. That marvellous esprit de
corps, that extinction of self and absorption of the individual in the Order
which has marked the Jesuits from their first existence as a body, was no
whit changed or lessened,—a principle, which, though different, was no less
strong than the self-devoted patriotism of Sparta or the early Roman
Republic.
The Jesuits were no longer supreme in Canada; or, in other words,
Canada was no longer simply a mission. It had become a colony. Temporal
interests and the civil power were constantly gaining ground; and the
disciples of Loyola felt that relatively, if not absolutely, they were losing it.
They struggled vigorously to maintain the ascendency of their Order, or, as
they would have expressed it, the ascendency of religion; but in the older
and more settled parts of the colony it was clear that the day of their
undivided rule was past. Therefore, they looked with redoubled solicitude to
their missions in the West. They had been among its first explorers; and
they hoped that here the Catholic Faith, as represented by Jesuits, might
reign with undisputed sway. In Paraguay, it was their constant aim to
exclude white men from their missions. It was the same in North America.
They dreaded fur-traders, partly because they interfered with their teachings
and perverted their converts, and partly for other reasons. But La Salle was
a fur-trader, and far worse than a fur-trader: he aimed at occupation,
fortification, and settlement. The scope and vigor of his enterprises, and the
powerful influence that aided them, made him a stumbling-block in their
path. He was their most dangerous rival for the control of the West, and
from first to last they set themselves against him.
What manner of man was he who could conceive
designs so vast and defy enmities so many and so SPIRIT OF LA
SALLE.
powerful? And in what spirit did he embrace these
designs? We will look hereafter for an answer.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 13 Nov., 1673. This rumor, it appears, originated with the
67 Jesuit Dablon. Journal du Voyage du Comte de Frontenac au lac Ontario. The Jesuits were
] greatly opposed to the establishment of forts and trading-posts in the upper country, for
reasons that will appear hereafter.
corps, that extinction of self and absorption of the individual in the Order
which has marked the Jesuits from their first existence as a body, was no
whit changed or lessened,—a principle, which, though different, was no less
strong than the self-devoted patriotism of Sparta or the early Roman
Republic.
The Jesuits were no longer supreme in Canada; or, in other words,
Canada was no longer simply a mission. It had become a colony. Temporal
interests and the civil power were constantly gaining ground; and the
disciples of Loyola felt that relatively, if not absolutely, they were losing it.
They struggled vigorously to maintain the ascendency of their Order, or, as
they would have expressed it, the ascendency of religion; but in the older
and more settled parts of the colony it was clear that the day of their
undivided rule was past. Therefore, they looked with redoubled solicitude to
their missions in the West. They had been among its first explorers; and
they hoped that here the Catholic Faith, as represented by Jesuits, might
reign with undisputed sway. In Paraguay, it was their constant aim to
exclude white men from their missions. It was the same in North America.
They dreaded fur-traders, partly because they interfered with their teachings
and perverted their converts, and partly for other reasons. But La Salle was
a fur-trader, and far worse than a fur-trader: he aimed at occupation,
fortification, and settlement. The scope and vigor of his enterprises, and the
powerful influence that aided them, made him a stumbling-block in their
path. He was their most dangerous rival for the control of the West, and
from first to last they set themselves against him.
What manner of man was he who could conceive
designs so vast and defy enmities so many and so SPIRIT OF LA
SALLE.
powerful? And in what spirit did he embrace these
designs? We will look hereafter for an answer.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 13 Nov., 1673. This rumor, it appears, originated with the
67 Jesuit Dablon. Journal du Voyage du Comte de Frontenac au lac Ontario. The Jesuits were
] greatly opposed to the establishment of forts and trading-posts in the upper country, for
reasons that will appear hereafter.
Page 90
[ Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1673.
68
] [ Faillon, Colonie Française, iii. 497, and manuscript authorities there cited. I have
69 examined the principal of these. Faillon himself is a priest of St. Sulpice. Compare
] H. Verreau, Les Deux Abbés de Fénelon, chap. vii.
[ Information faicte par nous, Charles le Tardieu, Sieur de Tilly, et Nicolas Dupont, etc.,
70 etc., contre le Sr. Abbé de Fénelon. Tilly and Dupont were sent by Frontenac to inquire into
] the affair. Among the deponents is La Salle himself.
[ In his despatch to the minister Colbert, of the fourteenth of November, 1674, Frontenac
71 speaks of La Salle as follows: "I cannot help, Monseigneur, recommending to you the Sieur
] de la Salle, who is about to go to France, and who is a man of intelligence and ability, more
capable than anybody else I know here to accomplish every kind of enterprise and discovery
which may be intrusted to him, as he has the most perfect knowledge of the state of the country,
as you will see, if you are disposed to give him a few moments of audience."
[ Mémoire pour l'entretien du Fort Frontenac, par le Sr. de la Salle, 1674. Petition du Sr.
72 de la Salle au Roi. Lettres patentes de concession, du Fort de Frontenac et terres
]
adjacentes au profit du Sr. de la Salle; données à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Arrêt qui
accepte les offres faites par Robert Cavelier Sr. de la Salle; à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Lettres
de noblesse pour le Sr. Cavelier de la Salle; données à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Papiers de
Famille. Mémoire au Roi.
[ This purpose is several times indicated in the Relations. For an instance, see "The Jesuits
73 in North America," 245.
]
[ Compare Charlevoix, Histoire de Paraguay, with Robertson, Letters on Paraguay.
74
]
68
] [ Faillon, Colonie Française, iii. 497, and manuscript authorities there cited. I have
69 examined the principal of these. Faillon himself is a priest of St. Sulpice. Compare
] H. Verreau, Les Deux Abbés de Fénelon, chap. vii.
[ Information faicte par nous, Charles le Tardieu, Sieur de Tilly, et Nicolas Dupont, etc.,
70 etc., contre le Sr. Abbé de Fénelon. Tilly and Dupont were sent by Frontenac to inquire into
] the affair. Among the deponents is La Salle himself.
[ In his despatch to the minister Colbert, of the fourteenth of November, 1674, Frontenac
71 speaks of La Salle as follows: "I cannot help, Monseigneur, recommending to you the Sieur
] de la Salle, who is about to go to France, and who is a man of intelligence and ability, more
capable than anybody else I know here to accomplish every kind of enterprise and discovery
which may be intrusted to him, as he has the most perfect knowledge of the state of the country,
as you will see, if you are disposed to give him a few moments of audience."
[ Mémoire pour l'entretien du Fort Frontenac, par le Sr. de la Salle, 1674. Petition du Sr.
72 de la Salle au Roi. Lettres patentes de concession, du Fort de Frontenac et terres
]
adjacentes au profit du Sr. de la Salle; données à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Arrêt qui
accepte les offres faites par Robert Cavelier Sr. de la Salle; à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Lettres
de noblesse pour le Sr. Cavelier de la Salle; données à Compiègne le 13 Mai, 1675. Papiers de
Famille. Mémoire au Roi.
[ This purpose is several times indicated in the Relations. For an instance, see "The Jesuits
73 in North America," 245.
]
[ Compare Charlevoix, Histoire de Paraguay, with Robertson, Letters on Paraguay.
74
]
Page 91
CHAPTER VII.
1678.
PARTY STRIFE.
La Salle and his Reporter.—Jesuit Ascendency.—The Missions and the
Fur-trade.—Female Inquisitors.—Plots against La Salle: his
Brother the Priest.—Intrigues Of the Jesuits.—La Salle poisoned: he
exculpates the Jesuits.—Renewed Intrigues.
One of the most curious monuments of La Salle's time LA SALLE'S
is a long memoir, written by a person who made his MEMOIR.
acquaintance at Paris in the summer of 1678, when, as
we shall soon see, he had returned to France in prosecution of his plans. The
writer knew the Sulpitian Galinée,[75] who, as he says, had a very high
opinion of La Salle; and he was also in close relations with the discoverer's
patron, the Prince de Conti.[76] He says that he had ten or twelve interviews
with La Salle; and, becoming interested in him and in that which he
communicated, he wrote down the substance of his conversation. The paper
is divided into two parts: the first, called "Mémoire sur Mr. de la Salle," is
devoted to the state of affairs in Canada, and chiefly to the Jesuits; the
second, entitled "Histoire de Mr. de la Salle," is an account of the
discoverer's life, or as much of it as the writer had learned from him.[77]
Both parts bear throughout the internal evidence of being what they profess
to be; but they embody the statements of a man of intense partisan feeling,
transmitted through the mind of another person in sympathy with him, and
evidently sharing his prepossessions. In one respect, however, the paper is
of unquestionable historical value; for it gives us a vivid and not an
exaggerated picture of the bitter strife of parties which then raged in
Canada, and which was destined to tax to the utmost the vast energy and
fortitude of La Salle. At times, the memoir is fully sustained by
contemporary evidence; but often, again, it rests on its own unsupported
authority. I give an abstract of its statements as I find them.
1678.
PARTY STRIFE.
La Salle and his Reporter.—Jesuit Ascendency.—The Missions and the
Fur-trade.—Female Inquisitors.—Plots against La Salle: his
Brother the Priest.—Intrigues Of the Jesuits.—La Salle poisoned: he
exculpates the Jesuits.—Renewed Intrigues.
One of the most curious monuments of La Salle's time LA SALLE'S
is a long memoir, written by a person who made his MEMOIR.
acquaintance at Paris in the summer of 1678, when, as
we shall soon see, he had returned to France in prosecution of his plans. The
writer knew the Sulpitian Galinée,[75] who, as he says, had a very high
opinion of La Salle; and he was also in close relations with the discoverer's
patron, the Prince de Conti.[76] He says that he had ten or twelve interviews
with La Salle; and, becoming interested in him and in that which he
communicated, he wrote down the substance of his conversation. The paper
is divided into two parts: the first, called "Mémoire sur Mr. de la Salle," is
devoted to the state of affairs in Canada, and chiefly to the Jesuits; the
second, entitled "Histoire de Mr. de la Salle," is an account of the
discoverer's life, or as much of it as the writer had learned from him.[77]
Both parts bear throughout the internal evidence of being what they profess
to be; but they embody the statements of a man of intense partisan feeling,
transmitted through the mind of another person in sympathy with him, and
evidently sharing his prepossessions. In one respect, however, the paper is
of unquestionable historical value; for it gives us a vivid and not an
exaggerated picture of the bitter strife of parties which then raged in
Canada, and which was destined to tax to the utmost the vast energy and
fortitude of La Salle. At times, the memoir is fully sustained by
contemporary evidence; but often, again, it rests on its own unsupported
authority. I give an abstract of its statements as I find them.
Page 92
The following is the writer's account of La Salle: "All those among my
friends who have seen him find him a man of great intelligence and sense.
He rarely speaks of any subject except when questioned about it, and his
words are very few and very precise. He distinguishes perfectly between
that which he knows with certainly and that which he knows with some
mingling of doubt. When he does not know, he does not hesitate to avow it;
and though I have heard him say the same thing more than five or six times,
when persons were present who had not heard it before, he always said it in
the same manner. In short, I never heard anybody speak whose words
carried with them more marks of truth."[78]
After mentioning that he is thirty-three or thirty-four
years old, and that he has been twelve years in America, JESUIT
ASCENDENCY.
the memoir declares that he made the following
statements: that the Jesuits are masters at Quebec; that the bishop is their
creature, and does nothing but in concert with them;[79] that he is not well
inclined towards the Récollets,[80] who have little credit, but who are
protected by Frontenac; that in Canada the Jesuits think everybody an
enemy to religion who is an enemy to them; that, though they refused
absolution to all who sold brandy to the Indians, they sold it themselves,
and that he, La Salle, had himself detected them in it;[81] that the bishop
laughs at the orders of the King when they do not agree with the wishes of
the Jesuits; that the Jesuits dismissed one of their servants named Robert,
because he told of their trade in brandy; that Albanel,[82] in particular,
carried on a great fur-trade, and that the Jesuits have built their college in
part from the profits of this kind of traffic; that they admitted that they
carried on a trade, but denied that they gained so much by it as was
commonly supposed.[83]
The memoir proceeds to affirm that they trade largely
with the Sioux at Ste. Marie, and with other tribes at FEMALE
INQUISITORS.
Michilimackinac, and that they are masters of the trade
of that region, where the forts are in their possession.[84] An Indian said, in
full council, at Quebec, that he had prayed and been a Christian as long as
the Jesuits would stay and teach him, but since no more beaver were left in
his country, the missionaries were gone also. The Jesuits, pursues the
friends who have seen him find him a man of great intelligence and sense.
He rarely speaks of any subject except when questioned about it, and his
words are very few and very precise. He distinguishes perfectly between
that which he knows with certainly and that which he knows with some
mingling of doubt. When he does not know, he does not hesitate to avow it;
and though I have heard him say the same thing more than five or six times,
when persons were present who had not heard it before, he always said it in
the same manner. In short, I never heard anybody speak whose words
carried with them more marks of truth."[78]
After mentioning that he is thirty-three or thirty-four
years old, and that he has been twelve years in America, JESUIT
ASCENDENCY.
the memoir declares that he made the following
statements: that the Jesuits are masters at Quebec; that the bishop is their
creature, and does nothing but in concert with them;[79] that he is not well
inclined towards the Récollets,[80] who have little credit, but who are
protected by Frontenac; that in Canada the Jesuits think everybody an
enemy to religion who is an enemy to them; that, though they refused
absolution to all who sold brandy to the Indians, they sold it themselves,
and that he, La Salle, had himself detected them in it;[81] that the bishop
laughs at the orders of the King when they do not agree with the wishes of
the Jesuits; that the Jesuits dismissed one of their servants named Robert,
because he told of their trade in brandy; that Albanel,[82] in particular,
carried on a great fur-trade, and that the Jesuits have built their college in
part from the profits of this kind of traffic; that they admitted that they
carried on a trade, but denied that they gained so much by it as was
commonly supposed.[83]
The memoir proceeds to affirm that they trade largely
with the Sioux at Ste. Marie, and with other tribes at FEMALE
INQUISITORS.
Michilimackinac, and that they are masters of the trade
of that region, where the forts are in their possession.[84] An Indian said, in
full council, at Quebec, that he had prayed and been a Christian as long as
the Jesuits would stay and teach him, but since no more beaver were left in
his country, the missionaries were gone also. The Jesuits, pursues the
Page 93
memoir, will have no priests but themselves in their missions, and call them
all Jansenists, not excepting the priests of St. Sulpice.
The bishop is next accused of harshness and intolerance, as well as of
growing rich by tithes, and even by trade, in which it is affirmed he has a
covert interest.[85] It is added that there exists in Quebec, under the auspices
of the Jesuits, an association called the Sainte Famille, of which Madame
Bourdon[86] is superior. They meet in the cathedral every Thursday, with
closed doors, where they relate to each other—as they are bound by a vow
to do—all they have learned, whether good or evil, concerning other
people, during the week. It is a sort of female inquisition, for the benefit of
the Jesuits, the secrets of whose friends, it is said, are kept, while no such
discretion is observed with regard to persons not of their party.[87]
Here follow a series of statements which it is needless to repeat, as they
do not concern La Salle. They relate to abuse of the confessional, hostility
to other priests, hostility to civil authorities, and over-hasty baptisms, in
regard to which La Salle is reported to have made a comparison,
unfavorable to the Jesuits, between them and the Récollets and Sulpitians.
We now come to the second part of the memoir,
entitled "History of Monsieur de la Salle." After stating PLOTS AGAINST
LA SALLE.
that he left France at the age of twenty-one or twenty-
two, with the purpose of attempting some new discovery, it makes the
statements repeated in a former chapter, concerning his discovery of the
Ohio, the Illinois, and possibly the Mississippi. It then mentions the
building of Fort Frontenac, and says that one object of it was to prevent the
Jesuits from becoming undisputed masters of the fur-trade.[88] Three years
ago, it pursues, La Salle came to France, and obtained a grant of the fort;
and it proceeds to give examples of the means used by the party opposed to
him to injure his good name and bring him within reach of the law. Once,
when he was at Quebec, the farmer of the King's revenue, one of the richest
men in the place, was extremely urgent in his proffers of hospitality, and at
length, though he knew La Salle but slightly, persuaded him to lodge in his
house. He had been here but a few days when his host's wife began to enact
the part of the wife of Potiphar, and this with so much vivacity that on one
occasion La Salle was forced to take an abrupt leave, in order to avoid an
all Jansenists, not excepting the priests of St. Sulpice.
The bishop is next accused of harshness and intolerance, as well as of
growing rich by tithes, and even by trade, in which it is affirmed he has a
covert interest.[85] It is added that there exists in Quebec, under the auspices
of the Jesuits, an association called the Sainte Famille, of which Madame
Bourdon[86] is superior. They meet in the cathedral every Thursday, with
closed doors, where they relate to each other—as they are bound by a vow
to do—all they have learned, whether good or evil, concerning other
people, during the week. It is a sort of female inquisition, for the benefit of
the Jesuits, the secrets of whose friends, it is said, are kept, while no such
discretion is observed with regard to persons not of their party.[87]
Here follow a series of statements which it is needless to repeat, as they
do not concern La Salle. They relate to abuse of the confessional, hostility
to other priests, hostility to civil authorities, and over-hasty baptisms, in
regard to which La Salle is reported to have made a comparison,
unfavorable to the Jesuits, between them and the Récollets and Sulpitians.
We now come to the second part of the memoir,
entitled "History of Monsieur de la Salle." After stating PLOTS AGAINST
LA SALLE.
that he left France at the age of twenty-one or twenty-
two, with the purpose of attempting some new discovery, it makes the
statements repeated in a former chapter, concerning his discovery of the
Ohio, the Illinois, and possibly the Mississippi. It then mentions the
building of Fort Frontenac, and says that one object of it was to prevent the
Jesuits from becoming undisputed masters of the fur-trade.[88] Three years
ago, it pursues, La Salle came to France, and obtained a grant of the fort;
and it proceeds to give examples of the means used by the party opposed to
him to injure his good name and bring him within reach of the law. Once,
when he was at Quebec, the farmer of the King's revenue, one of the richest
men in the place, was extremely urgent in his proffers of hospitality, and at
length, though he knew La Salle but slightly, persuaded him to lodge in his
house. He had been here but a few days when his host's wife began to enact
the part of the wife of Potiphar, and this with so much vivacity that on one
occasion La Salle was forced to take an abrupt leave, in order to avoid an
Page 94
infringement of the laws of hospitality. As he opened the door, he found the
husband on the watch, and saw that it was a plot to entrap him.[89]
Another attack, of a different character, though in the same direction, was
soon after made. The remittances which La Salle received from the various
members and connections of his family were sent through the hands of his
brother, Abbé Cavelier, from whom his enemies were, therefore, very eager
to alienate him. To this end, a report was made to reach the priest's ears that
La Salle had seduced a young woman, with whom he was living in an open
and scandalous manner at Fort Frontenac. The effect of this device
exceeded the wishes of its contrivers; for the priest, aghast at what he had
heard, set out for the fort, to administer his fraternal rebuke, but on arriving,
in place of the expected abomination, found his brother, assisted by two
Récollet friars, ruling with edifying propriety over a most exemplary
household.
Thus far the memoir. From passages in some of La Salle's letters, it may
be gathered that Abbé Cavelier gave him at times no little annoyance. In his
double character of priest and elder brother, he seems to have constituted
himself the counsellor, monitor, and guide of a man who, though many
years his junior, was in all respects incomparably superior to him, as the
sequel will show. This must have been almost insufferable to a nature like
that of La Salle, who, nevertheless, was forced to arm himself with
patience, since his brother held the purse-strings. On one occasion his
forbearance was put to a severe proof, when, wishing to marry a damsel of
good connections in the colony, Abbé Cavelier saw fit for some reason to
interfere, and prevented the alliance.[90]
To resume the memoir. It declares that the Jesuits
procured an ordinance from the Supreme Council INTRIGUES OF
THE JESUITS.
prohibiting traders from going into the Indian country, in
order that they, the Jesuits, being already established there in their missions,
might carry on trade without competition. But La Salle induced a good
number of the Iroquois to settle around his fort; thus bringing the trade to
his own door, without breaking the ordinance. These Iroquois, he is further
reported to have said, were very fond of him, and aided him in rebuilding
the fort with cut stone. The Jesuits told the Iroquois on the south side of the
lake, where they were established as missionaries, that La Salle was
husband on the watch, and saw that it was a plot to entrap him.[89]
Another attack, of a different character, though in the same direction, was
soon after made. The remittances which La Salle received from the various
members and connections of his family were sent through the hands of his
brother, Abbé Cavelier, from whom his enemies were, therefore, very eager
to alienate him. To this end, a report was made to reach the priest's ears that
La Salle had seduced a young woman, with whom he was living in an open
and scandalous manner at Fort Frontenac. The effect of this device
exceeded the wishes of its contrivers; for the priest, aghast at what he had
heard, set out for the fort, to administer his fraternal rebuke, but on arriving,
in place of the expected abomination, found his brother, assisted by two
Récollet friars, ruling with edifying propriety over a most exemplary
household.
Thus far the memoir. From passages in some of La Salle's letters, it may
be gathered that Abbé Cavelier gave him at times no little annoyance. In his
double character of priest and elder brother, he seems to have constituted
himself the counsellor, monitor, and guide of a man who, though many
years his junior, was in all respects incomparably superior to him, as the
sequel will show. This must have been almost insufferable to a nature like
that of La Salle, who, nevertheless, was forced to arm himself with
patience, since his brother held the purse-strings. On one occasion his
forbearance was put to a severe proof, when, wishing to marry a damsel of
good connections in the colony, Abbé Cavelier saw fit for some reason to
interfere, and prevented the alliance.[90]
To resume the memoir. It declares that the Jesuits
procured an ordinance from the Supreme Council INTRIGUES OF
THE JESUITS.
prohibiting traders from going into the Indian country, in
order that they, the Jesuits, being already established there in their missions,
might carry on trade without competition. But La Salle induced a good
number of the Iroquois to settle around his fort; thus bringing the trade to
his own door, without breaking the ordinance. These Iroquois, he is further
reported to have said, were very fond of him, and aided him in rebuilding
the fort with cut stone. The Jesuits told the Iroquois on the south side of the
lake, where they were established as missionaries, that La Salle was
Page 95
strengthening his defences with the view of making war on them. They and
the intendant, who was their creature, endeavored to embroil the Iroquois
with the French in order to ruin La Salle; writing to him at the same time
that he was the bulwark of the country, and that he ought to be always on
his guard. They also tried to persuade Frontenac that it was necessary to
raise men and prepare for war. La Salle suspected them; and seeing that the
Iroquois, in consequence of their intrigues, were in an excited state, he
induced the governor to come to Fort Frontenac to pacify them. He
accordingly did so; and a council was held, which ended in a complete
restoration of confidence on the part of the Iroquois.[91] At this council they
accused the two Jesuits, Bruyas and Pierron,[92] of spreading reports that the
French were preparing to attack them. La Salle thought that the object of
the intrigue was to make the Iroquois jealous of him, and engage Frontenac
in expenses which would offend the King. After La Salle and the governor
had lost credit by the rupture, the Jesuits would come forward as
pacificators, in the full assurance that they could restore quiet, and appear in
the attitude of saviors of the colony.
La Salle, pursues his reporter, went on to say that about this time a
quantity of hemlock and verdigris was given him in a salad; and that the
guilty person was a man in his employ named Nicolas Perrot, otherwise
called Jolycœur, who confessed the crime.[93] The memoir adds that La
Salle, who recovered from the effects of the poison, wholly exculpates the
Jesuits.
This attempt, which was not, as we shall see, the only one of the kind
made against La Salle, is alluded to by him in a letter to a friend at Paris,
written in Canada when he was on the point of departure on his great
expedition to descend the Mississippi. The following is an extract from it:
"I hope to give myself the honor of sending you a
more particular account of this enterprise when it shall LA SALLE
EXCULPATES
have had the success which I hope for it; but I have need THE JESUITS.
of a strong protection for its support. It traverses the
commercial operations of certain persons, who will find it hard to endure it.
They intended to make a new Paraguay in these parts, and the route which I
close against them gave them facilities for an advantageous correspondence
with Mexico. This check will infallibly be a mortification to them; and you
the intendant, who was their creature, endeavored to embroil the Iroquois
with the French in order to ruin La Salle; writing to him at the same time
that he was the bulwark of the country, and that he ought to be always on
his guard. They also tried to persuade Frontenac that it was necessary to
raise men and prepare for war. La Salle suspected them; and seeing that the
Iroquois, in consequence of their intrigues, were in an excited state, he
induced the governor to come to Fort Frontenac to pacify them. He
accordingly did so; and a council was held, which ended in a complete
restoration of confidence on the part of the Iroquois.[91] At this council they
accused the two Jesuits, Bruyas and Pierron,[92] of spreading reports that the
French were preparing to attack them. La Salle thought that the object of
the intrigue was to make the Iroquois jealous of him, and engage Frontenac
in expenses which would offend the King. After La Salle and the governor
had lost credit by the rupture, the Jesuits would come forward as
pacificators, in the full assurance that they could restore quiet, and appear in
the attitude of saviors of the colony.
La Salle, pursues his reporter, went on to say that about this time a
quantity of hemlock and verdigris was given him in a salad; and that the
guilty person was a man in his employ named Nicolas Perrot, otherwise
called Jolycœur, who confessed the crime.[93] The memoir adds that La
Salle, who recovered from the effects of the poison, wholly exculpates the
Jesuits.
This attempt, which was not, as we shall see, the only one of the kind
made against La Salle, is alluded to by him in a letter to a friend at Paris,
written in Canada when he was on the point of departure on his great
expedition to descend the Mississippi. The following is an extract from it:
"I hope to give myself the honor of sending you a
more particular account of this enterprise when it shall LA SALLE
EXCULPATES
have had the success which I hope for it; but I have need THE JESUITS.
of a strong protection for its support. It traverses the
commercial operations of certain persons, who will find it hard to endure it.
They intended to make a new Paraguay in these parts, and the route which I
close against them gave them facilities for an advantageous correspondence
with Mexico. This check will infallibly be a mortification to them; and you
Page 96
know how they deal with whatever opposes them. Nevertheless, I am bound
to render them the justice to say that the poison which was given me was
not at all of their instigation. The person who was conscious of the guilt,
believing that I was their enemy because he saw that our sentiments were
opposed, thought to exculpate himself by accusing them, and I confess that
at the time I was not sorry to have this indication of their ill-will; but having
afterwards carefully examined the affair, I clearly discovered the falsity of
the accusation which this rascal had made against them. I nevertheless
pardoned him, in order not to give notoriety to the affair; as the mere
suspicion might sully their reputation, to which I should scrupulously avoid
doing the slightest injury unless I thought it necessary to the good of the
public, and unless the fact were fully proved. Therefore, Monsieur, if
anybody shared the suspicion which I felt, oblige me by undeceiving him."
[94]
This letter, so honorable to La Salle, explains the statement made in the
memoir, that, notwithstanding his grounds of complaint against the Jesuits,
he continued to live on terms of courtesy with them, entertained them at his
fort, and occasionally corresponded with them. The writer asserts, however,
that they intrigued with his men to induce them to desert,—employing for
this purpose a young man named Deslauriers, whom they sent to him with
letters of recommendation. La Salle took him into his service; but he soon
after escaped, with several other men, and took refuge in the Jesuit
missions.[95] The object of the intrigue is said to have been the reduction of
La Salle's garrison to a number less than that which he was bound to
maintain, thus exposing him to a forfeiture of his title of possession.
He is also stated to have declared that Louis Joliet was
an impostor,[96] and a donné of the Jesuits,—that is, a RENEWED
INTRIGUES.
man who worked for them without pay; and, further, that
when he, La Salle, came to court to ask for privileges enabling him to
pursue his discoveries, the Jesuits represented in advance to the minister
Colbert that his head was turned, and that he was fit for nothing but a mad-
house. It was only by the aid of influential friends that he was at length
enabled to gain an audience.
Here ends this remarkable memoir, which, criticise it as we may, does not
exaggerate the jealousies and enmities that beset the path of the discoverer.
to render them the justice to say that the poison which was given me was
not at all of their instigation. The person who was conscious of the guilt,
believing that I was their enemy because he saw that our sentiments were
opposed, thought to exculpate himself by accusing them, and I confess that
at the time I was not sorry to have this indication of their ill-will; but having
afterwards carefully examined the affair, I clearly discovered the falsity of
the accusation which this rascal had made against them. I nevertheless
pardoned him, in order not to give notoriety to the affair; as the mere
suspicion might sully their reputation, to which I should scrupulously avoid
doing the slightest injury unless I thought it necessary to the good of the
public, and unless the fact were fully proved. Therefore, Monsieur, if
anybody shared the suspicion which I felt, oblige me by undeceiving him."
[94]
This letter, so honorable to La Salle, explains the statement made in the
memoir, that, notwithstanding his grounds of complaint against the Jesuits,
he continued to live on terms of courtesy with them, entertained them at his
fort, and occasionally corresponded with them. The writer asserts, however,
that they intrigued with his men to induce them to desert,—employing for
this purpose a young man named Deslauriers, whom they sent to him with
letters of recommendation. La Salle took him into his service; but he soon
after escaped, with several other men, and took refuge in the Jesuit
missions.[95] The object of the intrigue is said to have been the reduction of
La Salle's garrison to a number less than that which he was bound to
maintain, thus exposing him to a forfeiture of his title of possession.
He is also stated to have declared that Louis Joliet was
an impostor,[96] and a donné of the Jesuits,—that is, a RENEWED
INTRIGUES.
man who worked for them without pay; and, further, that
when he, La Salle, came to court to ask for privileges enabling him to
pursue his discoveries, the Jesuits represented in advance to the minister
Colbert that his head was turned, and that he was fit for nothing but a mad-
house. It was only by the aid of influential friends that he was at length
enabled to gain an audience.
Here ends this remarkable memoir, which, criticise it as we may, does not
exaggerate the jealousies and enmities that beset the path of the discoverer.
Page 97
FOOTNOTES:
[ Ante, p. 17.
75
] [ Louis-Armand de Bourbon, second Prince de Conti. The author of the memoir
76 seems to have been Abbé Renaudot, a learned churchman.
]
[ Extracts from this have already been given in connection with La Salle's
77 supposed discovery of the Mississippi. Ante, p. 29.
]
[ "Tous ceux de mes amis qui l'ont vu luy trouve beaucoup d'esprit et un
78 très-grand sens; il ne parle guère que des choses sur lesquelles on
] l'interroge; il les dit en très-peu de mots et très-bien circonstanciées; il
distingue parfaitement ce qu'il scait avec certitude, de ce qu'il scait avec quelque mélange de
doute. Il avoue sans aucune façon ne pas savoir ce qu'il ne scait pas, et quoyque je luy aye ouy
dire plus de cinq ou six fois les mesme choses à l'occasion de quelques personnes qui ne les
avaient point encore entendues, je les luy ay toujours ouy dire de la mesme manière. En un mot je
n'ay jamais ouy parler personne dont les paroles portassent plus de marques de vérité."
[ ] "Il y a une autre chose qui me déplait, qui est l'entière dépendence dans laquelle les
79 Prêtres du Séminaire de Québec et le Grand Vicaire de l'Evêque sont pour les Pères
] Jésuites, car il ne fait pas la moindre chose sans leur ordre; ce qui fait qu'indirectement ils
sont les maîtres de ce qui regarde le spirituel, qui, comme vous savez, est une grande machine
pour remuer tout le reste."—Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 2 Nov., 1672.
[ "Ces réligieux [les Récollets] sont fort protégés partout par le comte de Frontenac,
80 gouverneur du pays, et à cause de cela assez maltraités par l'évesque, parceque la doctrine
] de l'évesque et des Jésuites est que les affaires de la Réligion chrestienne n'iront point bien
dans ce pays-là que quand le gouverneur sera créature des Jésuites, ou que l'évesque sera
gouverneur."—Mémoire sur Mr. de la Salle.
[ "Ils [les Jésuites] refusent l'absolution à ceux qui ne veulent pas promettre de n'en plus
81 vendre [de l'eau-de-vie], et s'ils meurent en cet étât, ils les privent de la sépulture
] ecclésiastique; au contraire ils se permettent à eux-mêmes sans aucune difficulté ce mesme
trafic quoique toute sorte de trafic soit interdite à tous les ecclésiastiques par les ordonnances du
Roy, et par une bulle expresse du Pape. La Bulle et les ordonnances sont notoires, et quoyqu'ils
cachent le trafic qu'ils font d'eau-de-vie, M. de la Salle prétend qu'il ne l'est pas moins; qu'outre la
notoriété il en a des preuves certaines, et qu'il les a surpris dans ce trafic, et qu'ils luy ont tendu
des pièges pour l'y surprendre.... Ils ont chassé leur valet Robert à cause qu'il révéla qu'ils en
traitaient jour et nuit."—Ibid. The writer says that he makes this last statement, not on the
authority of La Salle, but on that of a memoir made at the time when the intendant, Talon, with
whom he elsewhere says that he was well acquainted, returned to France. A great number of
particulars are added respecting the Jesuit trade in furs.
[ Albanel was prominent among the Jesuit explorers at this time. He is best known by his
82 journey up the Saguenay to Hudson's Bay in 1672.
]
[ "Pour vous parler franchement, ils [les Jésuites] songent autant à la conversion du
83 Castor qu'à celle des âmes."—Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 2 Nov., 1672.
]
[ Ante, p. 17.
75
] [ Louis-Armand de Bourbon, second Prince de Conti. The author of the memoir
76 seems to have been Abbé Renaudot, a learned churchman.
]
[ Extracts from this have already been given in connection with La Salle's
77 supposed discovery of the Mississippi. Ante, p. 29.
]
[ "Tous ceux de mes amis qui l'ont vu luy trouve beaucoup d'esprit et un
78 très-grand sens; il ne parle guère que des choses sur lesquelles on
] l'interroge; il les dit en très-peu de mots et très-bien circonstanciées; il
distingue parfaitement ce qu'il scait avec certitude, de ce qu'il scait avec quelque mélange de
doute. Il avoue sans aucune façon ne pas savoir ce qu'il ne scait pas, et quoyque je luy aye ouy
dire plus de cinq ou six fois les mesme choses à l'occasion de quelques personnes qui ne les
avaient point encore entendues, je les luy ay toujours ouy dire de la mesme manière. En un mot je
n'ay jamais ouy parler personne dont les paroles portassent plus de marques de vérité."
[ ] "Il y a une autre chose qui me déplait, qui est l'entière dépendence dans laquelle les
79 Prêtres du Séminaire de Québec et le Grand Vicaire de l'Evêque sont pour les Pères
] Jésuites, car il ne fait pas la moindre chose sans leur ordre; ce qui fait qu'indirectement ils
sont les maîtres de ce qui regarde le spirituel, qui, comme vous savez, est une grande machine
pour remuer tout le reste."—Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 2 Nov., 1672.
[ "Ces réligieux [les Récollets] sont fort protégés partout par le comte de Frontenac,
80 gouverneur du pays, et à cause de cela assez maltraités par l'évesque, parceque la doctrine
] de l'évesque et des Jésuites est que les affaires de la Réligion chrestienne n'iront point bien
dans ce pays-là que quand le gouverneur sera créature des Jésuites, ou que l'évesque sera
gouverneur."—Mémoire sur Mr. de la Salle.
[ "Ils [les Jésuites] refusent l'absolution à ceux qui ne veulent pas promettre de n'en plus
81 vendre [de l'eau-de-vie], et s'ils meurent en cet étât, ils les privent de la sépulture
] ecclésiastique; au contraire ils se permettent à eux-mêmes sans aucune difficulté ce mesme
trafic quoique toute sorte de trafic soit interdite à tous les ecclésiastiques par les ordonnances du
Roy, et par une bulle expresse du Pape. La Bulle et les ordonnances sont notoires, et quoyqu'ils
cachent le trafic qu'ils font d'eau-de-vie, M. de la Salle prétend qu'il ne l'est pas moins; qu'outre la
notoriété il en a des preuves certaines, et qu'il les a surpris dans ce trafic, et qu'ils luy ont tendu
des pièges pour l'y surprendre.... Ils ont chassé leur valet Robert à cause qu'il révéla qu'ils en
traitaient jour et nuit."—Ibid. The writer says that he makes this last statement, not on the
authority of La Salle, but on that of a memoir made at the time when the intendant, Talon, with
whom he elsewhere says that he was well acquainted, returned to France. A great number of
particulars are added respecting the Jesuit trade in furs.
[ Albanel was prominent among the Jesuit explorers at this time. He is best known by his
82 journey up the Saguenay to Hudson's Bay in 1672.
]
[ "Pour vous parler franchement, ils [les Jésuites] songent autant à la conversion du
83 Castor qu'à celle des âmes."—Lettre de Frontenac à Colbert, 2 Nov., 1672.
]
Page 98
In his despatch of the next year, he says that the Jesuits ought to
content themselves with instructing the Indians in their old missions,
instead of neglecting them to make new ones in countries where there are
"more beaver-skins to gain than souls to save."
[ These forts were built by them, and were necessary to the security of their missions.
84
] [ François Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, first bishop of Quebec, was a prelate of
85 austere character. His memory is cherished in Canada by adherents of the Jesuits and
] all ultramontane Catholics.
[ This Madame Bourdon was the widow of Bourdon, the engineer (see "The Jesuits in
86 North America," 297). If we may credit the letters of Marie de l'Incarnation, she had
] married him from a religious motive, in order to charge herself with the care of his
motherless children; stipulating in advance that he should live with her, not as a husband, but as a
brother. As may be imagined, she was regarded as a most devout and saint-like person.
[ "Il y a dans Québec une congrégation de femmes et de filles qu'ils [les Jésuites]
87 appellent la sainte famille, dans laquelle on fait vœu sur les Saints Evangiles de dire tout ce
] qu'on sait de bien et de mal des personnes qu'on connoist. La Supérieure de cette
compagnie s'appelle Madame Bourdon; une Mde. d'Ailleboust est, je crois, l'assistante et une
Mde. Charron, la Trésorière. La Compagnie s'assemble tous les Jeudis dans la Cathédrale, à porte
fermée, et là elles se disent les unes aux autres tout ce qu'elles ont appris. C'est une espèce
d'Inquisition contre toutes les personnes qui ne sont pas unies avec les Jésuites. Ces personnes
sont accusées de tenir secret ce qu'elles apprennent de mal des personnes de leur party et de
n'avoir pas la mesme discretion pour les autres."—Mémoire sur M^r. de la Salle.
The Madame d'Ailleboust mentioned above was a devotee like
Madame Bourdon, and, in one respect, her history was similar. See "The
Jesuits in North America," 360.
The association of the Sainte Famille was founded by the Jesuit
Chaumonot at Montreal in 1663. Laval, Bishop of Quebec, afterwards
encouraged its establishment at that place; and, as Chaumonot himself
writes, caused it to be attached to the cathedral. Vie de Chaumonot, 83.
For its establishment at Montreal, see Faillon, Vie de Mlle. Mance, i. 233.
"Ils [les Jésuites] ont tous une si grande envie de savoir tout ce qui se
fait dans les familles qu'ils ont des Inspecteurs à gages dans la Ville, qui
leur rapportent tout ce qui se fait dans les maisons," etc., etc.—Lettre de
Frontenac au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1673.
[ Mention has been made (p. 88, note) of the report set on foot by the Jesuit Dablon, to
88 prevent the building of the fort.
]
content themselves with instructing the Indians in their old missions,
instead of neglecting them to make new ones in countries where there are
"more beaver-skins to gain than souls to save."
[ These forts were built by them, and were necessary to the security of their missions.
84
] [ François Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, first bishop of Quebec, was a prelate of
85 austere character. His memory is cherished in Canada by adherents of the Jesuits and
] all ultramontane Catholics.
[ This Madame Bourdon was the widow of Bourdon, the engineer (see "The Jesuits in
86 North America," 297). If we may credit the letters of Marie de l'Incarnation, she had
] married him from a religious motive, in order to charge herself with the care of his
motherless children; stipulating in advance that he should live with her, not as a husband, but as a
brother. As may be imagined, she was regarded as a most devout and saint-like person.
[ "Il y a dans Québec une congrégation de femmes et de filles qu'ils [les Jésuites]
87 appellent la sainte famille, dans laquelle on fait vœu sur les Saints Evangiles de dire tout ce
] qu'on sait de bien et de mal des personnes qu'on connoist. La Supérieure de cette
compagnie s'appelle Madame Bourdon; une Mde. d'Ailleboust est, je crois, l'assistante et une
Mde. Charron, la Trésorière. La Compagnie s'assemble tous les Jeudis dans la Cathédrale, à porte
fermée, et là elles se disent les unes aux autres tout ce qu'elles ont appris. C'est une espèce
d'Inquisition contre toutes les personnes qui ne sont pas unies avec les Jésuites. Ces personnes
sont accusées de tenir secret ce qu'elles apprennent de mal des personnes de leur party et de
n'avoir pas la mesme discretion pour les autres."—Mémoire sur M^r. de la Salle.
The Madame d'Ailleboust mentioned above was a devotee like
Madame Bourdon, and, in one respect, her history was similar. See "The
Jesuits in North America," 360.
The association of the Sainte Famille was founded by the Jesuit
Chaumonot at Montreal in 1663. Laval, Bishop of Quebec, afterwards
encouraged its establishment at that place; and, as Chaumonot himself
writes, caused it to be attached to the cathedral. Vie de Chaumonot, 83.
For its establishment at Montreal, see Faillon, Vie de Mlle. Mance, i. 233.
"Ils [les Jésuites] ont tous une si grande envie de savoir tout ce qui se
fait dans les familles qu'ils ont des Inspecteurs à gages dans la Ville, qui
leur rapportent tout ce qui se fait dans les maisons," etc., etc.—Lettre de
Frontenac au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1673.
[ Mention has been made (p. 88, note) of the report set on foot by the Jesuit Dablon, to
88 prevent the building of the fort.
]
Page 99
[ This story is told at considerable length, and the advances of the lady particularly
89 described.
]
[ Letter of La Salle, in possession of M. Margry.
90
] [ Louis XIV. alludes to this visit, in a letter to Frontenac, dated 28 April, 1677.
91 "I cannot but approve," he writes, "of what you have done, in your voyage to
] Fort Frontenac, to reconcile the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to
clear yourself from the suspicions they had entertained, and from the motives that might induce
them to make war." Frontenac's despatches of this year, as well as of the preceding and following
years, are missing from the archives.
In a memoir written in November, 1680, La Salle alludes to "le désir
que l'on avoit que Monseigneur le Comte de Frontenac fit la guerre aux
Iroquois." See Thomassy, Géologie Pratique de la Louisiane, 203.
[ Bruyas was about this time stationed among the Onondagas. Pierron was among the
92 Senecas. He had lately removed to them from the Mohawk country. Relation des Jésuites,
] 1673-79, 140 (Shea). Bruyas was also for a long time among the Mohawks.
[ This puts the character of Perrot in a new light; for it is not likely that any other can be
93 meant than the famous voyageur. I have found no mention elsewhere of the synonyme of
] Jolycœur. Poisoning was the current crime of the day, and persons of the highest rank had
repeatedly been charged with it. The following is the passage:—
"Quoiqu'il en soit, Mr. de la Salle se sentit quelque temps après
empoisonné d'une salade dans laquelle on avoit meslé du ciguë, qui est
poison en ce pays là, et du verd de gris. Il en fut malade à l'extrémité,
vomissant presque continuellement 40 ou 50 jours après, et il ne
réchappa que par la force extrême de sa constitution. Celuy qui luy
donna le poison fut un nommé Nicolas Perrot, autrement Jolycœur, l'un
de ses domestiques.... Il pouvait faire mourir cet homme, qui a confessé
son crime, mais il s'est contenté de l'enfermer les fers aux pieds."—
Histoire de Mr. de la Salle.
[ The following words are underlined in the original: "Je suis pourtant obligé de leur
94 rendre une justice, que le poison qu'on m'avoit donné n'éstoit point de leur instigation."—
] Lettre de La Salle au Prince de Conti, 31 Oct., 1678.
[ In a letter to the King, Frontenac mentions that several men who had been induced to
95 desert from La Salle had gone to Albany, where the English had received them well. Lettre
] de Frontenac au Roy, 6 Nov., 1679. The Jesuits had a mission in the neighboring tribe of
the Mohawks and elsewhere in New York.
[ This agrees with expressions used by La Salle in a memoir addressed by him to
96 Frontenac in November, 1680. In this, he intimates his belief that Joliet went but little
] below the mouth of the Illinois, thus doing flagrant injustice to that brave explorer.
89 described.
]
[ Letter of La Salle, in possession of M. Margry.
90
] [ Louis XIV. alludes to this visit, in a letter to Frontenac, dated 28 April, 1677.
91 "I cannot but approve," he writes, "of what you have done, in your voyage to
] Fort Frontenac, to reconcile the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to
clear yourself from the suspicions they had entertained, and from the motives that might induce
them to make war." Frontenac's despatches of this year, as well as of the preceding and following
years, are missing from the archives.
In a memoir written in November, 1680, La Salle alludes to "le désir
que l'on avoit que Monseigneur le Comte de Frontenac fit la guerre aux
Iroquois." See Thomassy, Géologie Pratique de la Louisiane, 203.
[ Bruyas was about this time stationed among the Onondagas. Pierron was among the
92 Senecas. He had lately removed to them from the Mohawk country. Relation des Jésuites,
] 1673-79, 140 (Shea). Bruyas was also for a long time among the Mohawks.
[ This puts the character of Perrot in a new light; for it is not likely that any other can be
93 meant than the famous voyageur. I have found no mention elsewhere of the synonyme of
] Jolycœur. Poisoning was the current crime of the day, and persons of the highest rank had
repeatedly been charged with it. The following is the passage:—
"Quoiqu'il en soit, Mr. de la Salle se sentit quelque temps après
empoisonné d'une salade dans laquelle on avoit meslé du ciguë, qui est
poison en ce pays là, et du verd de gris. Il en fut malade à l'extrémité,
vomissant presque continuellement 40 ou 50 jours après, et il ne
réchappa que par la force extrême de sa constitution. Celuy qui luy
donna le poison fut un nommé Nicolas Perrot, autrement Jolycœur, l'un
de ses domestiques.... Il pouvait faire mourir cet homme, qui a confessé
son crime, mais il s'est contenté de l'enfermer les fers aux pieds."—
Histoire de Mr. de la Salle.
[ The following words are underlined in the original: "Je suis pourtant obligé de leur
94 rendre une justice, que le poison qu'on m'avoit donné n'éstoit point de leur instigation."—
] Lettre de La Salle au Prince de Conti, 31 Oct., 1678.
[ In a letter to the King, Frontenac mentions that several men who had been induced to
95 desert from La Salle had gone to Albany, where the English had received them well. Lettre
] de Frontenac au Roy, 6 Nov., 1679. The Jesuits had a mission in the neighboring tribe of
the Mohawks and elsewhere in New York.
[ This agrees with expressions used by La Salle in a memoir addressed by him to
96 Frontenac in November, 1680. In this, he intimates his belief that Joliet went but little
] below the mouth of the Illinois, thus doing flagrant injustice to that brave explorer.
Page 100
Page 101
CHAPTER VIII.
1677, 1678.
THE GRAND ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Fort Frontenac.—La Salle at Court: his Memorial.—
Approval of the King.—Money and Means.—Henri de Tonty.—
Return to Canada.
"If," writes a friend of La Salle," he had preferred gain to glory, he had
only to stay at his fort, where he was making more than twenty-five
thousand livres a year."[97] He loved solitude and he loved power; and at
Fort Frontenac he had both, so far as each consisted with the other. The
nearest settlement was a week's journey distant, and he was master of all
around him. He had spared no pains to fulfil the conditions on which his
wilderness seigniory had been granted, and within two years he had
demolished the original wooden fort, replacing it by another much larger,
enclosed on the land side by ramparts and bastions of stone, and on the
water side by palisades. It contained a range of barracks of squared timber,
a guard-house, a lodging for officers, a forge, a well, a mill, and a bakery.
Nine small cannon were mounted on the walls. Two officers and a surgeon,
with ten or twelve soldiers, made up the garrison; and three or four times
that number of masons, laborers, and canoe-men were at one time
maintained at the place.
Along the shore south of the fort was a small village
of French families, to whom La Salle had granted farms, LA SALLE AT
FORT
and, farther on, a village of Iroquois, whom he had FRONTENAC.
persuaded to settle here. Near these villages were the
house and chapel of two Récollet friars, Luc Buisset and Louis Hennepin.
More than a hundred French acres of land had been cleared of wood, and
planted in part with crops; while cattle, fowls, and swine had been brought
up from Montreal. Four vessels, of from twenty-five to forty tons, had been
built for the lake and the river; but canoes served best for ordinary uses, and
La Salle's followers became so skilled in managing them that they were
1677, 1678.
THE GRAND ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Fort Frontenac.—La Salle at Court: his Memorial.—
Approval of the King.—Money and Means.—Henri de Tonty.—
Return to Canada.
"If," writes a friend of La Salle," he had preferred gain to glory, he had
only to stay at his fort, where he was making more than twenty-five
thousand livres a year."[97] He loved solitude and he loved power; and at
Fort Frontenac he had both, so far as each consisted with the other. The
nearest settlement was a week's journey distant, and he was master of all
around him. He had spared no pains to fulfil the conditions on which his
wilderness seigniory had been granted, and within two years he had
demolished the original wooden fort, replacing it by another much larger,
enclosed on the land side by ramparts and bastions of stone, and on the
water side by palisades. It contained a range of barracks of squared timber,
a guard-house, a lodging for officers, a forge, a well, a mill, and a bakery.
Nine small cannon were mounted on the walls. Two officers and a surgeon,
with ten or twelve soldiers, made up the garrison; and three or four times
that number of masons, laborers, and canoe-men were at one time
maintained at the place.
Along the shore south of the fort was a small village
of French families, to whom La Salle had granted farms, LA SALLE AT
FORT
and, farther on, a village of Iroquois, whom he had FRONTENAC.
persuaded to settle here. Near these villages were the
house and chapel of two Récollet friars, Luc Buisset and Louis Hennepin.
More than a hundred French acres of land had been cleared of wood, and
planted in part with crops; while cattle, fowls, and swine had been brought
up from Montreal. Four vessels, of from twenty-five to forty tons, had been
built for the lake and the river; but canoes served best for ordinary uses, and
La Salle's followers became so skilled in managing them that they were
Page 102
reputed the best canoe-men in America. Feudal lord of the forests around
him, commander of a garrison raised and paid by himself, founder of the
mission, and patron of the church, he reigned the autocrat of his lonely little
empire.[98]
It was not solely or chiefly for commercial gain that
La Salle had established Fort Frontenac. He regarded it LA SALLE'S
MEMORIAL.
as a first step towards greater things; and now, at length,
his plans were ripe and his time was come. In the autumn of 1677 he left the
fort in charge of his lieutenant, descended the St. Lawrence to Quebec, and
sailed for France. He had the patronage of Frontenac and the help of strong
friends in Paris. It is said, as we have seen already, that his enemies
denounced him, in advance, as a madman; but a memorial of his, which his
friends laid before the minister Colbert, found a favorable hearing. In it he
set forth his plans, or a portion of them. He first recounted briefly the
discoveries he had made, and then described the country he had seen south
and west of the great lakes. "It is nearly all so beautiful and so fertile; so
free from forests, and so full of meadows, brooks, and rivers; so abounding
in fish, game, and venison, that one can find there in plenty, and with little
trouble, all that is needful for the support of flourishing colonies. The soil
will produce everything that is raised in France. Flocks and herds can be
left out at pasture all winter; and there are even native wild cattle, which,
instead of hair, have a fine wool that may answer for making cloth and hats.
Their hides are better than those of France, as appears by the sample which
the Sieur de la Salle has brought with him. Hemp and cotton grow here
naturally, and may be manufactured with good results; so there can be no
doubt that colonies planted here would become very prosperous. They
would be increased by a great number of western Indians, who are in the
main of a tractable and social disposition; and as they have the use neither
of our weapons nor of our goods, and are not in intercourse with other
Europeans, they will readily adapt themselves to us and imitate our way of
life as soon as they taste the advantages of our friendship and of the
commodities we bring them, insomuch that these countries will infallibly
furnish, within a few years, a great many new subjects to the Church and
the King.
"It was the knowledge of these things, joined to the poverty of Canada,
its dense forests, its barren soil, its harsh climate, and the snow that covers
him, commander of a garrison raised and paid by himself, founder of the
mission, and patron of the church, he reigned the autocrat of his lonely little
empire.[98]
It was not solely or chiefly for commercial gain that
La Salle had established Fort Frontenac. He regarded it LA SALLE'S
MEMORIAL.
as a first step towards greater things; and now, at length,
his plans were ripe and his time was come. In the autumn of 1677 he left the
fort in charge of his lieutenant, descended the St. Lawrence to Quebec, and
sailed for France. He had the patronage of Frontenac and the help of strong
friends in Paris. It is said, as we have seen already, that his enemies
denounced him, in advance, as a madman; but a memorial of his, which his
friends laid before the minister Colbert, found a favorable hearing. In it he
set forth his plans, or a portion of them. He first recounted briefly the
discoveries he had made, and then described the country he had seen south
and west of the great lakes. "It is nearly all so beautiful and so fertile; so
free from forests, and so full of meadows, brooks, and rivers; so abounding
in fish, game, and venison, that one can find there in plenty, and with little
trouble, all that is needful for the support of flourishing colonies. The soil
will produce everything that is raised in France. Flocks and herds can be
left out at pasture all winter; and there are even native wild cattle, which,
instead of hair, have a fine wool that may answer for making cloth and hats.
Their hides are better than those of France, as appears by the sample which
the Sieur de la Salle has brought with him. Hemp and cotton grow here
naturally, and may be manufactured with good results; so there can be no
doubt that colonies planted here would become very prosperous. They
would be increased by a great number of western Indians, who are in the
main of a tractable and social disposition; and as they have the use neither
of our weapons nor of our goods, and are not in intercourse with other
Europeans, they will readily adapt themselves to us and imitate our way of
life as soon as they taste the advantages of our friendship and of the
commodities we bring them, insomuch that these countries will infallibly
furnish, within a few years, a great many new subjects to the Church and
the King.
"It was the knowledge of these things, joined to the poverty of Canada,
its dense forests, its barren soil, its harsh climate, and the snow that covers
Page 103
the ground for half the year, that led the Sieur de la Salle to undertake the
planting of colonies in these beautiful countries of the West."
Then he recounts the difficulties of the attempt,—the vast distances, the
rapids and cataracts that obstruct the way; the cost of men, provisions, and
munitions; the danger from the Iroquois, and the rivalry of the English, who
covet the western country, and would gladly seize it for themselves. "But
this last reason," says the memorial, "only animates the Sieur de la Salle the
more, and impels him to anticipate them by the promptness of his action."
He declares that it was for this that he had asked for the grant of Fort
Frontenac; and he describes what he had done at that post, in order to make
it a secure basis for his enterprise. He says that he has now overcome the
chief difficulties in his way, and that he is ready to plant a new colony at the
outlet of Lake Erie, of which the English, if not prevented, might easily take
possession. Towards the accomplishment of his plans, he asks the
confirmation of his title to Fort Frontenac, and the permission to establish at
his own cost two other posts, with seigniorial rights over all lands which he
may discover and colonize within twenty years, and the government of all
the country in question. On his part, he proposes to renounce all share in the
trade carried on between the tribes of the Upper Lakes and the people of
Canada.
La Salle seems to have had an interview with the minister, in which the
proposals of his memorial were somewhat modified. He soon received in
reply the following patent from the King:—
"Louis, by the grace of God King of France and
Navarre, to our dear and well-beloved Robert Cavelier, THE KING'S
Sieur de la Salle, greeting. We have received with favor APPROVAL.
the very humble petition made us in your name, to permit you to labor at
the discovery of the western parts of New France; and we have the more
willingly entertained this proposal, since we have nothing more at heart
than the exploration of this country, through which, to all appearance, a way
may be found to Mexico.... For this and other causes thereunto moving us,
we permit you by these presents, signed with our hand, to labor at the
discovery of the western parts of our aforesaid country of New France; and,
for the execution of this enterprise, to build forts at such places as you may
planting of colonies in these beautiful countries of the West."
Then he recounts the difficulties of the attempt,—the vast distances, the
rapids and cataracts that obstruct the way; the cost of men, provisions, and
munitions; the danger from the Iroquois, and the rivalry of the English, who
covet the western country, and would gladly seize it for themselves. "But
this last reason," says the memorial, "only animates the Sieur de la Salle the
more, and impels him to anticipate them by the promptness of his action."
He declares that it was for this that he had asked for the grant of Fort
Frontenac; and he describes what he had done at that post, in order to make
it a secure basis for his enterprise. He says that he has now overcome the
chief difficulties in his way, and that he is ready to plant a new colony at the
outlet of Lake Erie, of which the English, if not prevented, might easily take
possession. Towards the accomplishment of his plans, he asks the
confirmation of his title to Fort Frontenac, and the permission to establish at
his own cost two other posts, with seigniorial rights over all lands which he
may discover and colonize within twenty years, and the government of all
the country in question. On his part, he proposes to renounce all share in the
trade carried on between the tribes of the Upper Lakes and the people of
Canada.
La Salle seems to have had an interview with the minister, in which the
proposals of his memorial were somewhat modified. He soon received in
reply the following patent from the King:—
"Louis, by the grace of God King of France and
Navarre, to our dear and well-beloved Robert Cavelier, THE KING'S
Sieur de la Salle, greeting. We have received with favor APPROVAL.
the very humble petition made us in your name, to permit you to labor at
the discovery of the western parts of New France; and we have the more
willingly entertained this proposal, since we have nothing more at heart
than the exploration of this country, through which, to all appearance, a way
may be found to Mexico.... For this and other causes thereunto moving us,
we permit you by these presents, signed with our hand, to labor at the
discovery of the western parts of our aforesaid country of New France; and,
for the execution of this enterprise, to build forts at such places as you may
Page 104
think necessary, and enjoy possession thereof under the same clauses and
conditions as of Fort Frontenac, conformably to our letters patent of May
thirteenth, 1675, which, so far as needful, we confirm by these presents.
And it is our will that they be executed according to their form and tenor:
on condition, nevertheless, that you finish this enterprise within five years,
failing which, these presents shall be void, and of no effect; that you carry
on no trade with the savages called Ottawas, or with other tribes who bring
their peltries to Montreal; and that you do the whole at your own cost and
that of your associates, to whom we have granted the sole right of trade in
buffalo-hides. And we direct the Sieur Count Frontenac, our governor and
lieutenant-general, and also Duchesneau, intendant of justice, police, and
finance, and the officers of the supreme council of the aforesaid country, to
see to the execution of these presents; for such is our pleasure.
"Given at St. Germain en Laye, this 12th day of May, 1678, and of our
reign the 35th year."
This patent grants both more and less than the memorial had asked. It
authorizes La Salle to build and own, not two forts only, but as many as he
may see fit, provided that he do so within five years; and it gives him,
besides, the monopoly of buffalo-hides, for which at first he had not
petitioned. Nothing is said of colonies. To discover the country, secure it by
forts, and find, if possible, a way to Mexico, are the only object set forth;
for Louis XIV. always discountenanced settlement in the West, partly as
tending to deplete Canada, and partly as removing his subjects too far from
his paternal control. It was but the year before that he refused to Louis Joliet
the permission to plant a trading station in the Valley of the Mississippi.[99]
La Salle, however, still held to his plan of a commercial and industrial
colony, and in connection with it to another purpose, of which his memorial
had made no mention. This was the building of a vessel on some branch of
the Mississippi, in order to sail down that river to its mouth, and open a
route to commerce through the Gulf of Mexico. It is evident that this design
was already formed; for he had no sooner received his patent, than he
engaged ship-carpenters, and procured iron, cordage, and anchors, not for
one vessel, but for two.
What he now most needed was money; and having none of his own, he
set himself to raising it from others. A notary named Simonnet lent him four
conditions as of Fort Frontenac, conformably to our letters patent of May
thirteenth, 1675, which, so far as needful, we confirm by these presents.
And it is our will that they be executed according to their form and tenor:
on condition, nevertheless, that you finish this enterprise within five years,
failing which, these presents shall be void, and of no effect; that you carry
on no trade with the savages called Ottawas, or with other tribes who bring
their peltries to Montreal; and that you do the whole at your own cost and
that of your associates, to whom we have granted the sole right of trade in
buffalo-hides. And we direct the Sieur Count Frontenac, our governor and
lieutenant-general, and also Duchesneau, intendant of justice, police, and
finance, and the officers of the supreme council of the aforesaid country, to
see to the execution of these presents; for such is our pleasure.
"Given at St. Germain en Laye, this 12th day of May, 1678, and of our
reign the 35th year."
This patent grants both more and less than the memorial had asked. It
authorizes La Salle to build and own, not two forts only, but as many as he
may see fit, provided that he do so within five years; and it gives him,
besides, the monopoly of buffalo-hides, for which at first he had not
petitioned. Nothing is said of colonies. To discover the country, secure it by
forts, and find, if possible, a way to Mexico, are the only object set forth;
for Louis XIV. always discountenanced settlement in the West, partly as
tending to deplete Canada, and partly as removing his subjects too far from
his paternal control. It was but the year before that he refused to Louis Joliet
the permission to plant a trading station in the Valley of the Mississippi.[99]
La Salle, however, still held to his plan of a commercial and industrial
colony, and in connection with it to another purpose, of which his memorial
had made no mention. This was the building of a vessel on some branch of
the Mississippi, in order to sail down that river to its mouth, and open a
route to commerce through the Gulf of Mexico. It is evident that this design
was already formed; for he had no sooner received his patent, than he
engaged ship-carpenters, and procured iron, cordage, and anchors, not for
one vessel, but for two.
What he now most needed was money; and having none of his own, he
set himself to raising it from others. A notary named Simonnet lent him four
Page 105
thousand livres; an advocate named Raoul, twenty-four
thousand; and one Dumont, six thousand. His cousin MONEY AND
MEANS.
François Plet, a merchant of Rue St. Martin, lent him
about eleven thousand, at the interest of forty per cent; and when he
returned to Canada, Frontenac found means to procure him another loan of
about fourteen thousand, secured by the mortgage of Fort Frontenac. But
his chief helpers were his family, who became sharers in his undertaking.
"His brothers and relations," says a memorial afterwards addressed by them
to the King, "spared nothing to enable him to respond worthily to the royal
goodness;" and the document adds, that, before his allotted five years were
ended, his discoveries had cost them more than five hundred thousand
livres (francs).[100] La Salle himself believed, and made others believe, that
there was more profit than risk in his schemes.
Lodged rather obscurely in Rue de la Truanderie, and of a nature reserved
and shy, he nevertheless found countenance and support from personages
no less exalted than Colbert, Seignelay, and the Prince de Conti. Others,
too, in stations less conspicuous, warmly espoused his cause, and none
more so than the learned Abbé Renaudot, who helped him with tongue and
pen, and seems to have been instrumental in introducing to him a man who
afterwards proved invaluable. This was Henri de Tonty, an Italian officer, a
protégé of the Prince de Conti, who sent him to La Salle as a person suited
to his purposes, Tonty had but one hand, the other having been blown off by
a grenade in the Sicilian wars.[101] His father, who had been governor of
Gaeta, but who had come to France in consequence of political disturbances
in Naples, had earned no small reputation as a financier, and had invented
the form of life insurance still called the Tontine. La Salle learned to know
his new lieutenant on the voyage across the Atlantic; and, soon after
reaching Canada, he wrote of him to his patron in the following terms: "His
honorable character and his amiable disposition were well known to you;
but perhaps you would not have thought him capable of doing things for
which a strong constitution, an acquaintance with the country, and the use
of both hands seemed absolutely necessary. Nevertheless, his energy and
address make him equal to anything; and now, at a season when everybody
is in fear of the ice, he is setting out to begin a new fort, two hundred
leagues from this place, and to which I have taken the liberty to give the
name of Fort Conti. It is situated near that great cataract, more than a
thousand; and one Dumont, six thousand. His cousin MONEY AND
MEANS.
François Plet, a merchant of Rue St. Martin, lent him
about eleven thousand, at the interest of forty per cent; and when he
returned to Canada, Frontenac found means to procure him another loan of
about fourteen thousand, secured by the mortgage of Fort Frontenac. But
his chief helpers were his family, who became sharers in his undertaking.
"His brothers and relations," says a memorial afterwards addressed by them
to the King, "spared nothing to enable him to respond worthily to the royal
goodness;" and the document adds, that, before his allotted five years were
ended, his discoveries had cost them more than five hundred thousand
livres (francs).[100] La Salle himself believed, and made others believe, that
there was more profit than risk in his schemes.
Lodged rather obscurely in Rue de la Truanderie, and of a nature reserved
and shy, he nevertheless found countenance and support from personages
no less exalted than Colbert, Seignelay, and the Prince de Conti. Others,
too, in stations less conspicuous, warmly espoused his cause, and none
more so than the learned Abbé Renaudot, who helped him with tongue and
pen, and seems to have been instrumental in introducing to him a man who
afterwards proved invaluable. This was Henri de Tonty, an Italian officer, a
protégé of the Prince de Conti, who sent him to La Salle as a person suited
to his purposes, Tonty had but one hand, the other having been blown off by
a grenade in the Sicilian wars.[101] His father, who had been governor of
Gaeta, but who had come to France in consequence of political disturbances
in Naples, had earned no small reputation as a financier, and had invented
the form of life insurance still called the Tontine. La Salle learned to know
his new lieutenant on the voyage across the Atlantic; and, soon after
reaching Canada, he wrote of him to his patron in the following terms: "His
honorable character and his amiable disposition were well known to you;
but perhaps you would not have thought him capable of doing things for
which a strong constitution, an acquaintance with the country, and the use
of both hands seemed absolutely necessary. Nevertheless, his energy and
address make him equal to anything; and now, at a season when everybody
is in fear of the ice, he is setting out to begin a new fort, two hundred
leagues from this place, and to which I have taken the liberty to give the
name of Fort Conti. It is situated near that great cataract, more than a
Page 106
hundred and twenty toises in height, by which the lakes of higher elevation
precipitate themselves into Lake Frontenac [Ontario]. From there one goes
by water, five hundred leagues, to the place where Fort Dauphin is to be
begun; from which it only remains to descend the great river of the Bay of
St. Esprit, to reach the Gulf of Mexico."[102]
Besides Tonty, La Salle found in France another ally,
La Motte de Lussière, to whom he offered a share in the RETURN TO
CANADA.
enterprise, and who joined him at Rochelle, the place of
embarkation. Here vexatious delays occurred. Bellinzani, director of trade,
who had formerly taken lessons in rascality in the service of Cardinal
Mazarin, abused his official position to throw obstacles in the way of La
Salle, in order to extort money from him; and he extorted, in fact, a
considerable sum, which his victim afterwards reclaimed. It was not till the
fourteenth of July that La Salle, with Tonty, La Motte, and thirty men, set
sail for Canada, and two months more elapsed before he reached Quebec.
Here, to increase his resources and strengthen his position, he seems to have
made a league with several Canadian merchants, some of whom had before
been his enemies, and were to be so again. Here, too, he found Father Louis
Hennepin, who had come down from Fort Frontenac to meet him.[103]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Mémoire pour Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay sur les Descouvertes du Sieur de la
97 Salle, 1682.
]
[ État de la dépense faite par Mr. de la Salle, Gouverneur du Fort Frontenac. Récit
98 de Nicolas de la Salle. Revue faite au Fort de Frontenac, 1677; Mémoire sur le
] Projet du Sieur de la Salle (Margry, i. 329). Plan of Fort Frontenac, published by
Faillon, from the original sent to France by Denonville in 1685. Relation des Découvertes du
Sieur de la Salle. When Frontenac was at the fort in September, 1677, he found only four
habitants. It appears, by the Relation des Découvertes du Sieur de la Salle, that, three or four
years later, there were thirteen or fourteen families. La Salle spent 34,426 francs on the fort.
Mémoire au Roy, Papiers de Famille.
[ Colbert à Duchesneau, 28 Avril, 1677.
99
] [ Mémoire au Roy, présenté sous la Régence; Obligation du Sieur de la Salle envers
10 le Sieur Plet; Autres Emprunts de Cavelier de la Salle (Margry, i. 423-432).
0]
[ Tonty, Mémoire, in Margry, Relations et Mémoires inédits, 5.
10
precipitate themselves into Lake Frontenac [Ontario]. From there one goes
by water, five hundred leagues, to the place where Fort Dauphin is to be
begun; from which it only remains to descend the great river of the Bay of
St. Esprit, to reach the Gulf of Mexico."[102]
Besides Tonty, La Salle found in France another ally,
La Motte de Lussière, to whom he offered a share in the RETURN TO
CANADA.
enterprise, and who joined him at Rochelle, the place of
embarkation. Here vexatious delays occurred. Bellinzani, director of trade,
who had formerly taken lessons in rascality in the service of Cardinal
Mazarin, abused his official position to throw obstacles in the way of La
Salle, in order to extort money from him; and he extorted, in fact, a
considerable sum, which his victim afterwards reclaimed. It was not till the
fourteenth of July that La Salle, with Tonty, La Motte, and thirty men, set
sail for Canada, and two months more elapsed before he reached Quebec.
Here, to increase his resources and strengthen his position, he seems to have
made a league with several Canadian merchants, some of whom had before
been his enemies, and were to be so again. Here, too, he found Father Louis
Hennepin, who had come down from Fort Frontenac to meet him.[103]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Mémoire pour Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay sur les Descouvertes du Sieur de la
97 Salle, 1682.
]
[ État de la dépense faite par Mr. de la Salle, Gouverneur du Fort Frontenac. Récit
98 de Nicolas de la Salle. Revue faite au Fort de Frontenac, 1677; Mémoire sur le
] Projet du Sieur de la Salle (Margry, i. 329). Plan of Fort Frontenac, published by
Faillon, from the original sent to France by Denonville in 1685. Relation des Découvertes du
Sieur de la Salle. When Frontenac was at the fort in September, 1677, he found only four
habitants. It appears, by the Relation des Découvertes du Sieur de la Salle, that, three or four
years later, there were thirteen or fourteen families. La Salle spent 34,426 francs on the fort.
Mémoire au Roy, Papiers de Famille.
[ Colbert à Duchesneau, 28 Avril, 1677.
99
] [ Mémoire au Roy, présenté sous la Régence; Obligation du Sieur de la Salle envers
10 le Sieur Plet; Autres Emprunts de Cavelier de la Salle (Margry, i. 423-432).
0]
[ Tonty, Mémoire, in Margry, Relations et Mémoires inédits, 5.
10
Page 107
1] [ Lettre de La Salle, 31 Oct., 1678. Fort Conti was to have been built on the site of
10 the present Fort Niagara. The name of Lac de Conti was given by La Salle to Lake
2] Erie. The fort mentioned as Fort Dauphin was built, as we shall see, on the Illinois,
though under another name. La Salle, deceived by Spanish maps, thought that the Mississippi
discharged itself into the Bay of St. Esprit (Mobile Bay).
Henri de Tonty signed his name in the Gallicized, and not in the
original Italian form Tonti. He wore a hand of iron or some other metal,
which was usually covered with a glove. La Potherie says that he once or
twice used it to good purpose when the Indians became disorderly, in
breaking the heads of the most contumacious or knocking out their teeth.
Not knowing at the time the secret of the unusual efficacy of his blows,
they regarded him as a "medicine" of the first order. La Potherie
erroneously ascribes the loss of his hand to a sabre-cut received in a
sortie at Messina.
[ La Motte de Lussière à ——, sans date; Mémoíre de la Salle sur les Extorsions commises
10 par Bellinzani; Société formée par La Salle; Relation de Henri de Tonty, 1684 (Margry, i.
3] 338, 573; ii. 2, 25).
10 the present Fort Niagara. The name of Lac de Conti was given by La Salle to Lake
2] Erie. The fort mentioned as Fort Dauphin was built, as we shall see, on the Illinois,
though under another name. La Salle, deceived by Spanish maps, thought that the Mississippi
discharged itself into the Bay of St. Esprit (Mobile Bay).
Henri de Tonty signed his name in the Gallicized, and not in the
original Italian form Tonti. He wore a hand of iron or some other metal,
which was usually covered with a glove. La Potherie says that he once or
twice used it to good purpose when the Indians became disorderly, in
breaking the heads of the most contumacious or knocking out their teeth.
Not knowing at the time the secret of the unusual efficacy of his blows,
they regarded him as a "medicine" of the first order. La Potherie
erroneously ascribes the loss of his hand to a sabre-cut received in a
sortie at Messina.
[ La Motte de Lussière à ——, sans date; Mémoíre de la Salle sur les Extorsions commises
10 par Bellinzani; Société formée par La Salle; Relation de Henri de Tonty, 1684 (Margry, i.
3] 338, 573; ii. 2, 25).
Page 108
CHAPTER IX.
1678-1679.
LA SALLE AT NIAGARA.
1678-1679.
LA SALLE AT NIAGARA.
Page 109
Father Louis Hennepin: his Past Life; his Character.—Embarkation.—
Niagara Falls.—Indian Jealousy.—La Motte and the Senecas.—A
Disaster.—La Salle and his Followers.
Hennepin was all eagerness to join in the adventure; and, to his great
satisfaction, La Salle gave him a letter from his Provincial, Father Le Fèvre,
containing the coveted permission. Whereupon, to prepare himself, he went
into retreat at the Récollet convent of Quebec, where he remained for a time
in such prayer and meditation as his nature, the reverse of spiritual, would
permit. Frontenac, always partial to his Order, then invited him to dine at
the château; and having visited the bishop and asked his blessing, he went
down to the Lower Town and embarked. His vessel was a small birch
canoe, paddled by two men. With sandalled feet, a coarse gray capote, and
peaked hood, the cord of St. Francis about his waist, and a rosary and
crucifix hanging at his side, the father set forth on his memorable journey.
He carried with him the furniture of a portable altar, which in time of need
he could strap on his back like a knapsack.
He slowly made his way up the St. Lawrence, stopping here and there,
where a clearing and a few log houses marked the feeble beginning of a
parish and a seigniory. The settlers, though good Catholics, were too few
and too poor to support a priest, and hailed the arrival of the friar with
delight. He said mass, exhorted a little, as was his custom, and on one
occasion baptized a child. At length he reached Montreal, where the
enemies of the enterprise enticed away his two canoe-men. He succeeded in
finding two others, with whom he continued his voyage, passed the rapids
of the upper St. Lawrence, and reached Fort Frontenac at eleven o'clock at
night of the second of November, where his brethren of the mission,
Ribourde and Buisset, received him with open arms.[104] La Motte, with
most of the men, appeared on the eighth; but La Salle and Tonty did not
arrive till more than a month later. Meanwhile, in pursuance of his orders,
fifteen men set out in canoes for Lake Michigan and the Illinois, to trade
with the Indians and collect provisions, while La Motte embarked in a small
vessel for Niagara, accompanied by Hennepin.[105]
Niagara Falls.—Indian Jealousy.—La Motte and the Senecas.—A
Disaster.—La Salle and his Followers.
Hennepin was all eagerness to join in the adventure; and, to his great
satisfaction, La Salle gave him a letter from his Provincial, Father Le Fèvre,
containing the coveted permission. Whereupon, to prepare himself, he went
into retreat at the Récollet convent of Quebec, where he remained for a time
in such prayer and meditation as his nature, the reverse of spiritual, would
permit. Frontenac, always partial to his Order, then invited him to dine at
the château; and having visited the bishop and asked his blessing, he went
down to the Lower Town and embarked. His vessel was a small birch
canoe, paddled by two men. With sandalled feet, a coarse gray capote, and
peaked hood, the cord of St. Francis about his waist, and a rosary and
crucifix hanging at his side, the father set forth on his memorable journey.
He carried with him the furniture of a portable altar, which in time of need
he could strap on his back like a knapsack.
He slowly made his way up the St. Lawrence, stopping here and there,
where a clearing and a few log houses marked the feeble beginning of a
parish and a seigniory. The settlers, though good Catholics, were too few
and too poor to support a priest, and hailed the arrival of the friar with
delight. He said mass, exhorted a little, as was his custom, and on one
occasion baptized a child. At length he reached Montreal, where the
enemies of the enterprise enticed away his two canoe-men. He succeeded in
finding two others, with whom he continued his voyage, passed the rapids
of the upper St. Lawrence, and reached Fort Frontenac at eleven o'clock at
night of the second of November, where his brethren of the mission,
Ribourde and Buisset, received him with open arms.[104] La Motte, with
most of the men, appeared on the eighth; but La Salle and Tonty did not
arrive till more than a month later. Meanwhile, in pursuance of his orders,
fifteen men set out in canoes for Lake Michigan and the Illinois, to trade
with the Indians and collect provisions, while La Motte embarked in a small
vessel for Niagara, accompanied by Hennepin.[105]
Page 110
Copyright, 1897, by Little, Brown & Co Goupil & Co., Paris
Father Hennepin Celebrating Mass.
Drawn by Howard Pyle.
This bold, hardy, and adventurous friar, the historian
of the expedition, and a conspicuous actor in it, has HENNEPIN
unwittingly painted his own portrait with tolerable
distinctness. "I always," he says, "felt a strong inclination to fly from the
world and live according to the rules of a pure and severe virtue; and it was
with this view that I entered the Order of St. Francis."[106] He then speaks of
his zeal for the saving of souls, but admits that a passion for travel and a
burning desire to visit strange lands had no small part in his inclination for
Father Hennepin Celebrating Mass.
Drawn by Howard Pyle.
This bold, hardy, and adventurous friar, the historian
of the expedition, and a conspicuous actor in it, has HENNEPIN
unwittingly painted his own portrait with tolerable
distinctness. "I always," he says, "felt a strong inclination to fly from the
world and live according to the rules of a pure and severe virtue; and it was
with this view that I entered the Order of St. Francis."[106] He then speaks of
his zeal for the saving of souls, but admits that a passion for travel and a
burning desire to visit strange lands had no small part in his inclination for
Page 111
the missions.[107] Being in a convent in Artois, his Superior sent him to
Calais, at the season of the herring-fishery, to beg alms, after the practice of
the Franciscans. Here and at Dunkirk he made friends of the sailors, and
was never tired of their stories. So insatiable, indeed, was his appetite for
them, that "often," he says, "I hid myself behind tavern doors while the
sailors were telling of their voyages. The tobacco smoke made me very sick
at the stomach; but, notwithstanding, I listened attentively to all they said
about their adventures at sea and their travels in distant countries. I could
have passed whole days and nights in this way without eating."[108]
He presently set out on a roving mission through Holland; and he
recounts various mishaps which befell him, "in consequence of my zeal in
laboring for the saving of souls," "I was at the bloody fight of Seneff," he
pursues, "where so many perished by fire and sword, and where I had
abundance of work in comforting and consoling the poor wounded soldiers.
After undergoing great fatigues, and running extreme danger in the sieges
of towns, in the trenches, and in battles, where I exposed myself freely for
the salvation of others while the soldiers were breathing nothing but blood
and carnage, I found myself at last in a way of satisfying my old inclination
for travel."[109]
He got leave from his superiors to go to Canada, the most adventurous of
all the missions, and accordingly sailed in 1675, in the ship which carried
La Salle, who had just obtained the grant of Fort Frontenac. In the course of
the voyage, he took it upon him to reprove a party of girls who were
amusing themselves and a circle of officers and other passengers by
dancing on deck. La Salle, who was among the spectators, was annoyed at
Hennepin's interference, and told him that he was behaving like a
pedagogue. The friar retorted, by alluding— unconsciously, as he says—to
the circumstance that La Salle was once a pedagogue himself, having,
according to Hennepin, been for ten or twelve years teacher of a class in a
Jesuit school. La Salle, he adds, turned pale with rage, and never forgave
him to his dying day, but always maligned and persecuted him.[110]
On arriving in Canada, he was sent up to Fort Frontenac, as a missionary.
That wild and remote post was greatly to his liking. He planted a gigantic
cross, superintended the building of a chapel for himself and his colleague
Buisset, and instructed the Iroquois colonists of the place. He visited, too,
Calais, at the season of the herring-fishery, to beg alms, after the practice of
the Franciscans. Here and at Dunkirk he made friends of the sailors, and
was never tired of their stories. So insatiable, indeed, was his appetite for
them, that "often," he says, "I hid myself behind tavern doors while the
sailors were telling of their voyages. The tobacco smoke made me very sick
at the stomach; but, notwithstanding, I listened attentively to all they said
about their adventures at sea and their travels in distant countries. I could
have passed whole days and nights in this way without eating."[108]
He presently set out on a roving mission through Holland; and he
recounts various mishaps which befell him, "in consequence of my zeal in
laboring for the saving of souls," "I was at the bloody fight of Seneff," he
pursues, "where so many perished by fire and sword, and where I had
abundance of work in comforting and consoling the poor wounded soldiers.
After undergoing great fatigues, and running extreme danger in the sieges
of towns, in the trenches, and in battles, where I exposed myself freely for
the salvation of others while the soldiers were breathing nothing but blood
and carnage, I found myself at last in a way of satisfying my old inclination
for travel."[109]
He got leave from his superiors to go to Canada, the most adventurous of
all the missions, and accordingly sailed in 1675, in the ship which carried
La Salle, who had just obtained the grant of Fort Frontenac. In the course of
the voyage, he took it upon him to reprove a party of girls who were
amusing themselves and a circle of officers and other passengers by
dancing on deck. La Salle, who was among the spectators, was annoyed at
Hennepin's interference, and told him that he was behaving like a
pedagogue. The friar retorted, by alluding— unconsciously, as he says—to
the circumstance that La Salle was once a pedagogue himself, having,
according to Hennepin, been for ten or twelve years teacher of a class in a
Jesuit school. La Salle, he adds, turned pale with rage, and never forgave
him to his dying day, but always maligned and persecuted him.[110]
On arriving in Canada, he was sent up to Fort Frontenac, as a missionary.
That wild and remote post was greatly to his liking. He planted a gigantic
cross, superintended the building of a chapel for himself and his colleague
Buisset, and instructed the Iroquois colonists of the place. He visited, too,
Page 112
the neighboring Indian settlements, —paddling his canoe in summer, when
the lake was open, and journeying in winter on snow-shoes, with a blanket
slung at his back. His most noteworthy journey was one which he made in
the winter,—apparently of 1677,—with a soldier of the fort. They crossed
the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario on snow-shoes, and pushed
southward through the forests, towards Onondaga,—stopping at evening to
dig away the snow, which was several feet deep, and collect wood for their
fire, which they were forced to replenish repeatedly during the night, to
keep themselves from freezing. At length, they reached the great Onondaga
town, where the Indians were much amazed at their hardihood. Thence they
proceeded eastward to the Oneidas, and afterwards to the Mohawks, who
regaled them with small frogs, pounded up with a porridge of Indian corn.
Here Hennepin found the Jesuit Bruyas, who permitted him to copy a
dictionary of the Mohawk language[111] which he had compiled; and here he
presently met three Dutchmen, who urged him to visit the neighboring
settlement of Orange, or Albany,—an invitation which he seems to have
declined.[112]
They were pleased with him, he says, because he spoke Dutch. Bidding
them farewell, he tied on his snow-shoes again, and returned with his
companion to Fort Frontenac. Thus he inured himself to the hardships of the
woods, and prepared for the execution of the grand plan of discovery which
he calls his own,—"an enterprise," to borrow his own words, "capable of
terrifying anybody but me."[113] When the later editions of his book
appeared, doubts had been expressed of his veracity. "I here protest to you,
before God," he writes, addressing the reader, "that my narrative is faithful
and sincere, and that you may believe everything related in it."[114] And yet,
as we shall see, this reverend father was the most impudent of liars; and the
narrative of which he speaks is a rare monument of brazen mendacity.
Hennepin, however, had seen and dared much; for among his many failings
fear had no part, and where his vanity or his spite was not involved, he
often told the truth. His books have their value, with all their enormous
fabrications.[115]
La Motte and Hennepin, with sixteen men, went on board the little vessel
of ten tons, which lay at Fort Frontenac. The friar's two brethren, Buisset
and Ribourde, threw their arms about his neck as they bade him farewell;
the lake was open, and journeying in winter on snow-shoes, with a blanket
slung at his back. His most noteworthy journey was one which he made in
the winter,—apparently of 1677,—with a soldier of the fort. They crossed
the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario on snow-shoes, and pushed
southward through the forests, towards Onondaga,—stopping at evening to
dig away the snow, which was several feet deep, and collect wood for their
fire, which they were forced to replenish repeatedly during the night, to
keep themselves from freezing. At length, they reached the great Onondaga
town, where the Indians were much amazed at their hardihood. Thence they
proceeded eastward to the Oneidas, and afterwards to the Mohawks, who
regaled them with small frogs, pounded up with a porridge of Indian corn.
Here Hennepin found the Jesuit Bruyas, who permitted him to copy a
dictionary of the Mohawk language[111] which he had compiled; and here he
presently met three Dutchmen, who urged him to visit the neighboring
settlement of Orange, or Albany,—an invitation which he seems to have
declined.[112]
They were pleased with him, he says, because he spoke Dutch. Bidding
them farewell, he tied on his snow-shoes again, and returned with his
companion to Fort Frontenac. Thus he inured himself to the hardships of the
woods, and prepared for the execution of the grand plan of discovery which
he calls his own,—"an enterprise," to borrow his own words, "capable of
terrifying anybody but me."[113] When the later editions of his book
appeared, doubts had been expressed of his veracity. "I here protest to you,
before God," he writes, addressing the reader, "that my narrative is faithful
and sincere, and that you may believe everything related in it."[114] And yet,
as we shall see, this reverend father was the most impudent of liars; and the
narrative of which he speaks is a rare monument of brazen mendacity.
Hennepin, however, had seen and dared much; for among his many failings
fear had no part, and where his vanity or his spite was not involved, he
often told the truth. His books have their value, with all their enormous
fabrications.[115]
La Motte and Hennepin, with sixteen men, went on board the little vessel
of ten tons, which lay at Fort Frontenac. The friar's two brethren, Buisset
and Ribourde, threw their arms about his neck as they bade him farewell;
Page 113
while his Indian proselytes, learning whither he was bound, stood with their
hands pressed upon their mouths, in amazement at the perils which awaited
their ghostly instructor. La Salle, with the rest of the party, was to follow as
soon as he could finish his preparations. It was a boisterous and gusty day,
the eighteenth of November. The sails were spread; the shore receded,—the
stone walls of the fort, the huge cross that the friar had reared, the
wigwams, the settlers' cabins, the group of staring Indians on the strand.
The lake was rough; and the men, crowded in so small a craft, grew nervous
and uneasy. They hugged the northern shore, to escape the fury of the wind,
which blew savagely from the northeast; while the long gray sweep of
naked forests on their right betokened that winter was fast closing in. On
the twenty-sixth, they reached the neighborhood of the Indian town of
Taiaiagon,[116] not far from Toronto, and ran their vessel, for safety, into the
mouth of a river,—probably the Humber,—where the ice closed about her,
and they were forced to cut her out with axes. On the fifth of December,
they attempted to cross to the mouth of the Niagara; but darkness overtook
them, and they spent a comfortless night, tossing on the troubled lake, five
or six miles from shore. In the morning, they entered the mouth of the
Niagara, and landed on the point at its eastern side, where now stand the
historic ramparts of Fort Niagara. Here they found a small village of
Senecas, attracted hither by the fisheries, who gazed with curious eyes at
the vessel, and listened in wonder as the voyagers sang Te Deum in
gratitude for their safe arrival.
Hennepin, with several others, now ascended the river
in a canoe to the foot of the mountain ridge of Lewiston, NIAGARA FALLS.
which, stretching on the right hand and on the left, forms
the acclivity of a vast plateau, rent with the mighty chasm, along which,
from this point to the cataract, seven miles above, rush, with the fury of an
Alpine torrent, the gathered waters of four inland oceans. To urge the canoe
farther was impossible. He landed, with his companions, on the west bank,
near the foot of that part of the ridge now called Queenstown Heights,
climbed the steep ascent, and pushed through the wintry forest on a tour of
exploration. On his left sank the cliffs, the furious river raging below; till at
length, in primeval solitudes unprofaned as yet by the pettiness of man, the
imperial cataract burst upon his sight.[117]
hands pressed upon their mouths, in amazement at the perils which awaited
their ghostly instructor. La Salle, with the rest of the party, was to follow as
soon as he could finish his preparations. It was a boisterous and gusty day,
the eighteenth of November. The sails were spread; the shore receded,—the
stone walls of the fort, the huge cross that the friar had reared, the
wigwams, the settlers' cabins, the group of staring Indians on the strand.
The lake was rough; and the men, crowded in so small a craft, grew nervous
and uneasy. They hugged the northern shore, to escape the fury of the wind,
which blew savagely from the northeast; while the long gray sweep of
naked forests on their right betokened that winter was fast closing in. On
the twenty-sixth, they reached the neighborhood of the Indian town of
Taiaiagon,[116] not far from Toronto, and ran their vessel, for safety, into the
mouth of a river,—probably the Humber,—where the ice closed about her,
and they were forced to cut her out with axes. On the fifth of December,
they attempted to cross to the mouth of the Niagara; but darkness overtook
them, and they spent a comfortless night, tossing on the troubled lake, five
or six miles from shore. In the morning, they entered the mouth of the
Niagara, and landed on the point at its eastern side, where now stand the
historic ramparts of Fort Niagara. Here they found a small village of
Senecas, attracted hither by the fisheries, who gazed with curious eyes at
the vessel, and listened in wonder as the voyagers sang Te Deum in
gratitude for their safe arrival.
Hennepin, with several others, now ascended the river
in a canoe to the foot of the mountain ridge of Lewiston, NIAGARA FALLS.
which, stretching on the right hand and on the left, forms
the acclivity of a vast plateau, rent with the mighty chasm, along which,
from this point to the cataract, seven miles above, rush, with the fury of an
Alpine torrent, the gathered waters of four inland oceans. To urge the canoe
farther was impossible. He landed, with his companions, on the west bank,
near the foot of that part of the ridge now called Queenstown Heights,
climbed the steep ascent, and pushed through the wintry forest on a tour of
exploration. On his left sank the cliffs, the furious river raging below; till at
length, in primeval solitudes unprofaned as yet by the pettiness of man, the
imperial cataract burst upon his sight.[117]
Page 114
The explorers passed three miles beyond it, and encamped for the night
on the banks of Chippewa Creek, scraping away the snow, which was a foot
deep, in order to kindle a fire. In the morning they retraced their steps,
startling a number of deer and wild turkeys on their way, and rejoined their
companions at the mouth of the river.
La Motte now began the building of a fortified house,
some two leagues above the mouth of the Niagara.[118] LA MOTTE AND
THE SENECAS.
Hot water was used to soften the frozen ground; but frost
was not the only obstacle. The Senecas of the neighboring village betrayed
a sullen jealousy at a design which, indeed, boded them no good. Niagara
was the key to the four great lakes above; and whoever held possession of it
could, in no small measure, control the fur-trade of the interior. Occupied
by the French, it would in time of peace intercept the trade which the
Iroquois carried on between the western Indians and the Dutch and English
at Albany, and in time of war threaten them with serious danger. La Motte
saw the necessity of conciliating these formidable neighbors, and, if
possible, cajoling them to give their consent to the plan. La Salle, indeed,
had instructed him to that effect. He resolved on a journey to the great
village of the Senecas, and called on Hennepin, who was busied in building
a bark chapel for himself, to accompany him. They accordingly set out with
several men well armed and equipped, and bearing at their backs presents of
very considerable value. The village was beyond the Genesee, southeast of
the site of Rochester.[119] After a march of five days, they reached it on the
last day of December. They were conducted to the lodge of the great chief,
where they were beset by a staring crowd of women and children. Two
Jesuits, Raffeix and Julien Garnier, were in the village; and their presence
boded no good for the embassy. La Motte, who seems to have had little love
for priests of any kind, was greatly annoyed at seeing them; and when the
chiefs assembled to hear what he had to say, he insisted that the two fathers
should leave the council-house. At this, Hennepin, out of respect for his
cloth, thought it befitting that he should retire also. The chiefs, forty-two in
number, squatted on the ground, arrayed in ceremonial robes of beaver,
wolf, or black-squirrel skin. "The senators of Venice," writes Hennepin, "do
not look more grave or speak more deliberately than the counsellors of the
Iroquois." La Motte's interpreter harangued the attentive conclave, placed
gift after gift at their feet,—coats, scarlet cloth, hatchets, knives, and beads,
on the banks of Chippewa Creek, scraping away the snow, which was a foot
deep, in order to kindle a fire. In the morning they retraced their steps,
startling a number of deer and wild turkeys on their way, and rejoined their
companions at the mouth of the river.
La Motte now began the building of a fortified house,
some two leagues above the mouth of the Niagara.[118] LA MOTTE AND
THE SENECAS.
Hot water was used to soften the frozen ground; but frost
was not the only obstacle. The Senecas of the neighboring village betrayed
a sullen jealousy at a design which, indeed, boded them no good. Niagara
was the key to the four great lakes above; and whoever held possession of it
could, in no small measure, control the fur-trade of the interior. Occupied
by the French, it would in time of peace intercept the trade which the
Iroquois carried on between the western Indians and the Dutch and English
at Albany, and in time of war threaten them with serious danger. La Motte
saw the necessity of conciliating these formidable neighbors, and, if
possible, cajoling them to give their consent to the plan. La Salle, indeed,
had instructed him to that effect. He resolved on a journey to the great
village of the Senecas, and called on Hennepin, who was busied in building
a bark chapel for himself, to accompany him. They accordingly set out with
several men well armed and equipped, and bearing at their backs presents of
very considerable value. The village was beyond the Genesee, southeast of
the site of Rochester.[119] After a march of five days, they reached it on the
last day of December. They were conducted to the lodge of the great chief,
where they were beset by a staring crowd of women and children. Two
Jesuits, Raffeix and Julien Garnier, were in the village; and their presence
boded no good for the embassy. La Motte, who seems to have had little love
for priests of any kind, was greatly annoyed at seeing them; and when the
chiefs assembled to hear what he had to say, he insisted that the two fathers
should leave the council-house. At this, Hennepin, out of respect for his
cloth, thought it befitting that he should retire also. The chiefs, forty-two in
number, squatted on the ground, arrayed in ceremonial robes of beaver,
wolf, or black-squirrel skin. "The senators of Venice," writes Hennepin, "do
not look more grave or speak more deliberately than the counsellors of the
Iroquois." La Motte's interpreter harangued the attentive conclave, placed
gift after gift at their feet,—coats, scarlet cloth, hatchets, knives, and beads,
Page 115
—and used all his eloquence to persuade them that the building of a fort on
the banks of the Niagara, and a vessel on Lake Erie, were measures vital to
their interest. They gladly took the gifts, but answered the interpreter's
speech with evasive generalities; and having been entertained with the
burning of an Indian prisoner, the discomfited embassy returned, half-
famished, to Niagara.
Meanwhile, La Salle and Tonty were on their way from Fort Frontenac,
with men and supplies, to join La Motte and his advance party. They were
in a small vessel, with a pilot either unskilful or treacherous. On Christmas
eve, he was near wrecking them off the Bay of Quinté. On the next day they
crossed to the mouth of the Genesee; and La Salle, after some delay,
proceeded to the neighboring town of the Senecas, where he appears to
have arrived just after the departure of La Motte and Hennepin. He, too,
called them to a council, and tried to soothe the extreme jealousy with
which they regarded his proceedings. "I told them my plan," he says, "and
gave the best pretexts I could, and I succeeded in my attempt."[120] More
fortunate than La Motte, he persuaded them to consent to his carrying arms
and ammunition by the Niagara portage, building a vessel above the
cataract, and establishing a fortified warehouse at the mouth of the river.
This success was followed by a calamity. La Salle had
gone up the Niagara to find a suitable place for a ship- JEALOUSIES.
yard, when he learned that the pilot in charge of the
vessel he had left had disobeyed his orders, and ended by wrecking it on the
coast. Little was saved except the anchors and cables destined for the new
vessel to be built above the cataract. This loss threw him into extreme
perplexity, and, as Hennepin says, "would have made anybody but him give
up the enterprise."[121] The whole party were now gathered at the palisaded
house which La Motte had built, a little below the mountain ridge of
Lewiston. They were a motley crew of French, Flemings, and Italians, all
mutually jealous. La Salle's enemies had tampered with some of the men;
and none of them seemed to have had much heart for the enterprise. The
fidelity even of La Motte was doubtful. "He served me very ill," says La
Salle; "and Messieurs de Tonty and de la Forest knew that he did his best to
debauch all my men."[122] His health soon failed under the hardships of
these winter journeyings, and he returned to Fort Frontenac, half-blinded by
the banks of the Niagara, and a vessel on Lake Erie, were measures vital to
their interest. They gladly took the gifts, but answered the interpreter's
speech with evasive generalities; and having been entertained with the
burning of an Indian prisoner, the discomfited embassy returned, half-
famished, to Niagara.
Meanwhile, La Salle and Tonty were on their way from Fort Frontenac,
with men and supplies, to join La Motte and his advance party. They were
in a small vessel, with a pilot either unskilful or treacherous. On Christmas
eve, he was near wrecking them off the Bay of Quinté. On the next day they
crossed to the mouth of the Genesee; and La Salle, after some delay,
proceeded to the neighboring town of the Senecas, where he appears to
have arrived just after the departure of La Motte and Hennepin. He, too,
called them to a council, and tried to soothe the extreme jealousy with
which they regarded his proceedings. "I told them my plan," he says, "and
gave the best pretexts I could, and I succeeded in my attempt."[120] More
fortunate than La Motte, he persuaded them to consent to his carrying arms
and ammunition by the Niagara portage, building a vessel above the
cataract, and establishing a fortified warehouse at the mouth of the river.
This success was followed by a calamity. La Salle had
gone up the Niagara to find a suitable place for a ship- JEALOUSIES.
yard, when he learned that the pilot in charge of the
vessel he had left had disobeyed his orders, and ended by wrecking it on the
coast. Little was saved except the anchors and cables destined for the new
vessel to be built above the cataract. This loss threw him into extreme
perplexity, and, as Hennepin says, "would have made anybody but him give
up the enterprise."[121] The whole party were now gathered at the palisaded
house which La Motte had built, a little below the mountain ridge of
Lewiston. They were a motley crew of French, Flemings, and Italians, all
mutually jealous. La Salle's enemies had tampered with some of the men;
and none of them seemed to have had much heart for the enterprise. The
fidelity even of La Motte was doubtful. "He served me very ill," says La
Salle; "and Messieurs de Tonty and de la Forest knew that he did his best to
debauch all my men."[122] His health soon failed under the hardships of
these winter journeyings, and he returned to Fort Frontenac, half-blinded by
Page 116
an inflammation of the eyes.[123] La Salle, seldom happy in the choice of
subordinates, had, perhaps, in all his company but one man whom he could
fully trust; and this was Tonty. He and Hennepin were on indifferent terms.
Men thrown together in a rugged enterprise like this quickly learn to know
each other; and the vain and assuming friar was not likely to commend
himself to La Salle's brave and loyal lieutenant. Hennepin says that it was
La Salle's policy to govern through the dissensions of his followers; and,
from whatever cause, it is certain that those beneath him were rarely in
perfect harmony.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Hennepin, Description de la Louisiane (1683), 19; Ibid., Voyage Curieux (1704), 66.
10 Ribourde had lately arrived.
4]
[ Lettre de La Motte de la Lussière, sans date; Relation de Henri de Tonty écrite de
10 Québec, le 14 Novembre, 1684 (Margry, i. 573). This paper, apparently addressed to
5] Abbé Renaudot, is entirely distinct from Tonty's memoir of 1693, addressed to the
minister Ponchartrain.
[ Hennepin, Nouvelle Découverte (1697), 8.
10
6] [ Ibid., Avant Propos, 5.
10
7] [ Ibid., Voyage Curieux (1704), 12.
10
8] [ Hennepin, Voyage Curieux (1704), 18.
10
9] [ Ibid. Avis au Lecteur. He elsewhere represents himself as on
11 excellent terms with La Salle; with whom, he says, he used to read
0] histories of travels at Fort Frontenac, after which they discussed
together their plans of discovery.
[ This was the Racines Agnières of Bruyas. It was published by Mr. Shea in 1862.
11 Hennepin seems to have studied it carefully; for on several occasions he makes use of
1] words evidently borrowed from it, putting them into the mouths of Indians speaking a
dialect different from that of the Agniers, or Mohawks.
[ Compare Brodhead in Hist. Mag., x. 268.
11
2] [ "Une enterprise capable d'épouvanter tout autre que moi."—Hennepin, Voyage
11 Curieux, Avant Propos (1704).
3]
[ "Je vous proteste ici devant Dieu, que ma Relation est fidèle et sincère," etc.
11 —Ibid., Avis au Lecteur.
4]
[ The nature of these fabrications will be shown hereafter. They occur,
11 not in the early editions of Hennepin's narrative, which are
5]
subordinates, had, perhaps, in all his company but one man whom he could
fully trust; and this was Tonty. He and Hennepin were on indifferent terms.
Men thrown together in a rugged enterprise like this quickly learn to know
each other; and the vain and assuming friar was not likely to commend
himself to La Salle's brave and loyal lieutenant. Hennepin says that it was
La Salle's policy to govern through the dissensions of his followers; and,
from whatever cause, it is certain that those beneath him were rarely in
perfect harmony.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Hennepin, Description de la Louisiane (1683), 19; Ibid., Voyage Curieux (1704), 66.
10 Ribourde had lately arrived.
4]
[ Lettre de La Motte de la Lussière, sans date; Relation de Henri de Tonty écrite de
10 Québec, le 14 Novembre, 1684 (Margry, i. 573). This paper, apparently addressed to
5] Abbé Renaudot, is entirely distinct from Tonty's memoir of 1693, addressed to the
minister Ponchartrain.
[ Hennepin, Nouvelle Découverte (1697), 8.
10
6] [ Ibid., Avant Propos, 5.
10
7] [ Ibid., Voyage Curieux (1704), 12.
10
8] [ Hennepin, Voyage Curieux (1704), 18.
10
9] [ Ibid. Avis au Lecteur. He elsewhere represents himself as on
11 excellent terms with La Salle; with whom, he says, he used to read
0] histories of travels at Fort Frontenac, after which they discussed
together their plans of discovery.
[ This was the Racines Agnières of Bruyas. It was published by Mr. Shea in 1862.
11 Hennepin seems to have studied it carefully; for on several occasions he makes use of
1] words evidently borrowed from it, putting them into the mouths of Indians speaking a
dialect different from that of the Agniers, or Mohawks.
[ Compare Brodhead in Hist. Mag., x. 268.
11
2] [ "Une enterprise capable d'épouvanter tout autre que moi."—Hennepin, Voyage
11 Curieux, Avant Propos (1704).
3]
[ "Je vous proteste ici devant Dieu, que ma Relation est fidèle et sincère," etc.
11 —Ibid., Avis au Lecteur.
4]
[ The nature of these fabrications will be shown hereafter. They occur,
11 not in the early editions of Hennepin's narrative, which are
5]
Page 117
comparatively truthful, but in the edition of 1697 and those which followed. La Salle was dead at
the time of their publication.
[ This place is laid down on a manuscript map sent to France by the Intendant
11 Duchesneau, and now preserved in the Archives de la Marine, and also on several other
6] contemporary maps.
[ Hennepin's account of the falls and river of Niagara—especially his second account, on
11 his return from the West—is very minute, and on the whole very accurate. He indulges in
7] gross exaggeration as to the height of the cataract, which, in the edition of 1683, he states at
five hundred feet, and raises to six hundred in that of 1697. He also says that there was room for
four carriages to pass abreast under the American Fall without being wet. This is, of course, an
exaggeration at the best; but it is extremely probable that a great change has taken place since his
time. He speaks of a small lateral fall at the west side of the Horse Shoe Fall which does not now
exist. Table Rock, now destroyed, is distinctly figured in his picture. He says that he descended
the cliffs on the west side to the foot of the cataract, but that no human being can get down on the
east side.
The name of Niagara, written Onguiaahra by Lalemant in 1641, and
Ongiara by Sanson, on his map of 1657, is used by Hennepin in its
present form. His description of the falls is the earliest known to exist.
They are clearly indicated on the map of Champlain, 1632. For early
references to them, see "The Jesuits in North America," 235, note. A brief
but curious notice of them is given by Gendron, Quelques Particularitez
du Pays des Hurons, 1659. The indefatigable Dr. O'Callaghan has
discovered thirty-nine distinct forms of the name Niagara. Index to
Colonial Documents of New York, 465. It is of Iroquois origin, and in the
Mohawk dialect is pronounced Nyàgarah.
[ Tonty, Relation, 1684 (Margry, i. 573).
11
8] [ Near the town of Victor. It is laid down on the map of Galinée, and other
11 unpublished maps. Compare Marshall, Historical Sketches of the Niagara Frontier,
9] 14.
[ Lettre de La Salle à un de ses associés (Margry, ii. 32).
12
0] [ Description de la Louisiane (1683), 41. It is characteristic of Hennepin that, in the
12 editions of his book published after La Salle's death, he substitutes, for "anybody but
1] him," "anybody but those who had formed so generous a design,"—meaning to
include himself, though he lost nothing by the disaster, and had not formed the design.
On these incidents, compare the two narratives of Tonty, of 1684 and
1693. The book bearing Tonty's name is a compilation full of errors. He
disowned its authorship.
[ Lettre de La Salle, 22 Août, 1682 (Margry, ii. 212).
12
the time of their publication.
[ This place is laid down on a manuscript map sent to France by the Intendant
11 Duchesneau, and now preserved in the Archives de la Marine, and also on several other
6] contemporary maps.
[ Hennepin's account of the falls and river of Niagara—especially his second account, on
11 his return from the West—is very minute, and on the whole very accurate. He indulges in
7] gross exaggeration as to the height of the cataract, which, in the edition of 1683, he states at
five hundred feet, and raises to six hundred in that of 1697. He also says that there was room for
four carriages to pass abreast under the American Fall without being wet. This is, of course, an
exaggeration at the best; but it is extremely probable that a great change has taken place since his
time. He speaks of a small lateral fall at the west side of the Horse Shoe Fall which does not now
exist. Table Rock, now destroyed, is distinctly figured in his picture. He says that he descended
the cliffs on the west side to the foot of the cataract, but that no human being can get down on the
east side.
The name of Niagara, written Onguiaahra by Lalemant in 1641, and
Ongiara by Sanson, on his map of 1657, is used by Hennepin in its
present form. His description of the falls is the earliest known to exist.
They are clearly indicated on the map of Champlain, 1632. For early
references to them, see "The Jesuits in North America," 235, note. A brief
but curious notice of them is given by Gendron, Quelques Particularitez
du Pays des Hurons, 1659. The indefatigable Dr. O'Callaghan has
discovered thirty-nine distinct forms of the name Niagara. Index to
Colonial Documents of New York, 465. It is of Iroquois origin, and in the
Mohawk dialect is pronounced Nyàgarah.
[ Tonty, Relation, 1684 (Margry, i. 573).
11
8] [ Near the town of Victor. It is laid down on the map of Galinée, and other
11 unpublished maps. Compare Marshall, Historical Sketches of the Niagara Frontier,
9] 14.
[ Lettre de La Salle à un de ses associés (Margry, ii. 32).
12
0] [ Description de la Louisiane (1683), 41. It is characteristic of Hennepin that, in the
12 editions of his book published after La Salle's death, he substitutes, for "anybody but
1] him," "anybody but those who had formed so generous a design,"—meaning to
include himself, though he lost nothing by the disaster, and had not formed the design.
On these incidents, compare the two narratives of Tonty, of 1684 and
1693. The book bearing Tonty's name is a compilation full of errors. He
disowned its authorship.
[ Lettre de La Salle, 22 Août, 1682 (Margry, ii. 212).
12
Page 118
2] [ Lettre de La Motte, sans date.
12
3]
12
3]
Page 119
CHAPTER X.
1679.
THE LAUNCH OF THE "GRIFFIN."
The Niagara Portage.—A Vessel on the Stocks.—Suffering and
Discontent.—La Salle's Winter Journey.—The Vessel launched.—
Fresh Disasters.
A more important work than that of the warehouse at THE NIAGARA
the mouth of the river was now to be begun. This was PORTAGE.
the building of a vessel above the cataract. The small
craft which had brought La Motte and Hennepin with their advance party
had been hauled to the foot of the rapids at Lewiston, and drawn ashore
with a capstan, to save her from the drifting ice. Her lading was taken out,
and must now be carried beyond the cataract to the calm water above. The
distance to the destined point was at least twelve miles, and the steep
heights above Lewiston must first be climbed. This heavy task was
accomplished on the twenty-second of January. The level of the plateau was
reached, and the file of burdened men, some thirty in number, toiled slowly
on its way over the snowy plains and through the gloomy forests of spruce
and naked oak-trees; while Hennepin plodded through the drifts with his
portable altar lashed fast to his back. They came at last to the mouth of a
stream which entered the Niagara two leagues above the cataract, and
which was undoubtedly that now called Cayuga Creek.[124]
Trees were felled, the place cleared, and the master-carpenter set his ship-
builders at work. Meanwhile, two Mohegan hunters, attached to the party,
made bark wigwams to lodge the men. Hennepin had his chapel, apparently
of the same material, where he placed his altar, and on Sundays and saints'
days said mass, preached, and exhorted; while some of the men, who knew
the Gregorian chant, lent their aid at the service. When the carpenters were
ready to lay the keel of the vessel, La Salle asked the friar to drive the first
bolt; "but the modesty of my religious profession," he says, "compelled me
to decline this honor."
1679.
THE LAUNCH OF THE "GRIFFIN."
The Niagara Portage.—A Vessel on the Stocks.—Suffering and
Discontent.—La Salle's Winter Journey.—The Vessel launched.—
Fresh Disasters.
A more important work than that of the warehouse at THE NIAGARA
the mouth of the river was now to be begun. This was PORTAGE.
the building of a vessel above the cataract. The small
craft which had brought La Motte and Hennepin with their advance party
had been hauled to the foot of the rapids at Lewiston, and drawn ashore
with a capstan, to save her from the drifting ice. Her lading was taken out,
and must now be carried beyond the cataract to the calm water above. The
distance to the destined point was at least twelve miles, and the steep
heights above Lewiston must first be climbed. This heavy task was
accomplished on the twenty-second of January. The level of the plateau was
reached, and the file of burdened men, some thirty in number, toiled slowly
on its way over the snowy plains and through the gloomy forests of spruce
and naked oak-trees; while Hennepin plodded through the drifts with his
portable altar lashed fast to his back. They came at last to the mouth of a
stream which entered the Niagara two leagues above the cataract, and
which was undoubtedly that now called Cayuga Creek.[124]
Trees were felled, the place cleared, and the master-carpenter set his ship-
builders at work. Meanwhile, two Mohegan hunters, attached to the party,
made bark wigwams to lodge the men. Hennepin had his chapel, apparently
of the same material, where he placed his altar, and on Sundays and saints'
days said mass, preached, and exhorted; while some of the men, who knew
the Gregorian chant, lent their aid at the service. When the carpenters were
ready to lay the keel of the vessel, La Salle asked the friar to drive the first
bolt; "but the modesty of my religious profession," he says, "compelled me
to decline this honor."
Page 120
Fortunately, it was the hunting-season of the Iroquois, and most of the
Seneca warriors were in the forests south of Lake Erie; yet enough
remained to cause serious uneasiness. They loitered sullenly about the
place, expressing their displeasure at the proceedings of the French. One of
them, pretending to be drunk, attacked the blacksmith and tried to kill him;
but the Frenchman, brandishing a red-hot bar of iron, held him at bay till
Hennepin ran to the rescue, when, as he declares, the severity of his rebuke
caused the savage to desist.[125] The work of the ship-builders advanced
rapidly; and when the Indian visitors beheld the vast ribs of the wooden
monster, their jealousy was redoubled. A squaw told the French that they
meant to burn the vessel on the stocks. All now stood anxiously on the
watch. Cold, hunger, and discontent found imperfect antidotes in Tonty's
energy and Hennepin's sermons.
La Salle was absent, and his lieutenant commanded in
his place. Hennepin says that Tonty was jealous because SUFFERING AND
DISCONTENT.
he, the friar, kept a journal, and that he was forced to use
all manner of just precautions to prevent the Italian from seizing it. The
men, being half-starved, in consequence of the loss of their provisions on
Lake Ontario, were restless and moody; and their discontent was fomented
by one of their number, who had very probably been tampered with by La
Salle's enemies.[126] The Senecas refused to supply them with corn, and the
frequent exhortations of the Récollet father proved an insufficient
substitute. In this extremity, the two Mohegans did excellent service,—
bringing deer and other game, which relieved the most pressing wants of
the party, and went far to restore their cheerfulness.
La Salle, meanwhile, had gone down to the mouth of the river, with a
sergeant and a number of men; and here, on the high point of land where
Fort Niagara now stands, he marked out the foundations of two
blockhouses.[127] Then, leaving his men to build them, he set out on foot for
Fort Frontenac, where the condition of his affairs demanded his presence,
and where he hoped to procure supplies to replace those lost in the wreck of
his vessel. It was February, and the distance was some two hundred and
fifty miles, through the snow-encumbered forests of the Iroquois and over
the ice of Lake Ontario. Two men attended him, and a dog dragged his
baggage on a sledge. For food, they had only a bag of parched corn, which
Seneca warriors were in the forests south of Lake Erie; yet enough
remained to cause serious uneasiness. They loitered sullenly about the
place, expressing their displeasure at the proceedings of the French. One of
them, pretending to be drunk, attacked the blacksmith and tried to kill him;
but the Frenchman, brandishing a red-hot bar of iron, held him at bay till
Hennepin ran to the rescue, when, as he declares, the severity of his rebuke
caused the savage to desist.[125] The work of the ship-builders advanced
rapidly; and when the Indian visitors beheld the vast ribs of the wooden
monster, their jealousy was redoubled. A squaw told the French that they
meant to burn the vessel on the stocks. All now stood anxiously on the
watch. Cold, hunger, and discontent found imperfect antidotes in Tonty's
energy and Hennepin's sermons.
La Salle was absent, and his lieutenant commanded in
his place. Hennepin says that Tonty was jealous because SUFFERING AND
DISCONTENT.
he, the friar, kept a journal, and that he was forced to use
all manner of just precautions to prevent the Italian from seizing it. The
men, being half-starved, in consequence of the loss of their provisions on
Lake Ontario, were restless and moody; and their discontent was fomented
by one of their number, who had very probably been tampered with by La
Salle's enemies.[126] The Senecas refused to supply them with corn, and the
frequent exhortations of the Récollet father proved an insufficient
substitute. In this extremity, the two Mohegans did excellent service,—
bringing deer and other game, which relieved the most pressing wants of
the party, and went far to restore their cheerfulness.
La Salle, meanwhile, had gone down to the mouth of the river, with a
sergeant and a number of men; and here, on the high point of land where
Fort Niagara now stands, he marked out the foundations of two
blockhouses.[127] Then, leaving his men to build them, he set out on foot for
Fort Frontenac, where the condition of his affairs demanded his presence,
and where he hoped to procure supplies to replace those lost in the wreck of
his vessel. It was February, and the distance was some two hundred and
fifty miles, through the snow-encumbered forests of the Iroquois and over
the ice of Lake Ontario. Two men attended him, and a dog dragged his
baggage on a sledge. For food, they had only a bag of parched corn, which
Page 121
failed them two days before they reached the fort; and they made the rest of
the journey fasting.
During his absence, Tonty finished the vessel, which
was of about forty-five tons' burden.[128] As spring THE SHIP
FINISHED.
opened, she was ready for launching. The friar
pronounced his blessing on her; the assembled company sang Te Deum;
cannon were fired; and French and Indians, warmed alike by a generous gift
of brandy, shouted and yelped in chorus as she glided into the Niagara. Her
builders towed her out and anchored her in the stream, safe at last from
incendiary hands; and then, swinging their hammocks under her deck, slept
in peace, beyond reach of the tomahawk. The Indians gazed on her with
amazement. Five small cannon looked out from her portholes; and on her
prow was carved a portentous monster, the Griffin, whose name she bore, in
honor of the armorial bearings of Frontenac. La Salle had often been heard
to say that he would make the griffin fly above the crows, or, in other
words, make Frontenac triumph over the Jesuits.
They now took her up the river, and made her fast below the swift current
at Black Rock. Here they finished her equipment, and waited for La Salle's
return; but the absent commander did not appear. The spring and more than
half of the summer had passed before they saw him again. At length, early
in August, he arrived at the mouth of the Niagara, bringing three more
friars; for, though no friend of the Jesuits, he was zealous for the Faith, and
was rarely without a missionary in his journeyings. Like Hennepin, the
three friars were all Flemings. One of them, Melithon Watteau, was to
remain at Niagara; the others, Zenobe Membré and Gabriel Ribourde, were
to preach the Faith among the tribes of the West. Ribourde was a hale and
cheerful old man of sixty-four. He went four times up and down the
Lewiston heights, while the men were climbing the steep pathway with
their loads. It required four of them, well stimulated with brandy, to carry
up the principal anchor destined for the "Griffin."
La Salle brought a tale of disaster. His enemies, bent on ruining the
enterprise, had given out that he was embarked on a harebrained venture,
from which he would never return. His creditors, excited by rumors set
afloat to that end, had seized on all his property in the settled parts of
Canada, though his seigniory of Fort Frontenac alone would have more than
the journey fasting.
During his absence, Tonty finished the vessel, which
was of about forty-five tons' burden.[128] As spring THE SHIP
FINISHED.
opened, she was ready for launching. The friar
pronounced his blessing on her; the assembled company sang Te Deum;
cannon were fired; and French and Indians, warmed alike by a generous gift
of brandy, shouted and yelped in chorus as she glided into the Niagara. Her
builders towed her out and anchored her in the stream, safe at last from
incendiary hands; and then, swinging their hammocks under her deck, slept
in peace, beyond reach of the tomahawk. The Indians gazed on her with
amazement. Five small cannon looked out from her portholes; and on her
prow was carved a portentous monster, the Griffin, whose name she bore, in
honor of the armorial bearings of Frontenac. La Salle had often been heard
to say that he would make the griffin fly above the crows, or, in other
words, make Frontenac triumph over the Jesuits.
They now took her up the river, and made her fast below the swift current
at Black Rock. Here they finished her equipment, and waited for La Salle's
return; but the absent commander did not appear. The spring and more than
half of the summer had passed before they saw him again. At length, early
in August, he arrived at the mouth of the Niagara, bringing three more
friars; for, though no friend of the Jesuits, he was zealous for the Faith, and
was rarely without a missionary in his journeyings. Like Hennepin, the
three friars were all Flemings. One of them, Melithon Watteau, was to
remain at Niagara; the others, Zenobe Membré and Gabriel Ribourde, were
to preach the Faith among the tribes of the West. Ribourde was a hale and
cheerful old man of sixty-four. He went four times up and down the
Lewiston heights, while the men were climbing the steep pathway with
their loads. It required four of them, well stimulated with brandy, to carry
up the principal anchor destined for the "Griffin."
La Salle brought a tale of disaster. His enemies, bent on ruining the
enterprise, had given out that he was embarked on a harebrained venture,
from which he would never return. His creditors, excited by rumors set
afloat to that end, had seized on all his property in the settled parts of
Canada, though his seigniory of Fort Frontenac alone would have more than
Page 122
sufficed to pay all his debts. There was no remedy. To defer the enterprise
would have been to give his adversaries the triumph that they sought; and
he hardened himself against the blow with his usual stoicism.[129]
FOOTNOTES:
[ It has been a matter of debate on which side of the Niagara the first vessel on the Upper
12 Lakes was built. A close study of Hennepin, and a careful examination of the localities,
4] have convinced me that the spot was that indicated above. Hennepin repeatedly alludes to a
large detached rock, rising out of the water at the foot of the rapids above Lewiston, on the west
side of the river. This rock may still be seen immediately under the western end of the Lewiston
suspension-bridge. Persons living in the neighborhood remember that a ferry-boat used to pass
between it and the cliffs of the western shore; but it has since been undermined by the current and
has inclined in that direction, so that a considerable part of it is submerged, while the gravel and
earth thrown down from the cliff during the building of the bridge has filled the intervening
channel. Opposite to this rock, and on the east side of the river, says Hennepin, are three
mountains, about two leagues below the cataract. (Nouveau Voyage (1704), 462, 466.) To these
"three mountains," as well as to the rock, he frequently alludes. They are also spoken of by La
Hontan, who clearly indicates their position. They consist in the three successive grades of the
acclivity: first, that which rises from the level of the water, forming the steep and lofty river-bank;
next, an intermediate ascent, crowned by a sort of terrace, where the tired men could find a
second resting-place and lay down their burdens, whence a third effort carried them with
difficulty to the level top of the plateau. That this was the actual "portage," or carrying place of
the travellers, is shown by Hennepin (1704), 114, who describes the carrying of anchors and other
heavy articles up these heights in August, 1679. La Hontan also passed the Falls by way of the
"three mountains" eight years later. La Hontan (1703), 106. It is clear, then, that the portage was
on the east side, whence it would be safe to conclude that the vessel was built on the same side.
Hennepin says that she was built at the mouth of a stream (rivière) entering the Niagara two
leagues above the Falls. Excepting one or two small brooks, there is no stream on the west side
but Chippewa Creek, which Hennepin had visited and correctly placed at about a league from the
cataract. His distances on the Niagara are usually correct. On the east side there is a stream which
perfectly answers the conditions. This is Cayuga Creek, two leagues above the Falls. Immediately
in front of it is an island about a mile long, separated from the shore by a narrow and deep arm of
the Niagara, into which Cayuga Creek discharges itself. The place is so obviously suited to
building and launching a vessel, that, in the early part of this century, the government of the
United States chose it for the construction of a schooner to carry supplies to the garrisons of the
Upper Lakes. The neighboring village now bears the name of La Salle.
In examining this and other localities on the Niagara, I have been
greatly aided by my friend O. H. Marshall, Esq., of Buffalo, who is
unrivalled in his knowledge of the history and traditions of the Niagara
frontier.
[ Hennepin (1704), 97. On a paper drawn up at the instance of the Intendant Duchesneau,
12 the names of the greater number of La Salle's men are preserved. These agree with those
5] given by Hennepin: thus, the master-carpenter, whom he calls Maître Moyse, appears as
would have been to give his adversaries the triumph that they sought; and
he hardened himself against the blow with his usual stoicism.[129]
FOOTNOTES:
[ It has been a matter of debate on which side of the Niagara the first vessel on the Upper
12 Lakes was built. A close study of Hennepin, and a careful examination of the localities,
4] have convinced me that the spot was that indicated above. Hennepin repeatedly alludes to a
large detached rock, rising out of the water at the foot of the rapids above Lewiston, on the west
side of the river. This rock may still be seen immediately under the western end of the Lewiston
suspension-bridge. Persons living in the neighborhood remember that a ferry-boat used to pass
between it and the cliffs of the western shore; but it has since been undermined by the current and
has inclined in that direction, so that a considerable part of it is submerged, while the gravel and
earth thrown down from the cliff during the building of the bridge has filled the intervening
channel. Opposite to this rock, and on the east side of the river, says Hennepin, are three
mountains, about two leagues below the cataract. (Nouveau Voyage (1704), 462, 466.) To these
"three mountains," as well as to the rock, he frequently alludes. They are also spoken of by La
Hontan, who clearly indicates their position. They consist in the three successive grades of the
acclivity: first, that which rises from the level of the water, forming the steep and lofty river-bank;
next, an intermediate ascent, crowned by a sort of terrace, where the tired men could find a
second resting-place and lay down their burdens, whence a third effort carried them with
difficulty to the level top of the plateau. That this was the actual "portage," or carrying place of
the travellers, is shown by Hennepin (1704), 114, who describes the carrying of anchors and other
heavy articles up these heights in August, 1679. La Hontan also passed the Falls by way of the
"three mountains" eight years later. La Hontan (1703), 106. It is clear, then, that the portage was
on the east side, whence it would be safe to conclude that the vessel was built on the same side.
Hennepin says that she was built at the mouth of a stream (rivière) entering the Niagara two
leagues above the Falls. Excepting one or two small brooks, there is no stream on the west side
but Chippewa Creek, which Hennepin had visited and correctly placed at about a league from the
cataract. His distances on the Niagara are usually correct. On the east side there is a stream which
perfectly answers the conditions. This is Cayuga Creek, two leagues above the Falls. Immediately
in front of it is an island about a mile long, separated from the shore by a narrow and deep arm of
the Niagara, into which Cayuga Creek discharges itself. The place is so obviously suited to
building and launching a vessel, that, in the early part of this century, the government of the
United States chose it for the construction of a schooner to carry supplies to the garrisons of the
Upper Lakes. The neighboring village now bears the name of La Salle.
In examining this and other localities on the Niagara, I have been
greatly aided by my friend O. H. Marshall, Esq., of Buffalo, who is
unrivalled in his knowledge of the history and traditions of the Niagara
frontier.
[ Hennepin (1704), 97. On a paper drawn up at the instance of the Intendant Duchesneau,
12 the names of the greater number of La Salle's men are preserved. These agree with those
5] given by Hennepin: thus, the master-carpenter, whom he calls Maître Moyse, appears as
Page 123
Moïse Hillaret; and the blacksmith, whom he calls La Forge, is mentioned as—(illegible) dit la
Forge.
[ "This bad man," says Hennepin, "would infallibly have debauched our workmen, if I had
12 not reassured them by the exhortations which I made them on fête-days and Sundays, after
6] divine service." (1704), 98.
[ Lettre de La Salle, 22 Août, 1682 (Margry, ii. 197); Relation de Tonty, 1684 (Ibid., i.
12 577). He called this new post Fort Conti. It was burned some months after, by the
7] carelessness of the sergeant in command, and was the first of a succession of forts on this
historic spot.
[ Hennepin (1683), 46. In the edition of 1697, he says that it was of sixty tons. I prefer to
12 follow the earlier and more trustworthy narrative.
8]
[ La Salle's embarrassment at this time was so great that he purposed to send Tonty
12 up the lakes in the "Griffin," while he went back to the colony to look after his
9] affairs; but suspecting that the pilot, who had already wrecked one of his vessels, was
in the pay of his enemies, he resolved at last to take charge of the expedition himself, to prevent a
second disaster. (Lettre de La Salle, 22 Août, 1682; Margry, ii. 214.) Among the creditors who
bore hard upon him were Migeon, Charon, Giton, and Peloquin, of Montreal, in whose name his
furs at Fort Frontenac had been seized. The intendant also placed under seal all his furs at
Quebec, among which is set down the not very precious item of two hundred and eighty-four
skins of enfants du diable, or skunks.
Forge.
[ "This bad man," says Hennepin, "would infallibly have debauched our workmen, if I had
12 not reassured them by the exhortations which I made them on fête-days and Sundays, after
6] divine service." (1704), 98.
[ Lettre de La Salle, 22 Août, 1682 (Margry, ii. 197); Relation de Tonty, 1684 (Ibid., i.
12 577). He called this new post Fort Conti. It was burned some months after, by the
7] carelessness of the sergeant in command, and was the first of a succession of forts on this
historic spot.
[ Hennepin (1683), 46. In the edition of 1697, he says that it was of sixty tons. I prefer to
12 follow the earlier and more trustworthy narrative.
8]
[ La Salle's embarrassment at this time was so great that he purposed to send Tonty
12 up the lakes in the "Griffin," while he went back to the colony to look after his
9] affairs; but suspecting that the pilot, who had already wrecked one of his vessels, was
in the pay of his enemies, he resolved at last to take charge of the expedition himself, to prevent a
second disaster. (Lettre de La Salle, 22 Août, 1682; Margry, ii. 214.) Among the creditors who
bore hard upon him were Migeon, Charon, Giton, and Peloquin, of Montreal, in whose name his
furs at Fort Frontenac had been seized. The intendant also placed under seal all his furs at
Quebec, among which is set down the not very precious item of two hundred and eighty-four
skins of enfants du diable, or skunks.
Page 124
CHAPTER XI.
1679.
LA SALLE ON THE UPPER LAKES.
The Voyage of the "Griffin."—Detroit.—A Storm.—St. Ignace of
Michilimackinac.—Rivals and Enemies.—Lake Michigan.—Hardships.
—A Threatened Fight.—Fort Miami.—Tonty's Misfortunes.—
Forebodings.
The "Griffin" had lain moored by the shore, so near that Hennepin could
preach on Sundays from the deck to the men encamped along the bank. She
was now forced up against the current with tow-ropes and sails, till she
reached the calm entrance of Lake Erie. On the seventh of August, La Salle
and his followers embarked, sang Te Deum, and fired their cannon. A fresh
breeze sprang up; and with swelling canvas the "Griffin" ploughed the
virgin waves of Lake Erie, where sail was never seen before. For three days
they held their course over these unknown waters, and on the fourth turned
northward into the Strait of Detroit. Here, on the right hand and on the left,
lay verdant prairies, dotted with groves and bordered with lofty forests.
They saw walnut, chestnut, and wild plum trees, and oaks festooned with
grape-vines; herds of deer, and flocks of swans and wild turkeys. The
bulwarks of the "Griffin" were plentifully hung with game which the men
killed on shore, and among the rest with a number of bears, much
commended by Hennepin for their want of ferocity and the excellence of
their flesh. "Those," he says, "who will one day have the happiness to
possess this fertile and pleasant strait, will be very much obliged to those
who have shown them the way." They crossed Lake St. Clair,[130] and still
sailed northward against the current, till now, sparkling in the sun, Lake
Huron spread before them like a sea.
For a time they bore on prosperously. Then the wind
died to a calm, then freshened to a gale, then rose to a ST. IGNACE.
furious tempest; and the vessel tossed wildly among the
short, steep, perilous waves of the raging lake. Even La Salle called on his
1679.
LA SALLE ON THE UPPER LAKES.
The Voyage of the "Griffin."—Detroit.—A Storm.—St. Ignace of
Michilimackinac.—Rivals and Enemies.—Lake Michigan.—Hardships.
—A Threatened Fight.—Fort Miami.—Tonty's Misfortunes.—
Forebodings.
The "Griffin" had lain moored by the shore, so near that Hennepin could
preach on Sundays from the deck to the men encamped along the bank. She
was now forced up against the current with tow-ropes and sails, till she
reached the calm entrance of Lake Erie. On the seventh of August, La Salle
and his followers embarked, sang Te Deum, and fired their cannon. A fresh
breeze sprang up; and with swelling canvas the "Griffin" ploughed the
virgin waves of Lake Erie, where sail was never seen before. For three days
they held their course over these unknown waters, and on the fourth turned
northward into the Strait of Detroit. Here, on the right hand and on the left,
lay verdant prairies, dotted with groves and bordered with lofty forests.
They saw walnut, chestnut, and wild plum trees, and oaks festooned with
grape-vines; herds of deer, and flocks of swans and wild turkeys. The
bulwarks of the "Griffin" were plentifully hung with game which the men
killed on shore, and among the rest with a number of bears, much
commended by Hennepin for their want of ferocity and the excellence of
their flesh. "Those," he says, "who will one day have the happiness to
possess this fertile and pleasant strait, will be very much obliged to those
who have shown them the way." They crossed Lake St. Clair,[130] and still
sailed northward against the current, till now, sparkling in the sun, Lake
Huron spread before them like a sea.
For a time they bore on prosperously. Then the wind
died to a calm, then freshened to a gale, then rose to a ST. IGNACE.
furious tempest; and the vessel tossed wildly among the
short, steep, perilous waves of the raging lake. Even La Salle called on his
Page 125
followers to commend themselves to Heaven. All fell to their prayers but
the godless pilot, who was loud in complaint against his commander for
having brought him, after the honor he had won on the ocean, to drown at
last ignominiously in fresh water. The rest clamored to the saints. St.
Anthony of Padua was promised a chapel to be built in his honor, if he
would but save them from their jeopardy; while in the same breath La Salle
and the friars declared him patron of their great enterprise.[131] The saint
heard their prayers. The obedient winds were tamed; and the "Griffin"
plunged on her way through foaming surges that still grew calmer as she
advanced. Now the sun shone forth on woody islands, Bois Blanc and
Mackinaw and the distant Manitoulins,—on the forest wastes of Michigan
and the vast blue bosom of the angry lake; and now her port was won, and
she found her rest behind the point of St. Ignace of Michilimackinac,
floating in that tranquil cove where crystal waters cover but cannot hide the
pebbly depths beneath. Before her rose the house and chapel of the Jesuits,
enclosed with palisades; on the right, the Huron village, with its bark cabins
and its fence of tall pickets; on the left, the square compact houses of the
French traders; and, not far off, the clustered wigwams of an Ottawa
village.[132] Here was a centre of the Jesuit missions, and a centre of the
Indian trade; and here, under the shadow of the cross, was much sharp
practice in the service of Mammon. Keen traders, with or without a license,
and lawless coureurs de bois, whom a few years of forest life had weaned
from civilization, made St. Ignace their resort; and here there were many of
them when the "Griffin" came. They and their employers hated and feared
La Salle, who, sustained as he was by the governor, might set at nought the
prohibition of the King, debarring him from traffic with these tribes. Yet,
while plotting against him, they took pains to allay his distrust by a show of
welcome.
The "Griffin" fired her cannon, and the Indians yelped in wonder and
amazement. The adventurers landed in state, and marched under arms to the
bark chapel of the Ottawa village, where they heard mass. La Salle knelt
before the altar, in a mantle of scarlet bordered with gold. Soldiers, sailors,
and artisans knelt around him,—black Jesuits, gray Récollets, swarthy
voyageurs, and painted savages; a devout but motley concourse.
As they left the chapel, the Ottawa chiefs came to bid them welcome, and
the Hurons saluted them with a volley of musketry. They saw the "Griffin"
the godless pilot, who was loud in complaint against his commander for
having brought him, after the honor he had won on the ocean, to drown at
last ignominiously in fresh water. The rest clamored to the saints. St.
Anthony of Padua was promised a chapel to be built in his honor, if he
would but save them from their jeopardy; while in the same breath La Salle
and the friars declared him patron of their great enterprise.[131] The saint
heard their prayers. The obedient winds were tamed; and the "Griffin"
plunged on her way through foaming surges that still grew calmer as she
advanced. Now the sun shone forth on woody islands, Bois Blanc and
Mackinaw and the distant Manitoulins,—on the forest wastes of Michigan
and the vast blue bosom of the angry lake; and now her port was won, and
she found her rest behind the point of St. Ignace of Michilimackinac,
floating in that tranquil cove where crystal waters cover but cannot hide the
pebbly depths beneath. Before her rose the house and chapel of the Jesuits,
enclosed with palisades; on the right, the Huron village, with its bark cabins
and its fence of tall pickets; on the left, the square compact houses of the
French traders; and, not far off, the clustered wigwams of an Ottawa
village.[132] Here was a centre of the Jesuit missions, and a centre of the
Indian trade; and here, under the shadow of the cross, was much sharp
practice in the service of Mammon. Keen traders, with or without a license,
and lawless coureurs de bois, whom a few years of forest life had weaned
from civilization, made St. Ignace their resort; and here there were many of
them when the "Griffin" came. They and their employers hated and feared
La Salle, who, sustained as he was by the governor, might set at nought the
prohibition of the King, debarring him from traffic with these tribes. Yet,
while plotting against him, they took pains to allay his distrust by a show of
welcome.
The "Griffin" fired her cannon, and the Indians yelped in wonder and
amazement. The adventurers landed in state, and marched under arms to the
bark chapel of the Ottawa village, where they heard mass. La Salle knelt
before the altar, in a mantle of scarlet bordered with gold. Soldiers, sailors,
and artisans knelt around him,—black Jesuits, gray Récollets, swarthy
voyageurs, and painted savages; a devout but motley concourse.
As they left the chapel, the Ottawa chiefs came to bid them welcome, and
the Hurons saluted them with a volley of musketry. They saw the "Griffin"
Page 126
at her anchorage, surrounded by more than a hundred bark canoes, like a
Triton among minnows. Yet it was with more wonder than good-will that
the Indians of the mission gazed on the "floating fort," for so they called the
vessel. A deep jealousy of La Salle's designs had been infused into them.
His own followers, too, had been tampered with. In the autumn before, it
may be remembered, he had sent fifteen men up the lakes to trade for him,
with orders to go thence to the Illinois and make preparation against his
coming. Early in the summer, Tonty had been despatched in a canoe from
Niagara to look after them.[133] It was high time. Most of the men had been
seduced from their duty, and had disobeyed their orders, squandered the
goods intrusted to them, or used them in trading on their own account. La
Salle found four of them at Michilimackinac. These he arrested, and sent
Tonty to the Falls of Ste. Marie, where two others were captured, with their
plunder. The rest were in the woods, and it was useless to pursue them.
Anxious and troubled as to the condition of his affairs
in Canada. La Salle had meant, after seeing his party RIVALS AND
ENEMIES.
safe at Michilimackinac, to leave Tonty to conduct it to
the Illinois, while he himself returned to the colony. But Tonty was still at
Ste. Marie, and he had none to trust but himself. Therefore, he resolved at
all risks to remain with his men; "for," he says, "I judged my presence
absolutely necessary to retain such of them as were left me, and prevent
them from being enticed away during the winter." Moreover, he thought
that he had detected an intrigue of his enemies to hound on the Iroquois
against the Illinois, in order to defeat his plan by involving him in the war.
Early in September he set sail again, and passing westward into Lake
Michigan,[134] cast anchor near one of the islands at the entrance of Green
Bay. Here, for once, he found a friend in the person of a Pottawattamie
chief, who had been so wrought upon by the politic kindness of Frontenac
that he declared himself ready to die for the children of Onontio.[135] Here,
too, he found several of his advance party, who had remained faithful and
collected a large store of furs. It would have been better had they proved
false, like the rest. La Salle, who asked counsel of no man, resolved, in spite
of his followers, to send back the "Griffin" laden with these furs, and others
collected on the way, to satisfy his creditors.[136] It was a rash resolution,
for it involved trusting her to the pilot, who had already proved either
Triton among minnows. Yet it was with more wonder than good-will that
the Indians of the mission gazed on the "floating fort," for so they called the
vessel. A deep jealousy of La Salle's designs had been infused into them.
His own followers, too, had been tampered with. In the autumn before, it
may be remembered, he had sent fifteen men up the lakes to trade for him,
with orders to go thence to the Illinois and make preparation against his
coming. Early in the summer, Tonty had been despatched in a canoe from
Niagara to look after them.[133] It was high time. Most of the men had been
seduced from their duty, and had disobeyed their orders, squandered the
goods intrusted to them, or used them in trading on their own account. La
Salle found four of them at Michilimackinac. These he arrested, and sent
Tonty to the Falls of Ste. Marie, where two others were captured, with their
plunder. The rest were in the woods, and it was useless to pursue them.
Anxious and troubled as to the condition of his affairs
in Canada. La Salle had meant, after seeing his party RIVALS AND
ENEMIES.
safe at Michilimackinac, to leave Tonty to conduct it to
the Illinois, while he himself returned to the colony. But Tonty was still at
Ste. Marie, and he had none to trust but himself. Therefore, he resolved at
all risks to remain with his men; "for," he says, "I judged my presence
absolutely necessary to retain such of them as were left me, and prevent
them from being enticed away during the winter." Moreover, he thought
that he had detected an intrigue of his enemies to hound on the Iroquois
against the Illinois, in order to defeat his plan by involving him in the war.
Early in September he set sail again, and passing westward into Lake
Michigan,[134] cast anchor near one of the islands at the entrance of Green
Bay. Here, for once, he found a friend in the person of a Pottawattamie
chief, who had been so wrought upon by the politic kindness of Frontenac
that he declared himself ready to die for the children of Onontio.[135] Here,
too, he found several of his advance party, who had remained faithful and
collected a large store of furs. It would have been better had they proved
false, like the rest. La Salle, who asked counsel of no man, resolved, in spite
of his followers, to send back the "Griffin" laden with these furs, and others
collected on the way, to satisfy his creditors.[136] It was a rash resolution,
for it involved trusting her to the pilot, who had already proved either
Page 127
incompetent or treacherous. She fired a parting shot, and on the eighteenth
of September set sail for Niagara, with orders to return to the head of Lake
Michigan as soon as she had discharged her cargo. La Salle, with the
fourteen men who remained, in four canoes deeply laden with a forge, tools,
merchandise, and arms, put out from the island and resumed his voyage.
The parting was not auspicious. The lake, glassy and
calm in the afternoon, was convulsed at night with a POTTAWATTAMI
sudden storm, when the canoes were midway between ES.
the island and the main shore. It was with difficulty that they could keep
together, the men shouting to each other through the darkness. Hennepin,
who was in the smallest canoe with a heavy load, and a carpenter for a
companion who was awkward at the paddle, found himself in jeopardy
which demanded all his nerve. The voyagers thought themselves happy
when they gained at last the shelter of a little sandy cove, where they
dragged up their canoes, and made their cheerless bivouac in the drenched
and dripping forest. Here they spent five days, living on pumpkins and
Indian corn, the gift of their Pottawattamie friends, and on a Canada
porcupine brought in by La Salle's Mohegan hunter. The gale raged
meanwhile with relentless fury. They trembled when they thought of the
"Griffin." When at length the tempest lulled, they re-embarked, and steered
southward along the shore of Wisconsin; but again the storm fell upon
them, and drove them for safety to a bare, rocky islet. Here they made a fire
of drift-wood, crouched around it, drew their blankets over their heads, and
in this miserable plight, pelted with sleet and rain, remained for two days.
At length they were afloat again; but their prosperity was brief. On the
twenty-eighth, a fierce squall drove them to a point of rocks covered with
bushes, where they consumed the little that remained of their provisions. On
the first of October they paddled about thirty miles, without food, when
they came to a village of Pottawattamies, who ran down to the shore to help
them to land; but La Salle, fearing that some of his men would steal the
merchandise and desert to the Indians, insisted on going three leagues
farther, to the great indignation of his followers. The lake, swept by an
easterly gale, was rolling its waves against the beach, like the ocean in a
storm. In the attempt to land, La Salle's canoe was nearly swamped. He and
his three canoe-men leaped into the water, and in spite of the surf, which
nearly drowned them, dragged their vessel ashore with all its load. He then
of September set sail for Niagara, with orders to return to the head of Lake
Michigan as soon as she had discharged her cargo. La Salle, with the
fourteen men who remained, in four canoes deeply laden with a forge, tools,
merchandise, and arms, put out from the island and resumed his voyage.
The parting was not auspicious. The lake, glassy and
calm in the afternoon, was convulsed at night with a POTTAWATTAMI
sudden storm, when the canoes were midway between ES.
the island and the main shore. It was with difficulty that they could keep
together, the men shouting to each other through the darkness. Hennepin,
who was in the smallest canoe with a heavy load, and a carpenter for a
companion who was awkward at the paddle, found himself in jeopardy
which demanded all his nerve. The voyagers thought themselves happy
when they gained at last the shelter of a little sandy cove, where they
dragged up their canoes, and made their cheerless bivouac in the drenched
and dripping forest. Here they spent five days, living on pumpkins and
Indian corn, the gift of their Pottawattamie friends, and on a Canada
porcupine brought in by La Salle's Mohegan hunter. The gale raged
meanwhile with relentless fury. They trembled when they thought of the
"Griffin." When at length the tempest lulled, they re-embarked, and steered
southward along the shore of Wisconsin; but again the storm fell upon
them, and drove them for safety to a bare, rocky islet. Here they made a fire
of drift-wood, crouched around it, drew their blankets over their heads, and
in this miserable plight, pelted with sleet and rain, remained for two days.
At length they were afloat again; but their prosperity was brief. On the
twenty-eighth, a fierce squall drove them to a point of rocks covered with
bushes, where they consumed the little that remained of their provisions. On
the first of October they paddled about thirty miles, without food, when
they came to a village of Pottawattamies, who ran down to the shore to help
them to land; but La Salle, fearing that some of his men would steal the
merchandise and desert to the Indians, insisted on going three leagues
farther, to the great indignation of his followers. The lake, swept by an
easterly gale, was rolling its waves against the beach, like the ocean in a
storm. In the attempt to land, La Salle's canoe was nearly swamped. He and
his three canoe-men leaped into the water, and in spite of the surf, which
nearly drowned them, dragged their vessel ashore with all its load. He then
Page 128
went to the rescue of Hennepin, who with his awkward companion was in
woful need of succor. Father Gabriel, with his sixty-four years, was no
match for the surf and the violent undertow. Hennepin, finding himself safe,
waded to his relief, and carried him ashore on his sturdy shoulders; while
the old friar, though drenched to the skin, laughed gayly under his cowl as
his brother missionary staggered with him up the beach.[137]
When all were safe ashore, La Salle, who distrusted the Indians they had
passed, took post on a hill, and ordered his followers to prepare their guns
for action. Nevertheless, as they were starving, an effort must be risked to
gain a supply of food; and he sent three men back to the village to purchase
it. Well armed, but faint with toil and famine, they made their way through
the stormy forest bearing a pipe of peace, but on arriving saw that the
scared inhabitants had fled. They found, however, a stock of corn, of which
they took a portion, leaving goods in exchange, and then set out on their
return.
Meanwhile, about twenty of the warriors, armed with bows and arrows,
approached the camp of the French to reconnoitre. La Salle went to meet
them with some of his men, opened a parley with them, and kept them
seated at the foot of the hill till his three messengers returned, when on
seeing the peace-pipe the warriors set up a cry of joy. In the morning they
brought more corn to the camp, with a supply of fresh venison, not a little
cheering to the exhausted Frenchmen, who, in dread of treachery, had stood
under arms all night.
This was no journey of pleasure. The lake was ruffled
with almost ceaseless storms; clouds big with rain HARDSHIPS.
above, a turmoil of gray and gloomy waves beneath.
Every night the canoes must be shouldered through the breakers and
dragged up the steep banks, which, as they neared the site of Milwaukee,
became almost insurmountable. The men paddled all day, with no other
food than a handful of Indian corn. They were spent with toil, sick with the
haws and wild berries which they ravenously devoured, and dejected at the
prospect before them. Father Gabriel's good spirits began to fail. He fainted
several times from famine and fatigue, but was revived by a certain
"confection of Hyacinth" administered by Hennepin, who had a small box
of this precious specific.
woful need of succor. Father Gabriel, with his sixty-four years, was no
match for the surf and the violent undertow. Hennepin, finding himself safe,
waded to his relief, and carried him ashore on his sturdy shoulders; while
the old friar, though drenched to the skin, laughed gayly under his cowl as
his brother missionary staggered with him up the beach.[137]
When all were safe ashore, La Salle, who distrusted the Indians they had
passed, took post on a hill, and ordered his followers to prepare their guns
for action. Nevertheless, as they were starving, an effort must be risked to
gain a supply of food; and he sent three men back to the village to purchase
it. Well armed, but faint with toil and famine, they made their way through
the stormy forest bearing a pipe of peace, but on arriving saw that the
scared inhabitants had fled. They found, however, a stock of corn, of which
they took a portion, leaving goods in exchange, and then set out on their
return.
Meanwhile, about twenty of the warriors, armed with bows and arrows,
approached the camp of the French to reconnoitre. La Salle went to meet
them with some of his men, opened a parley with them, and kept them
seated at the foot of the hill till his three messengers returned, when on
seeing the peace-pipe the warriors set up a cry of joy. In the morning they
brought more corn to the camp, with a supply of fresh venison, not a little
cheering to the exhausted Frenchmen, who, in dread of treachery, had stood
under arms all night.
This was no journey of pleasure. The lake was ruffled
with almost ceaseless storms; clouds big with rain HARDSHIPS.
above, a turmoil of gray and gloomy waves beneath.
Every night the canoes must be shouldered through the breakers and
dragged up the steep banks, which, as they neared the site of Milwaukee,
became almost insurmountable. The men paddled all day, with no other
food than a handful of Indian corn. They were spent with toil, sick with the
haws and wild berries which they ravenously devoured, and dejected at the
prospect before them. Father Gabriel's good spirits began to fail. He fainted
several times from famine and fatigue, but was revived by a certain
"confection of Hyacinth" administered by Hennepin, who had a small box
of this precious specific.
Page 129
At length they descried at a distance, on the stormy shore, two or three
eagles among a busy congregation of crows or turkey buzzards. They
paddled in all haste to the spot. The feasters took flight; and the starved
travellers found the mangled body of a deer, lately killed by the wolves.
This good luck proved the inauguration of plenty. As they approached the
head of the lake, game grew abundant; and, with the aid of the Mohegan,
there was no lack of bear's meat and venison. They found wild grapes, too,
in the woods, and gathered them by cutting down the trees to which the
vines clung.
While thus employed, they were startled by a sight
often so fearful in the waste and the wilderness,—the ENCOUNTER
WITH INDIANS.
print of a human foot. It was clear that Indians were not
far off. A strict watch was kept, not, as it proved, without cause; for that
night, while the sentry thought of little but screening himself and his gun
from the floods of rain, a party of Outagamies crept under the bank, where
they lurked for some time before he discovered them. Being challenged,
they came forward, professing great friendship, and pretending to have
mistaken the French for Iroquois. In the morning, however, there was an
outcry from La Salle's servant, who declared that the visitors had stolen his
coat from under the inverted canoe where he had placed it; while some of
the carpenters also complained of being robbed. La Salle well knew that if
the theft were left unpunished, worse would come of it. First, he posted his
men at the woody point of a peninsula, whose sandy neck was interposed
between them and the main forest. Then he went forth, pistol in hand, met a
young Outagami, seized him, and led him prisoner to his camp. This done,
he again set out, and soon found an Outagami chief,—for the wigwams
were not far distant,—to whom he told what he had done, adding that unless
the stolen goods were restored, the prisoner should be killed. The Indians
were in perplexity, for they had cut the coat to pieces and divided it. In this
dilemma they resolved, being strong in numbers, to rescue their comrade by
force. Accordingly, they came down to the edge of the forest, or posted
themselves behind fallen trees on the banks, while La Salle's men in their
stronghold braced their nerves for the fight. Here three Flemish friars with
their rosaries, and eleven Frenchmen with their guns, confronted a hundred
and twenty screeching Outagamies. Hennepin, who had seen service, and
who had always an exhortation at his tongue's end, busied himself to inspire
eagles among a busy congregation of crows or turkey buzzards. They
paddled in all haste to the spot. The feasters took flight; and the starved
travellers found the mangled body of a deer, lately killed by the wolves.
This good luck proved the inauguration of plenty. As they approached the
head of the lake, game grew abundant; and, with the aid of the Mohegan,
there was no lack of bear's meat and venison. They found wild grapes, too,
in the woods, and gathered them by cutting down the trees to which the
vines clung.
While thus employed, they were startled by a sight
often so fearful in the waste and the wilderness,—the ENCOUNTER
WITH INDIANS.
print of a human foot. It was clear that Indians were not
far off. A strict watch was kept, not, as it proved, without cause; for that
night, while the sentry thought of little but screening himself and his gun
from the floods of rain, a party of Outagamies crept under the bank, where
they lurked for some time before he discovered them. Being challenged,
they came forward, professing great friendship, and pretending to have
mistaken the French for Iroquois. In the morning, however, there was an
outcry from La Salle's servant, who declared that the visitors had stolen his
coat from under the inverted canoe where he had placed it; while some of
the carpenters also complained of being robbed. La Salle well knew that if
the theft were left unpunished, worse would come of it. First, he posted his
men at the woody point of a peninsula, whose sandy neck was interposed
between them and the main forest. Then he went forth, pistol in hand, met a
young Outagami, seized him, and led him prisoner to his camp. This done,
he again set out, and soon found an Outagami chief,—for the wigwams
were not far distant,—to whom he told what he had done, adding that unless
the stolen goods were restored, the prisoner should be killed. The Indians
were in perplexity, for they had cut the coat to pieces and divided it. In this
dilemma they resolved, being strong in numbers, to rescue their comrade by
force. Accordingly, they came down to the edge of the forest, or posted
themselves behind fallen trees on the banks, while La Salle's men in their
stronghold braced their nerves for the fight. Here three Flemish friars with
their rosaries, and eleven Frenchmen with their guns, confronted a hundred
and twenty screeching Outagamies. Hennepin, who had seen service, and
who had always an exhortation at his tongue's end, busied himself to inspire
Page 130
the rest with a courage equal to his own. Neither party, however, had an
appetite for the fray. A parley ensued: full compensation was made for the
stolen goods, and the aggrieved Frenchmen were farther propitiated with a
gift of beaver-skins.
Their late enemies, now become friends, spent the next day in dances,
feasts, and speeches. They entreated La Salle not to advance farther, since
the Illinois, through whose country he must pass, would be sure to kill him;
for, added these friendly counsellors, they hated the French because they
had been instigating the Iroquois to invade their country, Here was another
subject of anxiety. La Salle was confirmed in his belief that his busy and
unscrupulous enemies were intriguing for his destruction.
He pushed on, however, circling around the southern shore of Lake
Michigan, till he reached the mouth of the St. Joseph, called by him the
Miamis. Here Tonty was to have rejoined him with twenty men, making his
way from Michilimackinac along the eastern shore of the lake; but the
rendezvous was a solitude,—Tonty was nowhere to be seen. It was the first
of November; winter was at hand, and the streams would soon be frozen.
The men clamored to go forward, urging that they should starve if they
could not reach the villages of the Illinois before the tribe scattered for the
winter hunt. La Salle was inexorable. If they should all desert, he said, he,
with his Mohegan hunter and the three friars, would still remain and wait
for Tonty. The men grumbled, but obeyed; and, to divert their thoughts, he
set them at building a fort of timber on a rising ground at the mouth of the
river.
They had spent twenty days at this task, and their work was well
advanced, when at length Tonty appeared. He brought with him only half of
his men. Provisions had failed; and the rest of his party had been left thirty
leagues behind, to sustain themselves by hunting. La Salle told him to
return and hasten them forward. He set out with two men. A violent north
wind arose. He tried to run his canoe ashore through the breakers. The two
men could not manage their vessel, and he with his one hand could not help
them. She swamped, rolling over in the surf. Guns, baggage, and provisions
were lost; and the three voyagers returned to the Miamis, subsisting on
acorns by the way. Happily, the men left behind, excepting two deserters,
succeeded, a few days after, in rejoining the party.[138]
appetite for the fray. A parley ensued: full compensation was made for the
stolen goods, and the aggrieved Frenchmen were farther propitiated with a
gift of beaver-skins.
Their late enemies, now become friends, spent the next day in dances,
feasts, and speeches. They entreated La Salle not to advance farther, since
the Illinois, through whose country he must pass, would be sure to kill him;
for, added these friendly counsellors, they hated the French because they
had been instigating the Iroquois to invade their country, Here was another
subject of anxiety. La Salle was confirmed in his belief that his busy and
unscrupulous enemies were intriguing for his destruction.
He pushed on, however, circling around the southern shore of Lake
Michigan, till he reached the mouth of the St. Joseph, called by him the
Miamis. Here Tonty was to have rejoined him with twenty men, making his
way from Michilimackinac along the eastern shore of the lake; but the
rendezvous was a solitude,—Tonty was nowhere to be seen. It was the first
of November; winter was at hand, and the streams would soon be frozen.
The men clamored to go forward, urging that they should starve if they
could not reach the villages of the Illinois before the tribe scattered for the
winter hunt. La Salle was inexorable. If they should all desert, he said, he,
with his Mohegan hunter and the three friars, would still remain and wait
for Tonty. The men grumbled, but obeyed; and, to divert their thoughts, he
set them at building a fort of timber on a rising ground at the mouth of the
river.
They had spent twenty days at this task, and their work was well
advanced, when at length Tonty appeared. He brought with him only half of
his men. Provisions had failed; and the rest of his party had been left thirty
leagues behind, to sustain themselves by hunting. La Salle told him to
return and hasten them forward. He set out with two men. A violent north
wind arose. He tried to run his canoe ashore through the breakers. The two
men could not manage their vessel, and he with his one hand could not help
them. She swamped, rolling over in the surf. Guns, baggage, and provisions
were lost; and the three voyagers returned to the Miamis, subsisting on
acorns by the way. Happily, the men left behind, excepting two deserters,
succeeded, a few days after, in rejoining the party.[138]
Page 131
Thus was one heavy load lifted from the heart of La
Salle. But where was the "Griffin"? Time enough, and FOREBODINGS.
more than enough, had passed for her voyage to Niagara
and back again. He scanned the dreary horizon with an anxious eye. No
returning sail gladdened the watery solitude, and a dark foreboding gathered
on his heart. Yet further delay was impossible. He sent back two men to
Michilimackinac to meet her, if she still existed, and pilot her to his new
fort of the Miamis, and then prepared to ascend the river, whose weedy
edges were already glassed with thin flakes of ice.[139]
FOOTNOTES:
[ They named it Sainte Claire, of which the present name is a perversion.
13
0] [ Hennepin (1683), 58.
13
1] [ There is a rude plan of the establishment in La Hontan, though in several
13 editions its value is destroyed by the reversal of the plate.
2]
[ Relation de Tonty, 1684; Ibid., 1693. He was overtaken at the Detroit
13 by the "Griffin."
3]
[ Then usually known as Lac des Illinois, because it gave access
13 to the country of the tribes so called. Three years before, Allouez
4] gave it the name of Lac St. Joseph, by which it is often designated
by the early writers. Membré, Douay, and others, call it Lac Dauphin.
[ "The Great Mountain," the Iroquois name for the governor of Canada. It was borrowed
13 by other tribes also.
5]
[ In the license of discovery granted to La Salle, he is expressly prohibited from
13 trading with the Ottawas and others who brought furs to Montreal. This traffic on the
6] lakes was, therefore, illicit. His enemy, the Intendant Duchesneau, afterwards used
this against him. Lettre de Duchesneau au Ministre, 10 Nov., 1680.
[ Hennepin (1683), 79.
13
7] [ Hennepin (1683), 112; Relation de Tonty, 1693.
13
8] [ The official account of this journey is given at length in the Relation des
13 Découvertes et des Voyages du Sieur de la Salle, 1679-1681. This valuable
9] document, compiled from letters and diaries of La Salle, early in the year
1682, was known to Hennepin, who evidently had a copy of it before him when he wrote his
book, in which he incorporated many passages from it.
Salle. But where was the "Griffin"? Time enough, and FOREBODINGS.
more than enough, had passed for her voyage to Niagara
and back again. He scanned the dreary horizon with an anxious eye. No
returning sail gladdened the watery solitude, and a dark foreboding gathered
on his heart. Yet further delay was impossible. He sent back two men to
Michilimackinac to meet her, if she still existed, and pilot her to his new
fort of the Miamis, and then prepared to ascend the river, whose weedy
edges were already glassed with thin flakes of ice.[139]
FOOTNOTES:
[ They named it Sainte Claire, of which the present name is a perversion.
13
0] [ Hennepin (1683), 58.
13
1] [ There is a rude plan of the establishment in La Hontan, though in several
13 editions its value is destroyed by the reversal of the plate.
2]
[ Relation de Tonty, 1684; Ibid., 1693. He was overtaken at the Detroit
13 by the "Griffin."
3]
[ Then usually known as Lac des Illinois, because it gave access
13 to the country of the tribes so called. Three years before, Allouez
4] gave it the name of Lac St. Joseph, by which it is often designated
by the early writers. Membré, Douay, and others, call it Lac Dauphin.
[ "The Great Mountain," the Iroquois name for the governor of Canada. It was borrowed
13 by other tribes also.
5]
[ In the license of discovery granted to La Salle, he is expressly prohibited from
13 trading with the Ottawas and others who brought furs to Montreal. This traffic on the
6] lakes was, therefore, illicit. His enemy, the Intendant Duchesneau, afterwards used
this against him. Lettre de Duchesneau au Ministre, 10 Nov., 1680.
[ Hennepin (1683), 79.
13
7] [ Hennepin (1683), 112; Relation de Tonty, 1693.
13
8] [ The official account of this journey is given at length in the Relation des
13 Découvertes et des Voyages du Sieur de la Salle, 1679-1681. This valuable
9] document, compiled from letters and diaries of La Salle, early in the year
1682, was known to Hennepin, who evidently had a copy of it before him when he wrote his
book, in which he incorporated many passages from it.
Page 132
Page 133
CHAPTER XII.
1679, 1680.
LA SALLE ON THE ILLINOIS.
The St. Joseph.—Adventure of La Salle.—The Prairies.—Famine.—The
Great Town of the Illinois.—Indians.—Intrigues.—Difficulties.—
Policy of la Salle.—Desertion.—Another Attempt to poison La
Salle.
On the third of December the party re-embarked, LA SALLE'S
thirty-three in all, in eight canoes,[140] and ascended the ADVENTURE.
chill current of the St. Joseph, bordered with dreary
meadows and bare gray forests. When they approached the site of the
present village of South Bend, they looked anxiously along the shore on
their right to find the portage or path leading to the headquarters of the
Illinois. The Mohegan was absent, hunting; and, unaided by his practised
eye, they passed the path without seeing it. La Salle landed to search the
woods. Hours passed, and he did not return. Hennepin and Tonty grew
uneasy, disembarked, bivouacked, ordered guns to be fired, and sent out
men to scour the country. Night came, but not their lost leader. Muffled in
their blankets and powdered by the thick-falling snow-flakes, they sat
ruefully speculating as to what had befallen him; nor was it till four o'clock
of the next afternoon that they saw him approaching along the margin of the
river. His face and hands were besmirched with charcoal; and he was
further decorated with two opossums which hung from his belt, and which
he had killed with a stick as they were swinging head downwards from the
bough of a tree, after the fashion of that singular beast. He had missed his
way in the forest, and had been forced to make a wide circuit around the
edge of a swamp; while the snow, of which the air was full, added to his
perplexities. Thus he pushed on through the rest of the day and the greater
part of the night, till, about two o'clock in the morning, he reached the river
again, and fired his gun as a signal to his party. Hearing no answering shot,
he pursued his way along the bank, when he presently saw the gleam of a
1679, 1680.
LA SALLE ON THE ILLINOIS.
The St. Joseph.—Adventure of La Salle.—The Prairies.—Famine.—The
Great Town of the Illinois.—Indians.—Intrigues.—Difficulties.—
Policy of la Salle.—Desertion.—Another Attempt to poison La
Salle.
On the third of December the party re-embarked, LA SALLE'S
thirty-three in all, in eight canoes,[140] and ascended the ADVENTURE.
chill current of the St. Joseph, bordered with dreary
meadows and bare gray forests. When they approached the site of the
present village of South Bend, they looked anxiously along the shore on
their right to find the portage or path leading to the headquarters of the
Illinois. The Mohegan was absent, hunting; and, unaided by his practised
eye, they passed the path without seeing it. La Salle landed to search the
woods. Hours passed, and he did not return. Hennepin and Tonty grew
uneasy, disembarked, bivouacked, ordered guns to be fired, and sent out
men to scour the country. Night came, but not their lost leader. Muffled in
their blankets and powdered by the thick-falling snow-flakes, they sat
ruefully speculating as to what had befallen him; nor was it till four o'clock
of the next afternoon that they saw him approaching along the margin of the
river. His face and hands were besmirched with charcoal; and he was
further decorated with two opossums which hung from his belt, and which
he had killed with a stick as they were swinging head downwards from the
bough of a tree, after the fashion of that singular beast. He had missed his
way in the forest, and had been forced to make a wide circuit around the
edge of a swamp; while the snow, of which the air was full, added to his
perplexities. Thus he pushed on through the rest of the day and the greater
part of the night, till, about two o'clock in the morning, he reached the river
again, and fired his gun as a signal to his party. Hearing no answering shot,
he pursued his way along the bank, when he presently saw the gleam of a
Page 134
fire among the dense thickets close at hand. Not doubting that he had found
the bivouac of his party, he hastened to the spot. To his surprise, no human
being was to be seen. Under a tree beside the fire was a heap of dry grass
impressed with the form of a man who must have fled but a moment before,
for his couch was still warm. It was no doubt an Indian, ambushed on the
bank, watching to kill some passing enemy. La Salle called out in several
Indian languages; but there was dead silence all around. He then, with
admirable coolness, took possession of the quarters he had found, shouting
to their invisible proprietor that he was about to sleep in his bed; piled a
barricade of bushes around the spot, rekindled the dying fire, warmed his
benumbed hands, stretched himself on the dried grass, and slept undisturbed
till morning.
The Mohegan had rejoined the party before La Salle's return, and with his
aid the portage was soon found. Here the party encamped. La Salle, who
was excessively fatigued, occupied, together with Hennepin, a wigwam
covered in the Indian manner with mats of reeds. The cold forced them to
kindle a fire, which before daybreak set the mats in a blaze; and the two
sleepers narrowly escaped being burned along with their hut.
In the morning, the party shouldered their canoes and
baggage and began their march for the sources of the THE KANKAKEE.
river Illinois, some five miles distant. Around them
stretched a desolate plain, half-covered with snow and strewn with the
skulls and bones of buffalo; while, on its farthest verge, they could see the
lodges of the Miami Indians, who had made this place their abode. As they
filed on their way, a man named Duplessis, bearing a grudge against La
Salle, who walked just before him, raised his gun to shoot him through the
back, but was prevented by one of his comrades. They soon reached a spot
where the oozy, saturated soil quaked beneath their tread. All around were
clumps of alder-bushes, tufts of rank grass, and pools of glistening water. In
the midst a dark and lazy current, which a tall man might bestride, crept
twisting like a snake among the weeds and rushes. Here were the sources of
the Kankakee, one of the heads of the Illinois.[141] They set their canoes on
this thread of water, embarked their baggage and themselves, and pushed
down the sluggish streamlet, looking, at a little distance, like men who
sailed on land. Fed by an unceasing tribute of the spongy soil, it quickly
widened to a river; and they floated on their way through a voiceless,
the bivouac of his party, he hastened to the spot. To his surprise, no human
being was to be seen. Under a tree beside the fire was a heap of dry grass
impressed with the form of a man who must have fled but a moment before,
for his couch was still warm. It was no doubt an Indian, ambushed on the
bank, watching to kill some passing enemy. La Salle called out in several
Indian languages; but there was dead silence all around. He then, with
admirable coolness, took possession of the quarters he had found, shouting
to their invisible proprietor that he was about to sleep in his bed; piled a
barricade of bushes around the spot, rekindled the dying fire, warmed his
benumbed hands, stretched himself on the dried grass, and slept undisturbed
till morning.
The Mohegan had rejoined the party before La Salle's return, and with his
aid the portage was soon found. Here the party encamped. La Salle, who
was excessively fatigued, occupied, together with Hennepin, a wigwam
covered in the Indian manner with mats of reeds. The cold forced them to
kindle a fire, which before daybreak set the mats in a blaze; and the two
sleepers narrowly escaped being burned along with their hut.
In the morning, the party shouldered their canoes and
baggage and began their march for the sources of the THE KANKAKEE.
river Illinois, some five miles distant. Around them
stretched a desolate plain, half-covered with snow and strewn with the
skulls and bones of buffalo; while, on its farthest verge, they could see the
lodges of the Miami Indians, who had made this place their abode. As they
filed on their way, a man named Duplessis, bearing a grudge against La
Salle, who walked just before him, raised his gun to shoot him through the
back, but was prevented by one of his comrades. They soon reached a spot
where the oozy, saturated soil quaked beneath their tread. All around were
clumps of alder-bushes, tufts of rank grass, and pools of glistening water. In
the midst a dark and lazy current, which a tall man might bestride, crept
twisting like a snake among the weeds and rushes. Here were the sources of
the Kankakee, one of the heads of the Illinois.[141] They set their canoes on
this thread of water, embarked their baggage and themselves, and pushed
down the sluggish streamlet, looking, at a little distance, like men who
sailed on land. Fed by an unceasing tribute of the spongy soil, it quickly
widened to a river; and they floated on their way through a voiceless,
Page 135
lifeless solitude of dreary oak barrens, or boundless marshes overgrown
with reeds. At night, they built their fire on ground made firm by frost, and
bivouacked among the rushes. A few days brought them to a more favored
region. On the right hand and on the left stretched the boundless prairie,
dotted with leafless groves and bordered by gray wintry forests, scorched
by the fires kindled in the dried grass by Indian hunters, and strewn with the
carcasses and the bleached skulls of innumerable buffalo. The plains were
scored with their pathways, and the muddy edges of the river were full of
their hoof-prints. Yet not one was to be seen. At night, the horizon glowed
with distant fires; and by day the savage hunters could be descried at times
roaming on the verge of the prairie. The men, discontented and half-starved,
would have deserted to them had they dared. La Salle's Mohegan could kill
no game except two lean deer, with a few wild geese and swans. At length,
in their straits, they made a happy discovery. It was a buffalo bull, fast
mired in a slough. They killed him, lashed a cable about him, and then
twelve men dragged out the shaggy monster, whose ponderous carcass
demanded their utmost efforts.
The scene changed again as they descended. On either hand ran ranges of
woody hills, following the course of the river; and when they mounted to
their tops, they saw beyond them a rolling sea of dull green prairie, a
boundless pasture of the buffalo and the deer, in our own day strangely
transformed,—yellow in harvest-time with ripened wheat, and dotted with
the roofs of a hardy and valiant yeomanry.[142]
They passed the site of the future town of Ottawa, and
saw on their right the high plateau of Buffalo Rock, long THE ILLINOIS
TOWN.
a favorite dwelling-place of Indians. A league below, the
river glided among islands bordered with stately woods. Close on their left
towered a lofty cliff,[143] crested with trees that overhung the rippling
current; while before them spread the valley of the Illinois, in broad low
meadows, bordered on the right by the graceful hills at whose foot now lies
the village of Utica. A population far more numerous then tenanted the
valley. Along the right bank of the river were clustered the lodges of a great
Indian town. Hennepin counted four hundred and sixty of them.[144] In
shape, they were somewhat like the arched top of a baggage-wagon. They
were built of a framework of poles, covered with mats of rushes closely
with reeds. At night, they built their fire on ground made firm by frost, and
bivouacked among the rushes. A few days brought them to a more favored
region. On the right hand and on the left stretched the boundless prairie,
dotted with leafless groves and bordered by gray wintry forests, scorched
by the fires kindled in the dried grass by Indian hunters, and strewn with the
carcasses and the bleached skulls of innumerable buffalo. The plains were
scored with their pathways, and the muddy edges of the river were full of
their hoof-prints. Yet not one was to be seen. At night, the horizon glowed
with distant fires; and by day the savage hunters could be descried at times
roaming on the verge of the prairie. The men, discontented and half-starved,
would have deserted to them had they dared. La Salle's Mohegan could kill
no game except two lean deer, with a few wild geese and swans. At length,
in their straits, they made a happy discovery. It was a buffalo bull, fast
mired in a slough. They killed him, lashed a cable about him, and then
twelve men dragged out the shaggy monster, whose ponderous carcass
demanded their utmost efforts.
The scene changed again as they descended. On either hand ran ranges of
woody hills, following the course of the river; and when they mounted to
their tops, they saw beyond them a rolling sea of dull green prairie, a
boundless pasture of the buffalo and the deer, in our own day strangely
transformed,—yellow in harvest-time with ripened wheat, and dotted with
the roofs of a hardy and valiant yeomanry.[142]
They passed the site of the future town of Ottawa, and
saw on their right the high plateau of Buffalo Rock, long THE ILLINOIS
TOWN.
a favorite dwelling-place of Indians. A league below, the
river glided among islands bordered with stately woods. Close on their left
towered a lofty cliff,[143] crested with trees that overhung the rippling
current; while before them spread the valley of the Illinois, in broad low
meadows, bordered on the right by the graceful hills at whose foot now lies
the village of Utica. A population far more numerous then tenanted the
valley. Along the right bank of the river were clustered the lodges of a great
Indian town. Hennepin counted four hundred and sixty of them.[144] In
shape, they were somewhat like the arched top of a baggage-wagon. They
were built of a framework of poles, covered with mats of rushes closely
Page 136
interwoven; and each contained three or four fires, of which the greater part
served for two families.
Here, then, was the town; but where were the
inhabitants? All was silent as the desert. The lodges were HUNGER
empty, the fires dead, and the ashes cold. La Salle had RELIEVED.
expected this; for he knew that in the autumn the Illinois always left their
towns for their winter hunting, and that the time of their return had not yet
come. Yet he was not the less embarrassed, for he would fain have bought a
supply of food to relieve his famished followers. Some of them, searching
the deserted town, presently found the caches, or covered pits, in which the
Indians hid their stock of corn. This was precious beyond measure in their
eyes, and to touch it would be a deep offence. La Salle shrank from
provoking their anger, which might prove the ruin of his plans; but his
necessity overcame his prudence, and he took thirty minots of corn, hoping
to appease the owners by presents. Thus provided, the party embarked
again, and resumed their downward voyage.
On New Year's Day, 1680, they landed and heard mass. Then Hennepin
wished a happy new year to La Salle first, and afterwards to all the men,
making them a speech, which, as he tells us, was "most touching."[145] He
and his two brethren next embraced the whole company in turn, "in a
manner," writes the father, "most tender and affectionate," exhorting them,
at the same time, to patience, faith, and constancy. Four days after these
solemnities, they reached the long expansion of the river then called
Pimitoui, and now known as Peoria Lake, and leisurely made their way
downward to the site of the city of Peoria.[146] Here, as evening drew near,
they saw a faint spire of smoke curling above the gray forest, betokening
that Indians were at hand. La Salle, as we have seen, had been warned that
these tribes had been taught to regard him as their enemy; and when, in the
morning, he resumed his course, he was prepared alike for peace or war.
The shores now approached each other; and the Illinois was once more a
river, bordered on either hand with overhanging woods.[147]
At nine o'clock, doubling a point, he saw about eighty Illinois wigwams,
on both sides of the river. He instantly ordered the eight canoes to be ranged
in line, abreast, across the stream,—Tonty on the right, and he himself on
served for two families.
Here, then, was the town; but where were the
inhabitants? All was silent as the desert. The lodges were HUNGER
empty, the fires dead, and the ashes cold. La Salle had RELIEVED.
expected this; for he knew that in the autumn the Illinois always left their
towns for their winter hunting, and that the time of their return had not yet
come. Yet he was not the less embarrassed, for he would fain have bought a
supply of food to relieve his famished followers. Some of them, searching
the deserted town, presently found the caches, or covered pits, in which the
Indians hid their stock of corn. This was precious beyond measure in their
eyes, and to touch it would be a deep offence. La Salle shrank from
provoking their anger, which might prove the ruin of his plans; but his
necessity overcame his prudence, and he took thirty minots of corn, hoping
to appease the owners by presents. Thus provided, the party embarked
again, and resumed their downward voyage.
On New Year's Day, 1680, they landed and heard mass. Then Hennepin
wished a happy new year to La Salle first, and afterwards to all the men,
making them a speech, which, as he tells us, was "most touching."[145] He
and his two brethren next embraced the whole company in turn, "in a
manner," writes the father, "most tender and affectionate," exhorting them,
at the same time, to patience, faith, and constancy. Four days after these
solemnities, they reached the long expansion of the river then called
Pimitoui, and now known as Peoria Lake, and leisurely made their way
downward to the site of the city of Peoria.[146] Here, as evening drew near,
they saw a faint spire of smoke curling above the gray forest, betokening
that Indians were at hand. La Salle, as we have seen, had been warned that
these tribes had been taught to regard him as their enemy; and when, in the
morning, he resumed his course, he was prepared alike for peace or war.
The shores now approached each other; and the Illinois was once more a
river, bordered on either hand with overhanging woods.[147]
At nine o'clock, doubling a point, he saw about eighty Illinois wigwams,
on both sides of the river. He instantly ordered the eight canoes to be ranged
in line, abreast, across the stream,—Tonty on the right, and he himself on
Page 137
the left. The men laid down their paddles and seized their weapons; while,
in this warlike guise, the current bore them swiftly into the midst of the
surprised and astounded savages. The camps were in a panic. Warriors
whooped and howled; squaws and children screeched in chorus. Some
snatched their bows and war-clubs; some ran in terror; and, in the midst of
the hubbub, La Salle leaped ashore, followed by his men. None knew better
how to deal with Indians; and he made no sign of friendship, knowing that
it might be construed as a token of fear. His little knot of Frenchmen stood,
gun in hand, passive, yet prepared for battle. The Indians, on their part,
rallying a little from their fright, made all haste to proffer peace. Two of
their chiefs came forward, holding out the calumet; while another began a
loud harangue, to check the young warriors who were aiming their arrows
from the farther bank. La Salle, responding to these friendly overtures,
displayed another calumet; while Hennepin caught several scared children
and soothed them with winning blandishments.[148] The uproar was quelled;
and the strangers were presently seated in the midst of the camp, beset by a
throng of wild and swarthy figures.
Food was placed before them; and, as the Illinois code
of courtesy enjoined, their entertainers conveyed the ILLINOIS
HOSPITALITY.
morsels with their own hands to the lips of these
unenviable victims of their hospitality, while others rubbed their feet with
bear's grease. La Salle, on his part, made them a gift of tobacco and
hatchets; and when he had escaped from their caresses, rose and harangued
them. He told them that he had been forced to take corn from their
granaries, lest his men should die of hunger; but he prayed them not to be
offended, promising full restitution or ample payment. He had come, he
said, to protect them against their enemies, and teach them to pray to the
true God. As for the Iroquois, they were subjects of the Great King, and
therefore brethren of the French; yet, nevertheless, should they begin a war
and invade the country of the Illinois, he would stand by them, give them
guns, and fight in their defence, if they would permit him to build a fort
among them for the security of his men. It was also, he added, his purpose
to build a great wooden canoe, in which to descend the Mississippi to the
sea, and then return, bringing them the goods of which they stood in need;
but if they would not consent to his plans and sell provisions to his men, he
would pass on to the Osages, who would then reap all the benefits of
in this warlike guise, the current bore them swiftly into the midst of the
surprised and astounded savages. The camps were in a panic. Warriors
whooped and howled; squaws and children screeched in chorus. Some
snatched their bows and war-clubs; some ran in terror; and, in the midst of
the hubbub, La Salle leaped ashore, followed by his men. None knew better
how to deal with Indians; and he made no sign of friendship, knowing that
it might be construed as a token of fear. His little knot of Frenchmen stood,
gun in hand, passive, yet prepared for battle. The Indians, on their part,
rallying a little from their fright, made all haste to proffer peace. Two of
their chiefs came forward, holding out the calumet; while another began a
loud harangue, to check the young warriors who were aiming their arrows
from the farther bank. La Salle, responding to these friendly overtures,
displayed another calumet; while Hennepin caught several scared children
and soothed them with winning blandishments.[148] The uproar was quelled;
and the strangers were presently seated in the midst of the camp, beset by a
throng of wild and swarthy figures.
Food was placed before them; and, as the Illinois code
of courtesy enjoined, their entertainers conveyed the ILLINOIS
HOSPITALITY.
morsels with their own hands to the lips of these
unenviable victims of their hospitality, while others rubbed their feet with
bear's grease. La Salle, on his part, made them a gift of tobacco and
hatchets; and when he had escaped from their caresses, rose and harangued
them. He told them that he had been forced to take corn from their
granaries, lest his men should die of hunger; but he prayed them not to be
offended, promising full restitution or ample payment. He had come, he
said, to protect them against their enemies, and teach them to pray to the
true God. As for the Iroquois, they were subjects of the Great King, and
therefore brethren of the French; yet, nevertheless, should they begin a war
and invade the country of the Illinois, he would stand by them, give them
guns, and fight in their defence, if they would permit him to build a fort
among them for the security of his men. It was also, he added, his purpose
to build a great wooden canoe, in which to descend the Mississippi to the
sea, and then return, bringing them the goods of which they stood in need;
but if they would not consent to his plans and sell provisions to his men, he
would pass on to the Osages, who would then reap all the benefits of
Page 138
intercourse with the French, while they were left destitute, at the mercy of
the Iroquois.[149]
This threat had its effect, for it touched their deep-rooted jealousy of the
Osages. They were lavish of promises, and feasts and dances consumed the
day. Yet La Salle soon learned that the intrigues of his enemies were still
pursuing him. That evening, unknown to him, a stranger appeared in the
Illinois camp. He was a Mascoutin chief, named Monso, attended by five or
six Miamis, and bringing a gift of knives, hatchets, and kettles to the
Illinois.[150] The chiefs assembled in a secret nocturnal session, where,
smoking their pipes, they listened with open ears to the harangue of the
envoys. Monso told them that he had come in behalf of certain Frenchmen,
whom he named, to warn his hearers against the designs of La Salle, whom
he denounced as a partisan and spy of the Iroquois, affirming that he was
now on his way to stir up the tribes beyond the Mississippi to join in a war
against the Illinois, who, thus assailed from the east and from the west,
would be utterly destroyed. There was no hope for them, he added, but in
checking the farther progress of La Salle, or, at least, retarding it, thus
causing his men to desert him. Having thrown his fire-brand, Monso and his
party left the camp in haste, dreading to be confronted with the object of
their aspersions.[151]
In the morning, La Salle saw a change in the behavior
of his hosts. They looked on him askance, cold, sullen, FRESH
INTRIGUES.
and suspicious. There was one Omawha, a chief, whose
favor he had won the day before by the politic gift of two hatchets and three
knives, and who now came to him in secret to tell him what had taken place
at the nocturnal council. La Salle at once saw in it a device of his enemies;
and this belief was confirmed, when, in the afternoon, Nicanopé, brother of
the head chief, sent to invite the Frenchmen to a feast. They repaired to his
lodge; but before dinner was served,—that is to say, while the guests, white
and red, were seated on mats, each with his hunting-knife in his hand, and
the wooden bowl before him which was to receive his share of the bear's or
buffalo's meat, or the corn boiled in fat, with which he was to be regaled,—
while such was the posture of the company, their host arose and began a
long speech. He told the Frenchmen that he had invited them to his lodge
less to refresh their bodies with good cheer than to cure their minds of the
the Iroquois.[149]
This threat had its effect, for it touched their deep-rooted jealousy of the
Osages. They were lavish of promises, and feasts and dances consumed the
day. Yet La Salle soon learned that the intrigues of his enemies were still
pursuing him. That evening, unknown to him, a stranger appeared in the
Illinois camp. He was a Mascoutin chief, named Monso, attended by five or
six Miamis, and bringing a gift of knives, hatchets, and kettles to the
Illinois.[150] The chiefs assembled in a secret nocturnal session, where,
smoking their pipes, they listened with open ears to the harangue of the
envoys. Monso told them that he had come in behalf of certain Frenchmen,
whom he named, to warn his hearers against the designs of La Salle, whom
he denounced as a partisan and spy of the Iroquois, affirming that he was
now on his way to stir up the tribes beyond the Mississippi to join in a war
against the Illinois, who, thus assailed from the east and from the west,
would be utterly destroyed. There was no hope for them, he added, but in
checking the farther progress of La Salle, or, at least, retarding it, thus
causing his men to desert him. Having thrown his fire-brand, Monso and his
party left the camp in haste, dreading to be confronted with the object of
their aspersions.[151]
In the morning, La Salle saw a change in the behavior
of his hosts. They looked on him askance, cold, sullen, FRESH
INTRIGUES.
and suspicious. There was one Omawha, a chief, whose
favor he had won the day before by the politic gift of two hatchets and three
knives, and who now came to him in secret to tell him what had taken place
at the nocturnal council. La Salle at once saw in it a device of his enemies;
and this belief was confirmed, when, in the afternoon, Nicanopé, brother of
the head chief, sent to invite the Frenchmen to a feast. They repaired to his
lodge; but before dinner was served,—that is to say, while the guests, white
and red, were seated on mats, each with his hunting-knife in his hand, and
the wooden bowl before him which was to receive his share of the bear's or
buffalo's meat, or the corn boiled in fat, with which he was to be regaled,—
while such was the posture of the company, their host arose and began a
long speech. He told the Frenchmen that he had invited them to his lodge
less to refresh their bodies with good cheer than to cure their minds of the
Page 139
dangerous purpose which possessed them, of descending the Mississippi. Its
shores, he said, were beset by savage tribes, against whose numbers and
ferocity their valor would avail nothing; its waters were infested by
serpents, alligators, and unnatural monsters; while the river itself, after
raging among rocks and whirlpools, plunged headlong at last into a
fathomless gulf, which would swallow them and their vessel forever.
La Salle's men were for the most part raw hands,
knowing nothing of the wilderness, and easily alarmed LA SALLE AND
THE INDIANS.
at its dangers; but there were two among them, old
coureurs de bois, who unfortunately knew too much; for they understood
the Indian orator, and explained his speech to the rest. As La Salle looked
around on the circle of his followers, he read an augury of fresh trouble in
their disturbed and rueful visages. He waited patiently, however, till the
speaker had ended, and then answered him, through his interpreter, with
great composure. First, he thanked him for the friendly warning which his
affection had impelled him to utter; but, he continued, the greater the
danger, the greater the honor; and even if the danger were real, Frenchmen
would never flinch from it. But were not the Illinois jealous? Had they not
been deluded by lies? "We were not asleep, my brother, when Monso came
to tell you, under cover of night, that we were spies of the Iroquois. The
presents he gave you, that you might believe his falsehoods, are at this
moment buried in the earth under this lodge. If he told the truth, why did he
skulk away in the dark? Why did he not show himself by day? Do you not
see that when we first came among you, and your camp was all in
confusion, we could have killed you without needing help from the
Iroquois? And now, while I am speaking, could we not put your old men to
death, while your young warriors are all gone away to hunt? If we meant to
make war on you, we should need no help from the Iroquois, who have so
often felt the force of our arms. Look at what we have brought you. It is not
weapons to destroy you, but merchandise and tools for your good. If you
still harbor evil thoughts of us, be frank as we are, and speak them boldly.
Go after this impostor Monso, and bring him back, that we may answer him
face to face; for he never saw either us or the Iroquois, and what can he
know of the plots that he pretends to reveal?"[152] Nicanopé had nothing to
reply, and, grunting assent in the depths of his throat, made a sign that the
feast should proceed.
shores, he said, were beset by savage tribes, against whose numbers and
ferocity their valor would avail nothing; its waters were infested by
serpents, alligators, and unnatural monsters; while the river itself, after
raging among rocks and whirlpools, plunged headlong at last into a
fathomless gulf, which would swallow them and their vessel forever.
La Salle's men were for the most part raw hands,
knowing nothing of the wilderness, and easily alarmed LA SALLE AND
THE INDIANS.
at its dangers; but there were two among them, old
coureurs de bois, who unfortunately knew too much; for they understood
the Indian orator, and explained his speech to the rest. As La Salle looked
around on the circle of his followers, he read an augury of fresh trouble in
their disturbed and rueful visages. He waited patiently, however, till the
speaker had ended, and then answered him, through his interpreter, with
great composure. First, he thanked him for the friendly warning which his
affection had impelled him to utter; but, he continued, the greater the
danger, the greater the honor; and even if the danger were real, Frenchmen
would never flinch from it. But were not the Illinois jealous? Had they not
been deluded by lies? "We were not asleep, my brother, when Monso came
to tell you, under cover of night, that we were spies of the Iroquois. The
presents he gave you, that you might believe his falsehoods, are at this
moment buried in the earth under this lodge. If he told the truth, why did he
skulk away in the dark? Why did he not show himself by day? Do you not
see that when we first came among you, and your camp was all in
confusion, we could have killed you without needing help from the
Iroquois? And now, while I am speaking, could we not put your old men to
death, while your young warriors are all gone away to hunt? If we meant to
make war on you, we should need no help from the Iroquois, who have so
often felt the force of our arms. Look at what we have brought you. It is not
weapons to destroy you, but merchandise and tools for your good. If you
still harbor evil thoughts of us, be frank as we are, and speak them boldly.
Go after this impostor Monso, and bring him back, that we may answer him
face to face; for he never saw either us or the Iroquois, and what can he
know of the plots that he pretends to reveal?"[152] Nicanopé had nothing to
reply, and, grunting assent in the depths of his throat, made a sign that the
feast should proceed.
Page 140
The French were lodged in huts, near the Indian camp; and, fearing
treachery, La Salle placed a guard at night. On the morning after the feast,
he came out into the frosty air and looked about him for the sentinels. Not
one of them was to be seen. Vexed and alarmed, he entered hut after hut and
roused his drowsy followers. Six of the number, including two of the best
carpenters, were nowhere to be found. Discontented and mutinous from the
first, and now terrified by the fictions of Nicanopé, they had deserted,
preferring the hardships of the midwinter forest to the mysterious terrors of
the Mississippi. La Salle mustered the rest before him, and inveighed
sternly against the cowardice and baseness of those who had thus
abandoned him, regardless of his many favors. If any here, he added, are
afraid, let them but wait till the spring, and they shall have free leave to
return to Canada, safely and without dishonor.[153]
This desertion cut him to the heart. It showed him that
he was leaning on a broken reed; and he felt that, on an LA SALLE AGAIN
POISONED.
enterprise full of doubt and peril, there were scarcely
four men in his party whom he could trust. Nor was desertion the worst he
had to fear; for here, as at Fort Frontenac, an attempt was made to kill him.
Tonty tells us that poison was placed in the pot in which their food was
cooked, and that La Salle was saved by an antidote which some of his
friends had given him before he left France. This, it will be remembered,
was an epoch of poisoners. It was in the following month that the notorious
La Voisin was burned alive, at Paris, for practices to which many of the
highest nobility were charged with being privy, not excepting some in
whose veins ran the blood of the gorgeous spendthrift who ruled the
destinies of France.[154]
In these early French enterprises in the West, it was to the last degree
difficult to hold men to their duty. Once fairly in the wilderness, completely
freed from the sharp restraints of authority in which they had passed their
lives, a spirit of lawlessness broke out among them with a violence
proportioned to the pressure which had hitherto controlled it. Discipline had
no resources and no guarantee; while those outlaws of the forest, the
coureurs de bois, were always before their eyes, a standing example of
unbridled license. La Salle, eminently skilful in his dealings with Indians,
was rarely so happy with his own countrymen; and yet the desertions from
treachery, La Salle placed a guard at night. On the morning after the feast,
he came out into the frosty air and looked about him for the sentinels. Not
one of them was to be seen. Vexed and alarmed, he entered hut after hut and
roused his drowsy followers. Six of the number, including two of the best
carpenters, were nowhere to be found. Discontented and mutinous from the
first, and now terrified by the fictions of Nicanopé, they had deserted,
preferring the hardships of the midwinter forest to the mysterious terrors of
the Mississippi. La Salle mustered the rest before him, and inveighed
sternly against the cowardice and baseness of those who had thus
abandoned him, regardless of his many favors. If any here, he added, are
afraid, let them but wait till the spring, and they shall have free leave to
return to Canada, safely and without dishonor.[153]
This desertion cut him to the heart. It showed him that
he was leaning on a broken reed; and he felt that, on an LA SALLE AGAIN
POISONED.
enterprise full of doubt and peril, there were scarcely
four men in his party whom he could trust. Nor was desertion the worst he
had to fear; for here, as at Fort Frontenac, an attempt was made to kill him.
Tonty tells us that poison was placed in the pot in which their food was
cooked, and that La Salle was saved by an antidote which some of his
friends had given him before he left France. This, it will be remembered,
was an epoch of poisoners. It was in the following month that the notorious
La Voisin was burned alive, at Paris, for practices to which many of the
highest nobility were charged with being privy, not excepting some in
whose veins ran the blood of the gorgeous spendthrift who ruled the
destinies of France.[154]
In these early French enterprises in the West, it was to the last degree
difficult to hold men to their duty. Once fairly in the wilderness, completely
freed from the sharp restraints of authority in which they had passed their
lives, a spirit of lawlessness broke out among them with a violence
proportioned to the pressure which had hitherto controlled it. Discipline had
no resources and no guarantee; while those outlaws of the forest, the
coureurs de bois, were always before their eyes, a standing example of
unbridled license. La Salle, eminently skilful in his dealings with Indians,
was rarely so happy with his own countrymen; and yet the desertions from
Page 141
which he was continually suffering were due far more to the inevitable
difficulty of his position than to any want of conduct on his part.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de Duchesneau à ——, 10 Nov., 1680.
14
0] [ The Kankakee was called at this time the Theakiki, or Haukiki (Marest); a name
14 which, as Charlevoix says, was afterwards corrupted by the French to Kiakiki
1] whence, probably, its present form. In La Salle's time, the name "Theakiki" was
given to the river Illinois through all its course. It was also called the Rivière Seignelay, the
Rivière des Macopins, and the Rivière Divine, or Rivière de la Divine. The latter name, when
Charlevoix visited the country in 1721, was confined to the northern branch. He gives an
interesting and somewhat graphic account of the portage and the sources of the Kankakee, in his
letter dated De la Source du Theakiki, ce dix-sept Septembre, 1721.
Why the Illinois should ever have been called the "Divine," it is not
easy to see. The Memoirs of St. Simon suggest an explanation. Madame
de Frontenac and her friend Mademoiselle d'Outrelaise, he tells us, lived
together in apartments at the Arsenal, where they held their salon and
exercised a great power in society. They were called at court les Divines.
(St. Simon, v. 335: Cheruel.) In compliment to Frontenac, the river may
have been named after his wife or her friend. The suggestion is due to M.
Margry. I have seen a map by Raudin, Frontenac's engineer, on which the
river is called "Rivière de la Divine ou l'Outrelaise."
[ The change is very recent. Within the memory of men not yet old, wolves and deer,
14 besides wild swans, wild turkeys, cranes, and pelicans, abounded in this region. In 1840, a
2] friend of mine shot a deer from the window of a farmhouse, near the present town of La
Salle. Running wolves on horseback was his favorite amusement in this part of the country. The
buffalo long ago disappeared; but the early settlers found frequent remains of them. Mr. James
Clark, of Utica, Ill., told me that he once found a large quantity of their bones and skulls in one
place, as if a herd had perished in the snowdrifts.
[ "Starved Rock." It will hold, hereafter, a conspicuous place in the narrative.
14
3] [ La Louisiane, 137. Allouez (Relation, 1673-79) found three hundred and fifty-one
14 lodges. This was in 1677. The population of this town, which embraced five or six
4] distinct tribes of the Illinois, was continually changing. In 1675, Marquette addressed
here an auditory composed of five hundred chiefs and old men, and fifteen hundred young men,
besides women and children. He estimates the number of fires at five or six hundred. (Voyages du
Père Marquette, 98: Lenox.) Membré, who was here in 1680, says that it then contained seven or
eight thousand souls. (Membré in Le Clerc, Premier Établissement de la Foy, ii. 173.) On the
remarkable manuscript map of Franquelin, 1684, it is set down at twelve hundred warriors, or
about six thousand souls. This was after the destructive inroad of the Iroquois. Some years later,
difficulty of his position than to any want of conduct on his part.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de Duchesneau à ——, 10 Nov., 1680.
14
0] [ The Kankakee was called at this time the Theakiki, or Haukiki (Marest); a name
14 which, as Charlevoix says, was afterwards corrupted by the French to Kiakiki
1] whence, probably, its present form. In La Salle's time, the name "Theakiki" was
given to the river Illinois through all its course. It was also called the Rivière Seignelay, the
Rivière des Macopins, and the Rivière Divine, or Rivière de la Divine. The latter name, when
Charlevoix visited the country in 1721, was confined to the northern branch. He gives an
interesting and somewhat graphic account of the portage and the sources of the Kankakee, in his
letter dated De la Source du Theakiki, ce dix-sept Septembre, 1721.
Why the Illinois should ever have been called the "Divine," it is not
easy to see. The Memoirs of St. Simon suggest an explanation. Madame
de Frontenac and her friend Mademoiselle d'Outrelaise, he tells us, lived
together in apartments at the Arsenal, where they held their salon and
exercised a great power in society. They were called at court les Divines.
(St. Simon, v. 335: Cheruel.) In compliment to Frontenac, the river may
have been named after his wife or her friend. The suggestion is due to M.
Margry. I have seen a map by Raudin, Frontenac's engineer, on which the
river is called "Rivière de la Divine ou l'Outrelaise."
[ The change is very recent. Within the memory of men not yet old, wolves and deer,
14 besides wild swans, wild turkeys, cranes, and pelicans, abounded in this region. In 1840, a
2] friend of mine shot a deer from the window of a farmhouse, near the present town of La
Salle. Running wolves on horseback was his favorite amusement in this part of the country. The
buffalo long ago disappeared; but the early settlers found frequent remains of them. Mr. James
Clark, of Utica, Ill., told me that he once found a large quantity of their bones and skulls in one
place, as if a herd had perished in the snowdrifts.
[ "Starved Rock." It will hold, hereafter, a conspicuous place in the narrative.
14
3] [ La Louisiane, 137. Allouez (Relation, 1673-79) found three hundred and fifty-one
14 lodges. This was in 1677. The population of this town, which embraced five or six
4] distinct tribes of the Illinois, was continually changing. In 1675, Marquette addressed
here an auditory composed of five hundred chiefs and old men, and fifteen hundred young men,
besides women and children. He estimates the number of fires at five or six hundred. (Voyages du
Père Marquette, 98: Lenox.) Membré, who was here in 1680, says that it then contained seven or
eight thousand souls. (Membré in Le Clerc, Premier Établissement de la Foy, ii. 173.) On the
remarkable manuscript map of Franquelin, 1684, it is set down at twelve hundred warriors, or
about six thousand souls. This was after the destructive inroad of the Iroquois. Some years later,
Page 142
Rasle reported upwards of twenty-four hundred families. (Lettre à son Frère, in Lettres
Édifiantes.)
At times, nearly the whole Illinois population was gathered here. At
other times, the several tribes that composed it separated, some dwelling
apart from the rest; so that at one period the Illinois formed eleven
villages, while at others they were gathered into two, of which this was
much the larger. The meadows around it were extensively cultivated,
yielding large crops, chiefly of Indian corn. The lodges were built along
the river-bank for a distance of a mile, and sometimes far more. In their
shape, though not in their material, they resembled those of the Hurons.
There were no palisades or embankments.
This neighborhood abounds in Indian relics. The village graveyard
appears to have been on a rising ground, near the river immediately in
front of the town of Utica. This is the only part of the river bottom, from
this point to the Mississippi, not liable to inundation in the spring floods.
It now forms part of a farm occupied by a tenant of Mr. James Clark.
Both Mr. Clark and his tenant informed me that every year great
quantities of human bones and teeth were turned up here by the plough.
Many implements of stone are also found, together with beads and other
ornaments of Indian and European fabric.
[ "Les paroles les plus touchantes."—Hennepin (1683), 139. The later editions add the
14 modest qualification, "que je pus."
5]
[ Peoria was the name of one of the tribes of the Illinois. Hennepin's dates here do
14 not exactly agree with those of La Salle (Lettre du 29 Sept., 1680), who says that
6] they were at the Illinois village on the first of January, and at Peoria Lake on the
fifth.
[ At least, it is so now at this place. Perhaps, in La Salle's time, it was not wholly so; for
14 there is evidence, in various parts of the West, that the forest has made considerable
7] encroachments on the open country.
[ Hennepin (1683), 142.
14
8] [ Hennepin (1683), 144-149. The later editions omit a part of the above.
14
9] [ "Un sauvage, nommé Monso, qui veut dire Chevreuil."—La Salle. Probably
15 Monso is a misprint for Mouso, as mousoa is Illinois for chevreuil, or deer.
0]
[ Hennepin (1683), 151, (1704), 205; Le Clerc, ii. 157; Mémoire du
15 Voyage de M. de la Salle. This is a paper appended to Frontenac's Letter
1] to the Minister, 9 Nov., 1680. Hennepin prints a translation of it in the
English edition of his later work. It charges the Jesuit Allouez with being at the bottom of the
Édifiantes.)
At times, nearly the whole Illinois population was gathered here. At
other times, the several tribes that composed it separated, some dwelling
apart from the rest; so that at one period the Illinois formed eleven
villages, while at others they were gathered into two, of which this was
much the larger. The meadows around it were extensively cultivated,
yielding large crops, chiefly of Indian corn. The lodges were built along
the river-bank for a distance of a mile, and sometimes far more. In their
shape, though not in their material, they resembled those of the Hurons.
There were no palisades or embankments.
This neighborhood abounds in Indian relics. The village graveyard
appears to have been on a rising ground, near the river immediately in
front of the town of Utica. This is the only part of the river bottom, from
this point to the Mississippi, not liable to inundation in the spring floods.
It now forms part of a farm occupied by a tenant of Mr. James Clark.
Both Mr. Clark and his tenant informed me that every year great
quantities of human bones and teeth were turned up here by the plough.
Many implements of stone are also found, together with beads and other
ornaments of Indian and European fabric.
[ "Les paroles les plus touchantes."—Hennepin (1683), 139. The later editions add the
14 modest qualification, "que je pus."
5]
[ Peoria was the name of one of the tribes of the Illinois. Hennepin's dates here do
14 not exactly agree with those of La Salle (Lettre du 29 Sept., 1680), who says that
6] they were at the Illinois village on the first of January, and at Peoria Lake on the
fifth.
[ At least, it is so now at this place. Perhaps, in La Salle's time, it was not wholly so; for
14 there is evidence, in various parts of the West, that the forest has made considerable
7] encroachments on the open country.
[ Hennepin (1683), 142.
14
8] [ Hennepin (1683), 144-149. The later editions omit a part of the above.
14
9] [ "Un sauvage, nommé Monso, qui veut dire Chevreuil."—La Salle. Probably
15 Monso is a misprint for Mouso, as mousoa is Illinois for chevreuil, or deer.
0]
[ Hennepin (1683), 151, (1704), 205; Le Clerc, ii. 157; Mémoire du
15 Voyage de M. de la Salle. This is a paper appended to Frontenac's Letter
1] to the Minister, 9 Nov., 1680. Hennepin prints a translation of it in the
English edition of his later work. It charges the Jesuit Allouez with being at the bottom of the
Page 143
intrigue. Compare Lettre de La Salle, 29 Sept., 1680 (Margry, ii. 41), and Mémoire de La Salle, in
Thomassy, Géologie Pratique de la Louisiane, 203.
The account of the affair of Monso, in the spurious work bearing
Tonty's name, is mere romance.
[ The above is a paraphrase, with some condensation, from Hennepin, whose account is
15 substantially identical with that of La Salle.
2]
[ Hennepin (1683), 162. Déclaration faite par Moyse Hillaret, charpentier de
15 barque, cy devant au service du Sr. de la Salle.
3]
[ The equally noted Brinvilliers was burned four years before. An account of both will be
15 found in the Letters of Madame de Sévigné. The memoirs of the time abound in evidence
4] of the frightful prevalence of these practices, and the commotion which they excited in all
ranks of society.
Thomassy, Géologie Pratique de la Louisiane, 203.
The account of the affair of Monso, in the spurious work bearing
Tonty's name, is mere romance.
[ The above is a paraphrase, with some condensation, from Hennepin, whose account is
15 substantially identical with that of La Salle.
2]
[ Hennepin (1683), 162. Déclaration faite par Moyse Hillaret, charpentier de
15 barque, cy devant au service du Sr. de la Salle.
3]
[ The equally noted Brinvilliers was burned four years before. An account of both will be
15 found in the Letters of Madame de Sévigné. The memoirs of the time abound in evidence
4] of the frightful prevalence of these practices, and the commotion which they excited in all
ranks of society.
Page 144
CHAPTER XIII.
1680.
FORT CRÈVECŒUR.
Building of the Fort.—Loss of the "Griffin."—A Bold Resolution.—
Another Vessel.—Hennepin sent to the Mississippi.—Departure of La
Salle.
La Salle now resolved to leave the Indian camp, and BUILDING OF
fortify himself for the winter in a strong position, where THE FORT.
his men would be less exposed to dangerous influence,
and where he could hold his ground against an outbreak of the Illinois or an
Iroquois invasion. At the middle of January, a thaw broke up the ice which
had closed the river; and he set out in a canoe, with Hennepin, to visit the
site he had chosen for his projected fort. It was half a league below the
camp, on a low hill or knoll, two hundred yards from the southern bank. On
either side was a deep ravine, and in front a marshy tract, overflowed at
high water. Thither, then, the party was removed. They dug a ditch behind
the hill, connecting the two ravines, and thus completely isolating it. The
hill was nearly square in form. An embankment of earth was thrown up on
every side: its declivities were sloped steeply down to the bottom of the
ravines and the ditch, and further guarded by chevaux-de-frise; while a
palisade, twenty-five feet high, was planted around the whole. The lodgings
of the men, built of musket-proof timber, were at two of the angles; the
house of the friars at the third; the forge and magazine at the fourth; and the
tents of La Salle and Tonty in the area within.
Hennepin laments the failure of wine, which prevented him from saying
mass; but every morning and evening he summoned the men to his cabin to
listen to prayers and preaching, and on Sundays and fête-days they chanted
vespers. Father Zenobe usually spent the day in the Indian camp, striving,
with very indifferent success, to win them to the Faith, and to overcome the
disgust with which their manners and habits inspired him.
1680.
FORT CRÈVECŒUR.
Building of the Fort.—Loss of the "Griffin."—A Bold Resolution.—
Another Vessel.—Hennepin sent to the Mississippi.—Departure of La
Salle.
La Salle now resolved to leave the Indian camp, and BUILDING OF
fortify himself for the winter in a strong position, where THE FORT.
his men would be less exposed to dangerous influence,
and where he could hold his ground against an outbreak of the Illinois or an
Iroquois invasion. At the middle of January, a thaw broke up the ice which
had closed the river; and he set out in a canoe, with Hennepin, to visit the
site he had chosen for his projected fort. It was half a league below the
camp, on a low hill or knoll, two hundred yards from the southern bank. On
either side was a deep ravine, and in front a marshy tract, overflowed at
high water. Thither, then, the party was removed. They dug a ditch behind
the hill, connecting the two ravines, and thus completely isolating it. The
hill was nearly square in form. An embankment of earth was thrown up on
every side: its declivities were sloped steeply down to the bottom of the
ravines and the ditch, and further guarded by chevaux-de-frise; while a
palisade, twenty-five feet high, was planted around the whole. The lodgings
of the men, built of musket-proof timber, were at two of the angles; the
house of the friars at the third; the forge and magazine at the fourth; and the
tents of La Salle and Tonty in the area within.
Hennepin laments the failure of wine, which prevented him from saying
mass; but every morning and evening he summoned the men to his cabin to
listen to prayers and preaching, and on Sundays and fête-days they chanted
vespers. Father Zenobe usually spent the day in the Indian camp, striving,
with very indifferent success, to win them to the Faith, and to overcome the
disgust with which their manners and habits inspired him.
Page 145
Such was the first civilized occupation of the region which now forms
the State of Illinois. La Salle christened his new fort Fort Crèvecœur. The
name tells of disaster and suffering, but does no justice to the iron-hearted
constancy of the sufferer. Up to this time he had clung to the hope that his
vessel, the "Griffin," might still be safe. Her safety was vital to his
enterprise. She had on board articles of the last necessity to him, including
the rigging and anchors of another vessel which he was to build at Fort
Crèvecœur, in order to descend the Mississippi and sail thence to the West
Indies. But now his last hope had well-nigh vanished. Past all reasonable
doubt, the "Griffin" was lost; and in her loss he and all his plans seemed
ruined alike.
Nothing, indeed, was ever heard of her. Indians, fur-traders, and even
Jesuits, have been charged with contriving her destruction. Some say that
the Ottawas boarded and burned her, after murdering those on board; others
accuse the Pottawattamies; others affirm that her own crew scuttled and
sunk her; others, again, that she foundered in a storm.[155] As for La Salle,
the belief grew in him to a settled conviction that she had been
treacherously sunk by the pilot and the sailors to whom he had intrusted
her; and he thought he had found evidence that the authors of the crime,
laden with the merchandise they had taken from her, had reached the
Mississippi and ascended it, hoping to join Du Lhut, a famous chief of
coureurs de bois, and enrich themselves by traffic with the northern tribes.
[156]
But whether her lading was swallowed in the depths
of the lake, or lost in the clutches of traitors, the evil was LA SALLE'S
alike past remedy. She was gone, it mattered little how. ANXIETIES.
The main-stay of the enterprise was broken; yet its inflexible chief lost
neither heart nor hope. One path, beset with hardships and terrors, still lay
open to him. He might return on foot to Fort Frontenac, and bring thence
the needful succors.
La Salle felt deeply the dangers of such a step. His men were uneasy,
discontented, and terrified by the stories with which the jealous Illinois still
constantly filled their ears, of the whirlpools and the monsters of the
Mississippi. He dreaded lest, in his absence, they should follow the example
of their comrades, and desert. In the midst of his anxieties, a lucky accident
the State of Illinois. La Salle christened his new fort Fort Crèvecœur. The
name tells of disaster and suffering, but does no justice to the iron-hearted
constancy of the sufferer. Up to this time he had clung to the hope that his
vessel, the "Griffin," might still be safe. Her safety was vital to his
enterprise. She had on board articles of the last necessity to him, including
the rigging and anchors of another vessel which he was to build at Fort
Crèvecœur, in order to descend the Mississippi and sail thence to the West
Indies. But now his last hope had well-nigh vanished. Past all reasonable
doubt, the "Griffin" was lost; and in her loss he and all his plans seemed
ruined alike.
Nothing, indeed, was ever heard of her. Indians, fur-traders, and even
Jesuits, have been charged with contriving her destruction. Some say that
the Ottawas boarded and burned her, after murdering those on board; others
accuse the Pottawattamies; others affirm that her own crew scuttled and
sunk her; others, again, that she foundered in a storm.[155] As for La Salle,
the belief grew in him to a settled conviction that she had been
treacherously sunk by the pilot and the sailors to whom he had intrusted
her; and he thought he had found evidence that the authors of the crime,
laden with the merchandise they had taken from her, had reached the
Mississippi and ascended it, hoping to join Du Lhut, a famous chief of
coureurs de bois, and enrich themselves by traffic with the northern tribes.
[156]
But whether her lading was swallowed in the depths
of the lake, or lost in the clutches of traitors, the evil was LA SALLE'S
alike past remedy. She was gone, it mattered little how. ANXIETIES.
The main-stay of the enterprise was broken; yet its inflexible chief lost
neither heart nor hope. One path, beset with hardships and terrors, still lay
open to him. He might return on foot to Fort Frontenac, and bring thence
the needful succors.
La Salle felt deeply the dangers of such a step. His men were uneasy,
discontented, and terrified by the stories with which the jealous Illinois still
constantly filled their ears, of the whirlpools and the monsters of the
Mississippi. He dreaded lest, in his absence, they should follow the example
of their comrades, and desert. In the midst of his anxieties, a lucky accident
Page 146
gave him the means of disabusing them. He was hunting, one day, near the
fort, when he met a young Illinois on his way home, half-starved, from a
distant war excursion. He had been absent so long that he knew nothing of
what had passed between his countrymen and the French. La Salle gave him
a turkey he had shot, invited him to the fort, fed him, and made him
presents. Having thus warmed his heart, he questioned him, with apparent
carelessness, as to the countries he had visited, and especially as to the
Mississippi,—on which the young warrior, seeing no reason to disguise the
truth, gave him all the information he required. La Salle now made him the
present of a hatchet, to engage him to say nothing of what had passed, and,
leaving him in excellent humor, repaired, with some of his followers, to the
Illinois camp. Here he found the chiefs seated at a feast of bear's meat, and
he took his place among them on a mat of rushes. After a pause, he charged
them with having deceived him in regard to the Mississippi; adding that he
knew the river perfectly, having been instructed concerning it by the Master
of Life. He then described it to them with so much accuracy that his
astonished hearers, conceiving that he owed his knowledge to "medicine,"
or sorcery, clapped their hands to their mouths in sign of wonder, and
confessed that all they had said was but an artifice, inspired by their earnest
desire that he should remain among them.[157] On this, La Salle's men took
heart again; and their courage rose still more when, soon after, a band of
Chickasa, Arkansas, and Osage warriors, from the Mississippi, came to the
camp on a friendly visit, and assured the French not only that the river was
navigable to the sea, but that the tribes along its banks would give them a
warm welcome.
La Salle had now good reason to hope that his
followers would neither mutiny nor desert in his ANOTHER
VESSEL.
absence. One chief purpose of his intended journey was
to procure the anchors, cables, and rigging of the vessel which he meant to
build at Fort Crèvecœur, and he resolved to see her on the stocks before he
set out. This was no easy matter, for the pit-sawyers had deserted. "Seeing,"
he writes, "that I should lose a year if I waited to get others from Montreal,
I said one day, before my people, that I was so vexed to find that the
absence of two sawyers would defeat my plans and make all my trouble
useless, that I was resolved to try to saw the planks myself, if I could find a
single man who would help me with a will." Hereupon, two men stepped
fort, when he met a young Illinois on his way home, half-starved, from a
distant war excursion. He had been absent so long that he knew nothing of
what had passed between his countrymen and the French. La Salle gave him
a turkey he had shot, invited him to the fort, fed him, and made him
presents. Having thus warmed his heart, he questioned him, with apparent
carelessness, as to the countries he had visited, and especially as to the
Mississippi,—on which the young warrior, seeing no reason to disguise the
truth, gave him all the information he required. La Salle now made him the
present of a hatchet, to engage him to say nothing of what had passed, and,
leaving him in excellent humor, repaired, with some of his followers, to the
Illinois camp. Here he found the chiefs seated at a feast of bear's meat, and
he took his place among them on a mat of rushes. After a pause, he charged
them with having deceived him in regard to the Mississippi; adding that he
knew the river perfectly, having been instructed concerning it by the Master
of Life. He then described it to them with so much accuracy that his
astonished hearers, conceiving that he owed his knowledge to "medicine,"
or sorcery, clapped their hands to their mouths in sign of wonder, and
confessed that all they had said was but an artifice, inspired by their earnest
desire that he should remain among them.[157] On this, La Salle's men took
heart again; and their courage rose still more when, soon after, a band of
Chickasa, Arkansas, and Osage warriors, from the Mississippi, came to the
camp on a friendly visit, and assured the French not only that the river was
navigable to the sea, but that the tribes along its banks would give them a
warm welcome.
La Salle had now good reason to hope that his
followers would neither mutiny nor desert in his ANOTHER
VESSEL.
absence. One chief purpose of his intended journey was
to procure the anchors, cables, and rigging of the vessel which he meant to
build at Fort Crèvecœur, and he resolved to see her on the stocks before he
set out. This was no easy matter, for the pit-sawyers had deserted. "Seeing,"
he writes, "that I should lose a year if I waited to get others from Montreal,
I said one day, before my people, that I was so vexed to find that the
absence of two sawyers would defeat my plans and make all my trouble
useless, that I was resolved to try to saw the planks myself, if I could find a
single man who would help me with a will." Hereupon, two men stepped
Page 147
forward and promised to do their best. They were tolerably successful, and,
the rest being roused to emulation, the work went on with such vigor that
within six weeks the hull of the vessel was half finished. She was of forty
tons' burden, and was built with high bulwarks, to protect those on board
from Indian arrows.
La Salle now bethought him that, in his absence, he might get from
Hennepin service of more value than his sermons; and he requested him to
descend the Illinois, and explore it to its mouth. The friar, though hardy and
daring, would fain have excused himself, alleging a troublesome bodily
infirmity; but his venerable colleague Ribourde, himself too old for the
journey, urged him to go, telling him that if he died by the way, his
apostolic labors would redound to the glory of God. Membré had been
living for some time in the Indian camp, and was thoroughly out of humor
with the objects of his missionary efforts, of whose obduracy and filth he
bitterly complained. Hennepin proposed to take his place, while he should
assume the Mississippi adventure; but this Membré declined, preferring to
remain where he was. Hennepin now reluctantly accepted the proposed
task. "Anybody but me," he says, with his usual modesty, "would have been
very much frightened at the dangers of such a journey; and, in fact, if I had
not placed all my trust in God, I should not have been the dupe of the Sieur
de la Salle, who exposed my life rashly."[158]
On the last day of February, Hennepin's canoe lay at the water's edge; and
the party gathered on the bank to bid him farewell. He had two companions,
—Michel Accau, and a man known as the Picard du Gay,[159] though his
real name was Antoine Auguel. The canoe was well laden with gifts for the
Indians,—tobacco, knives, beads, awls, and other goods, to a very
considerable value, supplied at La Salle's cost; "and, in fact," observes
Hennepin, "he is liberal enough towards his friends."[160]
The friar bade farewell to La Salle, and embraced all
the rest in turn. Father Ribourde gave him his DEPARTURE OF
HENNEPIN.
benediction. "Be of good courage and let your heart be
comforted," said the excellent old missionary, as he spread his hands in
benediction over the shaven crown of the reverend traveller. Du Gay and
Accau plied their paddles; the canoe receded, and vanished at length behind
the forest. We will follow Hennepin hereafter on his adventures, imaginary
the rest being roused to emulation, the work went on with such vigor that
within six weeks the hull of the vessel was half finished. She was of forty
tons' burden, and was built with high bulwarks, to protect those on board
from Indian arrows.
La Salle now bethought him that, in his absence, he might get from
Hennepin service of more value than his sermons; and he requested him to
descend the Illinois, and explore it to its mouth. The friar, though hardy and
daring, would fain have excused himself, alleging a troublesome bodily
infirmity; but his venerable colleague Ribourde, himself too old for the
journey, urged him to go, telling him that if he died by the way, his
apostolic labors would redound to the glory of God. Membré had been
living for some time in the Indian camp, and was thoroughly out of humor
with the objects of his missionary efforts, of whose obduracy and filth he
bitterly complained. Hennepin proposed to take his place, while he should
assume the Mississippi adventure; but this Membré declined, preferring to
remain where he was. Hennepin now reluctantly accepted the proposed
task. "Anybody but me," he says, with his usual modesty, "would have been
very much frightened at the dangers of such a journey; and, in fact, if I had
not placed all my trust in God, I should not have been the dupe of the Sieur
de la Salle, who exposed my life rashly."[158]
On the last day of February, Hennepin's canoe lay at the water's edge; and
the party gathered on the bank to bid him farewell. He had two companions,
—Michel Accau, and a man known as the Picard du Gay,[159] though his
real name was Antoine Auguel. The canoe was well laden with gifts for the
Indians,—tobacco, knives, beads, awls, and other goods, to a very
considerable value, supplied at La Salle's cost; "and, in fact," observes
Hennepin, "he is liberal enough towards his friends."[160]
The friar bade farewell to La Salle, and embraced all
the rest in turn. Father Ribourde gave him his DEPARTURE OF
HENNEPIN.
benediction. "Be of good courage and let your heart be
comforted," said the excellent old missionary, as he spread his hands in
benediction over the shaven crown of the reverend traveller. Du Gay and
Accau plied their paddles; the canoe receded, and vanished at length behind
the forest. We will follow Hennepin hereafter on his adventures, imaginary
Page 148
and real. Meanwhile, we will trace the footsteps of his chief, urging his
way, in the storms of winter, through those vast and gloomy wilds,—those
realms of famine, treachery, and death,—that lay betwixt him and his far-
distant goal of Fort Frontenac.
On the first of March,[161] before the frost was yet out of the ground,
when the forest was still leafless, and the oozy prairies still patched with
snow, a band of discontented men were again gathered on the shore for
another leave-taking. Hard by, the unfinished ship lay on the stocks, white
and fresh from the saw and axe, ceaselessly reminding them of the hardship
and peril that was in store. Here you would have seen the calm,
impenetrable face of La Salle, and with him the Mohegan hunter, who
seems to have felt towards him that admiring attachment which he could
always inspire in his Indian retainers. Besides the Mohegan, four
Frenchmen were to accompany him,—Hunaut, La Violette, Collin, and
Dautray.[[162] His parting with Tonty was an anxious one, for each well
knew the risks that environed both. Embarking with his followers in two
canoes, he made his way upward amid the drifting ice; while the faithful
Italian, with two or three honest men and twelve or thirteen knaves,
remained to hold Fort Crèvecœur in his absence.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Charlevoix, i. 459; La Potherie, ii. 140; La Hontan, Memoir on the Fur-Trade of Canada.
15 I am indebted for a copy of this paper to Winthrop Sargent, Esq., who purchased the
5] original at the sale of the library of the poet Southey. Like Hennepin, La Hontan went over
to the English; and this memoir is written in their interest.
[ Lettre de La Salle à La Barre, Chicagou, 4 Juin, 1683. This is a long letter, addressed to
15 the successor of Frontenac in the government of Canada. La Salle says that a young Indian
6] belonging to him told him that three years before he saw a white man, answering the
description of the pilot, a prisoner among a tribe beyond the Mississippi. He had been captured
with four others on that river, while making his way with canoes, laden with goods, towards the
Sioux. His companions had been killed. Other circumstances, which La Salle details at great
length, convinced him that the white prisoner was no other than the pilot of the "Griffin." The
evidence, however, is not conclusive.
[ Relation des Découvertes et des Voyages du Sr. de la Salle, Seigneur et Gouverneur du
15 Fort de Frontenac, au delà des grands Lacs de la Nouvelle France, faits par ordre de
7] Monseigneur Colbert, 1679, 80 et 81. Hennepin gives a story which is not essentially
different, except that he makes himself a conspicuous actor in it.
way, in the storms of winter, through those vast and gloomy wilds,—those
realms of famine, treachery, and death,—that lay betwixt him and his far-
distant goal of Fort Frontenac.
On the first of March,[161] before the frost was yet out of the ground,
when the forest was still leafless, and the oozy prairies still patched with
snow, a band of discontented men were again gathered on the shore for
another leave-taking. Hard by, the unfinished ship lay on the stocks, white
and fresh from the saw and axe, ceaselessly reminding them of the hardship
and peril that was in store. Here you would have seen the calm,
impenetrable face of La Salle, and with him the Mohegan hunter, who
seems to have felt towards him that admiring attachment which he could
always inspire in his Indian retainers. Besides the Mohegan, four
Frenchmen were to accompany him,—Hunaut, La Violette, Collin, and
Dautray.[[162] His parting with Tonty was an anxious one, for each well
knew the risks that environed both. Embarking with his followers in two
canoes, he made his way upward amid the drifting ice; while the faithful
Italian, with two or three honest men and twelve or thirteen knaves,
remained to hold Fort Crèvecœur in his absence.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Charlevoix, i. 459; La Potherie, ii. 140; La Hontan, Memoir on the Fur-Trade of Canada.
15 I am indebted for a copy of this paper to Winthrop Sargent, Esq., who purchased the
5] original at the sale of the library of the poet Southey. Like Hennepin, La Hontan went over
to the English; and this memoir is written in their interest.
[ Lettre de La Salle à La Barre, Chicagou, 4 Juin, 1683. This is a long letter, addressed to
15 the successor of Frontenac in the government of Canada. La Salle says that a young Indian
6] belonging to him told him that three years before he saw a white man, answering the
description of the pilot, a prisoner among a tribe beyond the Mississippi. He had been captured
with four others on that river, while making his way with canoes, laden with goods, towards the
Sioux. His companions had been killed. Other circumstances, which La Salle details at great
length, convinced him that the white prisoner was no other than the pilot of the "Griffin." The
evidence, however, is not conclusive.
[ Relation des Découvertes et des Voyages du Sr. de la Salle, Seigneur et Gouverneur du
15 Fort de Frontenac, au delà des grands Lacs de la Nouvelle France, faits par ordre de
7] Monseigneur Colbert, 1679, 80 et 81. Hennepin gives a story which is not essentially
different, except that he makes himself a conspicuous actor in it.
Page 149
[ All the above is from Hennepin; and it seems to be marked by his characteristic egotism.
15 It appears, from La Salle's letters, that Accau was the real chief of the party; that their
8] orders were to explore not only the Illinois, but also a part of the Mississippi; and that
Hennepin volunteered to go with the others. Accau was chosen because he spoke several Indian
languages.
[ An eminent writer has mistaken "Picard" for a personal name. Du Gay was called "Le
15 Picard," because he came from the province of Picardy.
9]
[ (1683), 188. This commendation is suppressed in the later editions.
16
0] [ Tonty erroneously places their departure on the twenty-second.
16
1] [ Déclaration faite par Moyse Hillaret, charpentier de barque.
16
2]
15 It appears, from La Salle's letters, that Accau was the real chief of the party; that their
8] orders were to explore not only the Illinois, but also a part of the Mississippi; and that
Hennepin volunteered to go with the others. Accau was chosen because he spoke several Indian
languages.
[ An eminent writer has mistaken "Picard" for a personal name. Du Gay was called "Le
15 Picard," because he came from the province of Picardy.
9]
[ (1683), 188. This commendation is suppressed in the later editions.
16
0] [ Tonty erroneously places their departure on the twenty-second.
16
1] [ Déclaration faite par Moyse Hillaret, charpentier de barque.
16
2]
Page 150
CHAPTER XIV.
1680.
HARDIHOOD OF LA SALLE.
The Winter Journey.—The Deserted Town.—Starved Rock.—Lake
Michigan.—The Wilderness.—War Parties.—La Salle's Men give
out.—Ill Tidings.—Mutiny.—Chastisement of the Mutineers.
La Salle well knew what was before him, and nothing but necessity
spurred him to this desperate journey. He says that he could trust nobody
else to go in his stead, and that unless the articles lost in the "Griffin" were
replaced without delay, the expedition would be retarded a full year, and he
and his associates consumed by its expenses. "Therefore," he writes to one
of them, "though the thaws of approaching spring greatly increased the
difficulty of the way, interrupted as it was everywhere by marshes and
rivers, to say nothing of the length of the journey, which is about five
hundred leagues in a direct line, and the danger of meeting Indians of four
or five different nations through whose country we were to pass, as well as
an Iroquois army which we knew was coming that way; though we must
suffer all the time from hunger; sleep on the open ground, and often without
food; watch by night and march by day, loaded with baggage, such as
blanket, clothing, kettle, hatchet, gun, powder, lead, and skins to make
moccasins; sometimes pushing through thickets, sometimes climbing rocks
covered with ice and snow, sometimes wading whole days through marshes
where the water was waist-deep or even more, at a season when the snow
was not entirely melted,—though I knew all this, it did not prevent me from
resolving to go on foot to Fort Frontenac, to learn for myself what had
become of my vessel, and bring back the things we needed."[163]
The winter had been a severe one; and when, an hour after leaving the
fort, he and his companions reached the still water of Peoria Lake, they
found it sheeted with ice from shore to shore. They carried their canoes up
the bank, made two rude sledges, placed the light vessels upon them, and
dragged them to the upper end of the lake, where they encamped. In the
1680.
HARDIHOOD OF LA SALLE.
The Winter Journey.—The Deserted Town.—Starved Rock.—Lake
Michigan.—The Wilderness.—War Parties.—La Salle's Men give
out.—Ill Tidings.—Mutiny.—Chastisement of the Mutineers.
La Salle well knew what was before him, and nothing but necessity
spurred him to this desperate journey. He says that he could trust nobody
else to go in his stead, and that unless the articles lost in the "Griffin" were
replaced without delay, the expedition would be retarded a full year, and he
and his associates consumed by its expenses. "Therefore," he writes to one
of them, "though the thaws of approaching spring greatly increased the
difficulty of the way, interrupted as it was everywhere by marshes and
rivers, to say nothing of the length of the journey, which is about five
hundred leagues in a direct line, and the danger of meeting Indians of four
or five different nations through whose country we were to pass, as well as
an Iroquois army which we knew was coming that way; though we must
suffer all the time from hunger; sleep on the open ground, and often without
food; watch by night and march by day, loaded with baggage, such as
blanket, clothing, kettle, hatchet, gun, powder, lead, and skins to make
moccasins; sometimes pushing through thickets, sometimes climbing rocks
covered with ice and snow, sometimes wading whole days through marshes
where the water was waist-deep or even more, at a season when the snow
was not entirely melted,—though I knew all this, it did not prevent me from
resolving to go on foot to Fort Frontenac, to learn for myself what had
become of my vessel, and bring back the things we needed."[163]
The winter had been a severe one; and when, an hour after leaving the
fort, he and his companions reached the still water of Peoria Lake, they
found it sheeted with ice from shore to shore. They carried their canoes up
the bank, made two rude sledges, placed the light vessels upon them, and
dragged them to the upper end of the lake, where they encamped. In the
Page 151
morning they found the river still covered with ice, too weak to bear them
and too strong to permit them to break a way for the canoes. They spent the
whole day in carrying them through the woods, toiling knee-deep in
saturated snow. Rain fell in floods, and they took shelter at night in a
deserted Indian hut.
In the morning, the third of March, they dragged their canoes half a
league farther; then launched them, and, breaking the ice with clubs and
hatchets, forced their way slowly up the stream. Again their progress was
barred, and again they took to the woods, toiling onward till a tempest of
moist, half-liquid snow forced them to bivouac for the night. A sharp frost
followed, and in the morning the white waste around them was glazed with
a dazzling crust. Now, for the first time, they could use their snow-shoes.
Bending to their work, dragging their canoes, which glided smoothly over
the polished surface, they journeyed on hour after hour and league after
league, till they reached at length the great town of the Illinois, still void of
its inhabitants.[164]
It was a desolate and lonely scene,—the river gliding
dark and cold between its banks of rushes; the empty THE DESERTED
TOWN.
lodges, covered with crusted snow; the vast white
meadows; the distant cliffs, bearded with shining icicles; and the hills
wrapped in forests, which glittered from afar with the icy incrustations that
cased each frozen twig. Yet there was life in the savage landscape. The men
saw buffalo wading in the snow, and they killed one of them. More than
this: they discovered the tracks of moccasins. They cut rushes by the edge
of the river, piled them on the bank, and set them on fire, that the smoke
might attract the eyes of savages roaming near.
On the following day, while the hunters were smoking the meat of the
buffalo, La Salle went out to reconnoitre, and presently met three Indians,
one of whom proved to be Chassagoac, the principal chief of the Illinois.
[165]
La Salle brought them to his bivouac, feasted them, gave them a red
blanket, a kettle, and some knives and hatchets, made friends with them,
promised to restrain the Iroquois from attacking them, told them that he was
on his way to the settlements to bring arms and ammunition to defend them
against their enemies, and, as the result of these advances, gained from the
and too strong to permit them to break a way for the canoes. They spent the
whole day in carrying them through the woods, toiling knee-deep in
saturated snow. Rain fell in floods, and they took shelter at night in a
deserted Indian hut.
In the morning, the third of March, they dragged their canoes half a
league farther; then launched them, and, breaking the ice with clubs and
hatchets, forced their way slowly up the stream. Again their progress was
barred, and again they took to the woods, toiling onward till a tempest of
moist, half-liquid snow forced them to bivouac for the night. A sharp frost
followed, and in the morning the white waste around them was glazed with
a dazzling crust. Now, for the first time, they could use their snow-shoes.
Bending to their work, dragging their canoes, which glided smoothly over
the polished surface, they journeyed on hour after hour and league after
league, till they reached at length the great town of the Illinois, still void of
its inhabitants.[164]
It was a desolate and lonely scene,—the river gliding
dark and cold between its banks of rushes; the empty THE DESERTED
TOWN.
lodges, covered with crusted snow; the vast white
meadows; the distant cliffs, bearded with shining icicles; and the hills
wrapped in forests, which glittered from afar with the icy incrustations that
cased each frozen twig. Yet there was life in the savage landscape. The men
saw buffalo wading in the snow, and they killed one of them. More than
this: they discovered the tracks of moccasins. They cut rushes by the edge
of the river, piled them on the bank, and set them on fire, that the smoke
might attract the eyes of savages roaming near.
On the following day, while the hunters were smoking the meat of the
buffalo, La Salle went out to reconnoitre, and presently met three Indians,
one of whom proved to be Chassagoac, the principal chief of the Illinois.
[165]
La Salle brought them to his bivouac, feasted them, gave them a red
blanket, a kettle, and some knives and hatchets, made friends with them,
promised to restrain the Iroquois from attacking them, told them that he was
on his way to the settlements to bring arms and ammunition to defend them
against their enemies, and, as the result of these advances, gained from the
Page 152
chief a promise that he would send provisions to Tonty's party at Fort
Crèvecœur.
After several days spent at the deserted town, La Salle prepared to
resume his journey. Before his departure, his attention was attracted to the
remarkable cliff of yellow sandstone, now called Starved Rock, a mile or
more above the village,—a natural fortress, which a score of resolute white
men might make good against a host of savages; and he soon afterwards
sent Tonty an order to examine it, and make it his stronghold in case of
need.[166]
On the fifteenth the party set out again, carried their canoes along the
bank of the river as far as the rapids above Ottawa, then launched them and
pushed their way upward, battling with the floating ice, which, loosened by
a warm rain, drove down the swollen current in sheets. On the eighteenth
they reached a point some miles below the site of Joliet, and here found the
river once more completely closed. Despairing of farther progress by water,
they hid their canoes on an island, and struck across the country for Lake
Michigan.
It was the worst of all seasons for such a journey. The
nights were cold, but the sun was warm at noon, and the LA SALLE'S
JOURNEY.
half-thawed prairie was one vast tract of mud, water, and
discolored, half-liquid snow. On the twenty-second they crossed marshes
and inundated meadows, wading to the knee, till at noon they were stopped
by a river, perhaps the Calumet. They made a raft of hard-wood timber, for
there was no other, and shoved themselves across. On the next day they
could see Lake Michigan dimly glimmering beyond the waste of woods;
and, after crossing three swollen streams, they reached it at evening. On the
twenty-fourth they followed its shore, till, at nightfall, they arrived at the
fort which they had built in the autumn at the mouth of the St. Joseph. Here
La Salle found Chapelle and Leblanc, the two men whom he had sent from
hence to Michilimackinac, in search of the "Griffin."[167] They reported that
they had made the circuit of the lake, and had neither seen her nor heard
tidings of her. Assured of her fate, he ordered them to rejoin Tonty at Fort
Crèvecœur; while he pushed onward with his party through the unknown
wild of Southern Michigan.
Crèvecœur.
After several days spent at the deserted town, La Salle prepared to
resume his journey. Before his departure, his attention was attracted to the
remarkable cliff of yellow sandstone, now called Starved Rock, a mile or
more above the village,—a natural fortress, which a score of resolute white
men might make good against a host of savages; and he soon afterwards
sent Tonty an order to examine it, and make it his stronghold in case of
need.[166]
On the fifteenth the party set out again, carried their canoes along the
bank of the river as far as the rapids above Ottawa, then launched them and
pushed their way upward, battling with the floating ice, which, loosened by
a warm rain, drove down the swollen current in sheets. On the eighteenth
they reached a point some miles below the site of Joliet, and here found the
river once more completely closed. Despairing of farther progress by water,
they hid their canoes on an island, and struck across the country for Lake
Michigan.
It was the worst of all seasons for such a journey. The
nights were cold, but the sun was warm at noon, and the LA SALLE'S
JOURNEY.
half-thawed prairie was one vast tract of mud, water, and
discolored, half-liquid snow. On the twenty-second they crossed marshes
and inundated meadows, wading to the knee, till at noon they were stopped
by a river, perhaps the Calumet. They made a raft of hard-wood timber, for
there was no other, and shoved themselves across. On the next day they
could see Lake Michigan dimly glimmering beyond the waste of woods;
and, after crossing three swollen streams, they reached it at evening. On the
twenty-fourth they followed its shore, till, at nightfall, they arrived at the
fort which they had built in the autumn at the mouth of the St. Joseph. Here
La Salle found Chapelle and Leblanc, the two men whom he had sent from
hence to Michilimackinac, in search of the "Griffin."[167] They reported that
they had made the circuit of the lake, and had neither seen her nor heard
tidings of her. Assured of her fate, he ordered them to rejoin Tonty at Fort
Crèvecœur; while he pushed onward with his party through the unknown
wild of Southern Michigan.
Page 153
"The rain," says La Salle, "which lasted all day, and the raft we were
obliged to make to cross the river, stopped us till noon of the twenty-fifth,
when we continued our march through the woods, which was so interlaced
with thorns and brambles that in two days and a half our clothes were all
torn, and our faces so covered with blood that we hardly knew each other.
On the twenty-eighth we found the woods more open, and began to fare
better, meeting a good deal of game, which after this rarely failed us; so that
we no longer carried provisions with us, but made a meal of roast meat
wherever we happened to kill a deer, bear, or turkey. These are the choicest
feasts on a journey like this; and till now we had generally gone without
them, so that we had often walked all day without breakfast.
"The Indians do not hunt in this region, which is
debatable ground between five or six nations who are at INDIAN
war, and, being afraid of each other, do not venture into ALARMS.
these parts except to surprise each other, and always with the greatest
precaution and all possible secrecy. The reports of our guns and the
carcasses of the animals we killed soon led some of them to find our trail.
In fact, on the evening of the twenty-eighth, having made our fire by the
edge of a prairie, we were surrounded by them; but as the man on guard
waked us, and we posted ourselves behind trees with our guns, these
savages, who are called Wapoos, took us for Iroquois, and thinking that
there must be a great many of us because we did not travel secretly, as they
do when in small bands, they ran off without shooting their arrows, and
gave the alarm to their comrades, so that we were two days without meeting
anybody."
La Salle guessed the cause of their fright; and, in order to confirm their
delusion, he drew with charcoal, on the trunks of trees from which he had
stripped the bark, the usual marks of an Iroquois war-party, with signs for
prisoners and for scalps, after the custom of those dreaded warriors. This
ingenious artifice, as will soon appear, was near proving the destruction of
the whole party. He also set fire to the dry grass of the prairies over which
he and his men had just passed, thus destroying the traces of their passage.
"We practised this device every night, and it answered very well so long as
we were passing over an open country; but on the thirtieth we got into great
marshes, flooded by the thaws, and were obliged to cross them in mud or
water up to the waist; so that our tracks betrayed us to a band of Mascoutins
obliged to make to cross the river, stopped us till noon of the twenty-fifth,
when we continued our march through the woods, which was so interlaced
with thorns and brambles that in two days and a half our clothes were all
torn, and our faces so covered with blood that we hardly knew each other.
On the twenty-eighth we found the woods more open, and began to fare
better, meeting a good deal of game, which after this rarely failed us; so that
we no longer carried provisions with us, but made a meal of roast meat
wherever we happened to kill a deer, bear, or turkey. These are the choicest
feasts on a journey like this; and till now we had generally gone without
them, so that we had often walked all day without breakfast.
"The Indians do not hunt in this region, which is
debatable ground between five or six nations who are at INDIAN
war, and, being afraid of each other, do not venture into ALARMS.
these parts except to surprise each other, and always with the greatest
precaution and all possible secrecy. The reports of our guns and the
carcasses of the animals we killed soon led some of them to find our trail.
In fact, on the evening of the twenty-eighth, having made our fire by the
edge of a prairie, we were surrounded by them; but as the man on guard
waked us, and we posted ourselves behind trees with our guns, these
savages, who are called Wapoos, took us for Iroquois, and thinking that
there must be a great many of us because we did not travel secretly, as they
do when in small bands, they ran off without shooting their arrows, and
gave the alarm to their comrades, so that we were two days without meeting
anybody."
La Salle guessed the cause of their fright; and, in order to confirm their
delusion, he drew with charcoal, on the trunks of trees from which he had
stripped the bark, the usual marks of an Iroquois war-party, with signs for
prisoners and for scalps, after the custom of those dreaded warriors. This
ingenious artifice, as will soon appear, was near proving the destruction of
the whole party. He also set fire to the dry grass of the prairies over which
he and his men had just passed, thus destroying the traces of their passage.
"We practised this device every night, and it answered very well so long as
we were passing over an open country; but on the thirtieth we got into great
marshes, flooded by the thaws, and were obliged to cross them in mud or
water up to the waist; so that our tracks betrayed us to a band of Mascoutins
Page 154
who were out after Iroquois. They followed us through these marshes
during the three days we were crossing them; but we made no fire at night,
contenting ourselves with taking off our wet clothes and wrapping ourselves
in our blankets on some dry knoll, where we slept till morning. At last, on
the night of the second of April, there came a hard frost, and our clothes,
which were drenched when we took them off, froze stiff as sticks, so that
we could not put them on in the morning without making a fire to thaw
them. The fire betrayed us to the Indians, who were encamped across the
marsh; and they ran towards us with loud cries, till they were stopped
halfway by a stream so deep that they could not get over, the ice which had
formed in the night not being strong enough to bear them. We went to meet
them, within gun-shot; and whether our fire-arms frightened them, or
whether they thought us more numerous than we were, or whether they
really meant us no harm, they called out, in the Illinois language, that they
had taken us for Iroquois, but now saw that we were friends and brothers;
whereupon, they went off as they came, and we kept on our way till the
fourth, when two of my men fell ill and could not walk."
In this emergency, La Salle went in search of some watercourse by which
they might reach Lake Erie, and soon came upon a small river, which was
probably the Huron. Here, while the sick men rested, their companions
made a canoe. There were no birch-trees; and they were forced to use elm-
bark, which at that early season would not slip freely from the wood until
they loosened it with hot water. Their canoe being made, they embarked in
it, and for a time floated prosperously down the stream, when at length the
way was barred by a matted barricade of trees fallen across the water. The
sick men could now walk again, and, pushing eastward through the forest,
the party soon reached the banks of the Detroit.
La Salle directed two of the men to make a canoe, and
go to Michilimackinac, the nearest harborage. With the THE JOURNEY'S
END.
remaining two, he crossed the Detroit on a raft, and,
striking a direct line across the country, reached Lake Erie not far from
Point Pelée. Snow, sleet, and rain pelted them with little intermission: and
when, after a walk of about thirty miles, they gained the lake, the Mohegan
and one of the Frenchmen were attacked with fever and spitting of blood.
Only one man now remained in health. With his aid, La Salle made another
canoe, and, embarking the invalids, pushed for Niagara. It was Easter
during the three days we were crossing them; but we made no fire at night,
contenting ourselves with taking off our wet clothes and wrapping ourselves
in our blankets on some dry knoll, where we slept till morning. At last, on
the night of the second of April, there came a hard frost, and our clothes,
which were drenched when we took them off, froze stiff as sticks, so that
we could not put them on in the morning without making a fire to thaw
them. The fire betrayed us to the Indians, who were encamped across the
marsh; and they ran towards us with loud cries, till they were stopped
halfway by a stream so deep that they could not get over, the ice which had
formed in the night not being strong enough to bear them. We went to meet
them, within gun-shot; and whether our fire-arms frightened them, or
whether they thought us more numerous than we were, or whether they
really meant us no harm, they called out, in the Illinois language, that they
had taken us for Iroquois, but now saw that we were friends and brothers;
whereupon, they went off as they came, and we kept on our way till the
fourth, when two of my men fell ill and could not walk."
In this emergency, La Salle went in search of some watercourse by which
they might reach Lake Erie, and soon came upon a small river, which was
probably the Huron. Here, while the sick men rested, their companions
made a canoe. There were no birch-trees; and they were forced to use elm-
bark, which at that early season would not slip freely from the wood until
they loosened it with hot water. Their canoe being made, they embarked in
it, and for a time floated prosperously down the stream, when at length the
way was barred by a matted barricade of trees fallen across the water. The
sick men could now walk again, and, pushing eastward through the forest,
the party soon reached the banks of the Detroit.
La Salle directed two of the men to make a canoe, and
go to Michilimackinac, the nearest harborage. With the THE JOURNEY'S
END.
remaining two, he crossed the Detroit on a raft, and,
striking a direct line across the country, reached Lake Erie not far from
Point Pelée. Snow, sleet, and rain pelted them with little intermission: and
when, after a walk of about thirty miles, they gained the lake, the Mohegan
and one of the Frenchmen were attacked with fever and spitting of blood.
Only one man now remained in health. With his aid, La Salle made another
canoe, and, embarking the invalids, pushed for Niagara. It was Easter
Page 155
Monday when they landed at a cabin of logs above the cataract, probably on
the spot where the "Griffin" was built. Here several of La Salle's men had
been left the year before, and here they still remained. They told him woful
news. Not only had he lost the "Griffin," and her lading of ten thousand
crowns in value, but a ship from France, freighted with his goods, valued at
more than twenty-two thousand livres, had been totally wrecked at the
mouth of the St. Lawrence; and of twenty hired men on their way from
Europe to join him, some had been detained by his enemy, the Intendant
Duchesneau, while all but four of the remainder, being told that he was
dead, had found means to return home.
His three followers were all unfit for travel: he alone retained his strength
and spirit. Taking with him three fresh men at Niagara, he resumed his
journey, and on the sixth of May descried, looming through floods of rain,
the familiar shores of his seigniory and the bastioned walls of Fort
Frontenac. During sixty-five days he had toiled almost incessantly,
travelling, by the course he took, about a thousand miles through a country
beset with every form of peril and obstruction,—"the most arduous
journey," says the chronicler, "ever made by Frenchmen in America."
Such was Cavelier de la Salle. In him, an unconquerable mind held at its
service a frame of iron, and tasked it to the utmost of its endurance. The
pioneer of western pioneers was no rude son of toil, but a man of thought,
trained amid arts and letters.[168] He had reached his goal; but for him there
was neither rest nor peace. Man and Nature seemed in arms against him.
His agents had plundered him; his creditors had seized his property; and
several of his canoes, richly laden, had been lost in the rapids of the St.
Lawrence.[169] He hastened to Montreal, where his sudden advent caused
great astonishment; and where, despite his crippled resources and damaged
credit, he succeeded, within a week, in gaining the supplies which he
required and the needful succors for the forlorn band on the Illinois. He had
returned to Fort Frontenac, and was on the point of embarking for their
relief, when a blow fell upon him more disheartening than any that had
preceded.
On the twenty-second of July, two voyageurs, Messier
and Laurent, came to him with a letter from Tonty, who THE
MUTINEERS.
wrote that soon after La Salle's departure nearly all the
the spot where the "Griffin" was built. Here several of La Salle's men had
been left the year before, and here they still remained. They told him woful
news. Not only had he lost the "Griffin," and her lading of ten thousand
crowns in value, but a ship from France, freighted with his goods, valued at
more than twenty-two thousand livres, had been totally wrecked at the
mouth of the St. Lawrence; and of twenty hired men on their way from
Europe to join him, some had been detained by his enemy, the Intendant
Duchesneau, while all but four of the remainder, being told that he was
dead, had found means to return home.
His three followers were all unfit for travel: he alone retained his strength
and spirit. Taking with him three fresh men at Niagara, he resumed his
journey, and on the sixth of May descried, looming through floods of rain,
the familiar shores of his seigniory and the bastioned walls of Fort
Frontenac. During sixty-five days he had toiled almost incessantly,
travelling, by the course he took, about a thousand miles through a country
beset with every form of peril and obstruction,—"the most arduous
journey," says the chronicler, "ever made by Frenchmen in America."
Such was Cavelier de la Salle. In him, an unconquerable mind held at its
service a frame of iron, and tasked it to the utmost of its endurance. The
pioneer of western pioneers was no rude son of toil, but a man of thought,
trained amid arts and letters.[168] He had reached his goal; but for him there
was neither rest nor peace. Man and Nature seemed in arms against him.
His agents had plundered him; his creditors had seized his property; and
several of his canoes, richly laden, had been lost in the rapids of the St.
Lawrence.[169] He hastened to Montreal, where his sudden advent caused
great astonishment; and where, despite his crippled resources and damaged
credit, he succeeded, within a week, in gaining the supplies which he
required and the needful succors for the forlorn band on the Illinois. He had
returned to Fort Frontenac, and was on the point of embarking for their
relief, when a blow fell upon him more disheartening than any that had
preceded.
On the twenty-second of July, two voyageurs, Messier
and Laurent, came to him with a letter from Tonty, who THE
MUTINEERS.
wrote that soon after La Salle's departure nearly all the
Page 156
men had deserted, after destroying Fort Crèvecœur, plundering the
magazine, and throwing into the river all the arms, goods, and stores which
they could not carry off. The messengers who brought this letter were
speedily followed by two of the habitants of Fort Frontenac, who had been
trading on the lakes, and who, with a fidelity which the unhappy La Salle
rarely knew how to inspire, had travelled day and night to bring him their
tidings. They reported that they had met the deserters, and that, having been
reinforced by recruits gained at Michilimackinac and Niagara, they now
numbered twenty men.[170] They had destroyed the fort on the St. Joseph,
seized a quantity of furs belonging to La Salle at Michilimackinac, and
plundered the magazine at Niagara. Here they had separated, eight of them
coasting the south side of Lake Ontario to find harborage at Albany, a
common refuge at that time of this class of scoundrels; while the remaining
twelve, in three canoes, made for Fort Frontenac along the north shore,
intending to kill La Salle as the surest means of escaping punishment.
He lost no time in lamentation. Of the few men at his
command he chose nine of the trustiest, embarked with CHASTISEMENT.
them in canoes, and went to meet the marauders. After
passing the Bay of Quinté, he took his station with five of his party at a
point of land suited to his purpose, and detached the remaining four to keep
watch. In the morning, two canoes were discovered approaching without
suspicion, one of them far in advance of the other. As the foremost drew
near, La Salle's canoe darted out from under the leafy shore,—two of the
men handling the paddles, while he, with the remaining two, levelled their
guns at the deserters, and called on them to surrender. Astonished and
dismayed, they yielded at once; while two more, who were in the second
canoe, hastened to follow their example. La Salle now returned to the fort
with his prisoners, placed them in custody, and again set forth. He met the
third canoe upon the lake at about six o'clock in the evening. His men
vainly plied their paddles in pursuit. The mutineers reached the shore, took
post among rocks and trees, levelled their guns, and showed fight. Four of
La Salle's men made a circuit to gain their rear and dislodge them, on which
they stole back to their canoe and tried to escape in the darkness. They were
pursued, and summoned to yield; but they replied by aiming their guns at
their pursuers, who instantly gave them a volley, killed two of them, and
magazine, and throwing into the river all the arms, goods, and stores which
they could not carry off. The messengers who brought this letter were
speedily followed by two of the habitants of Fort Frontenac, who had been
trading on the lakes, and who, with a fidelity which the unhappy La Salle
rarely knew how to inspire, had travelled day and night to bring him their
tidings. They reported that they had met the deserters, and that, having been
reinforced by recruits gained at Michilimackinac and Niagara, they now
numbered twenty men.[170] They had destroyed the fort on the St. Joseph,
seized a quantity of furs belonging to La Salle at Michilimackinac, and
plundered the magazine at Niagara. Here they had separated, eight of them
coasting the south side of Lake Ontario to find harborage at Albany, a
common refuge at that time of this class of scoundrels; while the remaining
twelve, in three canoes, made for Fort Frontenac along the north shore,
intending to kill La Salle as the surest means of escaping punishment.
He lost no time in lamentation. Of the few men at his
command he chose nine of the trustiest, embarked with CHASTISEMENT.
them in canoes, and went to meet the marauders. After
passing the Bay of Quinté, he took his station with five of his party at a
point of land suited to his purpose, and detached the remaining four to keep
watch. In the morning, two canoes were discovered approaching without
suspicion, one of them far in advance of the other. As the foremost drew
near, La Salle's canoe darted out from under the leafy shore,—two of the
men handling the paddles, while he, with the remaining two, levelled their
guns at the deserters, and called on them to surrender. Astonished and
dismayed, they yielded at once; while two more, who were in the second
canoe, hastened to follow their example. La Salle now returned to the fort
with his prisoners, placed them in custody, and again set forth. He met the
third canoe upon the lake at about six o'clock in the evening. His men
vainly plied their paddles in pursuit. The mutineers reached the shore, took
post among rocks and trees, levelled their guns, and showed fight. Four of
La Salle's men made a circuit to gain their rear and dislodge them, on which
they stole back to their canoe and tried to escape in the darkness. They were
pursued, and summoned to yield; but they replied by aiming their guns at
their pursuers, who instantly gave them a volley, killed two of them, and
Page 157
captured the remaining three. Like their companions, they were placed in
custody at the fort, to await the arrival of Count Frontenac.[171]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de La Salle à un de ses associés (Thouret?), 29 Sept., 1680 (Margry, ii. 50).
16
3] [ Membré says that he was in the town at the time; but this could hardly have been
16 the case. He was, in all probability, among the Illinois, in their camp near Fort
4] Crèvecœur.
[ The same whom Hennepin calls Chassagouasse. He was brother of the chief, Nicanopé,
16 who, in his absence, had feasted the French on the day after the nocturnal council with
5] Monso. Chassagoac was afterwards baptized by Membré or Ribourde, but soon relapsed
into the superstitions of his people, and died, as the former tells us, "doubly a child of perdition."
See Le Clerc, ii. 181.
[ Tonty, Mémoire. The order was sent by two Frenchmen, whom La Salle met on Lake
16 Michigan.
6]
[ Déclaration de Moyse Hillaret; Relation des Découvertes.
16
7] [ A Rocky Mountain trapper, being complimented on the hardihood of
16 himself and his companions, once said to the writer, "That's so; but a
8] gentleman of the right sort will stand hardship better than anybody else." The
history of Arctic and African travel and the military records of all time are a standing evidence
that a trained and developed mind is not the enemy, but the active and powerful ally, of
constitutional hardihood. The culture that enervates instead of strengthening is always a false or a
partial one.
[ Zenobe Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 202.
16
9] [ When La Salle was at Niagara, in April, he had ordered Dautray, the best of the
17 men who had accompanied him from the Illinois, to return thither as soon as he was
0] able. Four men from Niagara were to go with him and he was to rejoin Tonty with
such supplies as that post could furnish. Dautray set out accordingly, but was met on the lakes by
the deserters, who told him that Tonty was dead, and seduced his men. (Relation des
Découvertes.) Dautray himself seems to have remained true; at least, he was in La Salle's service
immediately after, and was one of his most trusted followers. He was of good birth, being the son
of Jean Bourdon, a conspicuous personage in the early period of the colony; and his name appears
on official records as Jean Bourdon, Sieur d'Autray.
[ La Salle's long letter, written apparently to his associate Thouret, and dated 29 Sept.,
17 1680, is the chief authority for the above. The greater part of this letter is incorporated,
1] almost verbatim, in the official narrative called Relation des Découvertes. Hennepin,
Membré, and Tonty also speak of the journey from Fort Crèvecœur. The death of the two
mutineers was used by La Salle's enemies as the basis of a charge of murder.
custody at the fort, to await the arrival of Count Frontenac.[171]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre de La Salle à un de ses associés (Thouret?), 29 Sept., 1680 (Margry, ii. 50).
16
3] [ Membré says that he was in the town at the time; but this could hardly have been
16 the case. He was, in all probability, among the Illinois, in their camp near Fort
4] Crèvecœur.
[ The same whom Hennepin calls Chassagouasse. He was brother of the chief, Nicanopé,
16 who, in his absence, had feasted the French on the day after the nocturnal council with
5] Monso. Chassagoac was afterwards baptized by Membré or Ribourde, but soon relapsed
into the superstitions of his people, and died, as the former tells us, "doubly a child of perdition."
See Le Clerc, ii. 181.
[ Tonty, Mémoire. The order was sent by two Frenchmen, whom La Salle met on Lake
16 Michigan.
6]
[ Déclaration de Moyse Hillaret; Relation des Découvertes.
16
7] [ A Rocky Mountain trapper, being complimented on the hardihood of
16 himself and his companions, once said to the writer, "That's so; but a
8] gentleman of the right sort will stand hardship better than anybody else." The
history of Arctic and African travel and the military records of all time are a standing evidence
that a trained and developed mind is not the enemy, but the active and powerful ally, of
constitutional hardihood. The culture that enervates instead of strengthening is always a false or a
partial one.
[ Zenobe Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 202.
16
9] [ When La Salle was at Niagara, in April, he had ordered Dautray, the best of the
17 men who had accompanied him from the Illinois, to return thither as soon as he was
0] able. Four men from Niagara were to go with him and he was to rejoin Tonty with
such supplies as that post could furnish. Dautray set out accordingly, but was met on the lakes by
the deserters, who told him that Tonty was dead, and seduced his men. (Relation des
Découvertes.) Dautray himself seems to have remained true; at least, he was in La Salle's service
immediately after, and was one of his most trusted followers. He was of good birth, being the son
of Jean Bourdon, a conspicuous personage in the early period of the colony; and his name appears
on official records as Jean Bourdon, Sieur d'Autray.
[ La Salle's long letter, written apparently to his associate Thouret, and dated 29 Sept.,
17 1680, is the chief authority for the above. The greater part of this letter is incorporated,
1] almost verbatim, in the official narrative called Relation des Découvertes. Hennepin,
Membré, and Tonty also speak of the journey from Fort Crèvecœur. The death of the two
mutineers was used by La Salle's enemies as the basis of a charge of murder.
Page 158
Page 159
CHAPTER XV.
1680.
INDIAN CONQUERORS.
1680.
INDIAN CONQUERORS.
Page 160
The Enterprise renewed.—Attempt to rescue Tonty.—Buffalo.—A
Frightful Discovery.—Iroquois Fury.—The Ruined Town.—A Night
of Horror.—Traces of the Invaders.—No News of Tonty.
And now La Salle's work must be begun afresh. He ANOTHER
had staked all, and all had seemingly been lost. In stern, EFFORT.
relentless effort he had touched the limits of human
endurance; and the harvest of his toil was disappointment, disaster, and
impending ruin. The shattered fabric of his enterprise was prostrate in the
dust. His friends desponded; his foes were blatant and exultant. Did he bend
before the storm? No human eye could pierce the depths of his reserved and
haughty nature; but the surface was calm, and no sign betrayed a shaken
resolve or an altered purpose. Where weaker men would have abandoned all
in despairing apathy, he turned anew to his work with the same vigor and
the same apparent confidence as if borne on the full tide of success.
His best hope was in Tonty. Could that brave and true-hearted officer and
the three or four faithful men who had remained with him make good their
foothold on the Illinois, and save from destruction the vessel on the stocks
and the forge and tools so laboriously carried thither, then a basis was left
on which the ruined enterprise might be built up once more. There was no
time to lose. Tonty must be succored soon, or succor would come too late.
La Salle had already provided the necessary material, and a few days
sufficed to complete his preparations. On the tenth of August he embarked
again for the Illinois. With him went his lieutenant La Forest, who held of
him in fief an island, then called Belle Isle, opposite Fort Frontenac.[172] A
surgeon, ship-carpenters, joiners, masons, soldiers, voyageurs and laborers
completed his company, twenty-five men in all, with everything needful for
the outfit of the vessel.
His route, though difficult, was not so long as that which he had followed
the year before. He ascended the river Humber; crossed to Lake Simcoe,
and thence descended the Severn to the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron;
followed its eastern shore, coasted the Manitoulin Islands, and at length
reached Michilimackinac. Here, as usual, all was hostile; and he had great
difficulty in inducing the Indians, who had been excited against him, to sell
him provisions. Anxious to reach his destination, he pushed forward with
twelve men, leaving La Forest to bring on the rest. On the fourth of
Frightful Discovery.—Iroquois Fury.—The Ruined Town.—A Night
of Horror.—Traces of the Invaders.—No News of Tonty.
And now La Salle's work must be begun afresh. He ANOTHER
had staked all, and all had seemingly been lost. In stern, EFFORT.
relentless effort he had touched the limits of human
endurance; and the harvest of his toil was disappointment, disaster, and
impending ruin. The shattered fabric of his enterprise was prostrate in the
dust. His friends desponded; his foes were blatant and exultant. Did he bend
before the storm? No human eye could pierce the depths of his reserved and
haughty nature; but the surface was calm, and no sign betrayed a shaken
resolve or an altered purpose. Where weaker men would have abandoned all
in despairing apathy, he turned anew to his work with the same vigor and
the same apparent confidence as if borne on the full tide of success.
His best hope was in Tonty. Could that brave and true-hearted officer and
the three or four faithful men who had remained with him make good their
foothold on the Illinois, and save from destruction the vessel on the stocks
and the forge and tools so laboriously carried thither, then a basis was left
on which the ruined enterprise might be built up once more. There was no
time to lose. Tonty must be succored soon, or succor would come too late.
La Salle had already provided the necessary material, and a few days
sufficed to complete his preparations. On the tenth of August he embarked
again for the Illinois. With him went his lieutenant La Forest, who held of
him in fief an island, then called Belle Isle, opposite Fort Frontenac.[172] A
surgeon, ship-carpenters, joiners, masons, soldiers, voyageurs and laborers
completed his company, twenty-five men in all, with everything needful for
the outfit of the vessel.
His route, though difficult, was not so long as that which he had followed
the year before. He ascended the river Humber; crossed to Lake Simcoe,
and thence descended the Severn to the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron;
followed its eastern shore, coasted the Manitoulin Islands, and at length
reached Michilimackinac. Here, as usual, all was hostile; and he had great
difficulty in inducing the Indians, who had been excited against him, to sell
him provisions. Anxious to reach his destination, he pushed forward with
twelve men, leaving La Forest to bring on the rest. On the fourth of
Page 161
November[173] he reached the ruined fort at the mouth of the St. Joseph, and
left five of his party, with the heavy stores, to wait till La Forest should
come up, while he himself hastened forward with six Frenchmen and an
Indian. A deep anxiety possessed him. The rumor, current for months past,
that the Iroquois, bent on destroying the Illinois, were on the point of
invading their country had constantly gained strength. Here was a new
disaster, which, if realized, might involve him and his enterprise in
irretrievable wreck.
He ascended the St. Joseph, crossed the portage to the Kankakee, and
followed its course downward till it joined the northern branch of the
Illinois. He had heard nothing of Tonty on the way, and neither here nor
elsewhere could he discover the smallest sign of the passage of white men.
His friend, therefore, if alive, was probably still at his post; and he pursued
his course with a mind lightened, in some small measure, of its load of
anxiety.
When last he had passed here, all was solitude; but
now the scene was changed. The boundless waste was BUFFALO.
thronged with life. He beheld that wondrous spectacle,
still to be seen at times on the plains of the remotest West, and the memory
of which can quicken the pulse and stir the blood after the lapse of years:
far and near, the prairie was alive with buffalo; now like black specks
dotting the distant swells; now trampling by in ponderous columns, or filing
in long lines, morning, noon, and night, to drink at the river,—wading,
plunging, and snorting in the water; climbing the muddy shores, and staring
with wild eyes at the passing canoes. It was an opportunity not to be lost.
The party landed, and encamped for a hunt. Sometimes they hid under the
shelving bank, and shot them as they came to drink; sometimes, flat on their
faces, they dragged themselves through the long dead grass, till the savage
bulls, guardians of the herd, ceased their grazing, raised their huge heads,
and glared through tangled hair at the dangerous intruders. The hunt was
successful. In three days the hunters killed twelve buffalo, besides deer,
geese, and swans. They cut the meat into thin flakes, and dried it in the sun
or in the smoke of their fires. The men were in high spirits,—delighting in
the sport, and rejoicing in the prospect of relieving Tonty and his hungry
followers with a plentiful supply.
left five of his party, with the heavy stores, to wait till La Forest should
come up, while he himself hastened forward with six Frenchmen and an
Indian. A deep anxiety possessed him. The rumor, current for months past,
that the Iroquois, bent on destroying the Illinois, were on the point of
invading their country had constantly gained strength. Here was a new
disaster, which, if realized, might involve him and his enterprise in
irretrievable wreck.
He ascended the St. Joseph, crossed the portage to the Kankakee, and
followed its course downward till it joined the northern branch of the
Illinois. He had heard nothing of Tonty on the way, and neither here nor
elsewhere could he discover the smallest sign of the passage of white men.
His friend, therefore, if alive, was probably still at his post; and he pursued
his course with a mind lightened, in some small measure, of its load of
anxiety.
When last he had passed here, all was solitude; but
now the scene was changed. The boundless waste was BUFFALO.
thronged with life. He beheld that wondrous spectacle,
still to be seen at times on the plains of the remotest West, and the memory
of which can quicken the pulse and stir the blood after the lapse of years:
far and near, the prairie was alive with buffalo; now like black specks
dotting the distant swells; now trampling by in ponderous columns, or filing
in long lines, morning, noon, and night, to drink at the river,—wading,
plunging, and snorting in the water; climbing the muddy shores, and staring
with wild eyes at the passing canoes. It was an opportunity not to be lost.
The party landed, and encamped for a hunt. Sometimes they hid under the
shelving bank, and shot them as they came to drink; sometimes, flat on their
faces, they dragged themselves through the long dead grass, till the savage
bulls, guardians of the herd, ceased their grazing, raised their huge heads,
and glared through tangled hair at the dangerous intruders. The hunt was
successful. In three days the hunters killed twelve buffalo, besides deer,
geese, and swans. They cut the meat into thin flakes, and dried it in the sun
or in the smoke of their fires. The men were in high spirits,—delighting in
the sport, and rejoicing in the prospect of relieving Tonty and his hungry
followers with a plentiful supply.
Page 162
They embarked again, and soon approached the great town of the Illinois.
The buffalo were far behind; and once more the canoes glided on their way
through a voiceless solitude. No hunters were seen; no saluting whoop
greeted their ears. They passed the cliff afterwards called the Rock of St.
Louis, where La Salle had ordered Tonty to build his stronghold; but as he
scanned its lofty top he saw no palisades, no cabins, no sign of human hand,
and still its primeval crest of forests overhung the gliding river. Now the
meadow opened before them where the great town had stood. They gazed,
astonished and confounded: all was desolation. The town had vanished, and
the meadow was black with fire. They plied their paddles, hastened to the
spot, landed; and as they looked around their cheeks grew white, and the
blood was frozen in their veins.
Before them lay a plain once swarming with wild
human life and covered with Indian dwellings, now a A NIGHT OF
HORROR.
waste of devastation and death, strewn with heaps of
ashes, and bristling with the charred poles and stakes which had formed the
framework of the lodges. At the points of most of them were stuck human
skulls, half picked by birds of prey.[174] Near at hand was the burial-ground
of the village. The travellers sickened with horror as they entered its
revolting precincts. Wolves in multitudes fled at their approach; while
clouds of crows or buzzards, rising from the hideous repast, wheeled above
their heads, or settled on the naked branches of the neighboring forest.
Every grave had been rifled, and the bodies flung down from the scaffolds
where, after the Illinois custom, many of them had been placed. The field
was strewn with broken bones and torn and mangled corpses. A hyena
warfare had been waged against the dead. La Salle knew the handiwork of
the Iroquois. The threatened blow had fallen, and the wolfish hordes of the
five cantons had fleshed their rabid fangs in a new victim.[175]
Not far distant, the conquerors had made a rude fort of trunks, boughs,
and roots of trees laid together to form a circular enclosure; and this, too,
was garnished with skulls, stuck on the broken branches and protruding
sticks. The caches, or subterranean store-houses of the villagers, had been
broken open and the contents scattered. The cornfields were laid waste, and
much of the corn thrown into heaps and half burned. As La Salle surveyed
this scene of havoc, one thought engrossed him: where were Tonty and his
men? He searched the Iroquois fort: there were abundant traces of its
The buffalo were far behind; and once more the canoes glided on their way
through a voiceless solitude. No hunters were seen; no saluting whoop
greeted their ears. They passed the cliff afterwards called the Rock of St.
Louis, where La Salle had ordered Tonty to build his stronghold; but as he
scanned its lofty top he saw no palisades, no cabins, no sign of human hand,
and still its primeval crest of forests overhung the gliding river. Now the
meadow opened before them where the great town had stood. They gazed,
astonished and confounded: all was desolation. The town had vanished, and
the meadow was black with fire. They plied their paddles, hastened to the
spot, landed; and as they looked around their cheeks grew white, and the
blood was frozen in their veins.
Before them lay a plain once swarming with wild
human life and covered with Indian dwellings, now a A NIGHT OF
HORROR.
waste of devastation and death, strewn with heaps of
ashes, and bristling with the charred poles and stakes which had formed the
framework of the lodges. At the points of most of them were stuck human
skulls, half picked by birds of prey.[174] Near at hand was the burial-ground
of the village. The travellers sickened with horror as they entered its
revolting precincts. Wolves in multitudes fled at their approach; while
clouds of crows or buzzards, rising from the hideous repast, wheeled above
their heads, or settled on the naked branches of the neighboring forest.
Every grave had been rifled, and the bodies flung down from the scaffolds
where, after the Illinois custom, many of them had been placed. The field
was strewn with broken bones and torn and mangled corpses. A hyena
warfare had been waged against the dead. La Salle knew the handiwork of
the Iroquois. The threatened blow had fallen, and the wolfish hordes of the
five cantons had fleshed their rabid fangs in a new victim.[175]
Not far distant, the conquerors had made a rude fort of trunks, boughs,
and roots of trees laid together to form a circular enclosure; and this, too,
was garnished with skulls, stuck on the broken branches and protruding
sticks. The caches, or subterranean store-houses of the villagers, had been
broken open and the contents scattered. The cornfields were laid waste, and
much of the corn thrown into heaps and half burned. As La Salle surveyed
this scene of havoc, one thought engrossed him: where were Tonty and his
men? He searched the Iroquois fort: there were abundant traces of its
Page 163
savage occupants, and, among them, a few fragments of French clothing.
He examined the skulls; but the hair, portions of which clung to nearly all
of them, was in every case that of an Indian. Evening came on before he
had finished the search. The sun set, and the wilderness sank to its savage
rest. Night and silence brooded over the waste, where, far as the raven
could wing his flight, stretched the dark domain of solitude and horror.
Yet there was no silence at the spot where La Salle and his companions
made their bivouac. The howling of the wolves filled the air with fierce and
dreary dissonance. More dangerous foes were not far off, for before
nightfall they had seen fresh Indian tracks; "but, as it was very cold," says
La Salle, "this did not prevent us from making a fire and lying down by it,
each of us keeping watch in turn. I spent the night in a distress which you
can imagine better than I can write it; and I did not sleep a moment with
trying to make up my mind as to what I ought to do. My ignorance as to the
position of those I was looking after, and my uncertainty as to what would
become of the men who were to follow me with La Forest if they arrived at
the ruined village and did not find me there, made me apprehend every sort
of trouble and disaster. At last, I decided to keep on my way down the river,
leaving some of my men behind in charge of the goods, which it was not
only useless but dangerous to carry with me, because we should be forced
to abandon them when the winter fairly set in, which would be very soon."
This resolution was due to a discovery he had made
the evening before, which offered, as he thought, a FEARS FOR
TONTY.
possible clew to the fate of Tonty and the men with him.
He thus describes it: "Near the garden of the Indians, which was on the
meadows, a league from the village and not far from the river, I found six
pointed stakes set in the ground and painted red. On each of them was the
figure of a man with bandaged eyes, drawn in black. As the savages often
set stakes of this sort where they have killed people, I thought, by their
number and position, that when the Iroquois came, the Illinois, finding our
men alone in the hut near their garden, had either killed them or made them
prisoners. And I was confirmed in this, because, seeing no signs of a battle,
I supposed that on hearing of the approach of the Iroquois, the old men and
other non-combatants had fled, and that the young warriors had remained
behind to cover their flight, and afterwards followed, taking the French with
He examined the skulls; but the hair, portions of which clung to nearly all
of them, was in every case that of an Indian. Evening came on before he
had finished the search. The sun set, and the wilderness sank to its savage
rest. Night and silence brooded over the waste, where, far as the raven
could wing his flight, stretched the dark domain of solitude and horror.
Yet there was no silence at the spot where La Salle and his companions
made their bivouac. The howling of the wolves filled the air with fierce and
dreary dissonance. More dangerous foes were not far off, for before
nightfall they had seen fresh Indian tracks; "but, as it was very cold," says
La Salle, "this did not prevent us from making a fire and lying down by it,
each of us keeping watch in turn. I spent the night in a distress which you
can imagine better than I can write it; and I did not sleep a moment with
trying to make up my mind as to what I ought to do. My ignorance as to the
position of those I was looking after, and my uncertainty as to what would
become of the men who were to follow me with La Forest if they arrived at
the ruined village and did not find me there, made me apprehend every sort
of trouble and disaster. At last, I decided to keep on my way down the river,
leaving some of my men behind in charge of the goods, which it was not
only useless but dangerous to carry with me, because we should be forced
to abandon them when the winter fairly set in, which would be very soon."
This resolution was due to a discovery he had made
the evening before, which offered, as he thought, a FEARS FOR
TONTY.
possible clew to the fate of Tonty and the men with him.
He thus describes it: "Near the garden of the Indians, which was on the
meadows, a league from the village and not far from the river, I found six
pointed stakes set in the ground and painted red. On each of them was the
figure of a man with bandaged eyes, drawn in black. As the savages often
set stakes of this sort where they have killed people, I thought, by their
number and position, that when the Iroquois came, the Illinois, finding our
men alone in the hut near their garden, had either killed them or made them
prisoners. And I was confirmed in this, because, seeing no signs of a battle,
I supposed that on hearing of the approach of the Iroquois, the old men and
other non-combatants had fled, and that the young warriors had remained
behind to cover their flight, and afterwards followed, taking the French with
Page 164
them; while the Iroquois, finding nobody to kill, had vented their fury on
the corpses in the graveyard."
Uncertain as was the basis of this conjecture, and feeble as was the hope
it afforded, it determined him to push forward, in order to learn more. When
daylight returned, he told his purpose to his followers, and directed three of
them to await his return near the ruined village. They were to hide
themselves on an island, conceal their fire at night, make no smoke by day,
fire no guns, and keep a close watch. Should the rest of the party arrive,
they, too, were to wait with similar precautions. The baggage was placed in
a hollow of the rocks, at a place difficult of access; and, these arrangements
made, La Salle set out on his perilous journey with the four remaining men,
Dautray, Hunaut, You, and the Indian. Each was armed with two guns, a
pistol, and a sword; and a number of hatchets and other goods were placed
in the canoe, as presents for Indians whom they might meet.
Several leagues below the village they found, on their right hand close to
the river, a sort of island, made inaccessible by the marshes and water
which surrounded it. Here the flying Illinois had sought refuge with their
women and children, and the place was full of their deserted huts. On the
left bank, exactly opposite, was an abandoned camp of the Iroquois. On the
level meadow stood a hundred and thirteen huts, and on the forest trees
which covered the hills behind were carved the totems, or insignia, of the
chiefs, together with marks to show the number of followers which each
had led to the war. La Salle counted five hundred and eighty-two warriors.
He found marks, too, for the Illinois killed or captured, but none to indicate
that any of the Frenchmen had shared their fate.
As they descended the river, they passed, on the same
day, six abandoned camps of the Illinois; and opposite to SEARCH FOR
each was a camp of the invaders. The former, it was TONTY.
clear, had retreated in a body; while the Iroquois had followed their march,
day by day, along the other bank. La Salle and his men pushed rapidly
onward, passed Peoria Lake, and soon reached Fort Crèvecœur, which they
found, as they expected, demolished by the deserters. The vessel on the
stocks was still left entire, though the Iroquois had found means to draw out
the iron nails and spikes. On one of the planks were written the words:
the corpses in the graveyard."
Uncertain as was the basis of this conjecture, and feeble as was the hope
it afforded, it determined him to push forward, in order to learn more. When
daylight returned, he told his purpose to his followers, and directed three of
them to await his return near the ruined village. They were to hide
themselves on an island, conceal their fire at night, make no smoke by day,
fire no guns, and keep a close watch. Should the rest of the party arrive,
they, too, were to wait with similar precautions. The baggage was placed in
a hollow of the rocks, at a place difficult of access; and, these arrangements
made, La Salle set out on his perilous journey with the four remaining men,
Dautray, Hunaut, You, and the Indian. Each was armed with two guns, a
pistol, and a sword; and a number of hatchets and other goods were placed
in the canoe, as presents for Indians whom they might meet.
Several leagues below the village they found, on their right hand close to
the river, a sort of island, made inaccessible by the marshes and water
which surrounded it. Here the flying Illinois had sought refuge with their
women and children, and the place was full of their deserted huts. On the
left bank, exactly opposite, was an abandoned camp of the Iroquois. On the
level meadow stood a hundred and thirteen huts, and on the forest trees
which covered the hills behind were carved the totems, or insignia, of the
chiefs, together with marks to show the number of followers which each
had led to the war. La Salle counted five hundred and eighty-two warriors.
He found marks, too, for the Illinois killed or captured, but none to indicate
that any of the Frenchmen had shared their fate.
As they descended the river, they passed, on the same
day, six abandoned camps of the Illinois; and opposite to SEARCH FOR
each was a camp of the invaders. The former, it was TONTY.
clear, had retreated in a body; while the Iroquois had followed their march,
day by day, along the other bank. La Salle and his men pushed rapidly
onward, passed Peoria Lake, and soon reached Fort Crèvecœur, which they
found, as they expected, demolished by the deserters. The vessel on the
stocks was still left entire, though the Iroquois had found means to draw out
the iron nails and spikes. On one of the planks were written the words:
Page 165
"Nous sommes tous sauvages: ce 15, 1680,"—the work, no doubt, of the
knaves who had pillaged and destroyed the fort.
La Salle and his companions hastened on, and during the following day
passed four opposing camps of the savage armies. The silence of death now
reigned along the deserted river, whose lonely borders, wrapped deep in
forests, seemed lifeless as the grave. As they drew near the mouth of the
stream they saw a meadow on their right, and on its farthest verge several
human figures, erect, yet motionless. They landed, and cautiously examined
the place. The long grass was trampled down, and all around were strewn
the relics of the hideous orgies which formed the ordinary sequel of an
Iroquois victory. The figures they had seen were the half-consumed bodies
of women, still bound to the stakes where they had been tortured. Other
sights there were, too revolting for record.[176] All the remains were those of
women and children. The men, it seemed, had fled, and left them to their
fate.
Here, again, La Salle sought long and anxiously, without finding the
smallest sign that could indicate the presence of Frenchmen. Once more
descending the river, they soon reached its mouth. Before them, a broad
eddying current rolled swiftly on its way; and La Salle beheld the
Mississippi,—the object of his day-dreams, the destined avenue of his
ambition and his hopes. It was no time for reflections. The moment was too
engrossing, too heavily charged with anxieties and cares. From a rock on
the shore, he saw a tree stretched forward above the stream; and stripping
off its bark to make it more conspicuous, he hung upon it a board on which
he had drawn the figures of himself and his men, seated in their canoe, and
bearing a pipe of peace. To this he tied a letter for Tonty, informing him that
he had returned up the river to the ruined village.
His four men had behaved admirably throughout, and they now offered to
continue the journey if he saw fit, and follow him to the sea; but he thought
it useless to go farther, and was unwilling to abandon the three men whom
he had ordered to await his return. Accordingly, they retraced their course,
and, paddling at times both day and night, urged their canoe so swiftly that
they reached the village in the incredibly short space of four days.[177]
knaves who had pillaged and destroyed the fort.
La Salle and his companions hastened on, and during the following day
passed four opposing camps of the savage armies. The silence of death now
reigned along the deserted river, whose lonely borders, wrapped deep in
forests, seemed lifeless as the grave. As they drew near the mouth of the
stream they saw a meadow on their right, and on its farthest verge several
human figures, erect, yet motionless. They landed, and cautiously examined
the place. The long grass was trampled down, and all around were strewn
the relics of the hideous orgies which formed the ordinary sequel of an
Iroquois victory. The figures they had seen were the half-consumed bodies
of women, still bound to the stakes where they had been tortured. Other
sights there were, too revolting for record.[176] All the remains were those of
women and children. The men, it seemed, had fled, and left them to their
fate.
Here, again, La Salle sought long and anxiously, without finding the
smallest sign that could indicate the presence of Frenchmen. Once more
descending the river, they soon reached its mouth. Before them, a broad
eddying current rolled swiftly on its way; and La Salle beheld the
Mississippi,—the object of his day-dreams, the destined avenue of his
ambition and his hopes. It was no time for reflections. The moment was too
engrossing, too heavily charged with anxieties and cares. From a rock on
the shore, he saw a tree stretched forward above the stream; and stripping
off its bark to make it more conspicuous, he hung upon it a board on which
he had drawn the figures of himself and his men, seated in their canoe, and
bearing a pipe of peace. To this he tied a letter for Tonty, informing him that
he had returned up the river to the ruined village.
His four men had behaved admirably throughout, and they now offered to
continue the journey if he saw fit, and follow him to the sea; but he thought
it useless to go farther, and was unwilling to abandon the three men whom
he had ordered to await his return. Accordingly, they retraced their course,
and, paddling at times both day and night, urged their canoe so swiftly that
they reached the village in the incredibly short space of four days.[177]
Page 166
The sky was clear, and as night came on the travellers
saw a prodigious comet blazing above this scene of THE COMET.
desolation. On that night, it was chilling with a
superstitious awe the hamlets of New England and the gilded chambers of
Versailles; but it is characteristic of La Salle, that, beset as he was with
perils and surrounded with ghastly images of death, he coolly notes down
the phenomenon, not as a portentous messenger of war and woe, but rather
as an object of scientific curiosity.[178]
He found his three men safely ensconced upon their island, where they
were anxiously looking for his return. After collecting a store of half-burnt
corn from the ravaged granaries of the Illinois, the whole party began to
ascend the river, and on the sixth of January reached the junction of the
Kankakee with the northern branch. On their way downward they had
descended the former stream; they now chose the latter, and soon
discovered, by the margin of the water, a rude cabin of bark. La Salle
landed and examined the spot, when an object met his eye which cheered
him with a bright gleam of hope. It was but a piece of wood; but the wood
had been cut with a saw. Tonty and his party, then, had passed this way,
escaping from the carnage behind them. Unhappily, they had left no token
of their passage at the fork of the two streams; and thus La Salle, on his
voyage downward, had believed them to be still on the river below.
With rekindled hope, the travellers pursued their journey, leaving their
canoes, and making their way overland towards the fort on the St. Joseph.
"Snow fell in extraordinary quantities all day," writes La Salle, "and it
kept on falling for nineteen days in succession, with cold so severe that I
never knew so hard a winter, even in Canada. We were obliged to cross
forty leagues of open country, where we could hardly find wood to warm
ourselves at evening, and could get no bark whatever to make a hut, so that
we had to spend the night exposed to the furious winds which blow over
these plains. I never suffered so much from cold, or had more trouble in
getting forward; for the snow was so light, resting suspended as it were
among the tall grass, that we could not use snow-shoes. Sometimes it was
waist deep; and as I walked before my men, as usual, to encourage them by
breaking the path, I often had much ado, though I am rather tall, to lift my
legs above the drifts, through which I pushed by the weight of my body."
saw a prodigious comet blazing above this scene of THE COMET.
desolation. On that night, it was chilling with a
superstitious awe the hamlets of New England and the gilded chambers of
Versailles; but it is characteristic of La Salle, that, beset as he was with
perils and surrounded with ghastly images of death, he coolly notes down
the phenomenon, not as a portentous messenger of war and woe, but rather
as an object of scientific curiosity.[178]
He found his three men safely ensconced upon their island, where they
were anxiously looking for his return. After collecting a store of half-burnt
corn from the ravaged granaries of the Illinois, the whole party began to
ascend the river, and on the sixth of January reached the junction of the
Kankakee with the northern branch. On their way downward they had
descended the former stream; they now chose the latter, and soon
discovered, by the margin of the water, a rude cabin of bark. La Salle
landed and examined the spot, when an object met his eye which cheered
him with a bright gleam of hope. It was but a piece of wood; but the wood
had been cut with a saw. Tonty and his party, then, had passed this way,
escaping from the carnage behind them. Unhappily, they had left no token
of their passage at the fork of the two streams; and thus La Salle, on his
voyage downward, had believed them to be still on the river below.
With rekindled hope, the travellers pursued their journey, leaving their
canoes, and making their way overland towards the fort on the St. Joseph.
"Snow fell in extraordinary quantities all day," writes La Salle, "and it
kept on falling for nineteen days in succession, with cold so severe that I
never knew so hard a winter, even in Canada. We were obliged to cross
forty leagues of open country, where we could hardly find wood to warm
ourselves at evening, and could get no bark whatever to make a hut, so that
we had to spend the night exposed to the furious winds which blow over
these plains. I never suffered so much from cold, or had more trouble in
getting forward; for the snow was so light, resting suspended as it were
among the tall grass, that we could not use snow-shoes. Sometimes it was
waist deep; and as I walked before my men, as usual, to encourage them by
breaking the path, I often had much ado, though I am rather tall, to lift my
legs above the drifts, through which I pushed by the weight of my body."
Page 167
At length they reached their goal, and found shelter
and safety within the walls of Fort Miami. Here was the FORT MIAMI.
party left in charge of La Forest; but, to his surprise and
grief, La Salle heard no tidings of Tonty. He found some amends for the
disappointment in the fidelity and zeal of La Forest's men, who had restored
the fort, cleared ground for planting, and even sawed the planks and timber
for a new vessel on the lake.
And now, while La Salle rests at Fort Miami, let us trace the adventures
which befell Tonty and his followers, after their chief's departure from Fort
Crèvecœur.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Robert Cavelier, Sr. de la Salle, à François Daupin, Sr. de la Forest, 10 Juin, 1679.
17
2] [ This date is from the Relation. Membré says the twenty-eighth; but he is wrong,
17 by his own showing, as he says that the party reached the Illinois village on the first
3] of December, which would be an impossibility.
[ "Il ne restoit que quelques bouts de perches brulées qui montroient quelle avoit été
17 l'étendue du village, et sur la plupart desquelles il y avoit des têtes de morts plantées et
4] mangées des corbeaux."—Relation des Découvertes du Sr. de la Salle.
[ "Beaucoup de carcasses à demi rongées par les loups, les sépulchres démolis, les os tirés
17 de leurs fosses et épars par la campagne; ... enfin les loups et les corbeaux augmentoient
5] encore par leurs hurlemens et par leurs cris l'horreur de ce spectacle."—Relation des
Découvertes du Sr. de la Salle.
The above may seem exaggerated; but it accords perfectly with what is
well established concerning the ferocious character of the Iroquois and
the nature of their warfare. Many other tribes have frequently made war
upon the dead. I have myself known an instance in which five corpses of
Sioux Indians placed in trees, after the practice of the Western bands of
that people, were thrown down and kicked into fragments by a war party
of the Crows, who then held the muzzles of their guns against the skulls,
and blew them to pieces. This happened near the head of the Platte, in the
summer of 1846. Yet the Crows are much less ferocious than were the
Iroquois in La Salle's time.
and safety within the walls of Fort Miami. Here was the FORT MIAMI.
party left in charge of La Forest; but, to his surprise and
grief, La Salle heard no tidings of Tonty. He found some amends for the
disappointment in the fidelity and zeal of La Forest's men, who had restored
the fort, cleared ground for planting, and even sawed the planks and timber
for a new vessel on the lake.
And now, while La Salle rests at Fort Miami, let us trace the adventures
which befell Tonty and his followers, after their chief's departure from Fort
Crèvecœur.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Robert Cavelier, Sr. de la Salle, à François Daupin, Sr. de la Forest, 10 Juin, 1679.
17
2] [ This date is from the Relation. Membré says the twenty-eighth; but he is wrong,
17 by his own showing, as he says that the party reached the Illinois village on the first
3] of December, which would be an impossibility.
[ "Il ne restoit que quelques bouts de perches brulées qui montroient quelle avoit été
17 l'étendue du village, et sur la plupart desquelles il y avoit des têtes de morts plantées et
4] mangées des corbeaux."—Relation des Découvertes du Sr. de la Salle.
[ "Beaucoup de carcasses à demi rongées par les loups, les sépulchres démolis, les os tirés
17 de leurs fosses et épars par la campagne; ... enfin les loups et les corbeaux augmentoient
5] encore par leurs hurlemens et par leurs cris l'horreur de ce spectacle."—Relation des
Découvertes du Sr. de la Salle.
The above may seem exaggerated; but it accords perfectly with what is
well established concerning the ferocious character of the Iroquois and
the nature of their warfare. Many other tribes have frequently made war
upon the dead. I have myself known an instance in which five corpses of
Sioux Indians placed in trees, after the practice of the Western bands of
that people, were thrown down and kicked into fragments by a war party
of the Crows, who then held the muzzles of their guns against the skulls,
and blew them to pieces. This happened near the head of the Platte, in the
summer of 1846. Yet the Crows are much less ferocious than were the
Iroquois in La Salle's time.
Page 168
[ "On ne sçauroit exprimer la rage de ces furieux ni les tourmens qu'ils avoient fait souffrir
17 aux misérables Tamaroa [a tribe of the Illinois]. Il y en avoit encore dans des chaudières
6] qu'ils avoient laissées pleines sur les feux, qui depuis s'étoient éteints," etc., etc.—Relation
des Découvertes.
[ The distance is about two hundred and fifty miles. The letters of La Salle, as well as the
17 official narrative compiled from them, say that they left the village on the second of
7] December, and returned to it on the eleventh, having left the mouth of the river on the
seventh.
[ This was the "Great Comet of 1680." Dr. B. A. Gould writes me: "It appeared in
17 December, 1680, and was visible until the latter part of February, 1681, being especially
8] brilliant in January." It was said to be the largest ever seen. By observations upon it,
Newton demonstrated the regular revolutions of comets around the sun. "No comet," it is said,
"has threatened the earth with a nearer approach than that of 1680." (Winthrop on Comets,
Lecture II. p. 44.) Increase Mather, in his Discourse concerning Comets, printed at Boston in
1683, says of this one: "Its appearance was very terrible; the Blaze ascended above 60 Degrees
almost to its Zenith." Mather thought it fraught with terrific portent to the nations of the earth.
17 aux misérables Tamaroa [a tribe of the Illinois]. Il y en avoit encore dans des chaudières
6] qu'ils avoient laissées pleines sur les feux, qui depuis s'étoient éteints," etc., etc.—Relation
des Découvertes.
[ The distance is about two hundred and fifty miles. The letters of La Salle, as well as the
17 official narrative compiled from them, say that they left the village on the second of
7] December, and returned to it on the eleventh, having left the mouth of the river on the
seventh.
[ This was the "Great Comet of 1680." Dr. B. A. Gould writes me: "It appeared in
17 December, 1680, and was visible until the latter part of February, 1681, being especially
8] brilliant in January." It was said to be the largest ever seen. By observations upon it,
Newton demonstrated the regular revolutions of comets around the sun. "No comet," it is said,
"has threatened the earth with a nearer approach than that of 1680." (Winthrop on Comets,
Lecture II. p. 44.) Increase Mather, in his Discourse concerning Comets, printed at Boston in
1683, says of this one: "Its appearance was very terrible; the Blaze ascended above 60 Degrees
almost to its Zenith." Mather thought it fraught with terrific portent to the nations of the earth.
Page 169
CHAPTER XVI.
1680.
TONTY AND THE IROQUOIS.
The Deserters.—The Iroquois War.—The Great Town of the Illinois.—
The Alarm.—Onset of the Iroquois.—Peril of Tonty.—A
Treacherous Truce.—Intrepidity of Tonty.—Murder of Ribourde.—
War upon the Dead.
When La Salle set out on his rugged journey to Fort Frontenac, he left, as
we have seen, fifteen men at Fort Crèvecœur,—smiths, ship-carpenters,
house-wrights, and soldiers, besides his servant L'Espérance and the two
friars Membré and Ribourde. Most of the men were ripe for mutiny. They
had no interest in the enterprise, and no love for its chief. They were
disgusted with the present, and terrified at the future. La Salle, too, was for
the most part a stern commander, impenetrable and cold; and when he tried
to soothe, conciliate, and encourage, his success rarely answered to the
excellence of his rhetoric. He could always, however, inspire respect, if not
love; but now the restraint of his presence was removed. He had not been
long absent, when a fire-brand was thrown into the midst of the
discontented and restless crew.
It may be remembered that La Salle had met two of his men, La Chapelle
and Leblanc, at his fort on the St. Joseph, and ordered them to rejoin Tonty.
Unfortunately, they obeyed. On arriving, they told their comrades that the
"Griffin" was lost, that Fort Frontenac was seized by the creditors of La
Salle, that he was ruined past recovery, and that they, the men, would never
receive their pay. Their wages were in arrears for more than two years; and,
indeed, it would have been folly to pay them before their return to the
settlements, as to do so would have been a temptation to desert. Now,
however, the effect on their minds was still worse, believing, as many of
them did, that they would never be paid at all.
1680.
TONTY AND THE IROQUOIS.
The Deserters.—The Iroquois War.—The Great Town of the Illinois.—
The Alarm.—Onset of the Iroquois.—Peril of Tonty.—A
Treacherous Truce.—Intrepidity of Tonty.—Murder of Ribourde.—
War upon the Dead.
When La Salle set out on his rugged journey to Fort Frontenac, he left, as
we have seen, fifteen men at Fort Crèvecœur,—smiths, ship-carpenters,
house-wrights, and soldiers, besides his servant L'Espérance and the two
friars Membré and Ribourde. Most of the men were ripe for mutiny. They
had no interest in the enterprise, and no love for its chief. They were
disgusted with the present, and terrified at the future. La Salle, too, was for
the most part a stern commander, impenetrable and cold; and when he tried
to soothe, conciliate, and encourage, his success rarely answered to the
excellence of his rhetoric. He could always, however, inspire respect, if not
love; but now the restraint of his presence was removed. He had not been
long absent, when a fire-brand was thrown into the midst of the
discontented and restless crew.
It may be remembered that La Salle had met two of his men, La Chapelle
and Leblanc, at his fort on the St. Joseph, and ordered them to rejoin Tonty.
Unfortunately, they obeyed. On arriving, they told their comrades that the
"Griffin" was lost, that Fort Frontenac was seized by the creditors of La
Salle, that he was ruined past recovery, and that they, the men, would never
receive their pay. Their wages were in arrears for more than two years; and,
indeed, it would have been folly to pay them before their return to the
settlements, as to do so would have been a temptation to desert. Now,
however, the effect on their minds was still worse, believing, as many of
them did, that they would never be paid at all.
Page 170
La Chapelle and his companion had brought a letter
from La Salle to Tonty, directing him to examine and THE DESERTERS.
fortify the cliff so often mentioned, which overhung the
river above the great Illinois village. Tonty, accordingly, set out on his
errand with some of the men. In his absence, the malcontents destroyed the
fort, stole powder, lead, furs, and provisions, and deserted, after writing on
the side of the unfinished vessel the words seen by La Salle, "Nous sommes
tous sauvages."[179] The brave young Sieur de Boisrondet and the servant
L'Espérance hastened to carry the news to Tonty, who at once despatched
four of those with him, by two different routes, to inform La Salle of the
disaster.[180] Besides the two just named, there now remained with him only
one hired man and the Récollet friars. With this feeble band, he was left
among a horde of treacherous savages, who had been taught to regard him
as a secret enemy. Resolved, apparently, to disarm their jealousy by a show
of confidence, he took up his abode in the midst of them, making his
quarters in the great village, whither, as spring opened, its inhabitants
returned, to the number, according to Membré, of seven or eight thousand.
Hither he conveyed the forge and such tools as he could recover, and here
he hoped to maintain himself till La Salle should reappear. The spring and
the summer were past, and he looked anxiously for his coming, unconscious
that a storm was gathering in the east, soon to burst with devastation over
the fertile wilderness of the Illinois.
I have recounted the ferocious triumphs of the
Iroquois in another volume.[181] Throughout a wide THE IROQUOIS
WAR.
semi-circle around their cantons, they had made the
forest a solitude; destroyed the Hurons, exterminated the Neutrals and the
Eries, reduced the formidable Andastes to helpless insignificance, swept the
borders of the St. Lawrence with fire, spread terror and desolation among
the Algonquins of Canada; and now, tired of peace, they were seeking, to
borrow their own savage metaphor, new nations to devour. Yet it was not
alone their homicidal fury that now impelled them to another war. Strange
as it may seem, this war was in no small measure one of commercial
advantage. They had long traded with the Dutch and English of New York,
who gave them, in exchange for their furs, the guns, ammunition, knives,
hatchets, kettles, beads, and brandy which had become indispensable to
them. Game was scarce in their country. They must seek their beaver and
from La Salle to Tonty, directing him to examine and THE DESERTERS.
fortify the cliff so often mentioned, which overhung the
river above the great Illinois village. Tonty, accordingly, set out on his
errand with some of the men. In his absence, the malcontents destroyed the
fort, stole powder, lead, furs, and provisions, and deserted, after writing on
the side of the unfinished vessel the words seen by La Salle, "Nous sommes
tous sauvages."[179] The brave young Sieur de Boisrondet and the servant
L'Espérance hastened to carry the news to Tonty, who at once despatched
four of those with him, by two different routes, to inform La Salle of the
disaster.[180] Besides the two just named, there now remained with him only
one hired man and the Récollet friars. With this feeble band, he was left
among a horde of treacherous savages, who had been taught to regard him
as a secret enemy. Resolved, apparently, to disarm their jealousy by a show
of confidence, he took up his abode in the midst of them, making his
quarters in the great village, whither, as spring opened, its inhabitants
returned, to the number, according to Membré, of seven or eight thousand.
Hither he conveyed the forge and such tools as he could recover, and here
he hoped to maintain himself till La Salle should reappear. The spring and
the summer were past, and he looked anxiously for his coming, unconscious
that a storm was gathering in the east, soon to burst with devastation over
the fertile wilderness of the Illinois.
I have recounted the ferocious triumphs of the
Iroquois in another volume.[181] Throughout a wide THE IROQUOIS
WAR.
semi-circle around their cantons, they had made the
forest a solitude; destroyed the Hurons, exterminated the Neutrals and the
Eries, reduced the formidable Andastes to helpless insignificance, swept the
borders of the St. Lawrence with fire, spread terror and desolation among
the Algonquins of Canada; and now, tired of peace, they were seeking, to
borrow their own savage metaphor, new nations to devour. Yet it was not
alone their homicidal fury that now impelled them to another war. Strange
as it may seem, this war was in no small measure one of commercial
advantage. They had long traded with the Dutch and English of New York,
who gave them, in exchange for their furs, the guns, ammunition, knives,
hatchets, kettles, beads, and brandy which had become indispensable to
them. Game was scarce in their country. They must seek their beaver and
Page 171
other skins in the vacant territories of the tribes they had destroyed; but this
did not content them. The French of Canada were seeking to secure a
monopoly of the furs of the north and west; and, of late, the enterprises of
La Salle on the tributaries of the Mississippi had especially roused the
jealousy of the Iroquois, fomented, moreover, by Dutch and English traders.
[182]
These crafty savages would fain reduce all these regions to subjection,
and draw thence an exhaustless supply of furs, to be bartered for English
goods with the traders of Albany. They turned their eyes first towards the
Illinois, the most important, as well as one of the most accessible, of the
western Algonquin tribes; and among La Salle's enemies were some in
whom jealousy of a hated rival could so far override all the best interests of
the colony that they did not scruple to urge on the Iroquois to an invasion
which they hoped would prove his ruin. The chiefs convened, war was
decreed, the war-dance was danced, the war-song sung, and five hundred
warriors began their march. In their path lay the town of the Miamis,
neighbors and kindred of the Illinois. It was always their policy to divide
and conquer; and these forest Machiavels had intrigued so well among the
Miamis, working craftily on their jealousy, that they induced them to join in
the invasion, though there is every reason to believe that they had marked
these infatuated allies as their next victims.[183]
Go to the banks of the Illinois where it flows by the
village of Utica, and stand on the meadow that borders it THE ILLINOIS
TOWN.
on the north. In front glides the river, a musket-shot in
width; and from the farther bank rises, with gradual slope, a range of
wooded hills that hide from sight the vast prairie behind them. A mile or
more on your left these gentle acclivities end abruptly in the lofty front of
the great cliff, called by the French the Rock of St. Louis, looking boldly
out from the forests that environ it; and, three miles distant on your right,
you discern a gap in the steep bluffs that here bound the valley, marking the
mouth of the river Vermilion, called Aramoni by the French.[184] Now stand
in fancy on this same spot in the early autumn of the year 1680. You are in
the midst of the great town of the Illinois,—hundreds of mat-covered
lodges, and thousands of congregated savages. Enter one of their dwellings:
they will not think you an intruder. Some friendly squaw will lay a mat for
you by the fire; you may seat yourself upon it, smoke your pipe, and study
the lodge and its inmates by the light that streams through the holes at the
did not content them. The French of Canada were seeking to secure a
monopoly of the furs of the north and west; and, of late, the enterprises of
La Salle on the tributaries of the Mississippi had especially roused the
jealousy of the Iroquois, fomented, moreover, by Dutch and English traders.
[182]
These crafty savages would fain reduce all these regions to subjection,
and draw thence an exhaustless supply of furs, to be bartered for English
goods with the traders of Albany. They turned their eyes first towards the
Illinois, the most important, as well as one of the most accessible, of the
western Algonquin tribes; and among La Salle's enemies were some in
whom jealousy of a hated rival could so far override all the best interests of
the colony that they did not scruple to urge on the Iroquois to an invasion
which they hoped would prove his ruin. The chiefs convened, war was
decreed, the war-dance was danced, the war-song sung, and five hundred
warriors began their march. In their path lay the town of the Miamis,
neighbors and kindred of the Illinois. It was always their policy to divide
and conquer; and these forest Machiavels had intrigued so well among the
Miamis, working craftily on their jealousy, that they induced them to join in
the invasion, though there is every reason to believe that they had marked
these infatuated allies as their next victims.[183]
Go to the banks of the Illinois where it flows by the
village of Utica, and stand on the meadow that borders it THE ILLINOIS
TOWN.
on the north. In front glides the river, a musket-shot in
width; and from the farther bank rises, with gradual slope, a range of
wooded hills that hide from sight the vast prairie behind them. A mile or
more on your left these gentle acclivities end abruptly in the lofty front of
the great cliff, called by the French the Rock of St. Louis, looking boldly
out from the forests that environ it; and, three miles distant on your right,
you discern a gap in the steep bluffs that here bound the valley, marking the
mouth of the river Vermilion, called Aramoni by the French.[184] Now stand
in fancy on this same spot in the early autumn of the year 1680. You are in
the midst of the great town of the Illinois,—hundreds of mat-covered
lodges, and thousands of congregated savages. Enter one of their dwellings:
they will not think you an intruder. Some friendly squaw will lay a mat for
you by the fire; you may seat yourself upon it, smoke your pipe, and study
the lodge and its inmates by the light that streams through the holes at the
Page 172
top. Three or four fires smoke and smoulder on the ground down the middle
of the long arched structure; and, as to each fire there are two families, the
place is somewhat crowded when all are present. But now there is breathing
room, for many are in the fields. A squaw sits weaving a mat of rushes; a
warrior, naked except his moccasins, and tattooed with fantastic devices,
binds a stone arrow-head to its shaft, with the fresh sinews of a buffalo.
Some lie asleep, some sit staring in vacancy, some are eating, some are
squatted in lazy chat around a fire. The smoke brings water to your eyes;
the fleas annoy you; small unkempt children, naked as young puppies,
crawl about your knees and will not be repelled. You have seen enough; you
rise and go out again into the sunlight. It is, if not a peaceful, at least a
languid scene. A few voices break the stillness, mingled with the joyous
chirping of crickets from the grass. Young men lie flat on their faces,
basking in the sun; a group of their elders are smoking around a buffalo-
skin on which they have just been playing a game of chance with cherry-
stones. A lover and his mistress, perhaps, sit together under a shed of bark,
without uttering a word. Not far off is the graveyard, where lie the dead of
the village, some buried in the earth, some wrapped in skins and laid aloft
on scaffolds, above the reach of wolves. In the cornfields around, you see
squaws at their labor, and children driving off intruding birds; and your eye
ranges over the meadows beyond, spangled with the yellow blossoms of the
resin-weed and the Rudbeckia, or over the bordering hills still green with
the foliage of summer.[185]
This, or something like it, one may safely affirm, was the aspect of the
Illinois village at noon of the tenth of September.[186] In a hut apart from the
rest, you would probably have found the Frenchmen. Among them was a
man, not strong in person, and disabled, moreover, by the loss of a hand, yet
in this den of barbarism betraying the language and bearing of one formed
in the most polished civilization of Europe. This was Henri de Tonty. The
others were young Boisrondet, the servant L'Espérance, and a Parisian
youth named Étienne Renault. The friars, Membré and Ribourde, were not
in the village, but at a hut a league distant, whither they had gone to make a
"retreat" for prayer and meditation. Their missionary labors had not been
fruitful; they had made no converts, and were in despair at the intractable
character of the objects of their zeal. As for the other Frenchmen, time,
doubtless, hung heavy on their hands; for nothing can surpass the vacant
of the long arched structure; and, as to each fire there are two families, the
place is somewhat crowded when all are present. But now there is breathing
room, for many are in the fields. A squaw sits weaving a mat of rushes; a
warrior, naked except his moccasins, and tattooed with fantastic devices,
binds a stone arrow-head to its shaft, with the fresh sinews of a buffalo.
Some lie asleep, some sit staring in vacancy, some are eating, some are
squatted in lazy chat around a fire. The smoke brings water to your eyes;
the fleas annoy you; small unkempt children, naked as young puppies,
crawl about your knees and will not be repelled. You have seen enough; you
rise and go out again into the sunlight. It is, if not a peaceful, at least a
languid scene. A few voices break the stillness, mingled with the joyous
chirping of crickets from the grass. Young men lie flat on their faces,
basking in the sun; a group of their elders are smoking around a buffalo-
skin on which they have just been playing a game of chance with cherry-
stones. A lover and his mistress, perhaps, sit together under a shed of bark,
without uttering a word. Not far off is the graveyard, where lie the dead of
the village, some buried in the earth, some wrapped in skins and laid aloft
on scaffolds, above the reach of wolves. In the cornfields around, you see
squaws at their labor, and children driving off intruding birds; and your eye
ranges over the meadows beyond, spangled with the yellow blossoms of the
resin-weed and the Rudbeckia, or over the bordering hills still green with
the foliage of summer.[185]
This, or something like it, one may safely affirm, was the aspect of the
Illinois village at noon of the tenth of September.[186] In a hut apart from the
rest, you would probably have found the Frenchmen. Among them was a
man, not strong in person, and disabled, moreover, by the loss of a hand, yet
in this den of barbarism betraying the language and bearing of one formed
in the most polished civilization of Europe. This was Henri de Tonty. The
others were young Boisrondet, the servant L'Espérance, and a Parisian
youth named Étienne Renault. The friars, Membré and Ribourde, were not
in the village, but at a hut a league distant, whither they had gone to make a
"retreat" for prayer and meditation. Their missionary labors had not been
fruitful; they had made no converts, and were in despair at the intractable
character of the objects of their zeal. As for the other Frenchmen, time,
doubtless, hung heavy on their hands; for nothing can surpass the vacant
Page 173
monotony of an Indian town when there is neither hunting, nor war, nor
feasts, nor dances, nor gambling, to beguile the lagging hours.
Suddenly the village was wakened from its lethargy as
by the crash of a thunderbolt. A Shawanoe, lately here THE ALARM.
on a visit, had left his Illinois friends to return home. He
now reappeared, crossing the river in hot haste, with the announcement that
he had met, on his way, an army of Iroquois approaching to attack them. All
was panic and confusion. The lodges disgorged their frightened inmates;
women and children screamed, startled warriors snatched their weapons.
There were less than five hundred of them, for the greater part of the young
men had gone to war. A crowd of excited savages thronged about Tonty and
his Frenchmen, already objects of their suspicion, charging them, with
furious gesticulation, with having stirred up their enemies to invade them.
Tonty defended himself in broken Illinois, but the naked mob were but half
convinced. They seized the forge and tools and flung them into the river,
with all the goods that had been saved from the deserters; then, distrusting
their power to defend themselves, they manned the wooden canoes which
lay in multitudes by the bank, embarked their women and children, and
paddled down the stream to that island of dry land in the midst of marshes
which La Salle afterwards found filled with their deserted huts. Sixty
warriors remained here to guard them, and the rest returned to the village.
All night long fires blazed along the shore. The excited warriors greased
their bodies, painted their faces, befeathered their heads, sang their war-
songs, danced, stamped, yelled, and brandished their hatchets, to work up
their courage to face the crisis. The morning came, and with it came the
Iroquois.
Young warriors had gone out as scouts, and now they returned. They had
seen the enemy in the line of forest that bordered the river Aramoni, or
Vermilion, and had stealthily reconnoitred them. They were very numerous,
[187]
and armed for the most part with guns, pistols, and swords. Some had
bucklers of wood or raw-hide, and some wore those corselets of tough twigs
interwoven with cordage which their fathers had used when fire-arms were
unknown. The scouts added more, for they declared that they had seen a
Jesuit among the Iroquois; nay, that La Salle himself was there, whence it
must follow that Tonty and his men were enemies and traitors. The
supposed Jesuit was but an Iroquois chief arrayed in a black hat, doublet,
feasts, nor dances, nor gambling, to beguile the lagging hours.
Suddenly the village was wakened from its lethargy as
by the crash of a thunderbolt. A Shawanoe, lately here THE ALARM.
on a visit, had left his Illinois friends to return home. He
now reappeared, crossing the river in hot haste, with the announcement that
he had met, on his way, an army of Iroquois approaching to attack them. All
was panic and confusion. The lodges disgorged their frightened inmates;
women and children screamed, startled warriors snatched their weapons.
There were less than five hundred of them, for the greater part of the young
men had gone to war. A crowd of excited savages thronged about Tonty and
his Frenchmen, already objects of their suspicion, charging them, with
furious gesticulation, with having stirred up their enemies to invade them.
Tonty defended himself in broken Illinois, but the naked mob were but half
convinced. They seized the forge and tools and flung them into the river,
with all the goods that had been saved from the deserters; then, distrusting
their power to defend themselves, they manned the wooden canoes which
lay in multitudes by the bank, embarked their women and children, and
paddled down the stream to that island of dry land in the midst of marshes
which La Salle afterwards found filled with their deserted huts. Sixty
warriors remained here to guard them, and the rest returned to the village.
All night long fires blazed along the shore. The excited warriors greased
their bodies, painted their faces, befeathered their heads, sang their war-
songs, danced, stamped, yelled, and brandished their hatchets, to work up
their courage to face the crisis. The morning came, and with it came the
Iroquois.
Young warriors had gone out as scouts, and now they returned. They had
seen the enemy in the line of forest that bordered the river Aramoni, or
Vermilion, and had stealthily reconnoitred them. They were very numerous,
[187]
and armed for the most part with guns, pistols, and swords. Some had
bucklers of wood or raw-hide, and some wore those corselets of tough twigs
interwoven with cordage which their fathers had used when fire-arms were
unknown. The scouts added more, for they declared that they had seen a
Jesuit among the Iroquois; nay, that La Salle himself was there, whence it
must follow that Tonty and his men were enemies and traitors. The
supposed Jesuit was but an Iroquois chief arrayed in a black hat, doublet,
Page 174
and stockings; while another, equipped after a somewhat similar fashion,
passed in the distance for La Salle. But the Illinois were furious. Tonty's life
hung by a hair. A crowd of savages surrounded him, mad with rage and
terror. He had come lately from Europe, and knew little of Indians, but, as
the friar Membré says of him, "he was full of intelligence and courage," and
when they heard him declare that he and his Frenchmen would go with
them to fight the Iroquois, their threats grew less clamorous and their eyes
glittered with a less deadly lustre.
Whooping and screeching, they ran to their canoes,
crossed the river, climbed the woody hill, and swarmed TONTY'S
down upon the plain beyond. About a hundred of them MEDIATION.
had guns; the rest were armed with bows and arrows. They were now face
to face with the enemy, who had emerged from the woods of the Vermilion,
and were advancing on the open prairie. With unwonted spirit, for their
repute as warriors was by no means high, the Illinois began, after their
fashion, to charge; that is, they leaped, yelled, and shot off bullets and
arrows, advancing as they did so; while the Iroquois replied with
gymnastics no less agile and howlings no less terrific, mingled with the
rapid clatter of their guns. Tonty saw that it would go hard with his allies. It
was of the last moment to stop the fight, if possible. The Iroquois were, or
professed to be, at peace with the French; and, taking counsel of his
courage, he resolved on an attempt to mediate, which may well be called a
desperate one. He laid aside his gun, took in his hand a wampum belt as a
flag of truce, and walked forward to meet the savage multitude, attended by
Boisrondet, another Frenchman, and a young Illinois who had the
hardihood to accompany him. The guns of the Iroquois still flashed thick
and fast. Some of them were aimed at him, on which he sent back the two
Frenchmen and the Illinois, and advanced alone, holding out the wampum
belt.[188] A moment more, and he was among the infuriated warriors. It was
a frightful spectacle,—the contorted forms, bounding, crouching, twisting,
to deal or dodge the shot; the small keen eyes that shone like an angry
snake's; the parted lips pealing their fiendish yells; the painted features
writhing with fear and fury, and every passion of an Indian fight,—man,
wolf, and devil, all in one.[189] With his swarthy complexion and his half-
savage dress, they thought he was an Indian, and thronged about him,
glaring murder. A young warrior stabbed at his heart with a knife, but the
passed in the distance for La Salle. But the Illinois were furious. Tonty's life
hung by a hair. A crowd of savages surrounded him, mad with rage and
terror. He had come lately from Europe, and knew little of Indians, but, as
the friar Membré says of him, "he was full of intelligence and courage," and
when they heard him declare that he and his Frenchmen would go with
them to fight the Iroquois, their threats grew less clamorous and their eyes
glittered with a less deadly lustre.
Whooping and screeching, they ran to their canoes,
crossed the river, climbed the woody hill, and swarmed TONTY'S
down upon the plain beyond. About a hundred of them MEDIATION.
had guns; the rest were armed with bows and arrows. They were now face
to face with the enemy, who had emerged from the woods of the Vermilion,
and were advancing on the open prairie. With unwonted spirit, for their
repute as warriors was by no means high, the Illinois began, after their
fashion, to charge; that is, they leaped, yelled, and shot off bullets and
arrows, advancing as they did so; while the Iroquois replied with
gymnastics no less agile and howlings no less terrific, mingled with the
rapid clatter of their guns. Tonty saw that it would go hard with his allies. It
was of the last moment to stop the fight, if possible. The Iroquois were, or
professed to be, at peace with the French; and, taking counsel of his
courage, he resolved on an attempt to mediate, which may well be called a
desperate one. He laid aside his gun, took in his hand a wampum belt as a
flag of truce, and walked forward to meet the savage multitude, attended by
Boisrondet, another Frenchman, and a young Illinois who had the
hardihood to accompany him. The guns of the Iroquois still flashed thick
and fast. Some of them were aimed at him, on which he sent back the two
Frenchmen and the Illinois, and advanced alone, holding out the wampum
belt.[188] A moment more, and he was among the infuriated warriors. It was
a frightful spectacle,—the contorted forms, bounding, crouching, twisting,
to deal or dodge the shot; the small keen eyes that shone like an angry
snake's; the parted lips pealing their fiendish yells; the painted features
writhing with fear and fury, and every passion of an Indian fight,—man,
wolf, and devil, all in one.[189] With his swarthy complexion and his half-
savage dress, they thought he was an Indian, and thronged about him,
glaring murder. A young warrior stabbed at his heart with a knife, but the
Page 175
point glanced aside against a rib, inflicting only a deep gash. A chief called
out that, as his ears were not pierced, he must be a Frenchman. On this,
some of them tried to stop the bleeding, and led him to the rear, where an
angry parley ensued, while the yells and firing still resounded in the front.
Tonty, breathless, and bleeding at the mouth with the force of the blow he
had received, found words to declare that the Illinois were under the
protection of the King and the governor of Canada, and to demand that they
should be left in peace.[190]
A young Iroquois snatched Tonty's hat, placed it on
the end of his gun, and displayed it to the Illinois, who, PERIL OF TONTY.
thereupon thinking he was killed, renewed the fight; and
the firing in front clattered more angrily than before. A warrior ran in,
crying out that the Iroquois were giving ground, and that there were
Frenchmen among the Illinois, who fired at them. On this, the clamor
around Tonty was redoubled. Some wished to kill him at once; others
resisted. "I was never," he writes, "in such perplexity; for at that moment
there was an Iroquois behind me, with a knife in his hand, lifting my hair as
if he were going to scalp me. I thought it was all over with me, and that my
best hope was that they would knock me in the head instead of burning me,
as I believed they would do." In fact, a Seneca chief demanded that he
should be burned; while an Onondaga chief, a friend of La Salle, was for
setting him free. The dispute grew fierce and hot. Tonty told them that the
Illinois were twelve hundred strong, and that sixty Frenchmen were at the
village, ready to back them. This invention, though not fully believed, had
no little effect. The friendly Onondaga carried his point; and the Iroquois,
having failed to surprise their enemies, as they had hoped, now saw an
opportunity to delude them by a truce. They sent back Tonty with a belt of
peace: he held it aloft in sight of the Illinois; chiefs and old warriors ran to
stop the fight; the yells and the firing ceased; and Tonty, like one waked
from a hideous nightmare, dizzy, almost fainting with loss of blood,
staggered across the intervening prairie, to rejoin his friends. He was met by
the two friars, Ribourde and Membré, who in their secluded hut, a league
from the village, had but lately heard of what was passing, and who now,
with benedictions and thanksgiving, ran to embrace him as a man escaped
from the jaws of death.
out that, as his ears were not pierced, he must be a Frenchman. On this,
some of them tried to stop the bleeding, and led him to the rear, where an
angry parley ensued, while the yells and firing still resounded in the front.
Tonty, breathless, and bleeding at the mouth with the force of the blow he
had received, found words to declare that the Illinois were under the
protection of the King and the governor of Canada, and to demand that they
should be left in peace.[190]
A young Iroquois snatched Tonty's hat, placed it on
the end of his gun, and displayed it to the Illinois, who, PERIL OF TONTY.
thereupon thinking he was killed, renewed the fight; and
the firing in front clattered more angrily than before. A warrior ran in,
crying out that the Iroquois were giving ground, and that there were
Frenchmen among the Illinois, who fired at them. On this, the clamor
around Tonty was redoubled. Some wished to kill him at once; others
resisted. "I was never," he writes, "in such perplexity; for at that moment
there was an Iroquois behind me, with a knife in his hand, lifting my hair as
if he were going to scalp me. I thought it was all over with me, and that my
best hope was that they would knock me in the head instead of burning me,
as I believed they would do." In fact, a Seneca chief demanded that he
should be burned; while an Onondaga chief, a friend of La Salle, was for
setting him free. The dispute grew fierce and hot. Tonty told them that the
Illinois were twelve hundred strong, and that sixty Frenchmen were at the
village, ready to back them. This invention, though not fully believed, had
no little effect. The friendly Onondaga carried his point; and the Iroquois,
having failed to surprise their enemies, as they had hoped, now saw an
opportunity to delude them by a truce. They sent back Tonty with a belt of
peace: he held it aloft in sight of the Illinois; chiefs and old warriors ran to
stop the fight; the yells and the firing ceased; and Tonty, like one waked
from a hideous nightmare, dizzy, almost fainting with loss of blood,
staggered across the intervening prairie, to rejoin his friends. He was met by
the two friars, Ribourde and Membré, who in their secluded hut, a league
from the village, had but lately heard of what was passing, and who now,
with benedictions and thanksgiving, ran to embrace him as a man escaped
from the jaws of death.
Page 176
The Illinois now withdrew, re-embarking in their canoes, and crossing
again to their lodges; but scarcely had they reached them, when their
enemies appeared at the edge of the forest on the opposite bank. Many
found means to cross, and, under the pretext of seeking for provisions,
began to hover in bands about the skirts of the town, constantly increasing
in numbers. Had the Illinois dared to remain, a massacre would doubtless
have ensued; but they knew their foe too well, set fire to their lodges,
embarked in haste, and paddled down the stream to rejoin their women and
children at the sanctuary among the morasses. The whole body of the
Iroquois now crossed the river, took possession of the abandoned town,
building for themselves a rude redoubt or fort of the trunks of trees and of
the posts and poles forming the framework of the lodges which escaped the
fire. Here they ensconced themselves, and finished the work of havoc at
their leisure.
Tonty and his companions still occupied their hut; but the Iroquois,
becoming suspicious of them, forced them to remove to the fort, crowded as
it was with the savage crew. On the second day, there was an alarm. The
Illinois appeared in numbers on the low hills, half a mile behind the town;
and the Iroquois, who had felt their courage, and who had been told by
Tonty that they were twice as numerous as themselves, showed symptoms
of no little uneasiness. They proposed that he should act as mediator, to
which he gladly assented, and crossed the meadow towards the Illinois,
accompanied by Membré, and by an Iroquois who was sent as a hostage.
The Illinois hailed the overtures with delight, gave the ambassadors some
refreshment, which they sorely needed, and sent back with them a young
man of their nation as a hostage on their part. This indiscreet youth nearly
proved the ruin of the negotiation; for he was no sooner among the Iroquois
than he showed such an eagerness to close the treaty, made such promises,
professed such gratitude, and betrayed so rashly the numerical weakness of
the Illinois, that he revived all the insolence of the invaders. They turned
furiously upon Tonty, and charged him with having robbed them of the
glory and the spoils of victory. "Where are all your Illinois warriors, and
where are the sixty Frenchmen that you said were among them?" It needed
all Tonty's tact and coolness to extricate himself from this new danger.
The treaty was at length concluded; but scarcely was it made, when the
Iroquois prepared to break it, and set about constructing canoes of elm-bark,
again to their lodges; but scarcely had they reached them, when their
enemies appeared at the edge of the forest on the opposite bank. Many
found means to cross, and, under the pretext of seeking for provisions,
began to hover in bands about the skirts of the town, constantly increasing
in numbers. Had the Illinois dared to remain, a massacre would doubtless
have ensued; but they knew their foe too well, set fire to their lodges,
embarked in haste, and paddled down the stream to rejoin their women and
children at the sanctuary among the morasses. The whole body of the
Iroquois now crossed the river, took possession of the abandoned town,
building for themselves a rude redoubt or fort of the trunks of trees and of
the posts and poles forming the framework of the lodges which escaped the
fire. Here they ensconced themselves, and finished the work of havoc at
their leisure.
Tonty and his companions still occupied their hut; but the Iroquois,
becoming suspicious of them, forced them to remove to the fort, crowded as
it was with the savage crew. On the second day, there was an alarm. The
Illinois appeared in numbers on the low hills, half a mile behind the town;
and the Iroquois, who had felt their courage, and who had been told by
Tonty that they were twice as numerous as themselves, showed symptoms
of no little uneasiness. They proposed that he should act as mediator, to
which he gladly assented, and crossed the meadow towards the Illinois,
accompanied by Membré, and by an Iroquois who was sent as a hostage.
The Illinois hailed the overtures with delight, gave the ambassadors some
refreshment, which they sorely needed, and sent back with them a young
man of their nation as a hostage on their part. This indiscreet youth nearly
proved the ruin of the negotiation; for he was no sooner among the Iroquois
than he showed such an eagerness to close the treaty, made such promises,
professed such gratitude, and betrayed so rashly the numerical weakness of
the Illinois, that he revived all the insolence of the invaders. They turned
furiously upon Tonty, and charged him with having robbed them of the
glory and the spoils of victory. "Where are all your Illinois warriors, and
where are the sixty Frenchmen that you said were among them?" It needed
all Tonty's tact and coolness to extricate himself from this new danger.
The treaty was at length concluded; but scarcely was it made, when the
Iroquois prepared to break it, and set about constructing canoes of elm-bark,
Page 177
in which to attack the Illinois women and children in
their island sanctuary. Tonty warned his allies that the IROQUOIS
pretended peace was but a snare for their destruction. TREACHERY.
The Iroquois, on their part, grew hourly more jealous of him, and would
certainly have killed him, had it not been their policy to keep the peace with
Frontenac and the French.
Several days after, they summoned him and Membré to a council. Six
packs of beaver-skins were brought in; and the savage orator presented
them to Tonty in turn, explaining their meaning as he did so. The first two
were to declare that the children of Count Frontenac—that is, the Illinois—
should not be eaten; the next was a plaster to heal Tonty's wound; the next
was oil wherewith to anoint him and Membré, that they might not be
fatigued in travelling; the next proclaimed that the sun was bright; and the
sixth and last required them to decamp and go home.[191] Tonty thanked
them for their gifts, but demanded when they themselves meant to go and
leave the Illinois in peace. At this, the conclave grew angry; and, despite
their late pledge, some of them said that before they went they would eat
Illinois flesh. Tonty instantly kicked away the packs of beaver-skins, the
Indian symbol of the scornful rejection of a proposal, telling them that since
they meant to eat the governor's children he would have none of their
presents. The chiefs, in a rage, rose and drove him from the lodge. The
French withdrew to their hut, where they stood all night on the watch,
expecting an attack, and resolved to sell their lives dearly. At daybreak, the
chiefs ordered them to begone.
Tonty, with admirable fidelity and courage, had done
all in the power of man to protect the allies of Canada MURDER OF
RIBOURDE.
against their ferocious assailants; and he thought it
unwise to persist further in a course which could lead to no good, and which
would probably end in the destruction of the whole party. He embarked in a
leaky canoe with Membré, Ribourde, Boisrondet, and the remaining two
men, and began to ascend the river. After paddling about five leagues, they
landed to dry their baggage and repair their crazy vessel; when Father
Ribourde, breviary in hand, strolled across the sunny meadows for an hour
of meditation among the neighboring groves. Evening approached, and he
did not return. Tonty, with one of the men, went to look for him, and,
following his tracks, presently discovered those of a band of Indians, who
their island sanctuary. Tonty warned his allies that the IROQUOIS
pretended peace was but a snare for their destruction. TREACHERY.
The Iroquois, on their part, grew hourly more jealous of him, and would
certainly have killed him, had it not been their policy to keep the peace with
Frontenac and the French.
Several days after, they summoned him and Membré to a council. Six
packs of beaver-skins were brought in; and the savage orator presented
them to Tonty in turn, explaining their meaning as he did so. The first two
were to declare that the children of Count Frontenac—that is, the Illinois—
should not be eaten; the next was a plaster to heal Tonty's wound; the next
was oil wherewith to anoint him and Membré, that they might not be
fatigued in travelling; the next proclaimed that the sun was bright; and the
sixth and last required them to decamp and go home.[191] Tonty thanked
them for their gifts, but demanded when they themselves meant to go and
leave the Illinois in peace. At this, the conclave grew angry; and, despite
their late pledge, some of them said that before they went they would eat
Illinois flesh. Tonty instantly kicked away the packs of beaver-skins, the
Indian symbol of the scornful rejection of a proposal, telling them that since
they meant to eat the governor's children he would have none of their
presents. The chiefs, in a rage, rose and drove him from the lodge. The
French withdrew to their hut, where they stood all night on the watch,
expecting an attack, and resolved to sell their lives dearly. At daybreak, the
chiefs ordered them to begone.
Tonty, with admirable fidelity and courage, had done
all in the power of man to protect the allies of Canada MURDER OF
RIBOURDE.
against their ferocious assailants; and he thought it
unwise to persist further in a course which could lead to no good, and which
would probably end in the destruction of the whole party. He embarked in a
leaky canoe with Membré, Ribourde, Boisrondet, and the remaining two
men, and began to ascend the river. After paddling about five leagues, they
landed to dry their baggage and repair their crazy vessel; when Father
Ribourde, breviary in hand, strolled across the sunny meadows for an hour
of meditation among the neighboring groves. Evening approached, and he
did not return. Tonty, with one of the men, went to look for him, and,
following his tracks, presently discovered those of a band of Indians, who
Page 178
had apparently seized or murdered him. Still, they did not despair. They
fired their guns to guide him, should he still be alive; built a huge fire by the
bank, and then, crossing the river, lay watching it from the other side. At
midnight, they saw the figure of a man hovering around the blaze; then
many more appeared, but Ribourde was not among them. In truth, a band of
Kickapoos, enemies of the Iroquois, about whose camp they had been
prowling in quest of scalps, had met and wantonly murdered the inoffensive
old man. They carried his scalp to their village, and danced round it in
triumph, pretending to have taken it from an enemy. Thus, in his sixty-fifth
year, the only heir of a wealthy Burgundian house perished under the war-
clubs of the savages for whose salvation he had renounced station, ease, and
affluence.[192]
Meanwhile, a hideous scene was enacted at the ruined
village of the Illinois. Their savage foes, balked of a ATTACK OF THE
IROQUOIS.
living prey, wreaked their fury on the dead. They dug up
the graves; they threw down the scaffolds. Some of the bodies they burned;
some they threw to the dogs; some, it is affirmed, they ate.[193] Placing the
skulls on stakes as trophies, they turned to pursue the Illinois, who, when
the French withdrew, had abandoned their asylum and retreated down the
river. The Iroquois, still, it seems, in awe of them, followed them along the
opposite bank, each night encamping face to face with them; and thus the
adverse bands moved slowly southward, till they were near the mouth of the
river. Hitherto, the compact array of the Illinois had held their enemies in
check; but now, suffering from hunger, and lulled into security by the
assurances of the Iroquois that their object was not to destroy them, but
only to drive them from the country, they rashly separated into their several
tribes. Some descended the Mississippi; some, more prudent, crossed to the
western side. One of their principal tribes, the Tamaroas, more credulous
than the rest, had the fatuity to remain near the mouth of the Illinois, where
they were speedily assailed by all the force of the Iroquois. The men fled,
and very few of them were killed; but the women and children were
captured to the number, it is said, of seven hundred.[194] Then followed that
scene of torture of which, some two weeks later, La Salle saw the revolting
traces.[195] Sated, at length, with horrors, the conquerors withdrew, leading
with them a host of captives, and exulting in their triumphs over women,
children, and the dead.
fired their guns to guide him, should he still be alive; built a huge fire by the
bank, and then, crossing the river, lay watching it from the other side. At
midnight, they saw the figure of a man hovering around the blaze; then
many more appeared, but Ribourde was not among them. In truth, a band of
Kickapoos, enemies of the Iroquois, about whose camp they had been
prowling in quest of scalps, had met and wantonly murdered the inoffensive
old man. They carried his scalp to their village, and danced round it in
triumph, pretending to have taken it from an enemy. Thus, in his sixty-fifth
year, the only heir of a wealthy Burgundian house perished under the war-
clubs of the savages for whose salvation he had renounced station, ease, and
affluence.[192]
Meanwhile, a hideous scene was enacted at the ruined
village of the Illinois. Their savage foes, balked of a ATTACK OF THE
IROQUOIS.
living prey, wreaked their fury on the dead. They dug up
the graves; they threw down the scaffolds. Some of the bodies they burned;
some they threw to the dogs; some, it is affirmed, they ate.[193] Placing the
skulls on stakes as trophies, they turned to pursue the Illinois, who, when
the French withdrew, had abandoned their asylum and retreated down the
river. The Iroquois, still, it seems, in awe of them, followed them along the
opposite bank, each night encamping face to face with them; and thus the
adverse bands moved slowly southward, till they were near the mouth of the
river. Hitherto, the compact array of the Illinois had held their enemies in
check; but now, suffering from hunger, and lulled into security by the
assurances of the Iroquois that their object was not to destroy them, but
only to drive them from the country, they rashly separated into their several
tribes. Some descended the Mississippi; some, more prudent, crossed to the
western side. One of their principal tribes, the Tamaroas, more credulous
than the rest, had the fatuity to remain near the mouth of the Illinois, where
they were speedily assailed by all the force of the Iroquois. The men fled,
and very few of them were killed; but the women and children were
captured to the number, it is said, of seven hundred.[194] Then followed that
scene of torture of which, some two weeks later, La Salle saw the revolting
traces.[195] Sated, at length, with horrors, the conquerors withdrew, leading
with them a host of captives, and exulting in their triumphs over women,
children, and the dead.
Page 179
After the death of Father Ribourde, Tonty and his companions remained
searching for him till noon of the next day, and then in despair of again
seeing him, resumed their journey. They ascended the river, leaving no
token of their passage at the junction of its northern and southern branches.
For food, they gathered acorns and dug roots in the meadows. Their canoe
proved utterly worthless; and, feeble as they were, they set out on foot for
Lake Michigan. Boisrondet wandered off, and was lost. He had dropped the
flint of his gun, and he had no bullets; but he cut a pewter porringer into
slugs, with which he shot wild turkeys by discharging his piece with a fire-
brand, and after several days he had the good fortune to rejoin the party.
Their object was to reach the Pottawattamies of Green Bay. Had they aimed
at Michilimackinac, they would have found an asylum with La Forest at the
fort on the St. Joseph; but unhappily they passed westward of that post, and,
by way of Chicago, followed the borders of Lake Michigan northward. The
cold was intense; and it was no easy task to grub up wild onions from the
frozen ground to save themselves from starving. Tonty fell ill of a fever and
a swelling of the limbs, which disabled him from travelling, and hence
ensued a long delay. At length they neared Green Bay, where they would
have starved, had they not gleaned a few ears of corn and frozen squashes
in the fields of an empty Indian town.
This enabled them to reach the bay, and having
patched an old canoe which they had the good luck to FRIENDS IN
NEED.
find, they embarked in it; whereupon, says Tonty, "there
rose a northwest wind, which lasted five days, with driving snow. We
consumed all our food; and not knowing what to do next, we resolved to go
back to the deserted town, and die by a warm fire in one of the wigwams.
On our way, we saw a smoke; but our joy was short, for when we reached
the fire we found nobody there. We spent the night by it; and before
morning the bay froze. We tried to break a way for our canoe through the
ice, but could not; and therefore we determined to stay there another night,
and make moccasins in order to reach the town. We made some out of
Father Gabriel's cloak. I was angry with Étienne Renault for not finishing
his; but he excused himself on account of illness, because he had a great
oppression of the stomach, caused by eating a piece of an Indian shield of
raw-hide, which he could not digest. His delay proved our salvation; for the
next day, December fourth, as I was urging him to finish the moccasins, and
searching for him till noon of the next day, and then in despair of again
seeing him, resumed their journey. They ascended the river, leaving no
token of their passage at the junction of its northern and southern branches.
For food, they gathered acorns and dug roots in the meadows. Their canoe
proved utterly worthless; and, feeble as they were, they set out on foot for
Lake Michigan. Boisrondet wandered off, and was lost. He had dropped the
flint of his gun, and he had no bullets; but he cut a pewter porringer into
slugs, with which he shot wild turkeys by discharging his piece with a fire-
brand, and after several days he had the good fortune to rejoin the party.
Their object was to reach the Pottawattamies of Green Bay. Had they aimed
at Michilimackinac, they would have found an asylum with La Forest at the
fort on the St. Joseph; but unhappily they passed westward of that post, and,
by way of Chicago, followed the borders of Lake Michigan northward. The
cold was intense; and it was no easy task to grub up wild onions from the
frozen ground to save themselves from starving. Tonty fell ill of a fever and
a swelling of the limbs, which disabled him from travelling, and hence
ensued a long delay. At length they neared Green Bay, where they would
have starved, had they not gleaned a few ears of corn and frozen squashes
in the fields of an empty Indian town.
This enabled them to reach the bay, and having
patched an old canoe which they had the good luck to FRIENDS IN
NEED.
find, they embarked in it; whereupon, says Tonty, "there
rose a northwest wind, which lasted five days, with driving snow. We
consumed all our food; and not knowing what to do next, we resolved to go
back to the deserted town, and die by a warm fire in one of the wigwams.
On our way, we saw a smoke; but our joy was short, for when we reached
the fire we found nobody there. We spent the night by it; and before
morning the bay froze. We tried to break a way for our canoe through the
ice, but could not; and therefore we determined to stay there another night,
and make moccasins in order to reach the town. We made some out of
Father Gabriel's cloak. I was angry with Étienne Renault for not finishing
his; but he excused himself on account of illness, because he had a great
oppression of the stomach, caused by eating a piece of an Indian shield of
raw-hide, which he could not digest. His delay proved our salvation; for the
next day, December fourth, as I was urging him to finish the moccasins, and
Page 180
he was still excusing himself on the score of his malady, a party of
Kiskakon Ottawas, who were on their way to the Pottawattamies, saw the
smoke of our fire, and came to us. We gave them such a welcome as was
never seen before. They took us into their canoes, and carried us to an
Indian village, only two leagues off. There we found five Frenchmen, who
received us kindly, and all the Indians seemed to take pleasure in sending us
food; so that, after thirty-four days of starvation, we found our famine
turned to abundance."
This hospitable village belonged to the Pottawattamies, and was under
the sway of the chief who had befriended La Salle the year before, and who
was wont to say that he knew but three great captains in the world,—
Frontenac, La Salle, and himself.[196]
THE ILLINOIS TOWN.
The Site of the Great Illinois Town.—This has not till now been determined, though
there have been various conjectures concerning it. From a study of the contemporary
documents and maps, I became satisfied, first, that the branch of the river Illinois, called
the "Big Vermilion," was the Aramoni of the French explorers; and, secondly, that the cliff
called "Starved Rock" was that known to the French as Le Rocher, or the Rock of St.
Louis. If I was right in this conclusion, then the position of the Great Village was
established; for there is abundant proof that it was on the north side of the river, above the
Aramoni, and below Le Rocher. I accordingly went to the village of Utica, which, as I
judged by the map, was very near the point in question, and mounted to the top of one of
the hills immediately behind it, whence I could see the valley of the Illinois for miles,
bounded on the farther side by a range of hills, in some parts rocky and precipitous, and in
others covered with forests. Far on the right was a gap in these hills, through which the Big
Vermilion flowed to join the Illinois; and somewhat towards the left, at the distance of a
mile and a half, was a huge cliff, rising perpendicularly from the opposite margin of the
river. This I assumed to be Le Rocher of the French, though from where I stood I was
unable to discern the distinctive features which I was prepared to find in it. In every other
respect, the scene before me was precisely what I had expected to see. There was a
meadow on the hither side of the river, on which stood a farmhouse; and this, as it seemed
to me, by its relations with surrounding objects, might be supposed to stand in the midst of
the space once occupied by the Illinois town.
On the way down from the hill I met Mr. James Clark, the principal inhabitant of Utica,
and one of the earliest settlers of this region. I accosted him, told him my objects, and
requested a half hour's conversation with him, at his leisure. He seemed interested in the
inquiry, and said he would visit me early in the evening at the inn, where, accordingly, he
soon appeared. The conversation took place in the porch, where a number of farmers and
others were gathered. I asked Mr. Clark if any Indian remains were found in the
neighborhood. "Yes," he replied, "plenty of them." I then inquired if there was any one spot
where they were more numerous than elsewhere. "Yes," he answered again, pointing
towards the farmhouse on the meadow; "on my farm down yonder by the river, my tenant
Kiskakon Ottawas, who were on their way to the Pottawattamies, saw the
smoke of our fire, and came to us. We gave them such a welcome as was
never seen before. They took us into their canoes, and carried us to an
Indian village, only two leagues off. There we found five Frenchmen, who
received us kindly, and all the Indians seemed to take pleasure in sending us
food; so that, after thirty-four days of starvation, we found our famine
turned to abundance."
This hospitable village belonged to the Pottawattamies, and was under
the sway of the chief who had befriended La Salle the year before, and who
was wont to say that he knew but three great captains in the world,—
Frontenac, La Salle, and himself.[196]
THE ILLINOIS TOWN.
The Site of the Great Illinois Town.—This has not till now been determined, though
there have been various conjectures concerning it. From a study of the contemporary
documents and maps, I became satisfied, first, that the branch of the river Illinois, called
the "Big Vermilion," was the Aramoni of the French explorers; and, secondly, that the cliff
called "Starved Rock" was that known to the French as Le Rocher, or the Rock of St.
Louis. If I was right in this conclusion, then the position of the Great Village was
established; for there is abundant proof that it was on the north side of the river, above the
Aramoni, and below Le Rocher. I accordingly went to the village of Utica, which, as I
judged by the map, was very near the point in question, and mounted to the top of one of
the hills immediately behind it, whence I could see the valley of the Illinois for miles,
bounded on the farther side by a range of hills, in some parts rocky and precipitous, and in
others covered with forests. Far on the right was a gap in these hills, through which the Big
Vermilion flowed to join the Illinois; and somewhat towards the left, at the distance of a
mile and a half, was a huge cliff, rising perpendicularly from the opposite margin of the
river. This I assumed to be Le Rocher of the French, though from where I stood I was
unable to discern the distinctive features which I was prepared to find in it. In every other
respect, the scene before me was precisely what I had expected to see. There was a
meadow on the hither side of the river, on which stood a farmhouse; and this, as it seemed
to me, by its relations with surrounding objects, might be supposed to stand in the midst of
the space once occupied by the Illinois town.
On the way down from the hill I met Mr. James Clark, the principal inhabitant of Utica,
and one of the earliest settlers of this region. I accosted him, told him my objects, and
requested a half hour's conversation with him, at his leisure. He seemed interested in the
inquiry, and said he would visit me early in the evening at the inn, where, accordingly, he
soon appeared. The conversation took place in the porch, where a number of farmers and
others were gathered. I asked Mr. Clark if any Indian remains were found in the
neighborhood. "Yes," he replied, "plenty of them." I then inquired if there was any one spot
where they were more numerous than elsewhere. "Yes," he answered again, pointing
towards the farmhouse on the meadow; "on my farm down yonder by the river, my tenant
Page 181
ploughs up teeth and bones by the peck every spring, besides arrow-heads, beads, stone
hatchets, and other things of that sort." I replied that this was precisely what I had
expected, as I had been led to believe that the principal town of the Illinois Indians once
covered that very spot. "If," I added, "I am right in this belief, the great rock beyond the
river is the one which the first explorers occupied as a fort; and I can describe it to you
from their accounts of it, though I have never seen it, except from the top of the hill where
the trees on and around it prevented me from seeing any part but the front." The men
present now gathered around to listen. "The rock," I continued, "is nearly a hundred and
fifty feet high, and rises directly from the water. The front and two sides are perpendicular
and inaccessible; but there is one place where it is possible for a man to climb up, though
with difficulty. The top is large enough and level enough for houses and fortifications."
Here several of the men exclaimed: "That's just it." "You've hit it exactly." I then asked if
there was any other rock on that side of the river which could answer to the description.
They all agreed that there was no such rock on either side, along the whole length of the
river. I then said: "If the Indian town was in the place where I suppose it to have been, I can
tell you the nature of the country which lies behind the hills on the farther side of the river,
though I know nothing about it except what I have learned from writings nearly two
centuries old. From the top of the hills, you look out upon a great prairie reaching as far as
you can see, except that it is crossed by a belt of woods, following the course of a stream
which enters the main river a few miles below." (See ante, p. 221, note.) "You are exactly
right again," replied Mr. Clark; "we call that belt of timber the 'Vermilion Woods,' and the
stream is the Big Vermilion." "Then," I said, "the Big Vermilion is the river which the
French called the Aramoni; 'Starved Rock' is the same on which they built a fort called St.
Louis, in the year 1682; and your farm is on the site of the great town of the Illinois."
I spent the next day in examining these localities, and was fully confirmed in my
conclusions. Mr. Clark's tenant showed me the spot where the human bones were ploughed
up. It was no doubt the graveyard violated by the Iroquois. The Illinois returned to the
village after their defeat, and long continued to occupy it. The scattered bones were
probably collected and restored to their place of burial.
FOOTNOTES:
[ For the particulars of this desertion, Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 171, Relation des
17 Découvertes; Tonty, Mémoire, 1684, 1693; Déclaration faite par devant le Sr. Duchesneau,
9] Intendant en Canada, par Moyse Hillaret, charpentier de barque cy-devant au service du
r.
S de la Salle, Aoust, 1680.
Moyse Hillaret, the "Maître Moyse" of Hennepin, was a ring-leader of
the deserters, and seems to have been one of those captured by La Salle
near Fort Frontenac. Twelve days after, Hillaret was examined by La
Salle's enemy, the intendant; and this paper is the formal statement made
by him. It gives the names of most of the men, and furnishes incidental
confirmation of many statements of Hennepin, Tonty, Membré, and the
Relation des Découvertes. Hillaret, Leblanc, and Le Meilleur, the
hatchets, and other things of that sort." I replied that this was precisely what I had
expected, as I had been led to believe that the principal town of the Illinois Indians once
covered that very spot. "If," I added, "I am right in this belief, the great rock beyond the
river is the one which the first explorers occupied as a fort; and I can describe it to you
from their accounts of it, though I have never seen it, except from the top of the hill where
the trees on and around it prevented me from seeing any part but the front." The men
present now gathered around to listen. "The rock," I continued, "is nearly a hundred and
fifty feet high, and rises directly from the water. The front and two sides are perpendicular
and inaccessible; but there is one place where it is possible for a man to climb up, though
with difficulty. The top is large enough and level enough for houses and fortifications."
Here several of the men exclaimed: "That's just it." "You've hit it exactly." I then asked if
there was any other rock on that side of the river which could answer to the description.
They all agreed that there was no such rock on either side, along the whole length of the
river. I then said: "If the Indian town was in the place where I suppose it to have been, I can
tell you the nature of the country which lies behind the hills on the farther side of the river,
though I know nothing about it except what I have learned from writings nearly two
centuries old. From the top of the hills, you look out upon a great prairie reaching as far as
you can see, except that it is crossed by a belt of woods, following the course of a stream
which enters the main river a few miles below." (See ante, p. 221, note.) "You are exactly
right again," replied Mr. Clark; "we call that belt of timber the 'Vermilion Woods,' and the
stream is the Big Vermilion." "Then," I said, "the Big Vermilion is the river which the
French called the Aramoni; 'Starved Rock' is the same on which they built a fort called St.
Louis, in the year 1682; and your farm is on the site of the great town of the Illinois."
I spent the next day in examining these localities, and was fully confirmed in my
conclusions. Mr. Clark's tenant showed me the spot where the human bones were ploughed
up. It was no doubt the graveyard violated by the Iroquois. The Illinois returned to the
village after their defeat, and long continued to occupy it. The scattered bones were
probably collected and restored to their place of burial.
FOOTNOTES:
[ For the particulars of this desertion, Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 171, Relation des
17 Découvertes; Tonty, Mémoire, 1684, 1693; Déclaration faite par devant le Sr. Duchesneau,
9] Intendant en Canada, par Moyse Hillaret, charpentier de barque cy-devant au service du
r.
S de la Salle, Aoust, 1680.
Moyse Hillaret, the "Maître Moyse" of Hennepin, was a ring-leader of
the deserters, and seems to have been one of those captured by La Salle
near Fort Frontenac. Twelve days after, Hillaret was examined by La
Salle's enemy, the intendant; and this paper is the formal statement made
by him. It gives the names of most of the men, and furnishes incidental
confirmation of many statements of Hennepin, Tonty, Membré, and the
Relation des Découvertes. Hillaret, Leblanc, and Le Meilleur, the
Page 182
blacksmith nicknamed La Forge, went off together, and the rest seem to
have followed afterwards. Hillaret does not admit that any goods were
wantonly destroyed.
There is before me a schedule of the debts of La Salle, made after his
death. It includes a claim of this man for wages to the amount of 2,500
livres.
[ Two of the messengers, Laurent and Messier, arrived safely. The others seem to have
18 deserted.
0]
[ The Jesuits in North America.
18
1] [ Duchesneau, in Paris Docs., ix. 163.
18
2] [ There had long been a rankling jealousy between the Miamis and the
18 Illinois. According to Membré, La Salle's enemies had intrigued
3] successfully among the former, as well as among the Iroquois, to induce
them to take arms against the Illinois.
[ The above is from notes made on the spot. The following is La Salle's description of the
18 locality in the Relation des Découvertes, written in 1681: "La rive gauche de la rivière, du
4] coté du sud, est occupée par un long rocher, fort étroit et escarpé presque partout, à la
réserve d'un endroit de plus d'une lieue de longueur, situé vis-à-vis du village, ou le terrain, tout
couvert de beaux chênes, s'étend par une pente douce jusqu'au bord de la rivière. Au delà de cette
hauteur est une vaste plaine, qui s'étend bien loin du coté du sud, et qui est traversée par la rivière
Aramoni, dont les bords sont couverts d'une lisière de bois peu large."
The Aramoni is laid down on the great manuscript map of Franquelin,
1684, and on the map of Coronelli, 1688. It is, without doubt, the Big
Vermilion. Aramoni is the Illinois word for "red," or "vermilion." Starved
Rock, or the Rock of St. Louis, is the highest and steepest escarpment of
the long rocher above mentioned.
[ The Illinois were an aggregation of distinct though kindred tribes,—the Kaskaskias, the
18 Peorias, the Kahokias, the Tamaroas, the Moingona, and others. Their general character and
5] habits were those of other Indian tribes; but they were reputed somewhat cowardly and
slothful. In their manners, they were more licentious than many of their neighbors, and addicted
to practices which are sometimes supposed to be the result of a perverted civilization. Young men
enacting the part of women were frequently to be seen among them. These were held in great
contempt. Some of the early travellers, both among the Illinois and among other tribes, where the
same practice prevailed, mistook them for hermaphrodites. According to Charlevoix (Journal
Historique, 303), this abuse was due in part to a superstition. The Miamis and Piankishaws were
in close affinities of language and habits with the Illinois. All these tribes belonged to the great
Algonquin family. The first impressions which the French received of them, as recorded in the
Relation of 1671, were singularly favorable; but a closer acquaintance did not confirm them. The
Illinois traded with the lake tribes, to whom they carried slaves taken in war, receiving in
exchange guns, hatchets, and other French goods. Marquette in Relation, 1670, 91.
have followed afterwards. Hillaret does not admit that any goods were
wantonly destroyed.
There is before me a schedule of the debts of La Salle, made after his
death. It includes a claim of this man for wages to the amount of 2,500
livres.
[ Two of the messengers, Laurent and Messier, arrived safely. The others seem to have
18 deserted.
0]
[ The Jesuits in North America.
18
1] [ Duchesneau, in Paris Docs., ix. 163.
18
2] [ There had long been a rankling jealousy between the Miamis and the
18 Illinois. According to Membré, La Salle's enemies had intrigued
3] successfully among the former, as well as among the Iroquois, to induce
them to take arms against the Illinois.
[ The above is from notes made on the spot. The following is La Salle's description of the
18 locality in the Relation des Découvertes, written in 1681: "La rive gauche de la rivière, du
4] coté du sud, est occupée par un long rocher, fort étroit et escarpé presque partout, à la
réserve d'un endroit de plus d'une lieue de longueur, situé vis-à-vis du village, ou le terrain, tout
couvert de beaux chênes, s'étend par une pente douce jusqu'au bord de la rivière. Au delà de cette
hauteur est une vaste plaine, qui s'étend bien loin du coté du sud, et qui est traversée par la rivière
Aramoni, dont les bords sont couverts d'une lisière de bois peu large."
The Aramoni is laid down on the great manuscript map of Franquelin,
1684, and on the map of Coronelli, 1688. It is, without doubt, the Big
Vermilion. Aramoni is the Illinois word for "red," or "vermilion." Starved
Rock, or the Rock of St. Louis, is the highest and steepest escarpment of
the long rocher above mentioned.
[ The Illinois were an aggregation of distinct though kindred tribes,—the Kaskaskias, the
18 Peorias, the Kahokias, the Tamaroas, the Moingona, and others. Their general character and
5] habits were those of other Indian tribes; but they were reputed somewhat cowardly and
slothful. In their manners, they were more licentious than many of their neighbors, and addicted
to practices which are sometimes supposed to be the result of a perverted civilization. Young men
enacting the part of women were frequently to be seen among them. These were held in great
contempt. Some of the early travellers, both among the Illinois and among other tribes, where the
same practice prevailed, mistook them for hermaphrodites. According to Charlevoix (Journal
Historique, 303), this abuse was due in part to a superstition. The Miamis and Piankishaws were
in close affinities of language and habits with the Illinois. All these tribes belonged to the great
Algonquin family. The first impressions which the French received of them, as recorded in the
Relation of 1671, were singularly favorable; but a closer acquaintance did not confirm them. The
Illinois traded with the lake tribes, to whom they carried slaves taken in war, receiving in
exchange guns, hatchets, and other French goods. Marquette in Relation, 1670, 91.
Page 183
[ This is Membré's date. The narratives differ as to the day, though all agree as to the
18 month.
6]
[ The Relation des Découvertes says, five hundred Iroquois and one hundred
18 Shawanoes. Membré says that the allies were Miamis. He is no doubt right, as the
7] Miamis had promised their aid, and the Shawanoes were at peace with the Illinois.
Tonty is silent on the point.
[ Membré says that he went with Tonty: "J'étois aussi à côté du Sieur de Tonty." This is an
18 invention of the friar's vanity. "Les deux pères Récollets étoient alors dans une cabane à
8] une lieue du village, où ils s'étoient retirés pour faire une espèce de retraite, et ils ne furent
avertis de l'arrivée des Iroquois que dans le temps du combat."—Relation des Découvertes. "Je
rencontrai en chemin les pères Gabriel et Zenobe Membré, qui cherchoient de mes nouvelles."—
Tonty, Mémoire, 1693. This was on his return from the Iroquois. The Relation confirms the
statement, as far as concerns Membré: "II rencontra le Père Zenobe [Membré], qui venoit pour le
secourir, aiant été averti du combat et de sa blessure."
The perverted Dernières Découvertes, published without authority,
under Tonty's name, says that he was attended by a slave, whom the
Illinois sent with him as interpreter. In his narrative of 1684, Tonty
speaks of a Sokokis (Saco) Indian who was with the Iroquois and who
spoke French enough to serve as interpreter.
[ Being once in an encampment of Sioux when a quarrel broke out, and the adverse
18 factions raised the war-whoop and began to fire at each other, I had a good, though for the
9] moment a rather dangerous, opportunity of seeing the demeanor of Indians at the beginning
of a fight. The fray was quelled before much mischief was done, by the vigorous intervention of
the elder warriors, who ran between the combatants.
[ "Je leur fis connoistre que les Islinois étoient sous la protection du roy de France et du
19 gouverneur du pays, que j'estois surpris qu'ils voulussent rompre avec les François et qu'ils
0] voulussent attendre [sic] à une paix."—Tonty, Mémoire, 1693.
[ An Indian speech, it will be remembered, is without validity if not confirmed by
19 presents, each of which has its special interpretation. The meaning of the fifth pack of
1] beaver, informing Tonty that the sun was bright,—"que le soleil étoit beau," that is, that the
weather was favorable for travelling,—is curiously misconceived by the editor of the Dernières
Découvertes, who improves upon his original by substituting the words "par le cinquième paquet
ils nous exhortoient à adorer le Soleil."
[ Tonty, Mémoire; Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 191. Hennepin, who hated Tonty, unjustly
19 charges him with having abandoned the search too soon, admitting, however, that it would
2] have been useless to continue it. This part of his narrative is a perversion of Membré's
account.
[ "Cependant les Iroquois, aussitôt après le départ du Sr. de Tonty, exercèrent leur rage sur
19 les corps morts des Ilinois, qu'ils déterrèrent ou abbattèrent de dessus les échafauds où les
3] Ilinois les laissent longtemps exposés avant que de les mettre en terre. Ils en brûlèrent la
plus grande partie, ils en mangèrent même quelques uns, et jettèrent le reste aux chiens. Ils
18 month.
6]
[ The Relation des Découvertes says, five hundred Iroquois and one hundred
18 Shawanoes. Membré says that the allies were Miamis. He is no doubt right, as the
7] Miamis had promised their aid, and the Shawanoes were at peace with the Illinois.
Tonty is silent on the point.
[ Membré says that he went with Tonty: "J'étois aussi à côté du Sieur de Tonty." This is an
18 invention of the friar's vanity. "Les deux pères Récollets étoient alors dans une cabane à
8] une lieue du village, où ils s'étoient retirés pour faire une espèce de retraite, et ils ne furent
avertis de l'arrivée des Iroquois que dans le temps du combat."—Relation des Découvertes. "Je
rencontrai en chemin les pères Gabriel et Zenobe Membré, qui cherchoient de mes nouvelles."—
Tonty, Mémoire, 1693. This was on his return from the Iroquois. The Relation confirms the
statement, as far as concerns Membré: "II rencontra le Père Zenobe [Membré], qui venoit pour le
secourir, aiant été averti du combat et de sa blessure."
The perverted Dernières Découvertes, published without authority,
under Tonty's name, says that he was attended by a slave, whom the
Illinois sent with him as interpreter. In his narrative of 1684, Tonty
speaks of a Sokokis (Saco) Indian who was with the Iroquois and who
spoke French enough to serve as interpreter.
[ Being once in an encampment of Sioux when a quarrel broke out, and the adverse
18 factions raised the war-whoop and began to fire at each other, I had a good, though for the
9] moment a rather dangerous, opportunity of seeing the demeanor of Indians at the beginning
of a fight. The fray was quelled before much mischief was done, by the vigorous intervention of
the elder warriors, who ran between the combatants.
[ "Je leur fis connoistre que les Islinois étoient sous la protection du roy de France et du
19 gouverneur du pays, que j'estois surpris qu'ils voulussent rompre avec les François et qu'ils
0] voulussent attendre [sic] à une paix."—Tonty, Mémoire, 1693.
[ An Indian speech, it will be remembered, is without validity if not confirmed by
19 presents, each of which has its special interpretation. The meaning of the fifth pack of
1] beaver, informing Tonty that the sun was bright,—"que le soleil étoit beau," that is, that the
weather was favorable for travelling,—is curiously misconceived by the editor of the Dernières
Découvertes, who improves upon his original by substituting the words "par le cinquième paquet
ils nous exhortoient à adorer le Soleil."
[ Tonty, Mémoire; Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 191. Hennepin, who hated Tonty, unjustly
19 charges him with having abandoned the search too soon, admitting, however, that it would
2] have been useless to continue it. This part of his narrative is a perversion of Membré's
account.
[ "Cependant les Iroquois, aussitôt après le départ du Sr. de Tonty, exercèrent leur rage sur
19 les corps morts des Ilinois, qu'ils déterrèrent ou abbattèrent de dessus les échafauds où les
3] Ilinois les laissent longtemps exposés avant que de les mettre en terre. Ils en brûlèrent la
plus grande partie, ils en mangèrent même quelques uns, et jettèrent le reste aux chiens. Ils
Page 184
plantèrent les têtes de ces cadavres à demi décharnés sur des pieux," etc.—Relation des
Découvertes.
[ Relation des Découvertes; Frontenac to the King, N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 147. A memoir of
19 Duchesneau makes the number twelve hundred.
4]
[ "Ils [les Illinois] trouvèrent dans leur campement des carcasses de leurs enfans que
19 ces anthropophages avoient mangez, ne voulant même d'autre nourriture que la chair
5] de ces infortunez."—La Potherie, ii. 145, 146. Compare note, ante, p. 211.
[ Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 199. The other authorities for the foregoing chapter are the
19 letters of La Salle, the Relation des Découvertes, in which portions of them are embodied,
6] and the two narratives of Tonty, of 1684 and 1693. They all agree in essential points.
In his letters of this period, La Salle dwells at great length on the
devices by which, as he believed, his enemies tried to ruin him and his
enterprise. He is particularly severe against the Jesuit Allouez, whom he
charges with intriguing "pour commencer la guerre entre les Iroquois et
les Illinois par le moyen des Miamis qu'on engageoit dans cette
négociation afin ou de me faire massacrer avec mes gens par quelqu'une
de ces nations ou de me brouiller avec les Iroquois."—Lettre (à
Thouret?), 22 Août, 1682. He gives in detail the circumstances on which
this suspicion rests, but which are not convincing. He says, further, that
the Jesuits gave out that Tonty was dead in order to discourage the men
going to his relief, and that Allouez encouraged the deserters, "leur
servoit de conseil, bénit mesme leurs balles, et les asseura plusieurs fois
que M. de Tonty auroit la teste cassée." He also affirms that great pains
were taken to spread the report that he was himself dead. A Kiskakon
Indian, he says, was sent to Tonty with a story to this effect; while a
Huron named Scortas was sent to him (La Salle) with false news of the
death of Tonty. The latter confirms this statement, and adds that the
Illinois had been told "que M. de la Salle estoit venu en leur pays pour
les donner à manger aux Iroquois."
Découvertes.
[ Relation des Découvertes; Frontenac to the King, N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 147. A memoir of
19 Duchesneau makes the number twelve hundred.
4]
[ "Ils [les Illinois] trouvèrent dans leur campement des carcasses de leurs enfans que
19 ces anthropophages avoient mangez, ne voulant même d'autre nourriture que la chair
5] de ces infortunez."—La Potherie, ii. 145, 146. Compare note, ante, p. 211.
[ Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 199. The other authorities for the foregoing chapter are the
19 letters of La Salle, the Relation des Découvertes, in which portions of them are embodied,
6] and the two narratives of Tonty, of 1684 and 1693. They all agree in essential points.
In his letters of this period, La Salle dwells at great length on the
devices by which, as he believed, his enemies tried to ruin him and his
enterprise. He is particularly severe against the Jesuit Allouez, whom he
charges with intriguing "pour commencer la guerre entre les Iroquois et
les Illinois par le moyen des Miamis qu'on engageoit dans cette
négociation afin ou de me faire massacrer avec mes gens par quelqu'une
de ces nations ou de me brouiller avec les Iroquois."—Lettre (à
Thouret?), 22 Août, 1682. He gives in detail the circumstances on which
this suspicion rests, but which are not convincing. He says, further, that
the Jesuits gave out that Tonty was dead in order to discourage the men
going to his relief, and that Allouez encouraged the deserters, "leur
servoit de conseil, bénit mesme leurs balles, et les asseura plusieurs fois
que M. de Tonty auroit la teste cassée." He also affirms that great pains
were taken to spread the report that he was himself dead. A Kiskakon
Indian, he says, was sent to Tonty with a story to this effect; while a
Huron named Scortas was sent to him (La Salle) with false news of the
death of Tonty. The latter confirms this statement, and adds that the
Illinois had been told "que M. de la Salle estoit venu en leur pays pour
les donner à manger aux Iroquois."
Page 185
CHAPTER XVII.
1680.
THE ADVENTURES OF HENNEPIN.
Hennepin an Impostor: his Pretended Discovery; his Actual Discovery;
Captured by the Sioux.—The Upper Mississippi.
It was on the last day of the winter that preceded the invasion of the
Iroquois that Father Hennepin, with his two companions, Accau and Du
Gay, had set out from Fort Crèvecœur to explore the Illinois to its mouth. It
appears from his own later statements, as well as from those of Tonty, that
more than this was expected of him, and that La Salle had instructed him to
explore, not alone the Illinois, but also the Upper Mississippi. That he
actually did so, there is no reasonable doubt; and could he have contented
himself with telling the truth, his name would have stood high as a bold and
vigorous discoverer. But his vicious attempts to malign his commander and
plunder him of his laurels have wrapped his genuine merit in a cloud.
Hennepin's first book was published soon after his return from his
travels, and while La Salle was still alive. In it he relates the
accomplishment of the instructions given him, without the smallest
intimation that he did more.[197] Fourteen years after, when La Salle was
dead, he published another edition of his travels,[198] in which he advanced
a new and surprising pretension. Reasons connected with his personal
safety, he declares, before compelled him to remain silent; but a time at
length had come when the truth must be revealed. And he proceeds to
affirm, that, before ascending the Mississippi, he, with his two men,
explored its whole course from the Illinois to the sea,—thus anticipating the
discovery which forms the crowning laurel of La Salle.
"I am resolved," he says, "to make known here to the
whole world the mystery of this discovery, which I have HENNEPIN'S
RESOLUTION.
hitherto concealed, that I might not offend the Sieur de
la Salle, who wished to keep all the glory and all the knowledge of it to
1680.
THE ADVENTURES OF HENNEPIN.
Hennepin an Impostor: his Pretended Discovery; his Actual Discovery;
Captured by the Sioux.—The Upper Mississippi.
It was on the last day of the winter that preceded the invasion of the
Iroquois that Father Hennepin, with his two companions, Accau and Du
Gay, had set out from Fort Crèvecœur to explore the Illinois to its mouth. It
appears from his own later statements, as well as from those of Tonty, that
more than this was expected of him, and that La Salle had instructed him to
explore, not alone the Illinois, but also the Upper Mississippi. That he
actually did so, there is no reasonable doubt; and could he have contented
himself with telling the truth, his name would have stood high as a bold and
vigorous discoverer. But his vicious attempts to malign his commander and
plunder him of his laurels have wrapped his genuine merit in a cloud.
Hennepin's first book was published soon after his return from his
travels, and while La Salle was still alive. In it he relates the
accomplishment of the instructions given him, without the smallest
intimation that he did more.[197] Fourteen years after, when La Salle was
dead, he published another edition of his travels,[198] in which he advanced
a new and surprising pretension. Reasons connected with his personal
safety, he declares, before compelled him to remain silent; but a time at
length had come when the truth must be revealed. And he proceeds to
affirm, that, before ascending the Mississippi, he, with his two men,
explored its whole course from the Illinois to the sea,—thus anticipating the
discovery which forms the crowning laurel of La Salle.
"I am resolved," he says, "to make known here to the
whole world the mystery of this discovery, which I have HENNEPIN'S
RESOLUTION.
hitherto concealed, that I might not offend the Sieur de
la Salle, who wished to keep all the glory and all the knowledge of it to
Page 186
himself. It is for this that he sacrificed many persons whose lives he
exposed, to prevent them from making known what they had seen, and
thereby crossing his secret plans.... I was certain that if I went down the
Mississippi, he would not fail to traduce me to my superiors for not taking
the northern route, which I was to have followed in accordance with his
desire and the plan we had made together. But I saw myself on the point of
dying of hunger, and knew not what to do; because the two men who were
with me threatened openly to leave me in the night, and carry off the canoe
and everything in it, if I prevented them from going down the river to the
nations below. Finding myself in this dilemma, I thought that I ought not to
hesitate, and that I ought to prefer my own safety to the violent passion
which possessed the Sieur de la Salle of enjoying alone the glory of this
discovery. The two men, seeing that I had made up my mind to follow
them, promised me entire fidelity; so, after we had shaken hands together as
a mutual pledge, we set out on our voyage."[199]
He then proceeds to recount at length the particulars of his alleged
exploration. The story was distrusted from the first.[200] Why had he not
told it before? An excess of modesty, a lack of self-assertion, or a too
sensitive reluctance to wound the susceptibilities of others, had never been
found among his foibles. Yet some, perhaps, might have believed him, had
he not in the first edition of his book gratuitously and distinctly declared
that he did not make the voyage in question. "We had some designs," he
says, "of going down the river Colbert [Mississippi] as far as its mouth; but
the tribes that took us prisoners gave us no time to navigate this river both
up and down."[201]]
In declaring to the world the achievement which he
had so long concealed and so explicitly denied, the HENNEPIN AN
IMPOSTOR.
worthy missionary found himself in serious
embarrassment. In his first book, he had stated that on the twelfth of March
he left the mouth of the Illinois on his way northward, and that on the
eleventh of April he was captured by the Sioux near the mouth of the
Wisconsin, five hundred miles above. This would give him only a month to
make his alleged canoe-voyage from the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, and
again upward to the place of his capture,—a distance of three thousand two
hundred and sixty miles. With his means of transportation, three months
exposed, to prevent them from making known what they had seen, and
thereby crossing his secret plans.... I was certain that if I went down the
Mississippi, he would not fail to traduce me to my superiors for not taking
the northern route, which I was to have followed in accordance with his
desire and the plan we had made together. But I saw myself on the point of
dying of hunger, and knew not what to do; because the two men who were
with me threatened openly to leave me in the night, and carry off the canoe
and everything in it, if I prevented them from going down the river to the
nations below. Finding myself in this dilemma, I thought that I ought not to
hesitate, and that I ought to prefer my own safety to the violent passion
which possessed the Sieur de la Salle of enjoying alone the glory of this
discovery. The two men, seeing that I had made up my mind to follow
them, promised me entire fidelity; so, after we had shaken hands together as
a mutual pledge, we set out on our voyage."[199]
He then proceeds to recount at length the particulars of his alleged
exploration. The story was distrusted from the first.[200] Why had he not
told it before? An excess of modesty, a lack of self-assertion, or a too
sensitive reluctance to wound the susceptibilities of others, had never been
found among his foibles. Yet some, perhaps, might have believed him, had
he not in the first edition of his book gratuitously and distinctly declared
that he did not make the voyage in question. "We had some designs," he
says, "of going down the river Colbert [Mississippi] as far as its mouth; but
the tribes that took us prisoners gave us no time to navigate this river both
up and down."[201]]
In declaring to the world the achievement which he
had so long concealed and so explicitly denied, the HENNEPIN AN
IMPOSTOR.
worthy missionary found himself in serious
embarrassment. In his first book, he had stated that on the twelfth of March
he left the mouth of the Illinois on his way northward, and that on the
eleventh of April he was captured by the Sioux near the mouth of the
Wisconsin, five hundred miles above. This would give him only a month to
make his alleged canoe-voyage from the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, and
again upward to the place of his capture,—a distance of three thousand two
hundred and sixty miles. With his means of transportation, three months
Page 187
would have been insufficient.[202] He saw the difficulty; but, on the other
hand, he saw that he could not greatly change either date without confusing
the parts of his narrative which preceded and which followed. In this
perplexity he chose a middle course, which only involved him in additional
contradictions. Having, as he affirms, gone down to the Gulf and returned
to the mouth of the Illinois, he set out thence to explore the river above; and
he assigns the twenty-fourth of April as the date of this departure. This
gives him forty-three days for his voyage to the mouth of the river and
back. Looking further, we find that having left the Illinois on the twenty-
fourth he paddled his canoe two hundred leagues northward, and was then
captured by the Sioux on the twelfth of the same month. In short, he
ensnares himself in a hopeless confusion of dates.[203]
Here, one would think, is sufficient reason for rejecting his story; and yet
the general truth of the descriptions, and a certain verisimilitude which
marks it, might easily deceive a careless reader and perplex a critical one.
These, however, are easily explained. Six years before Hennepin published
his pretended discovery, his brother friar, Father Chrétien Le Clerc,
published an account of the Récollet missions among the Indians, under the
title of "Établissement de la Foi." This book, offensive to the Jesuits, is said
to have been suppressed by order of government; but a few copies
fortunately survive.[204] One of these is now before me. It contains the
journal of Father Zenobe Membré, on his descent of the Mississippi in
1681, in company with La Salle. The slightest comparison of his narrative
with that of Hennepin is sufficient to show that the latter framed his own
story out of incidents and descriptions furnished by his brother missionary,
often using his very words, and sometimes copying entire pages, with no
other alterations than such as were necessary to make himself, instead of La
Salle and his companions, the hero of the exploit. The records of literary
piracy may be searched in vain for an act of depredation more recklessly
impudent.[205]
Such being the case, what faith can we put in the rest of Hennepin's
story? Fortunately, there are tests by which the earlier parts of his book can
be tried; and, on the whole, they square exceedingly well with
contemporary records of undoubted authenticity. Bating his exaggerations
respecting the Falls of Niagara, his local descriptions, and even his
hand, he saw that he could not greatly change either date without confusing
the parts of his narrative which preceded and which followed. In this
perplexity he chose a middle course, which only involved him in additional
contradictions. Having, as he affirms, gone down to the Gulf and returned
to the mouth of the Illinois, he set out thence to explore the river above; and
he assigns the twenty-fourth of April as the date of this departure. This
gives him forty-three days for his voyage to the mouth of the river and
back. Looking further, we find that having left the Illinois on the twenty-
fourth he paddled his canoe two hundred leagues northward, and was then
captured by the Sioux on the twelfth of the same month. In short, he
ensnares himself in a hopeless confusion of dates.[203]
Here, one would think, is sufficient reason for rejecting his story; and yet
the general truth of the descriptions, and a certain verisimilitude which
marks it, might easily deceive a careless reader and perplex a critical one.
These, however, are easily explained. Six years before Hennepin published
his pretended discovery, his brother friar, Father Chrétien Le Clerc,
published an account of the Récollet missions among the Indians, under the
title of "Établissement de la Foi." This book, offensive to the Jesuits, is said
to have been suppressed by order of government; but a few copies
fortunately survive.[204] One of these is now before me. It contains the
journal of Father Zenobe Membré, on his descent of the Mississippi in
1681, in company with La Salle. The slightest comparison of his narrative
with that of Hennepin is sufficient to show that the latter framed his own
story out of incidents and descriptions furnished by his brother missionary,
often using his very words, and sometimes copying entire pages, with no
other alterations than such as were necessary to make himself, instead of La
Salle and his companions, the hero of the exploit. The records of literary
piracy may be searched in vain for an act of depredation more recklessly
impudent.[205]
Such being the case, what faith can we put in the rest of Hennepin's
story? Fortunately, there are tests by which the earlier parts of his book can
be tried; and, on the whole, they square exceedingly well with
contemporary records of undoubted authenticity. Bating his exaggerations
respecting the Falls of Niagara, his local descriptions, and even his
Page 188
estimates of distance, are generally accurate. He constantly, it is true,
magnifies his own acts, and thrusts himself forward as one of the chiefs of
an enterprise to the costs of which he had contributed nothing, and to which
he was merely an appendage; and yet, till he reaches the Mississippi, there
can be no doubt that in the main he tells the truth. As for his ascent of that
river to the country of the Sioux, the general statement is fully confirmed by
La Salle, Tonty, and other contemporary writers.[206] For the details of the
journey we must rest on Hennepin alone, whose account of the country and
of the peculiar traits of its Indian occupants afford, as far as they go, good
evidence of truth. Indeed, this part of his narrative could only have been
written by one well versed in the savage life of this northwestern region.
[207]
Trusting, then, to his own guidance in the absence of better, let us
follow in the wake of his adventurous canoe.
It was laden deeply with goods belonging to La Salle,
and meant by him as presents to Indians on the way, HIS VOYAGE
NORTHWARD.
though the travellers, it appears, proposed to use them in
trading on their own account. The friar was still wrapped in his gray capote
and hood, shod with sandals, and decorated with the cord of St. Francis. As
for his two companions, Accau[208] and Du Gay, it is tolerably clear that the
former was the real leader of the party, though Hennepin, after his custom,
thrusts himself into the foremost place. Both were somewhat above the
station of ordinary hired hands; and Du Gay had an uncle who was an
ecclesiastic of good credit at Amiens, his native place.
In the forests that overhung the river the buds were feebly swelling with
advancing spring. There was game enough. They killed buffalo, deer,
beavers, wild turkeys, and now and then a bear swimming in the river. With
these, and the fish which they caught in abundance, they fared sumptuously,
though it was the season of Lent. They were exemplary, however, at their
devotions. Hennepin said prayers at morning and night, and the angelus at
noon, adding a petition to Saint Anthony of Padua that he would save them
from the peril that beset their way. In truth, there was a lion in the path. The
ferocious character of the Sioux, or Dacotah, who occupied the region of
the Upper Mississippi, was already known to the French; and Hennepin,
with excellent reason, prayed that it might be his fortune to meet them, not
by night, but by day.
magnifies his own acts, and thrusts himself forward as one of the chiefs of
an enterprise to the costs of which he had contributed nothing, and to which
he was merely an appendage; and yet, till he reaches the Mississippi, there
can be no doubt that in the main he tells the truth. As for his ascent of that
river to the country of the Sioux, the general statement is fully confirmed by
La Salle, Tonty, and other contemporary writers.[206] For the details of the
journey we must rest on Hennepin alone, whose account of the country and
of the peculiar traits of its Indian occupants afford, as far as they go, good
evidence of truth. Indeed, this part of his narrative could only have been
written by one well versed in the savage life of this northwestern region.
[207]
Trusting, then, to his own guidance in the absence of better, let us
follow in the wake of his adventurous canoe.
It was laden deeply with goods belonging to La Salle,
and meant by him as presents to Indians on the way, HIS VOYAGE
NORTHWARD.
though the travellers, it appears, proposed to use them in
trading on their own account. The friar was still wrapped in his gray capote
and hood, shod with sandals, and decorated with the cord of St. Francis. As
for his two companions, Accau[208] and Du Gay, it is tolerably clear that the
former was the real leader of the party, though Hennepin, after his custom,
thrusts himself into the foremost place. Both were somewhat above the
station of ordinary hired hands; and Du Gay had an uncle who was an
ecclesiastic of good credit at Amiens, his native place.
In the forests that overhung the river the buds were feebly swelling with
advancing spring. There was game enough. They killed buffalo, deer,
beavers, wild turkeys, and now and then a bear swimming in the river. With
these, and the fish which they caught in abundance, they fared sumptuously,
though it was the season of Lent. They were exemplary, however, at their
devotions. Hennepin said prayers at morning and night, and the angelus at
noon, adding a petition to Saint Anthony of Padua that he would save them
from the peril that beset their way. In truth, there was a lion in the path. The
ferocious character of the Sioux, or Dacotah, who occupied the region of
the Upper Mississippi, was already known to the French; and Hennepin,
with excellent reason, prayed that it might be his fortune to meet them, not
by night, but by day.
Page 189
On the eleventh or twelfth of April, they stopped in
the afternoon to repair their canoe; and Hennepin busied CAPTURED BY
himself in daubing it with pitch, while the others cooked THE SIOUX.
a turkey. Suddenly, a fleet of Sioux canoes swept into sight, bearing a war-
party of a hundred and twenty naked savages, who on seeing the travellers
raised a hideous clamor; and, some leaping ashore and others into the water,
they surrounded the astonished Frenchmen in an instant.[209] Hennepin held
out the peace-pipe; but one of them snatched it from him. Next, he hastened
to proffer a gift of Martinique tobacco, which was better received. Some of
the old warriors repeated the name Miamiha, giving him to understand that
they were a war-party, on the way to attack the Miamis; on which,
Hennepin, with the help of signs and of marks which he drew on the sand
with a stick, explained that the Miamis had gone across the Mississippi,
beyond their reach. Hereupon, he says that three or four old men placed
their hands on his head, and began a dismal wailing; while he with his
handkerchief wiped away their tears, in order to evince sympathy with their
affliction, from whatever cause arising. Notwithstanding this demonstration
of tenderness, they refused to smoke with him in his peace-pipe, and forced
him and his companions to embark and paddle across the river; while they
all followed behind, uttering yells and howlings which froze the
missionary's blood.
On reaching the farther side, they made their camp-fires, and allowed
their prisoners to do the same. Accau and Du Gay slung their kettle; while
Hennepin, to propitiate the Sioux, carried to them two turkeys, of which
there were several in the canoe. The warriors had seated themselves in a
ring, to debate on the fate of the Frenchmen; and two chiefs presently
explained to the friar, by significant signs, that it had been resolved that his
head should be split with a war-club. This produced the effect which was no
doubt intended. Hennepin ran to the canoe, and quickly returned with one
of the men, both loaded with presents, which he threw into the midst of the
assembly; and then, bowing his head, offered them at the same time a
hatchet with which to kill him, if they wished to do so. His gifts and his
submission seemed to appease them. They gave him and his companions a
dish of beaver's flesh; but, to his great concern, they returned his peace-
pipe,—an act which he interpreted as a sign of danger. That night the
Frenchmen slept little, expecting to be murdered before morning. There
the afternoon to repair their canoe; and Hennepin busied CAPTURED BY
himself in daubing it with pitch, while the others cooked THE SIOUX.
a turkey. Suddenly, a fleet of Sioux canoes swept into sight, bearing a war-
party of a hundred and twenty naked savages, who on seeing the travellers
raised a hideous clamor; and, some leaping ashore and others into the water,
they surrounded the astonished Frenchmen in an instant.[209] Hennepin held
out the peace-pipe; but one of them snatched it from him. Next, he hastened
to proffer a gift of Martinique tobacco, which was better received. Some of
the old warriors repeated the name Miamiha, giving him to understand that
they were a war-party, on the way to attack the Miamis; on which,
Hennepin, with the help of signs and of marks which he drew on the sand
with a stick, explained that the Miamis had gone across the Mississippi,
beyond their reach. Hereupon, he says that three or four old men placed
their hands on his head, and began a dismal wailing; while he with his
handkerchief wiped away their tears, in order to evince sympathy with their
affliction, from whatever cause arising. Notwithstanding this demonstration
of tenderness, they refused to smoke with him in his peace-pipe, and forced
him and his companions to embark and paddle across the river; while they
all followed behind, uttering yells and howlings which froze the
missionary's blood.
On reaching the farther side, they made their camp-fires, and allowed
their prisoners to do the same. Accau and Du Gay slung their kettle; while
Hennepin, to propitiate the Sioux, carried to them two turkeys, of which
there were several in the canoe. The warriors had seated themselves in a
ring, to debate on the fate of the Frenchmen; and two chiefs presently
explained to the friar, by significant signs, that it had been resolved that his
head should be split with a war-club. This produced the effect which was no
doubt intended. Hennepin ran to the canoe, and quickly returned with one
of the men, both loaded with presents, which he threw into the midst of the
assembly; and then, bowing his head, offered them at the same time a
hatchet with which to kill him, if they wished to do so. His gifts and his
submission seemed to appease them. They gave him and his companions a
dish of beaver's flesh; but, to his great concern, they returned his peace-
pipe,—an act which he interpreted as a sign of danger. That night the
Frenchmen slept little, expecting to be murdered before morning. There
Page 190
was, in fact, a great division of opinion among the Sioux. Some were for
killing them and taking their goods; while others, eager above all things that
French traders should come among them with the knives, hatchets, and guns
of which they had heard the value, contended that it would be impolitic to
discourage the trade by putting to death its pioneers.
Scarcely had morning dawned on the anxious captives, when a young
chief, naked, and painted from head to foot, appeared before them and
asked for the pipe, which the friar gladly gave him. He filled it, smoked it,
made the warriors do the same, and, having given this hopeful pledge of
amity, told the Frenchmen that, since the Miamis were out of reach, the
war-party would return home, and that they must accompany them. To this
Hennepin gladly agreed, having, as he declares, his great work of
exploration so much at heart that he rejoiced in the prospect of achieving it
even in their company.
He soon, however, had a foretaste of the affliction in
store for him; for when he opened his breviary and SUSPECTED OF
SORCERY.
began to mutter his morning devotion, his new
companions gathered about him with faces that betrayed their superstitious
terror, and gave him to understand that his book was a bad spirit with which
he must hold no more converse. They thought, indeed, that he was
muttering a charm for their destruction. Accau and Du Gay, conscious of
the danger, begged the friar to dispense with his devotions, lest he and they
alike should be tomahawked; but Hennepin says that his sense of duty rose
superior to his fears, and that he was resolved to repeat his office at all
hazards, though not until he had asked pardon of his two friends for thus
imperilling their lives. Fortunately, he presently discovered a device by
which his devotion and his prudence were completely reconciled. He ceased
the muttering which had alarmed the Indians, and, with the breviary open
on his knees, sang the service in loud and cheerful tones. As this had no
savor of sorcery, and as they now imagined that the book was teaching its
owner to sing for their amusement, they conceived a favorable opinion of
both alike.
These Sioux, it may be observed, were the ancestors of those who
committed the horrible but not unprovoked massacres of 1862, in the valley
of the St. Peter. Hennepin complains bitterly of their treatment of him,
killing them and taking their goods; while others, eager above all things that
French traders should come among them with the knives, hatchets, and guns
of which they had heard the value, contended that it would be impolitic to
discourage the trade by putting to death its pioneers.
Scarcely had morning dawned on the anxious captives, when a young
chief, naked, and painted from head to foot, appeared before them and
asked for the pipe, which the friar gladly gave him. He filled it, smoked it,
made the warriors do the same, and, having given this hopeful pledge of
amity, told the Frenchmen that, since the Miamis were out of reach, the
war-party would return home, and that they must accompany them. To this
Hennepin gladly agreed, having, as he declares, his great work of
exploration so much at heart that he rejoiced in the prospect of achieving it
even in their company.
He soon, however, had a foretaste of the affliction in
store for him; for when he opened his breviary and SUSPECTED OF
SORCERY.
began to mutter his morning devotion, his new
companions gathered about him with faces that betrayed their superstitious
terror, and gave him to understand that his book was a bad spirit with which
he must hold no more converse. They thought, indeed, that he was
muttering a charm for their destruction. Accau and Du Gay, conscious of
the danger, begged the friar to dispense with his devotions, lest he and they
alike should be tomahawked; but Hennepin says that his sense of duty rose
superior to his fears, and that he was resolved to repeat his office at all
hazards, though not until he had asked pardon of his two friends for thus
imperilling their lives. Fortunately, he presently discovered a device by
which his devotion and his prudence were completely reconciled. He ceased
the muttering which had alarmed the Indians, and, with the breviary open
on his knees, sang the service in loud and cheerful tones. As this had no
savor of sorcery, and as they now imagined that the book was teaching its
owner to sing for their amusement, they conceived a favorable opinion of
both alike.
These Sioux, it may be observed, were the ancestors of those who
committed the horrible but not unprovoked massacres of 1862, in the valley
of the St. Peter. Hennepin complains bitterly of their treatment of him,
Page 191
which, however, seems to have been tolerably good. Afraid that he would
lag behind, as his canoe was heavy and slow,[210] they placed several
warriors in it to aid him and his men in paddling. They kept on their way
from morning till night, building huts for their bivouac when it rained, and
sleeping on the open ground when the weather was fair,—which, says
Hennepin, "gave us a good opportunity to contemplate the moon and stars."
The three Frenchmen took the precaution of sleeping at the side of the
young chief who had been the first to smoke the peace-pipe, and who
seemed inclined to befriend them; but there was another chief, one
Aquipaguetin, a crafty old savage, who having lost a son in war with the
Miamis, was angry that the party had abandoned their expedition, and thus
deprived him of his revenge. He therefore kept up a dismal lament through
half the night; while other old men, crouching over Hennepin as he lay
trying to sleep, stroked him with their hands, and uttered wailings so
lugubrious that he was forced to the belief that he had been doomed to
death, and that they were charitably bemoaning his fate.[211]
One night, the captives were, for some reason, unable
to bivouac near their protector, and were forced to make THE CAPTIVE
FRIAR.
their fire at the end of the camp. Here they were soon
beset by a crowd of Indians, who told them that Aquipaguetin had at length
resolved to tomahawk them. The malcontents were gathered in a knot at a
little distance, and Hennepin hastened to appease them by another gift of
knives and tobacco. This was but one of the devices of the old chief to
deprive them of their goods without robbing them outright. He had with
him the bones of a deceased relative, which he was carrying home wrapped
in skins prepared with smoke after the Indian fashion, and gayly decorated
with bands of dyed porcupine quills. He would summon his warriors, and
placing these relics in the midst of the assembly, call on all present to
smoke in their honor; after which, Hennepin was required to offer a more
substantial tribute in the shape of cloth, beads, hatchets, tobacco, and the
like, to be laid upon the bundle of bones. The gifts thus acquired were then,
in the name of the deceased, distributed among the persons present.
On one occasion, Aquipaguetin killed a bear, and invited the chiefs and
warriors to feast upon it. They accordingly assembled on a prairie, west of
the river, where, after the banquet, they danced a "medicine-dance." They
were all painted from head to foot, with their hair oiled, garnished with red
lag behind, as his canoe was heavy and slow,[210] they placed several
warriors in it to aid him and his men in paddling. They kept on their way
from morning till night, building huts for their bivouac when it rained, and
sleeping on the open ground when the weather was fair,—which, says
Hennepin, "gave us a good opportunity to contemplate the moon and stars."
The three Frenchmen took the precaution of sleeping at the side of the
young chief who had been the first to smoke the peace-pipe, and who
seemed inclined to befriend them; but there was another chief, one
Aquipaguetin, a crafty old savage, who having lost a son in war with the
Miamis, was angry that the party had abandoned their expedition, and thus
deprived him of his revenge. He therefore kept up a dismal lament through
half the night; while other old men, crouching over Hennepin as he lay
trying to sleep, stroked him with their hands, and uttered wailings so
lugubrious that he was forced to the belief that he had been doomed to
death, and that they were charitably bemoaning his fate.[211]
One night, the captives were, for some reason, unable
to bivouac near their protector, and were forced to make THE CAPTIVE
FRIAR.
their fire at the end of the camp. Here they were soon
beset by a crowd of Indians, who told them that Aquipaguetin had at length
resolved to tomahawk them. The malcontents were gathered in a knot at a
little distance, and Hennepin hastened to appease them by another gift of
knives and tobacco. This was but one of the devices of the old chief to
deprive them of their goods without robbing them outright. He had with
him the bones of a deceased relative, which he was carrying home wrapped
in skins prepared with smoke after the Indian fashion, and gayly decorated
with bands of dyed porcupine quills. He would summon his warriors, and
placing these relics in the midst of the assembly, call on all present to
smoke in their honor; after which, Hennepin was required to offer a more
substantial tribute in the shape of cloth, beads, hatchets, tobacco, and the
like, to be laid upon the bundle of bones. The gifts thus acquired were then,
in the name of the deceased, distributed among the persons present.
On one occasion, Aquipaguetin killed a bear, and invited the chiefs and
warriors to feast upon it. They accordingly assembled on a prairie, west of
the river, where, after the banquet, they danced a "medicine-dance." They
were all painted from head to foot, with their hair oiled, garnished with red
Page 192
and white feathers, and powdered with the down of birds. In this guise they
set their arms akimbo, and fell to stamping with such fury that the hard
prairie was dented with the prints of their moccasins; while the chief's son,
crying at the top of his throat, gave to each in turn the pipe of war.
Meanwhile, the chief himself, singing in a loud and rueful voice, placed his
hands on the heads of the three Frenchmen, and from time to time
interrupted his music to utter a vehement harangue. Hennepin could not
understand the words, but his heart sank as the conviction grew strong
within him that these ceremonies tended to his destruction. It seems,
however, that, after all the chief's efforts, his party was in the minority, the
greater part being adverse to either killing or robbing the three strangers.
Every morning, at daybreak, an old warrior shouted the signal of
departure; and the recumbent savages leaped up, manned their birchen fleet,
and plied their paddles against the current, often without waiting to break
their fast. Sometimes they stopped for a buffalo-hunt on the neighboring
prairies; and there was no lack of provisions. They passed Lake Pepin,
which Hennepin called the Lake of Tears, by reason of the howlings and
lamentations here uttered over him by Aquipaguetin, and nineteen days
after his capture landed near the site of St. Paul. The father's sorrows now
began in earnest. The Indians broke his canoe to pieces, having first hidden
their own among the alder-bushes. As they belonged to different bands and
different villages, their mutual jealousy now overcame all their prudence;
and each proceeded to claim his share of the captives and the booty.
Happily, they made an amicable distribution, or it would have fared ill with
the three Frenchmen; and each taking his share, not forgetting the priestly
vestments of Hennepin, the splendor of which they could not sufficiently
admire, they set out across the country for their villages, which lay towards
the north in the neighborhood of Lake Buade, now called Mille Lac.
Being, says Hennepin, exceedingly tall and active,
they walked at a prodigious speed, insomuch that no A HARD
JOURNEY.
European could long keep pace with them. Though the
month of May had begun, there were frosts at night; and the marshes and
ponds were glazed with ice, which cut the missionary's legs as he waded
through. They swam the larger streams, and Hennepin nearly perished with
cold as he emerged from the icy current. His two companions, who were
smaller than he, and who could not swim, were carried over on the backs of
set their arms akimbo, and fell to stamping with such fury that the hard
prairie was dented with the prints of their moccasins; while the chief's son,
crying at the top of his throat, gave to each in turn the pipe of war.
Meanwhile, the chief himself, singing in a loud and rueful voice, placed his
hands on the heads of the three Frenchmen, and from time to time
interrupted his music to utter a vehement harangue. Hennepin could not
understand the words, but his heart sank as the conviction grew strong
within him that these ceremonies tended to his destruction. It seems,
however, that, after all the chief's efforts, his party was in the minority, the
greater part being adverse to either killing or robbing the three strangers.
Every morning, at daybreak, an old warrior shouted the signal of
departure; and the recumbent savages leaped up, manned their birchen fleet,
and plied their paddles against the current, often without waiting to break
their fast. Sometimes they stopped for a buffalo-hunt on the neighboring
prairies; and there was no lack of provisions. They passed Lake Pepin,
which Hennepin called the Lake of Tears, by reason of the howlings and
lamentations here uttered over him by Aquipaguetin, and nineteen days
after his capture landed near the site of St. Paul. The father's sorrows now
began in earnest. The Indians broke his canoe to pieces, having first hidden
their own among the alder-bushes. As they belonged to different bands and
different villages, their mutual jealousy now overcame all their prudence;
and each proceeded to claim his share of the captives and the booty.
Happily, they made an amicable distribution, or it would have fared ill with
the three Frenchmen; and each taking his share, not forgetting the priestly
vestments of Hennepin, the splendor of which they could not sufficiently
admire, they set out across the country for their villages, which lay towards
the north in the neighborhood of Lake Buade, now called Mille Lac.
Being, says Hennepin, exceedingly tall and active,
they walked at a prodigious speed, insomuch that no A HARD
JOURNEY.
European could long keep pace with them. Though the
month of May had begun, there were frosts at night; and the marshes and
ponds were glazed with ice, which cut the missionary's legs as he waded
through. They swam the larger streams, and Hennepin nearly perished with
cold as he emerged from the icy current. His two companions, who were
smaller than he, and who could not swim, were carried over on the backs of
Page 193
the Indians. They showed, however, no little endurance; and he declares
that he should have dropped by the way, but for their support. Seeing him
disposed to lag, the Indians, to spur him on, set fire to the dry grass behind
him, and then, taking him by the hands, ran forward with him to escape the
flames. To add to his misery, he was nearly famished, as they gave him only
a small piece of smoked meat once a day, though it does not appear that
they themselves fared better. On the fifth day, being by this time in
extremity, he saw a crowd of squaws and children approaching over the
prairie, and presently descried the bark lodges of an Indian town. The goal
was reached. He was among the homes of the Sioux.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Description de la Louisiane, nouvellement découverte, Paris, 1683.
19
7] [ Nouvelle Découverte d'un très grand Pays situé dans l'Amérique, Utrecht, 1697.
19
8] [ Nouvelle Découverte, 248, 250, 251.
19
9] [ See the preface of the Spanish translation by Don Sebastian
20 Fernandez de Medrano, 1699, and also the letter of Gravier, dated 1701,
0] in Shea's Early Voyages on the Mississippi. Barcia, Charlevoix, Kalm,
and other early writers put a low value on Hennepin's veracity.
[ Description de la Louisiane, 218.
20
1] [ La Salle, in the following year, with a far better equipment, was more than three
20 months and a half in making the journey. A Mississippi trading-boat of the last
2] generation, with sails and oars, ascending against the current, was thought to do
remarkably well if it could make twenty miles a day. Hennepin, if we believe his own statements,
must have ascended at an average rate of sixty miles, though his canoe was large and heavily
laden.
[ Hennepin here falls into gratuitous inconsistencies. In the edition of 1697, in order to
20 gain a little time, he says that he left the Illinois on his voyage southward on the eighth of
3] March, 1680; and yet in the preceding chapter he repeats the statement of the first edition,
that he was detained at the Illinois by floating ice till the twelfth. Again, he says in the first
edition that he was captured by the Sioux on the eleventh of April; and in the edition of 1697 he
changes this date to the twelfth, without gaining any advantage by doing so.
[ Le Clerc's book had been made the text of an attack on the Jesuits. See Reflexions sur un
20 Livre intitulé Premier Établissement de la Foi. This piece is printed in the Morale Pratique
4] des Jésuites.
[ Hennepin may have copied from the unpublished journal of Membré, which the latter
20 had placed in the hands of his Superior; or he may have compiled from Le Clerc's book,
5] relying on the suppression of the edition to prevent detection. He certainly saw and used it;
that he should have dropped by the way, but for their support. Seeing him
disposed to lag, the Indians, to spur him on, set fire to the dry grass behind
him, and then, taking him by the hands, ran forward with him to escape the
flames. To add to his misery, he was nearly famished, as they gave him only
a small piece of smoked meat once a day, though it does not appear that
they themselves fared better. On the fifth day, being by this time in
extremity, he saw a crowd of squaws and children approaching over the
prairie, and presently descried the bark lodges of an Indian town. The goal
was reached. He was among the homes of the Sioux.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Description de la Louisiane, nouvellement découverte, Paris, 1683.
19
7] [ Nouvelle Découverte d'un très grand Pays situé dans l'Amérique, Utrecht, 1697.
19
8] [ Nouvelle Découverte, 248, 250, 251.
19
9] [ See the preface of the Spanish translation by Don Sebastian
20 Fernandez de Medrano, 1699, and also the letter of Gravier, dated 1701,
0] in Shea's Early Voyages on the Mississippi. Barcia, Charlevoix, Kalm,
and other early writers put a low value on Hennepin's veracity.
[ Description de la Louisiane, 218.
20
1] [ La Salle, in the following year, with a far better equipment, was more than three
20 months and a half in making the journey. A Mississippi trading-boat of the last
2] generation, with sails and oars, ascending against the current, was thought to do
remarkably well if it could make twenty miles a day. Hennepin, if we believe his own statements,
must have ascended at an average rate of sixty miles, though his canoe was large and heavily
laden.
[ Hennepin here falls into gratuitous inconsistencies. In the edition of 1697, in order to
20 gain a little time, he says that he left the Illinois on his voyage southward on the eighth of
3] March, 1680; and yet in the preceding chapter he repeats the statement of the first edition,
that he was detained at the Illinois by floating ice till the twelfth. Again, he says in the first
edition that he was captured by the Sioux on the eleventh of April; and in the edition of 1697 he
changes this date to the twelfth, without gaining any advantage by doing so.
[ Le Clerc's book had been made the text of an attack on the Jesuits. See Reflexions sur un
20 Livre intitulé Premier Établissement de la Foi. This piece is printed in the Morale Pratique
4] des Jésuites.
[ Hennepin may have copied from the unpublished journal of Membré, which the latter
20 had placed in the hands of his Superior; or he may have compiled from Le Clerc's book,
5] relying on the suppression of the edition to prevent detection. He certainly saw and used it;
Page 194
for he elsewhere borrows the exact words of the editor. He is so careless that he steals from
Membré passages which he might easily have written for himself; as, for example, a description
of the opossum and another of the cougar,—animals with which he was acquainted. Compare the
following pages of the Nouvelle Découverte with the corresponding pages of Le Clerc: Hennepin,
252, Le Clerc, ii. 217; H. 253, Le C. ii. 218; H. 257, Le C. ii. 221; H. 259, Le C. ii. 224; H. 262,
Le C. ii. 226; H. 265, Le C. ii. 229; H. 267, Le C. ii. 233; H. 270, Le C. ii. 235; H. 280, Le C. ii.
240; H. 295, Le C. ii. 249; H. 296, Le C. ii. 250; H. 297, Le C. ii. 253; H. 299, Le C. ii. 254; H.
301, Le C. ii. 257. Some of these parallel passages will be found in Sparks's Life of La Salle,
where this remarkable fraud was first fully exposed. In Shea's Discovery of the Mississippi, there
is an excellent critical examination of Hennepin's works. His plagiarisms from Le Clerc are not
confined to the passages cited above; for in his later editions he stole largely from other parts of
the suppressed Établissement de la Foi.
[ It is certain that persons having the best means of information believed at the time in
20 Hennepin's story of his journeys on the Upper Mississippi. The compiler of the Relation
6] des Découvertes, who was in close relations with La Salle and those who acted with him,
does not intimate a doubt of the truth of the report which Hennepin on his return gave to the
Provincial Commissary of his Order, and which is in substance the same which he published two
years later. The Relation, it is to be observed, was written only a few months after the return of
Hennepin, and embodies the pith of his narrative of the Upper Mississippi, no part of which had
then been published.
[ In this connection, it is well to examine the various Sioux words which Hennepin uses
20 incidentally, and which he must have acquired by personal intercourse with the tribe, as no
7] Frenchman then understood the language. These words, as far as my information reaches,
are in every instance correct. Thus, he says that the Sioux called his breviary a "bad spirit,"—
Ouackanché. Wakanshe, or Wakanshecha, would express the same meaning in modern English
spelling. He says elsewhere that they called the guns of his companions Manzaouackanché,
which he translates, "iron possessed with a bad spirit." The western Sioux to this day call a gun
Manzawakan, "metal possessed with a spirit." Chonga (shonka), "a dog," Ouasi (wahsee), "a
pine-tree," Chinnen (shinnan), "a robe," or "garment," and other words, are given correctly, with
their interpretations. The word Louis, affirmed by Hennepin to mean "the sun," seems at first
sight a wilful inaccuracy, as this is not the word used in general by the Sioux. The Yankton band
of this people, however, call the sun oouee, which, it is evident, represents the French
pronunciation of Louis, omitting the initial letter. This Hennepin would be apt enough to supply,
thereby conferring a compliment alike on himself, Louis Hennepin, and on the King, Louis XIV.,
who, to the indignation of his brother monarchs, had chosen the sun as his emblem.
Various trivial incidents touched upon by Hennepin, while recounting
his life among the Sioux, seem to me to afford a strong presumption of
an actual experience. I speak on this point with the more confidence, as
the Indians in whose lodges I was once domesticated for several weeks
belonged to a western band of the same people.
[ Called Ako by Hennepin. In contemporary documents, it is written Accau, Acau,
20 D'Accau, Dacau, Dacan, and D'Accault.
8]
[ The edition of 1683 says that there were thirty-three canoes; that of 1697 raises the
20 number to fifty. The number of Indians is the same in both. The later narrative is
9] more in detail than the former.
Membré passages which he might easily have written for himself; as, for example, a description
of the opossum and another of the cougar,—animals with which he was acquainted. Compare the
following pages of the Nouvelle Découverte with the corresponding pages of Le Clerc: Hennepin,
252, Le Clerc, ii. 217; H. 253, Le C. ii. 218; H. 257, Le C. ii. 221; H. 259, Le C. ii. 224; H. 262,
Le C. ii. 226; H. 265, Le C. ii. 229; H. 267, Le C. ii. 233; H. 270, Le C. ii. 235; H. 280, Le C. ii.
240; H. 295, Le C. ii. 249; H. 296, Le C. ii. 250; H. 297, Le C. ii. 253; H. 299, Le C. ii. 254; H.
301, Le C. ii. 257. Some of these parallel passages will be found in Sparks's Life of La Salle,
where this remarkable fraud was first fully exposed. In Shea's Discovery of the Mississippi, there
is an excellent critical examination of Hennepin's works. His plagiarisms from Le Clerc are not
confined to the passages cited above; for in his later editions he stole largely from other parts of
the suppressed Établissement de la Foi.
[ It is certain that persons having the best means of information believed at the time in
20 Hennepin's story of his journeys on the Upper Mississippi. The compiler of the Relation
6] des Découvertes, who was in close relations with La Salle and those who acted with him,
does not intimate a doubt of the truth of the report which Hennepin on his return gave to the
Provincial Commissary of his Order, and which is in substance the same which he published two
years later. The Relation, it is to be observed, was written only a few months after the return of
Hennepin, and embodies the pith of his narrative of the Upper Mississippi, no part of which had
then been published.
[ In this connection, it is well to examine the various Sioux words which Hennepin uses
20 incidentally, and which he must have acquired by personal intercourse with the tribe, as no
7] Frenchman then understood the language. These words, as far as my information reaches,
are in every instance correct. Thus, he says that the Sioux called his breviary a "bad spirit,"—
Ouackanché. Wakanshe, or Wakanshecha, would express the same meaning in modern English
spelling. He says elsewhere that they called the guns of his companions Manzaouackanché,
which he translates, "iron possessed with a bad spirit." The western Sioux to this day call a gun
Manzawakan, "metal possessed with a spirit." Chonga (shonka), "a dog," Ouasi (wahsee), "a
pine-tree," Chinnen (shinnan), "a robe," or "garment," and other words, are given correctly, with
their interpretations. The word Louis, affirmed by Hennepin to mean "the sun," seems at first
sight a wilful inaccuracy, as this is not the word used in general by the Sioux. The Yankton band
of this people, however, call the sun oouee, which, it is evident, represents the French
pronunciation of Louis, omitting the initial letter. This Hennepin would be apt enough to supply,
thereby conferring a compliment alike on himself, Louis Hennepin, and on the King, Louis XIV.,
who, to the indignation of his brother monarchs, had chosen the sun as his emblem.
Various trivial incidents touched upon by Hennepin, while recounting
his life among the Sioux, seem to me to afford a strong presumption of
an actual experience. I speak on this point with the more confidence, as
the Indians in whose lodges I was once domesticated for several weeks
belonged to a western band of the same people.
[ Called Ako by Hennepin. In contemporary documents, it is written Accau, Acau,
20 D'Accau, Dacau, Dacan, and D'Accault.
8]
[ The edition of 1683 says that there were thirty-three canoes; that of 1697 raises the
20 number to fifty. The number of Indians is the same in both. The later narrative is
9] more in detail than the former.
Page 195
[ And yet it had, by his account, made a distance of thirteen hundred and eighty miles
21 from the mouth of the Mississippi upward in twenty-four days!
0]
[ This weeping and wailing over Hennepin once seemed to me an anomaly in his
21 account of Sioux manners, as I am not aware that such practices are to be found
1] among them at present. They are mentioned, however, by other early writers. Le
Sueur, who was among them in 1699-1700, was wept over no less than Hennepin. See the
abstract of his journal in La Harpe.
21 from the mouth of the Mississippi upward in twenty-four days!
0]
[ This weeping and wailing over Hennepin once seemed to me an anomaly in his
21 account of Sioux manners, as I am not aware that such practices are to be found
1] among them at present. They are mentioned, however, by other early writers. Le
Sueur, who was among them in 1699-1700, was wept over no less than Hennepin. See the
abstract of his journal in La Harpe.
Page 196
CHAPTER XVIII.
1680, 1681.
HENNEPIN AMONG THE SIOUX.
Signs of Danger.—Adoption.—Hennepin and his Indian Relatives.—The
Hunting Party.—The Sioux Camp.—Falls of St. Anthony.—A
Vagabond Friar: his Adventures on the Mississippi.—Greysolon du
Lhut.—Return to Civilization.
As Hennepin entered the village, he beheld a sight which caused him to
invoke Saint Anthony of Padua. In front of the lodges were certain stakes,
to which were attached bundles of straw, intended, as he supposed, for
burning him and his friends alive. His concern was redoubled when he saw
the condition of the Picard Du Gay, whose hair and face had been painted
with divers colors, and whose head was decorated with a tuft of white
feathers. In this guise he was entering the village, followed by a crowd of
Sioux, who compelled him to sing and keep time to his own music by
rattling a dried gourd containing a number of pebbles. The omens, indeed,
were exceedingly threatening; for treatment like this was usually followed
by the speedy immolation of the captive. Hennepin ascribes it to the effect
of his invocations, that, being led into one of the lodges, among a throng of
staring squaws and children, he and his companions were seated on the
ground, and presented with large dishes of birch-bark, containing a mess of
wild rice boiled with dried whortleberries,—a repast which he declares to
have been the best that had fallen to his lot since the day of his captivity.
[212]
This soothed his fears; but, as he allayed his famished
appetite, he listened with anxious interest to the THE SIOUX.
vehement jargon of the chiefs and warriors, who were
disputing among themselves to whom the three captives should respectively
belong; for it seems that, as far as related to them, the question of
distribution had not yet been definitely settled. The debate ended in the
assigning of Hennepin to his old enemy Aquipaguetin, who, however, far
1680, 1681.
HENNEPIN AMONG THE SIOUX.
Signs of Danger.—Adoption.—Hennepin and his Indian Relatives.—The
Hunting Party.—The Sioux Camp.—Falls of St. Anthony.—A
Vagabond Friar: his Adventures on the Mississippi.—Greysolon du
Lhut.—Return to Civilization.
As Hennepin entered the village, he beheld a sight which caused him to
invoke Saint Anthony of Padua. In front of the lodges were certain stakes,
to which were attached bundles of straw, intended, as he supposed, for
burning him and his friends alive. His concern was redoubled when he saw
the condition of the Picard Du Gay, whose hair and face had been painted
with divers colors, and whose head was decorated with a tuft of white
feathers. In this guise he was entering the village, followed by a crowd of
Sioux, who compelled him to sing and keep time to his own music by
rattling a dried gourd containing a number of pebbles. The omens, indeed,
were exceedingly threatening; for treatment like this was usually followed
by the speedy immolation of the captive. Hennepin ascribes it to the effect
of his invocations, that, being led into one of the lodges, among a throng of
staring squaws and children, he and his companions were seated on the
ground, and presented with large dishes of birch-bark, containing a mess of
wild rice boiled with dried whortleberries,—a repast which he declares to
have been the best that had fallen to his lot since the day of his captivity.
[212]
This soothed his fears; but, as he allayed his famished
appetite, he listened with anxious interest to the THE SIOUX.
vehement jargon of the chiefs and warriors, who were
disputing among themselves to whom the three captives should respectively
belong; for it seems that, as far as related to them, the question of
distribution had not yet been definitely settled. The debate ended in the
assigning of Hennepin to his old enemy Aquipaguetin, who, however, far
Page 197
from persisting in his evil designs, adopted him on the spot as his son. The
three companions must now part company. Du Gay, not yet quite reassured
of his safety, hastened to confess himself to Hennepin; but Accau proved
refractory, and refused the offices of religion, which did not prevent the
friar from embracing them both, as he says, with an extreme tenderness.
Tired as he was, he was forced to set out with his self-styled father to his
village, which was fortunately not far off. An unpleasant walk of a few
miles through woods and marshes brought them to the borders of a sheet of
water, apparently Lake Buade, where five of Aquipaguetin's wives received
the party in three canoes, and ferried them to an island on which the village
stood.
At the entrance of the chief's lodge, Hennepin was met by a decrepit old
Indian, withered with age, who offered him the peace-pipe, and placed him
on a bear-skin which was spread by the fire. Here, to relieve his fatigue,—
for he was well-nigh spent,—a small boy anointed his limbs with the fat of
a wild-cat, supposed to be sovereign in these cases by reason of the great
agility of that animal. His new father gave him a bark-platter of fish,
covered him with a buffalo-robe, and showed him six or seven of his wives,
who were thenceforth, he was told, to regard him as a son. The chief's
household was numerous; and his allies and relatives formed a considerable
clan, of which the missionary found himself an involuntary member. He
was scandalized when he saw one of his adopted brothers carrying on his
back the bones of a deceased friend, wrapped in the chasuble of brocade
which they had taken with other vestments from his box.
Seeing their new relative so enfeebled that he could
scarcely stand, the Indians made for him one of their HENNEPIN AS A
MISSIONARY.
sweating baths,[213] where they immersed him in steam
three times a week,—a process from which he thinks he derived great
benefit. His strength gradually returned, in spite of his meagre fare; for
there was a dearth of food, and the squaws were less attentive to his wants
than to those of their children. They respected him, however, as a person
endowed with occult powers, and stood in no little awe of a pocket compass
which he had with him, as well as of a small metal pot with feet moulded
after the face of a lion. This last seemed in their eyes a "medicine" of the
most formidable nature, and they would not touch it without first wrapping
it in a beaver-skin. For the rest, Hennepin made himself useful in various
three companions must now part company. Du Gay, not yet quite reassured
of his safety, hastened to confess himself to Hennepin; but Accau proved
refractory, and refused the offices of religion, which did not prevent the
friar from embracing them both, as he says, with an extreme tenderness.
Tired as he was, he was forced to set out with his self-styled father to his
village, which was fortunately not far off. An unpleasant walk of a few
miles through woods and marshes brought them to the borders of a sheet of
water, apparently Lake Buade, where five of Aquipaguetin's wives received
the party in three canoes, and ferried them to an island on which the village
stood.
At the entrance of the chief's lodge, Hennepin was met by a decrepit old
Indian, withered with age, who offered him the peace-pipe, and placed him
on a bear-skin which was spread by the fire. Here, to relieve his fatigue,—
for he was well-nigh spent,—a small boy anointed his limbs with the fat of
a wild-cat, supposed to be sovereign in these cases by reason of the great
agility of that animal. His new father gave him a bark-platter of fish,
covered him with a buffalo-robe, and showed him six or seven of his wives,
who were thenceforth, he was told, to regard him as a son. The chief's
household was numerous; and his allies and relatives formed a considerable
clan, of which the missionary found himself an involuntary member. He
was scandalized when he saw one of his adopted brothers carrying on his
back the bones of a deceased friend, wrapped in the chasuble of brocade
which they had taken with other vestments from his box.
Seeing their new relative so enfeebled that he could
scarcely stand, the Indians made for him one of their HENNEPIN AS A
MISSIONARY.
sweating baths,[213] where they immersed him in steam
three times a week,—a process from which he thinks he derived great
benefit. His strength gradually returned, in spite of his meagre fare; for
there was a dearth of food, and the squaws were less attentive to his wants
than to those of their children. They respected him, however, as a person
endowed with occult powers, and stood in no little awe of a pocket compass
which he had with him, as well as of a small metal pot with feet moulded
after the face of a lion. This last seemed in their eyes a "medicine" of the
most formidable nature, and they would not touch it without first wrapping
it in a beaver-skin. For the rest, Hennepin made himself useful in various
Page 198
ways. He shaved the heads of the children, as was the custom of the tribe;
bled certain asthmatic persons, and dosed others with orvietan, the famous
panacea of his time, of which he had brought with him a good supply. With
respect to his missionary functions, he seems to have given himself little
trouble, unless his attempt to make a Sioux vocabulary is to be regarded as
preparatory to a future apostleship. "I could gain nothing over them," he
says, "in the way of their salvation, by reason of their natural stupidity."
Nevertheless, on one occasion, he baptized a sick child, naming it
Antoinette in honor of Saint Anthony of Padua. It seemed to revive after the
rite, but soon relapsed and presently died, "which," he writes, "gave me
great joy and satisfaction." In this he was like the Jesuits, who could find
nothing but consolation in the death of a newly baptized infant, since it was
thus assured of a paradise which, had it lived, it would probably have
forfeited by sharing in the superstitions of its parents.
With respect to Hennepin and his Indian father, there seems to have been
little love on either side; but Ouasicoudé, the principal chief of the Sioux of
this region, was the fast friend of the three white men. He was angry that
they had been robbed, which he had been unable to prevent, as the Sioux
had no laws, and their chiefs little power; but he spoke his mind freely, and
told Aquipaguetin and the rest, in full council, that they were like a dog who
steals a piece of meat from a dish and runs away with it. When Hennepin
complained of hunger, the Indians had always promised him that early in
the summer he should go with them on a buffalo hunt, and have food in
abundance. The time at length came, and the inhabitants of all the
neighboring villages prepared for departure. To each band was assigned its
special hunting-ground, and he was expected to accompany his Indian
father. To this he demurred; for he feared lest Aquipaguetin, angry at the
words of the great chief, might take this opportunity to revenge the insult
put upon him. He therefore gave out that he expected a party of "Spirits"—
that is to say, Frenchmen—to meet him at the mouth of the Wisconsin,
bringing a supply of goods for the Indians; and he declares that La Salle had
in fact promised to send traders to that place. Be this as it may, the Indians
believed him; and, true or false, the assertion, as will be seen, answered the
purpose for which it was made.
The Indians set out in a body to the number of two hundred and fifty
warriors, with their women and children. The three Frenchmen, who though
bled certain asthmatic persons, and dosed others with orvietan, the famous
panacea of his time, of which he had brought with him a good supply. With
respect to his missionary functions, he seems to have given himself little
trouble, unless his attempt to make a Sioux vocabulary is to be regarded as
preparatory to a future apostleship. "I could gain nothing over them," he
says, "in the way of their salvation, by reason of their natural stupidity."
Nevertheless, on one occasion, he baptized a sick child, naming it
Antoinette in honor of Saint Anthony of Padua. It seemed to revive after the
rite, but soon relapsed and presently died, "which," he writes, "gave me
great joy and satisfaction." In this he was like the Jesuits, who could find
nothing but consolation in the death of a newly baptized infant, since it was
thus assured of a paradise which, had it lived, it would probably have
forfeited by sharing in the superstitions of its parents.
With respect to Hennepin and his Indian father, there seems to have been
little love on either side; but Ouasicoudé, the principal chief of the Sioux of
this region, was the fast friend of the three white men. He was angry that
they had been robbed, which he had been unable to prevent, as the Sioux
had no laws, and their chiefs little power; but he spoke his mind freely, and
told Aquipaguetin and the rest, in full council, that they were like a dog who
steals a piece of meat from a dish and runs away with it. When Hennepin
complained of hunger, the Indians had always promised him that early in
the summer he should go with them on a buffalo hunt, and have food in
abundance. The time at length came, and the inhabitants of all the
neighboring villages prepared for departure. To each band was assigned its
special hunting-ground, and he was expected to accompany his Indian
father. To this he demurred; for he feared lest Aquipaguetin, angry at the
words of the great chief, might take this opportunity to revenge the insult
put upon him. He therefore gave out that he expected a party of "Spirits"—
that is to say, Frenchmen—to meet him at the mouth of the Wisconsin,
bringing a supply of goods for the Indians; and he declares that La Salle had
in fact promised to send traders to that place. Be this as it may, the Indians
believed him; and, true or false, the assertion, as will be seen, answered the
purpose for which it was made.
The Indians set out in a body to the number of two hundred and fifty
warriors, with their women and children. The three Frenchmen, who though
Page 199
in different villages had occasionally met during the two
months of their captivity, were all of the party. They CAMP OF
SAVAGES.
descended Rum River, which forms the outlet of Mille
Lac, and which is called the St. Francis by Hennepin. None of the Indians
had offered to give him passage; and, fearing lest he should be abandoned,
he stood on the bank, hailing the passing canoes and begging to be taken in.
Accau and Du Gay presently appeared, paddling a small canoe which the
Indians had given them; but they would not listen to the missionary's call,
and Accau, who had no love for him, cried out that he had paddled him long
enough already. Two Indians, however, took pity on him, and brought him
to the place of encampment, where Du Gay tried to excuse himself for his
conduct; but Accau was sullen, and kept aloof.
After reaching the Mississippi, the whole party encamped together
opposite to the mouth of Rum River, pitching their tents of skin, or building
their bark-huts, on the slope of a hill by the side of the water. It was a wild
scene, this camp of savages among whom as yet no traders had come and
no handiwork of civilization had found its way,—the tall warriors, some
nearly naked, some wrapped in buffalo-robes, and some in shirts of dressed
deer-skin fringed with hair and embroidered with dyed porcupine quills,
war-clubs of stone in their hands, and quivers at their backs filled with
stone-headed arrows; the squaws, cutting smoke-dried meat with knives of
flint, and boiling it in rude earthen pots of their own making, driving away,
meanwhile, with shrill cries, the troops of lean dogs, which disputed the
meal with a crew of hungry children. The whole camp, indeed, was
threatened with starvation. The three white men could get no food but
unripe berries,—from the effects of which Hennepin thinks they might all
have died, but for timely doses of his orvietan.
Being tired of the Indians, he became anxious to set
out for the Wisconsin to find the party of Frenchmen, FALLS OF ST.
ANTHONY.
real or imaginary, who were to meet him at that place.
That he was permitted to do so was due to the influence of the great chief
Ouasicoudé, who always befriended him, and who had soundly berated his
two companions for refusing him a seat in their canoe. Du Gay wished to go
with him; but Accau, who liked the Indian life as much as he disliked
Hennepin, preferred to remain with the hunters. A small birch-canoe was
given to the two adventurers, together with an earthen pot; and they had
months of their captivity, were all of the party. They CAMP OF
SAVAGES.
descended Rum River, which forms the outlet of Mille
Lac, and which is called the St. Francis by Hennepin. None of the Indians
had offered to give him passage; and, fearing lest he should be abandoned,
he stood on the bank, hailing the passing canoes and begging to be taken in.
Accau and Du Gay presently appeared, paddling a small canoe which the
Indians had given them; but they would not listen to the missionary's call,
and Accau, who had no love for him, cried out that he had paddled him long
enough already. Two Indians, however, took pity on him, and brought him
to the place of encampment, where Du Gay tried to excuse himself for his
conduct; but Accau was sullen, and kept aloof.
After reaching the Mississippi, the whole party encamped together
opposite to the mouth of Rum River, pitching their tents of skin, or building
their bark-huts, on the slope of a hill by the side of the water. It was a wild
scene, this camp of savages among whom as yet no traders had come and
no handiwork of civilization had found its way,—the tall warriors, some
nearly naked, some wrapped in buffalo-robes, and some in shirts of dressed
deer-skin fringed with hair and embroidered with dyed porcupine quills,
war-clubs of stone in their hands, and quivers at their backs filled with
stone-headed arrows; the squaws, cutting smoke-dried meat with knives of
flint, and boiling it in rude earthen pots of their own making, driving away,
meanwhile, with shrill cries, the troops of lean dogs, which disputed the
meal with a crew of hungry children. The whole camp, indeed, was
threatened with starvation. The three white men could get no food but
unripe berries,—from the effects of which Hennepin thinks they might all
have died, but for timely doses of his orvietan.
Being tired of the Indians, he became anxious to set
out for the Wisconsin to find the party of Frenchmen, FALLS OF ST.
ANTHONY.
real or imaginary, who were to meet him at that place.
That he was permitted to do so was due to the influence of the great chief
Ouasicoudé, who always befriended him, and who had soundly berated his
two companions for refusing him a seat in their canoe. Du Gay wished to go
with him; but Accau, who liked the Indian life as much as he disliked
Hennepin, preferred to remain with the hunters. A small birch-canoe was
given to the two adventurers, together with an earthen pot; and they had
Page 200
also between them a gun, a knife, and a robe of beaver-skin. Thus equipped,
they began their journey, and soon approached the Falls of St. Anthony, so
named by Hennepin in honor of the inevitable Saint Anthony of Padua.[214]
As they were carrying their canoe by the cataract, they saw five or six
Indians, who had gone before, and one of whom had climbed into an oak-
tree beside the principal fall, whence in a loud and lamentable voice he was
haranguing the spirit of the waters, as a sacrifice to whom he had just hung
a robe of beaver-skin among the branches.[215] Their attention was soon
engrossed by another object. Looking over the edge of the cliff which
overhung the river below the falls, Hennepin saw a snake, which, as he
avers, was six feet long,[216] writhing upward towards the holes of the
swallows in the face of the precipice, in order to devour their young. He
pointed him out to Du Gay, and they pelted him with stones till he fell into
the river, but not before his contortions and the darting of his forked tongue
had so affected the Picard's imagination that he was haunted that night with
a terrific incubus.
They paddled sixty leagues down the river in the heats
of July, and killed no large game but a single deer, the ADVENTURES.
meat of which soon spoiled. Their main resource was the
turtles, whose shyness and watchfulness caused them frequent
disappointments and many involuntary fasts. They once captured one of
more than common size; and, as they were endeavoring to cut off his head,
he was near avenging himself by snapping off Hennepin's finger. There was
a herd of buffalo in sight on the neighboring prairie; and Du Gay went with
his gun in pursuit of them, leaving the turtle in Hennepin's custody.
Scarcely was he gone when the friar, raising his eyes, saw that their canoe,
which they had left at the edge of the water, had floated out into the current.
Hastily turning the turtle on his back, he covered him with his habit of St.
Francis, on which, for greater security, he laid a number of stones, and then,
being a good swimmer, struck out in pursuit of the canoe, which he at
length overtook. Finding that it would overset if he tried to climb into it, he
pushed it before him to the shore, and then paddled towards the place, at
some distance above, where he had left the turtle. He had no sooner reached
it than he heard a strange sound, and beheld a long file of buffalo—bulls,
cows, and calves—entering the water not far off, to cross to the western
bank. Having no gun, as became his apostolic vocation, he shouted to Du
they began their journey, and soon approached the Falls of St. Anthony, so
named by Hennepin in honor of the inevitable Saint Anthony of Padua.[214]
As they were carrying their canoe by the cataract, they saw five or six
Indians, who had gone before, and one of whom had climbed into an oak-
tree beside the principal fall, whence in a loud and lamentable voice he was
haranguing the spirit of the waters, as a sacrifice to whom he had just hung
a robe of beaver-skin among the branches.[215] Their attention was soon
engrossed by another object. Looking over the edge of the cliff which
overhung the river below the falls, Hennepin saw a snake, which, as he
avers, was six feet long,[216] writhing upward towards the holes of the
swallows in the face of the precipice, in order to devour their young. He
pointed him out to Du Gay, and they pelted him with stones till he fell into
the river, but not before his contortions and the darting of his forked tongue
had so affected the Picard's imagination that he was haunted that night with
a terrific incubus.
They paddled sixty leagues down the river in the heats
of July, and killed no large game but a single deer, the ADVENTURES.
meat of which soon spoiled. Their main resource was the
turtles, whose shyness and watchfulness caused them frequent
disappointments and many involuntary fasts. They once captured one of
more than common size; and, as they were endeavoring to cut off his head,
he was near avenging himself by snapping off Hennepin's finger. There was
a herd of buffalo in sight on the neighboring prairie; and Du Gay went with
his gun in pursuit of them, leaving the turtle in Hennepin's custody.
Scarcely was he gone when the friar, raising his eyes, saw that their canoe,
which they had left at the edge of the water, had floated out into the current.
Hastily turning the turtle on his back, he covered him with his habit of St.
Francis, on which, for greater security, he laid a number of stones, and then,
being a good swimmer, struck out in pursuit of the canoe, which he at
length overtook. Finding that it would overset if he tried to climb into it, he
pushed it before him to the shore, and then paddled towards the place, at
some distance above, where he had left the turtle. He had no sooner reached
it than he heard a strange sound, and beheld a long file of buffalo—bulls,
cows, and calves—entering the water not far off, to cross to the western
bank. Having no gun, as became his apostolic vocation, he shouted to Du
Page 201
Gay, who presently appeared, running in all haste, and they both paddled in
pursuit of the game. Du Gay aimed at a young cow, and shot her in the
head. She fell in shallow water near an island, where some of the herd had
landed; and being unable to drag her out, they waded into the water and
butchered her where she lay. It was forty-eight hours since they had tasted
food. Hennepin made a fire, while Du Gay cut up the meat. They feasted so
bountifully that they both fell ill, and were forced to remain two days on the
island, taking doses of orvietan, before they were able to resume their
journey.
Apparently they were not sufficiently versed in woodcraft to smoke the
meat of the cow; and the hot sun soon robbed them of it. They had a few
fishhooks, but were not always successful in the use of them. On one
occasion, being nearly famished, they set their line, and lay watching it,
uttering prayers in turn. Suddenly, there was a great turmoil in the water. Du
Gay ran to the line, and, with the help of Hennepin, drew in two large cat-
fish.[217] The eagles, or fish-hawks, now and then dropped a newly caught
fish, of which they gladly took possession; and once they found a purveyor
in an otter which they saw by the bank, devouring some object of an
appearance so wonderful that Du Gay cried out that he had a devil between
his paws. They scared him from his prey, which proved to be a spade-fish,
or, as Hennepin correctly describes it, a species of sturgeon, with a bony
projection from his snout in the shape of a paddle. They broke their fast
upon him, undeterred by this eccentric appendage.
If Hennepin had had an eye for scenery, he would
have found in these his vagabond rovings wherewith to THE UPPER
MISSISSIPPI.
console himself in some measure for his frequent fasts.
The young Mississippi, fresh from its northern springs, unstained as yet by
unhallowed union with the riotous Missouri, flowed calmly on its way amid
strange and unique beauties,—a wilderness, clothed with velvet grass;
forest-shadowed valleys; lofty heights, whose smooth slopes seemed
levelled with the scythe; domes and pinnacles, ramparts and ruined towers,
the work of no human hand. The canoe of the voyagers, borne on the
tranquil current, glided in the shade of gray crags festooned with
honeysuckles; by trees mantled with wild grape-vines; dells bright with the
flowers of the white euphorbia, the blue gentian, and the purple balm; and
matted forests, where the red squirrels leaped and chattered. They passed
pursuit of the game. Du Gay aimed at a young cow, and shot her in the
head. She fell in shallow water near an island, where some of the herd had
landed; and being unable to drag her out, they waded into the water and
butchered her where she lay. It was forty-eight hours since they had tasted
food. Hennepin made a fire, while Du Gay cut up the meat. They feasted so
bountifully that they both fell ill, and were forced to remain two days on the
island, taking doses of orvietan, before they were able to resume their
journey.
Apparently they were not sufficiently versed in woodcraft to smoke the
meat of the cow; and the hot sun soon robbed them of it. They had a few
fishhooks, but were not always successful in the use of them. On one
occasion, being nearly famished, they set their line, and lay watching it,
uttering prayers in turn. Suddenly, there was a great turmoil in the water. Du
Gay ran to the line, and, with the help of Hennepin, drew in two large cat-
fish.[217] The eagles, or fish-hawks, now and then dropped a newly caught
fish, of which they gladly took possession; and once they found a purveyor
in an otter which they saw by the bank, devouring some object of an
appearance so wonderful that Du Gay cried out that he had a devil between
his paws. They scared him from his prey, which proved to be a spade-fish,
or, as Hennepin correctly describes it, a species of sturgeon, with a bony
projection from his snout in the shape of a paddle. They broke their fast
upon him, undeterred by this eccentric appendage.
If Hennepin had had an eye for scenery, he would
have found in these his vagabond rovings wherewith to THE UPPER
MISSISSIPPI.
console himself in some measure for his frequent fasts.
The young Mississippi, fresh from its northern springs, unstained as yet by
unhallowed union with the riotous Missouri, flowed calmly on its way amid
strange and unique beauties,—a wilderness, clothed with velvet grass;
forest-shadowed valleys; lofty heights, whose smooth slopes seemed
levelled with the scythe; domes and pinnacles, ramparts and ruined towers,
the work of no human hand. The canoe of the voyagers, borne on the
tranquil current, glided in the shade of gray crags festooned with
honeysuckles; by trees mantled with wild grape-vines; dells bright with the
flowers of the white euphorbia, the blue gentian, and the purple balm; and
matted forests, where the red squirrels leaped and chattered. They passed
Page 202
the great cliff whence the Indian maiden threw herself in her despair;[218]
and Lake Pepin lay before them, slumbering in the July sun,—the far-
reaching sheets of sparkling water, the woody slopes, the tower-like crags,
the grassy heights basking in sunlight or shadowed by the passing cloud; all
the fair outline of its graceful scenery, the finished and polished master-
work of Nature. And when at evening they made their bivouac fire and
drew up their canoe, while dim, sultry clouds veiled the west, and the
flashes of the silent heat-lightning gleamed on the leaden water, they could
listen, as they smoked their pipes, to the mournful cry of the whippoorwills
and the quavering scream of the owls.
Other thoughts than the study of the picturesque occupied the mind of
Hennepin when one day he saw his Indian father, Aquipaguetin, whom he
had supposed five hundred miles distant, descending the river with ten
warriors in canoes. He was eager to be the first to meet the traders, who, as
Hennepin had given out, were to come with their goods to the mouth of the
Wisconsin. The two travellers trembled for the consequences of this
encounter; but the chief, after a short colloquy, passed on his way. In three
days he returned in ill-humor, having found no traders at the appointed spot.
The Picard was absent at the time, looking for game; and Hennepin was
sitting under the shade of his blanket, which he had stretched on forked
sticks to protect him from the sun, when he saw his adopted father
approaching with a threatening look, and a war-club in his hand. He
attempted no violence, however, but suffered his wrath to exhale in a severe
scolding, after which he resumed his course up the river with his warriors.
If Hennepin, as he avers, really expected a party of traders at the
Wisconsin, the course he now took is sufficiently explicable. If he did not
expect them, his obvious course was to rejoin Tonty on the Illinois, for
which he seems to have had no inclination; or to return to Canada by way of
the Wisconsin,—an attempt which involved the risk of starvation, as the
two travellers had but ten charges of powder left. Assuming, then, his hope
of the traders to have been real, he and Du Gay resolved, in the mean time,
to join a large body of Sioux hunters, who, as Aquipaguetin had told them,
were on a stream which he calls Bull River, now the Chippeway, entering
the Mississippi near Lake Pepin. By so doing, they would gain a supply of
food, and save themselves from the danger of encountering parties of
roving warriors.
and Lake Pepin lay before them, slumbering in the July sun,—the far-
reaching sheets of sparkling water, the woody slopes, the tower-like crags,
the grassy heights basking in sunlight or shadowed by the passing cloud; all
the fair outline of its graceful scenery, the finished and polished master-
work of Nature. And when at evening they made their bivouac fire and
drew up their canoe, while dim, sultry clouds veiled the west, and the
flashes of the silent heat-lightning gleamed on the leaden water, they could
listen, as they smoked their pipes, to the mournful cry of the whippoorwills
and the quavering scream of the owls.
Other thoughts than the study of the picturesque occupied the mind of
Hennepin when one day he saw his Indian father, Aquipaguetin, whom he
had supposed five hundred miles distant, descending the river with ten
warriors in canoes. He was eager to be the first to meet the traders, who, as
Hennepin had given out, were to come with their goods to the mouth of the
Wisconsin. The two travellers trembled for the consequences of this
encounter; but the chief, after a short colloquy, passed on his way. In three
days he returned in ill-humor, having found no traders at the appointed spot.
The Picard was absent at the time, looking for game; and Hennepin was
sitting under the shade of his blanket, which he had stretched on forked
sticks to protect him from the sun, when he saw his adopted father
approaching with a threatening look, and a war-club in his hand. He
attempted no violence, however, but suffered his wrath to exhale in a severe
scolding, after which he resumed his course up the river with his warriors.
If Hennepin, as he avers, really expected a party of traders at the
Wisconsin, the course he now took is sufficiently explicable. If he did not
expect them, his obvious course was to rejoin Tonty on the Illinois, for
which he seems to have had no inclination; or to return to Canada by way of
the Wisconsin,—an attempt which involved the risk of starvation, as the
two travellers had but ten charges of powder left. Assuming, then, his hope
of the traders to have been real, he and Du Gay resolved, in the mean time,
to join a large body of Sioux hunters, who, as Aquipaguetin had told them,
were on a stream which he calls Bull River, now the Chippeway, entering
the Mississippi near Lake Pepin. By so doing, they would gain a supply of
food, and save themselves from the danger of encountering parties of
roving warriors.
Page 203
They found this band, among whom was their
companion Accau, and followed them on a grand hunt HE REJOINS THE
along the borders of the Mississippi. Du Gay was INDIANS.
separated for a time from Hennepin, who was placed in a canoe with a
withered squaw more than eighty years old. In spite of her age, she handled
her paddle with great address, and used it vigorously, as occasion required,
to repress the gambols of three children, who, to Hennepin's annoyance,
occupied the middle of the canoe. The hunt was successful. The Sioux
warriors, active as deer, chased the buffalo on foot with their stone-headed
arrows, on the plains behind the heights that bordered the river; while the
old men stood sentinels at the top, watching for the approach of enemies.
One day an alarm was given. The warriors rushed towards the supposed
point of danger, but found nothing more formidable than two squaws of
their own nation, who brought strange news. A war-party of Sioux, they
said, had gone towards Lake Superior, and had met by the way five
"Spirits;" that is to say, five Europeans. Hennepin was full of curiosity to
learn who the strangers might be; and they, on their part, were said to have
shown great anxiety to know the nationality of the three white men who, as
they were told, were on the river. The hunt was over; and the hunters, with
Hennepin and his companion, were on their way northward to their towns,
when they met the five "Spirits" at some distance below the Falls of St.
Anthony. They proved to be Daniel Greysolon du Lhut, with four well-
armed Frenchmen.
This bold and enterprising man, stigmatized by the
Intendant Duchesneau as a leader of coureurs de bois, DE LHUT'S
EXPLORATIONS.
was a cousin of Tonty, born at Lyons. He belonged to
that caste of the lesser nobles whose name was legion, and whose admirable
military qualities shone forth so conspicuously in the wars of Louis XIV.
Though his enterprises were independent of those of La Salle, they were at
this time carried on in connection with Count Frontenac and certain
merchants in his interest, of whom Du Lhut's uncle, Patron, was one; while
Louvigny, his brother-in-law, was in alliance with the governor, and was an
officer of his guard. Here, then, was a kind of family league, countenanced
by Frontenac, and acting conjointly with him, in order, if the angry letters of
the intendant are to be believed, to reap a clandestine profit under the
shadow of the governor's authority, and in violation of the royal ordinances.
companion Accau, and followed them on a grand hunt HE REJOINS THE
along the borders of the Mississippi. Du Gay was INDIANS.
separated for a time from Hennepin, who was placed in a canoe with a
withered squaw more than eighty years old. In spite of her age, she handled
her paddle with great address, and used it vigorously, as occasion required,
to repress the gambols of three children, who, to Hennepin's annoyance,
occupied the middle of the canoe. The hunt was successful. The Sioux
warriors, active as deer, chased the buffalo on foot with their stone-headed
arrows, on the plains behind the heights that bordered the river; while the
old men stood sentinels at the top, watching for the approach of enemies.
One day an alarm was given. The warriors rushed towards the supposed
point of danger, but found nothing more formidable than two squaws of
their own nation, who brought strange news. A war-party of Sioux, they
said, had gone towards Lake Superior, and had met by the way five
"Spirits;" that is to say, five Europeans. Hennepin was full of curiosity to
learn who the strangers might be; and they, on their part, were said to have
shown great anxiety to know the nationality of the three white men who, as
they were told, were on the river. The hunt was over; and the hunters, with
Hennepin and his companion, were on their way northward to their towns,
when they met the five "Spirits" at some distance below the Falls of St.
Anthony. They proved to be Daniel Greysolon du Lhut, with four well-
armed Frenchmen.
This bold and enterprising man, stigmatized by the
Intendant Duchesneau as a leader of coureurs de bois, DE LHUT'S
EXPLORATIONS.
was a cousin of Tonty, born at Lyons. He belonged to
that caste of the lesser nobles whose name was legion, and whose admirable
military qualities shone forth so conspicuously in the wars of Louis XIV.
Though his enterprises were independent of those of La Salle, they were at
this time carried on in connection with Count Frontenac and certain
merchants in his interest, of whom Du Lhut's uncle, Patron, was one; while
Louvigny, his brother-in-law, was in alliance with the governor, and was an
officer of his guard. Here, then, was a kind of family league, countenanced
by Frontenac, and acting conjointly with him, in order, if the angry letters of
the intendant are to be believed, to reap a clandestine profit under the
shadow of the governor's authority, and in violation of the royal ordinances.
Page 204
The rudest part of the work fell to the share of Du Lhut, who with a
persistent hardihood, not surpassed perhaps even by La Salle, was
continually in the forest, in the Indian towns, or in remote wilderness
outposts planted by himself, exploring, trading, fighting, ruling lawless
savages and whites scarcely less ungovernable, and on one or more
occasions varying his life by crossing the ocean to gain interviews with the
colonial minister Seignelay, amid the splendid vanities of Versailles.
Strange to say, this man of hardy enterprise was a martyr to the gout, which
for more than a quarter of a century grievously tormented him; though for a
time he thought himself cured by the intercession of the Iroquois saint,
Catharine Tegahkouita, to whom he had made a vow to that end. He was,
without doubt, an habitual breaker of the royal ordinances regulating the
fur-trade; yet his services were great to the colony and to the crown, and his
name deserves a place of honor among the pioneers of American
civilization.[219]
When Hennepin met him, he had been about two years in the wilderness.
In September, 1678, he left Quebec for the purpose of exploring the region
of the Upper Mississippi, and establishing relations of friendship with the
Sioux and their kindred the Assiniboins. In the summer of 1679 he visited
three large towns of the eastern division of the Sioux, including those
visited by Hennepin in the following year, and planted the King's arms in all
of them. Early in the autumn he was at the head of Lake Superior, holding a
council with the Assiniboins and the lake tribes, and inducing them to live
at peace with the Sioux. In all this, he acted in a public capacity, under the
authority of the governor; but it is not to be supposed that he forgot his own
interests or those of his associates. The intendant angrily complains that he
aided and abetted the coureurs de bois in their lawless courses, and sent
down in their canoes great quantities of beaver-skins consigned to the
merchants in league with him, under cover of whose names the governor
reaped his share of the profits.
In June, 1680, while Hennepin was in the Sioux villages, Du Lhut set out
from the head of Lake Superior, with two canoes, four Frenchmen, and an
Indian, to continue his explorations.[220] He ascended a river, apparently the
Burnt Wood, and reached from thence a branch of the Mississippi, which
seems to have been the St. Croix. It was now that, to his surprise, he learned
that there were three Europeans on the main river below; and fearing that
persistent hardihood, not surpassed perhaps even by La Salle, was
continually in the forest, in the Indian towns, or in remote wilderness
outposts planted by himself, exploring, trading, fighting, ruling lawless
savages and whites scarcely less ungovernable, and on one or more
occasions varying his life by crossing the ocean to gain interviews with the
colonial minister Seignelay, amid the splendid vanities of Versailles.
Strange to say, this man of hardy enterprise was a martyr to the gout, which
for more than a quarter of a century grievously tormented him; though for a
time he thought himself cured by the intercession of the Iroquois saint,
Catharine Tegahkouita, to whom he had made a vow to that end. He was,
without doubt, an habitual breaker of the royal ordinances regulating the
fur-trade; yet his services were great to the colony and to the crown, and his
name deserves a place of honor among the pioneers of American
civilization.[219]
When Hennepin met him, he had been about two years in the wilderness.
In September, 1678, he left Quebec for the purpose of exploring the region
of the Upper Mississippi, and establishing relations of friendship with the
Sioux and their kindred the Assiniboins. In the summer of 1679 he visited
three large towns of the eastern division of the Sioux, including those
visited by Hennepin in the following year, and planted the King's arms in all
of them. Early in the autumn he was at the head of Lake Superior, holding a
council with the Assiniboins and the lake tribes, and inducing them to live
at peace with the Sioux. In all this, he acted in a public capacity, under the
authority of the governor; but it is not to be supposed that he forgot his own
interests or those of his associates. The intendant angrily complains that he
aided and abetted the coureurs de bois in their lawless courses, and sent
down in their canoes great quantities of beaver-skins consigned to the
merchants in league with him, under cover of whose names the governor
reaped his share of the profits.
In June, 1680, while Hennepin was in the Sioux villages, Du Lhut set out
from the head of Lake Superior, with two canoes, four Frenchmen, and an
Indian, to continue his explorations.[220] He ascended a river, apparently the
Burnt Wood, and reached from thence a branch of the Mississippi, which
seems to have been the St. Croix. It was now that, to his surprise, he learned
that there were three Europeans on the main river below; and fearing that
Page 205
they might be Englishmen or Spaniards encroaching on the territories of the
King, he eagerly pressed forward to solve his doubts. When he saw
Hennepin, his mind was set at rest; and the travellers met with mutual
cordiality. They followed the Indians to their villages of Mille Lac, where
Hennepin had now no reason to complain of their treatment of him. The
Sioux gave him and Du Lhut a grand feast of honor, at which were seated a
hundred and twenty naked guests; and the great chief Ouasicoudé, with his
own hands, placed before Hennepin a bark dish containing a mess of
smoked meat and wild rice.
Autumn had come, and the travellers bethought them of going home. The
Sioux, consoled by their promises to return with goods for trade, did not
oppose their departure; and they set out together, eight white men in all. As
they passed St. Anthony's Falls, two of the men stole two buffalo-robes
which were hung on trees as offerings to the spirit of the cataract. When Du
Lhut heard of it he was very angry, telling the men that they had endangered
the lives of the whole party. Hennepin admitted that in the view of human
prudence he was right, but urged that the act was good and praiseworthy,
inasmuch as the offerings were made to a false god; while the men, on their
part, proved mutinous, declaring that they wanted the robes and meant to
keep them. The travellers continued their journey in great ill-humor, but
were presently soothed by the excellent hunting which they found on the
way. As they approached the Wisconsin, they stopped to dry the meat of the
buffalo they had killed, when to their amazement they saw a war-party of
Sioux approaching in a fleet of canoes. Hennepin represents himself as
showing on this occasion an extraordinary courage, going to meet the
Indians with a peace-pipe, and instructing Du Lhut, who knew more of
these matters than he, how he ought to behave. The Sioux proved not
unfriendly, and said nothing of the theft of the buffalo-robes. They soon
went on their way to attack the Illinois and Missouris, leaving the
Frenchmen to ascend the Wisconsin unmolested.
After various adventures, they reached the station of
the Jesuits at Green Bay; but its existence is wholly THE RETURN.
ignored by Hennepin, whose zeal for his own Order will
not permit him to allude to this establishment of the rival missionaries.[221]
He is equally reticent with regard to the Jesuit mission at Michilimackinac,
where the party soon after arrived, and where they spent the winter. The
King, he eagerly pressed forward to solve his doubts. When he saw
Hennepin, his mind was set at rest; and the travellers met with mutual
cordiality. They followed the Indians to their villages of Mille Lac, where
Hennepin had now no reason to complain of their treatment of him. The
Sioux gave him and Du Lhut a grand feast of honor, at which were seated a
hundred and twenty naked guests; and the great chief Ouasicoudé, with his
own hands, placed before Hennepin a bark dish containing a mess of
smoked meat and wild rice.
Autumn had come, and the travellers bethought them of going home. The
Sioux, consoled by their promises to return with goods for trade, did not
oppose their departure; and they set out together, eight white men in all. As
they passed St. Anthony's Falls, two of the men stole two buffalo-robes
which were hung on trees as offerings to the spirit of the cataract. When Du
Lhut heard of it he was very angry, telling the men that they had endangered
the lives of the whole party. Hennepin admitted that in the view of human
prudence he was right, but urged that the act was good and praiseworthy,
inasmuch as the offerings were made to a false god; while the men, on their
part, proved mutinous, declaring that they wanted the robes and meant to
keep them. The travellers continued their journey in great ill-humor, but
were presently soothed by the excellent hunting which they found on the
way. As they approached the Wisconsin, they stopped to dry the meat of the
buffalo they had killed, when to their amazement they saw a war-party of
Sioux approaching in a fleet of canoes. Hennepin represents himself as
showing on this occasion an extraordinary courage, going to meet the
Indians with a peace-pipe, and instructing Du Lhut, who knew more of
these matters than he, how he ought to behave. The Sioux proved not
unfriendly, and said nothing of the theft of the buffalo-robes. They soon
went on their way to attack the Illinois and Missouris, leaving the
Frenchmen to ascend the Wisconsin unmolested.
After various adventures, they reached the station of
the Jesuits at Green Bay; but its existence is wholly THE RETURN.
ignored by Hennepin, whose zeal for his own Order will
not permit him to allude to this establishment of the rival missionaries.[221]
He is equally reticent with regard to the Jesuit mission at Michilimackinac,
where the party soon after arrived, and where they spent the winter. The
Page 206
only intimation which he gives of its existence consists in the mention of
the Jesuit Pierson, who was a Fleming like himself, and who often skated
with him on the frozen lake, or kept him company in fishing through a hole
in the ice.[222] When the spring opened, Hennepin descended Lake Huron,
followed the Detroit to Lake Erie, and proceeded thence to Niagara. Here
he spent some time in making a fresh examination of the cataract, and then
resumed his voyage on Lake Ontario. He stopped, however, at the great
town of the Senecas, near the Genesee, where, with his usual spirit of
meddling, he took upon him the functions of the civil and military
authorities, convoked the chiefs to a council, and urged them to set at
liberty certain Ottawa prisoners whom they had captured in violation of
treaties. Having settled this affair to his satisfaction, he went to Fort
Frontenac, where his brother missionary, Buisset, received him with a
welcome rendered the warmer by a story which had reached him that the
Indians had hanged Hennepin with his own cord of St. Francis.
From Fort Frontenac he went to Montreal; and leaving his two men on a
neighboring island, that they might escape the payment of duties on a
quantity of furs which they had with them, he paddled alone towards the
town. Count Frontenac chanced to be here, and, looking from the window
of a house near the river, he saw approaching in a canoe a Récollet father,
whose appearance indicated the extremity of hard service; for his face was
worn and sunburnt, and his tattered habit of St. Francis was abundantly
patched with scraps of buffalo-skin. When at length he recognized the long-
lost Hennepin, he received him, as the father writes, "with all the tenderness
which a missionary could expect from a person of his rank and quality." He
kept him for twelve days in his own house, and listened with interest to
such of his adventures as the friar saw fit to divulge.
the Jesuit Pierson, who was a Fleming like himself, and who often skated
with him on the frozen lake, or kept him company in fishing through a hole
in the ice.[222] When the spring opened, Hennepin descended Lake Huron,
followed the Detroit to Lake Erie, and proceeded thence to Niagara. Here
he spent some time in making a fresh examination of the cataract, and then
resumed his voyage on Lake Ontario. He stopped, however, at the great
town of the Senecas, near the Genesee, where, with his usual spirit of
meddling, he took upon him the functions of the civil and military
authorities, convoked the chiefs to a council, and urged them to set at
liberty certain Ottawa prisoners whom they had captured in violation of
treaties. Having settled this affair to his satisfaction, he went to Fort
Frontenac, where his brother missionary, Buisset, received him with a
welcome rendered the warmer by a story which had reached him that the
Indians had hanged Hennepin with his own cord of St. Francis.
From Fort Frontenac he went to Montreal; and leaving his two men on a
neighboring island, that they might escape the payment of duties on a
quantity of furs which they had with them, he paddled alone towards the
town. Count Frontenac chanced to be here, and, looking from the window
of a house near the river, he saw approaching in a canoe a Récollet father,
whose appearance indicated the extremity of hard service; for his face was
worn and sunburnt, and his tattered habit of St. Francis was abundantly
patched with scraps of buffalo-skin. When at length he recognized the long-
lost Hennepin, he received him, as the father writes, "with all the tenderness
which a missionary could expect from a person of his rank and quality." He
kept him for twelve days in his own house, and listened with interest to
such of his adventures as the friar saw fit to divulge.
Page 207
And here we bid farewell to Father Hennepin.
"Providence," he writes, "preserved my life that I might LA SALLE'S
make known my great discoveries to the world." He LETTERS.
soon after went to Europe, where the story of his travels found a host of
readers, but where he died at last in a deserved obscurity.[223]
FOOTNOTES:
[ The Sioux, or Dacotah, as they call themselves, were a numerous people, separated into
21 three great divisions, which were again subdivided into bands. Those among whom
2] Hennepin was a prisoner belonged to the division known as the Issanti, Issanyati, or, as he
writes it, Issati, of which the principal band was the Meddewakantonwan. The other great
divisions, the Yanktons and the Tintonwans, or Tetons, lived west of the Mississippi, extending
beyond the Missouri, and ranging as far as the Rocky Mountains. The Issanti cultivated the soil;
but the extreme western bands subsisted on the buffalo alone. The former had two kinds of
dwelling,—the teepee, or skin-lodge, and the bark-lodge. The teepee, which was used by all the
Sioux, consists of a covering of dressed buffalo-hide, stretched on a conical stack of poles. The
bark-lodge was peculiar to the Eastern Sioux; and examples of it might be seen, until within a few
years, among the bands on the St. Peter's. In its general character, it was like the Huron and
Iroquois houses, but was inferior in construction. It had a ridge roof, framed of poles, extending
from the posts which formed the sides; and the whole was covered with elm-bark. The lodges in
the villages to which Hennepin was conducted were probably of this kind.
The name Sioux is an abbreviation of Nadouessioux, an Ojibwa word,
meaning "enemies." The Ojibwas used it to designate this people, and
occasionally also the Iroquois, being at deadly war with both.
Rev. Stephen B. Riggs, for many years a missionary among the Issanti
Sioux, says that this division consists of four distinct bands. They ceded
all their lands east of the Mississippi to the United States in 1837, and
lived on the St. Peter's till driven thence in consequence of the massacres
of 1862, 1863. The Yankton Sioux consist of two bands, which are again
subdivided. The Assiniboins, or Hohays, are an offshoot from the
Yanktons, with whom they are now at war. The Tintonwan, or Teton
Sioux, forming the most western division and the largest, comprise seven
bands, and are among the bravest and fiercest tenants of the prairie.
The earliest French writers estimate the total number of the Sioux at
forty thousand; but this is little better than conjecture. Mr. Riggs, in
1852, placed it at about twenty-five thousand.
"Providence," he writes, "preserved my life that I might LA SALLE'S
make known my great discoveries to the world." He LETTERS.
soon after went to Europe, where the story of his travels found a host of
readers, but where he died at last in a deserved obscurity.[223]
FOOTNOTES:
[ The Sioux, or Dacotah, as they call themselves, were a numerous people, separated into
21 three great divisions, which were again subdivided into bands. Those among whom
2] Hennepin was a prisoner belonged to the division known as the Issanti, Issanyati, or, as he
writes it, Issati, of which the principal band was the Meddewakantonwan. The other great
divisions, the Yanktons and the Tintonwans, or Tetons, lived west of the Mississippi, extending
beyond the Missouri, and ranging as far as the Rocky Mountains. The Issanti cultivated the soil;
but the extreme western bands subsisted on the buffalo alone. The former had two kinds of
dwelling,—the teepee, or skin-lodge, and the bark-lodge. The teepee, which was used by all the
Sioux, consists of a covering of dressed buffalo-hide, stretched on a conical stack of poles. The
bark-lodge was peculiar to the Eastern Sioux; and examples of it might be seen, until within a few
years, among the bands on the St. Peter's. In its general character, it was like the Huron and
Iroquois houses, but was inferior in construction. It had a ridge roof, framed of poles, extending
from the posts which formed the sides; and the whole was covered with elm-bark. The lodges in
the villages to which Hennepin was conducted were probably of this kind.
The name Sioux is an abbreviation of Nadouessioux, an Ojibwa word,
meaning "enemies." The Ojibwas used it to designate this people, and
occasionally also the Iroquois, being at deadly war with both.
Rev. Stephen B. Riggs, for many years a missionary among the Issanti
Sioux, says that this division consists of four distinct bands. They ceded
all their lands east of the Mississippi to the United States in 1837, and
lived on the St. Peter's till driven thence in consequence of the massacres
of 1862, 1863. The Yankton Sioux consist of two bands, which are again
subdivided. The Assiniboins, or Hohays, are an offshoot from the
Yanktons, with whom they are now at war. The Tintonwan, or Teton
Sioux, forming the most western division and the largest, comprise seven
bands, and are among the bravest and fiercest tenants of the prairie.
The earliest French writers estimate the total number of the Sioux at
forty thousand; but this is little better than conjecture. Mr. Riggs, in
1852, placed it at about twenty-five thousand.
Page 208
[ These baths consist of a small hut, covered closely with buffalo-skins, into which the
21 patient and his friends enter, carefully closing every aperture. A pile of heated stones is
3] placed in the middle, and water is poured upon them, raising a dense vapor. They are still
(1868) in use among the Sioux and some other tribes.
[ Hennepin's notice of the falls of St. Anthony, though brief, is sufficiently accurate. He
21 says, in his first edition, that they are forty or fifty feet high, but adds ten feet more in the
4] edition of 1697. In 1821, according to Schoolcraft, the perpendicular fall measured forty
feet. Great changes, however, have taken place here, and are still in progress. The rock is a very
soft, friable sandstone, overlaid by a stratum of limestone; and it is crumbling with such rapidity
under the action of the water that the cataract will soon be little more than a rapid. Other changes
equally disastrous, in an artistic point of view, are going on even more quickly. Beside the falls
stands a city, which, by an ingenious combination of the Greek and Sioux languages, has received
the name of Minneapolis, or City of the Waters, and which in 1867 contained ten thousand
inhabitants, two national banks, and an opera-house; while its rival city of St. Anthony,
immediately opposite, boasted a gigantic water-cure and a State university. In short, the great
natural beauty of the place is utterly spoiled.
[ Oanktayhee, the principal deity of the Sioux, was supposed to live under these falls,
21 though he manifested himself in the form of a buffalo. It was he who created the earth, like
5] the Algonquin Manabozho, from mud brought to him in the paws of a musk-rat. Carver, in
1766, saw an Indian throw everything he had about him into the cataract as an offering to this
deity.
[ In the edition of 1683. In that of 1697 he had grown to seven or eight feet. The bank-
21 swallows still make their nests in these cliffs, boring easily into the soft sandstone.
6]
[ Hennepin speaks of their size with astonishment, and says that the two together
21 would weigh twenty-five pounds. Cat-fish have been taken in the Mississippi,
7] weighing more than a hundred and fifty pounds.
[ The "Lover's Leap," or "Maiden's Rock" from which a Sioux girl, Winona, or the "Eldest
21 Born," is said to have thrown herself, in the despair of disappointed affection. The story,
8] which seems founded in truth, will be found, not without embellishments, in Mrs.
Eastman's Legends of the Sioux.
[ The facts concerning Du Lhut have been gleaned from a variety of contemporary
21 documents, chiefly the letters of his enemy Duchesneau, who always puts him in the worst
9] light, especially in his despatch to Seignelay of 10 Nov., 1679, where he charges both him
and the governor with carrying on an illicit trade with the English of New York. Du Lhut himself,
in a memoir dated 1685 (see Harrisse, Bibliographie, 176), strongly denies these charges. Du
Lhut built a trading fort on Lake Superior, called Cananistigoyan (La Hontan), or Kamalastigouia
(Perrot). It was on the north side, at the mouth of a river entering Thunder Bay, where Fort
William now stands. In 1684 he caused two Indians, who had murdered several Frenchmen on
Lake Superior, to be shot. He displayed in this affair great courage and coolness, undaunted by
the crowd of excited savages who surrounded him and his little band of Frenchmen. The long
letter, in which he recounts the capture and execution of the murderers, is before me. Duchesneau
makes his conduct on this occasion the ground of a charge of rashness. In 1686 Denonville, then
governor of the colony, ordered him to fortify the Detroit; that is, the strait between Lakes Erie
and Huron. He went thither with fifty men and built a palisade fort, which he occupied for some
time. In 1687 he, together with Tonty and Durantaye, joined Denonville against the Senecas, with
a body of Indians from the Upper Lakes. In 1689, during the panic that followed the Iroquois
21 patient and his friends enter, carefully closing every aperture. A pile of heated stones is
3] placed in the middle, and water is poured upon them, raising a dense vapor. They are still
(1868) in use among the Sioux and some other tribes.
[ Hennepin's notice of the falls of St. Anthony, though brief, is sufficiently accurate. He
21 says, in his first edition, that they are forty or fifty feet high, but adds ten feet more in the
4] edition of 1697. In 1821, according to Schoolcraft, the perpendicular fall measured forty
feet. Great changes, however, have taken place here, and are still in progress. The rock is a very
soft, friable sandstone, overlaid by a stratum of limestone; and it is crumbling with such rapidity
under the action of the water that the cataract will soon be little more than a rapid. Other changes
equally disastrous, in an artistic point of view, are going on even more quickly. Beside the falls
stands a city, which, by an ingenious combination of the Greek and Sioux languages, has received
the name of Minneapolis, or City of the Waters, and which in 1867 contained ten thousand
inhabitants, two national banks, and an opera-house; while its rival city of St. Anthony,
immediately opposite, boasted a gigantic water-cure and a State university. In short, the great
natural beauty of the place is utterly spoiled.
[ Oanktayhee, the principal deity of the Sioux, was supposed to live under these falls,
21 though he manifested himself in the form of a buffalo. It was he who created the earth, like
5] the Algonquin Manabozho, from mud brought to him in the paws of a musk-rat. Carver, in
1766, saw an Indian throw everything he had about him into the cataract as an offering to this
deity.
[ In the edition of 1683. In that of 1697 he had grown to seven or eight feet. The bank-
21 swallows still make their nests in these cliffs, boring easily into the soft sandstone.
6]
[ Hennepin speaks of their size with astonishment, and says that the two together
21 would weigh twenty-five pounds. Cat-fish have been taken in the Mississippi,
7] weighing more than a hundred and fifty pounds.
[ The "Lover's Leap," or "Maiden's Rock" from which a Sioux girl, Winona, or the "Eldest
21 Born," is said to have thrown herself, in the despair of disappointed affection. The story,
8] which seems founded in truth, will be found, not without embellishments, in Mrs.
Eastman's Legends of the Sioux.
[ The facts concerning Du Lhut have been gleaned from a variety of contemporary
21 documents, chiefly the letters of his enemy Duchesneau, who always puts him in the worst
9] light, especially in his despatch to Seignelay of 10 Nov., 1679, where he charges both him
and the governor with carrying on an illicit trade with the English of New York. Du Lhut himself,
in a memoir dated 1685 (see Harrisse, Bibliographie, 176), strongly denies these charges. Du
Lhut built a trading fort on Lake Superior, called Cananistigoyan (La Hontan), or Kamalastigouia
(Perrot). It was on the north side, at the mouth of a river entering Thunder Bay, where Fort
William now stands. In 1684 he caused two Indians, who had murdered several Frenchmen on
Lake Superior, to be shot. He displayed in this affair great courage and coolness, undaunted by
the crowd of excited savages who surrounded him and his little band of Frenchmen. The long
letter, in which he recounts the capture and execution of the murderers, is before me. Duchesneau
makes his conduct on this occasion the ground of a charge of rashness. In 1686 Denonville, then
governor of the colony, ordered him to fortify the Detroit; that is, the strait between Lakes Erie
and Huron. He went thither with fifty men and built a palisade fort, which he occupied for some
time. In 1687 he, together with Tonty and Durantaye, joined Denonville against the Senecas, with
a body of Indians from the Upper Lakes. In 1689, during the panic that followed the Iroquois
Page 209
invasion of Montreal, Du Lhut, with twenty-eight Canadians, attacked twenty-two Iroquois in
canoes, received their fire without returning it, bore down upon them, killed eighteen of them,
and captured three, only one escaping. In 1695 he was in command at Fort Frontenac. In 1697 he
succeeded to the command of a company of infantry, but was suffering wretchedly from the gout
at Fort Frontenac. In 1710 Vaudreuil, in a despatch to the minister Ponchartrain, announced his
death as occurring in the previous winter, and added the brief comment, "c'était un très-honnête
homme." Other contemporaries speak to the same effect. "Mr. Dulhut, Gentilhomme Lionnois,
qui a beaucoup de mérite et de capacité."—La Hontan, i. 103 (1703). "Le Sieur du Lut, homme
d'esprit et d'expérience."—Le Clerc, ii. 137. Charlevoix calls him "one of the bravest officers the
King has ever had in this colony." His name is variously spelled Du Luc, Du Lud, Du Lude, Du
Lut, Du Luth, Du Lhut. For an account of the Iroquois virgin, Tegahkouita, whose intercession is
said to have cured him of the gout, see Charlevoix, i. 572.
On a contemporary manuscript map by the Jesuit Raffeix, representing
the routes of Marquette, La Salle, and Du Lhut, are the following words,
referring to the last-named discoverer, and interesting in connection with
Hennepin's statements: "Mr. du Lude le premier a esté chez les Sioux en
1678, et a esté proche la source du Mississippi, et ensuite vint retirer le P.
Louis [Hennepin] qui avoit esté fait prisonnier chez les Sioux." Du Lhut
here appears as the deliverer of Hennepin. One of his men was named
Pepin; hence, no doubt, the name of Lake Pepin.
[ Memoir on the French Dominion in Canada, N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 781.
22
0] [ On the other hand, he sets down on his map of 1683 a mission of the Récollets at a
22 point north of the farthest sources of the Mississippi, to which no white man had ever
1] penetrated.
[ He says that Pierson had come among the Indians to learn their language; that he
22 "retained the frankness and rectitude of our country" and "a disposition always on the side
2] of candor and sincerity. In a word, he seemed to me to be all that a Christian ought to be"
(1697), 433.
[ Since the two preceding chapters were written, the letters of La Salle have been brought
22 to light by the researches of M. Margry. They confirm, in nearly all points, the conclusions
3] given above; though, as before observed (note, 186), they show misstatements on the part
of Hennepin concerning his position at the outset of the expedition. La Salle writes: "J'ay fait
remonter le fleuve Colbert, nommé par les Iroquois Gastacha, par les Outaouais Mississipy par un
canot conduit par deux de mes gens, l'un nommé Michel Accault et l'autre Picard, auxquels le R.
P. Hennepin se joignit pour ne perdre pas l'occasion de prescher l'Évangile aux peuples qui
habitent dessus et qui n'en avoient jamais oui parler." In the same letter he recounts their voyage
on the Upper Mississippi, and their capture by the Sioux in accordance with the story of
Hennepin himself. Hennepin's assertion, that La Salle had promised to send a number of men to
meet him at the mouth of the Wisconsin, turns out to be true. "Estans tous revenus en chasse avec
les Nadouessioux [Sioux] vers Ouisconsing [Wisconsin], le R. P. Louis Hempin [Hennepin] et
Picard prirent résolution de venir jusqu'à l'emboucheure de la rivière où j'avois promis d'envoyer
de mes nouvelles, comme j'avois fait par six hommes que les Jésuistes desbauchèrent en leur
disant que le R. P. Louis et ses compagnons de voyage avoient esté tuez."
canoes, received their fire without returning it, bore down upon them, killed eighteen of them,
and captured three, only one escaping. In 1695 he was in command at Fort Frontenac. In 1697 he
succeeded to the command of a company of infantry, but was suffering wretchedly from the gout
at Fort Frontenac. In 1710 Vaudreuil, in a despatch to the minister Ponchartrain, announced his
death as occurring in the previous winter, and added the brief comment, "c'était un très-honnête
homme." Other contemporaries speak to the same effect. "Mr. Dulhut, Gentilhomme Lionnois,
qui a beaucoup de mérite et de capacité."—La Hontan, i. 103 (1703). "Le Sieur du Lut, homme
d'esprit et d'expérience."—Le Clerc, ii. 137. Charlevoix calls him "one of the bravest officers the
King has ever had in this colony." His name is variously spelled Du Luc, Du Lud, Du Lude, Du
Lut, Du Luth, Du Lhut. For an account of the Iroquois virgin, Tegahkouita, whose intercession is
said to have cured him of the gout, see Charlevoix, i. 572.
On a contemporary manuscript map by the Jesuit Raffeix, representing
the routes of Marquette, La Salle, and Du Lhut, are the following words,
referring to the last-named discoverer, and interesting in connection with
Hennepin's statements: "Mr. du Lude le premier a esté chez les Sioux en
1678, et a esté proche la source du Mississippi, et ensuite vint retirer le P.
Louis [Hennepin] qui avoit esté fait prisonnier chez les Sioux." Du Lhut
here appears as the deliverer of Hennepin. One of his men was named
Pepin; hence, no doubt, the name of Lake Pepin.
[ Memoir on the French Dominion in Canada, N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 781.
22
0] [ On the other hand, he sets down on his map of 1683 a mission of the Récollets at a
22 point north of the farthest sources of the Mississippi, to which no white man had ever
1] penetrated.
[ He says that Pierson had come among the Indians to learn their language; that he
22 "retained the frankness and rectitude of our country" and "a disposition always on the side
2] of candor and sincerity. In a word, he seemed to me to be all that a Christian ought to be"
(1697), 433.
[ Since the two preceding chapters were written, the letters of La Salle have been brought
22 to light by the researches of M. Margry. They confirm, in nearly all points, the conclusions
3] given above; though, as before observed (note, 186), they show misstatements on the part
of Hennepin concerning his position at the outset of the expedition. La Salle writes: "J'ay fait
remonter le fleuve Colbert, nommé par les Iroquois Gastacha, par les Outaouais Mississipy par un
canot conduit par deux de mes gens, l'un nommé Michel Accault et l'autre Picard, auxquels le R.
P. Hennepin se joignit pour ne perdre pas l'occasion de prescher l'Évangile aux peuples qui
habitent dessus et qui n'en avoient jamais oui parler." In the same letter he recounts their voyage
on the Upper Mississippi, and their capture by the Sioux in accordance with the story of
Hennepin himself. Hennepin's assertion, that La Salle had promised to send a number of men to
meet him at the mouth of the Wisconsin, turns out to be true. "Estans tous revenus en chasse avec
les Nadouessioux [Sioux] vers Ouisconsing [Wisconsin], le R. P. Louis Hempin [Hennepin] et
Picard prirent résolution de venir jusqu'à l'emboucheure de la rivière où j'avois promis d'envoyer
de mes nouvelles, comme j'avois fait par six hommes que les Jésuistes desbauchèrent en leur
disant que le R. P. Louis et ses compagnons de voyage avoient esté tuez."
Page 210
It is clear that La Salle understood Hennepin; for, after speaking of his
journey, he adds: "J'ai cru qu'il estoit à propos de vous faire le narré des
aventures de ce canot parce que je ne doute pas qu'on en parle; et si vous
souhaitez en conférer avec le P. Louis Hempin, Récollect, qui est repassé
en France, il faut un peu le connoistre, car il ne manquera pas d'exagérer
toutes choses, c'est son caractère, et à moy mesme il m'a escrit comme
s'il eust esté tout près d'estre bruslé, quoiqu'il n'en ait pas esté seulement
en danger; mais il croit qu'il luy est honorable de le faire de la sorte, et il
parle plus conformément à ce qu'il veut qu'à ce qu'il scait."—Lettre de la
Salle, 22 Août, 1682 (1681?), Margry, ii. 259.
On his return to France, Hennepin got hold of the manuscript, Relation
des Découvertes, compiled for the government from La Salle's letters,
and, as already observed, made very free use of it in the first edition of
his book, printed in 1683. In 1699 he wished to return to Canada; but, in
a letter of that year, Louis XIV. orders the governor to seize him, should
he appear, and send him prisoner to Rochefort. This seems to have been
in consequence of his renouncing the service of the French crown, and
dedicating his edition of 1697 to William III. of England.
More than twenty editions of Hennepin's travels appeared, in French,
English, Dutch, German, Italian, and Spanish. Most of them include the
mendacious narrative of the pretended descent of the Mississippi. For a
list of them, see Hist. Mag., i. 346; ii. 24.
journey, he adds: "J'ai cru qu'il estoit à propos de vous faire le narré des
aventures de ce canot parce que je ne doute pas qu'on en parle; et si vous
souhaitez en conférer avec le P. Louis Hempin, Récollect, qui est repassé
en France, il faut un peu le connoistre, car il ne manquera pas d'exagérer
toutes choses, c'est son caractère, et à moy mesme il m'a escrit comme
s'il eust esté tout près d'estre bruslé, quoiqu'il n'en ait pas esté seulement
en danger; mais il croit qu'il luy est honorable de le faire de la sorte, et il
parle plus conformément à ce qu'il veut qu'à ce qu'il scait."—Lettre de la
Salle, 22 Août, 1682 (1681?), Margry, ii. 259.
On his return to France, Hennepin got hold of the manuscript, Relation
des Découvertes, compiled for the government from La Salle's letters,
and, as already observed, made very free use of it in the first edition of
his book, printed in 1683. In 1699 he wished to return to Canada; but, in
a letter of that year, Louis XIV. orders the governor to seize him, should
he appear, and send him prisoner to Rochefort. This seems to have been
in consequence of his renouncing the service of the French crown, and
dedicating his edition of 1697 to William III. of England.
More than twenty editions of Hennepin's travels appeared, in French,
English, Dutch, German, Italian, and Spanish. Most of them include the
mendacious narrative of the pretended descent of the Mississippi. For a
list of them, see Hist. Mag., i. 346; ii. 24.
Page 211
CHAPTER XIX.
1681.
LA SALLE BEGINS ANEW.
His Constancy; his Plans; his Savage Allies; he becomes Snow-blind.—
Negotiations.—Grand Council.—La Salle's Oratory.—Meeting with
Tonty.—Preparation.—Departure.
In tracing the adventures of Tonty and the rovings of Hennepin, we have
lost sight of La Salle, the pivot of the enterprise. Returning from the
desolation and horror in the valley of the Illinois, he had spent the winter at
Fort Miami, on the St. Joseph, by the borders of Lake Michigan. Here he
might have brooded on the redoubled ruin that had befallen him,—the
desponding friends, the exulting foes; the wasted energies, the crushing load
of debt, the stormy past, the black and lowering future. But his mind was of
a different temper. He had no thought but to grapple with adversity, and out
of the fragments of his ruin to build up the fabric of success.
He would not recoil; but he modified his plans to meet the new
contingency. His white enemies had found, or rather perhaps had made, a
savage ally in the Iroquois. Their incursions must be stopped, or his
enterprise would come to nought; and he thought he saw the means by
which this new danger could be converted into a source of strength. The
tribes of the West, threatened by the common enemy, might be taught to
forget their mutual animosities and join in a defensive league, with La Salle
at its head. They might be colonized around his fort in the valley of the
Illinois, where in the shadow of the French flag, and with the aid of French
allies, they could hold the Iroquois in check, and acquire in some measure
the arts of a settled life. The Franciscan friars could teach them the Faith;
and La Salle and his associates could supply them with goods, in exchange
for the vast harvest of furs which their hunters could gather in these
boundless wilds. Meanwhile, he would seek out the mouth of the
Mississippi; and the furs gathered at his colony in the Illinois would then
find a ready passage to the markets of the world. Thus might this ancient
1681.
LA SALLE BEGINS ANEW.
His Constancy; his Plans; his Savage Allies; he becomes Snow-blind.—
Negotiations.—Grand Council.—La Salle's Oratory.—Meeting with
Tonty.—Preparation.—Departure.
In tracing the adventures of Tonty and the rovings of Hennepin, we have
lost sight of La Salle, the pivot of the enterprise. Returning from the
desolation and horror in the valley of the Illinois, he had spent the winter at
Fort Miami, on the St. Joseph, by the borders of Lake Michigan. Here he
might have brooded on the redoubled ruin that had befallen him,—the
desponding friends, the exulting foes; the wasted energies, the crushing load
of debt, the stormy past, the black and lowering future. But his mind was of
a different temper. He had no thought but to grapple with adversity, and out
of the fragments of his ruin to build up the fabric of success.
He would not recoil; but he modified his plans to meet the new
contingency. His white enemies had found, or rather perhaps had made, a
savage ally in the Iroquois. Their incursions must be stopped, or his
enterprise would come to nought; and he thought he saw the means by
which this new danger could be converted into a source of strength. The
tribes of the West, threatened by the common enemy, might be taught to
forget their mutual animosities and join in a defensive league, with La Salle
at its head. They might be colonized around his fort in the valley of the
Illinois, where in the shadow of the French flag, and with the aid of French
allies, they could hold the Iroquois in check, and acquire in some measure
the arts of a settled life. The Franciscan friars could teach them the Faith;
and La Salle and his associates could supply them with goods, in exchange
for the vast harvest of furs which their hunters could gather in these
boundless wilds. Meanwhile, he would seek out the mouth of the
Mississippi; and the furs gathered at his colony in the Illinois would then
find a ready passage to the markets of the world. Thus might this ancient
Page 212
slaughter-field of warring savages be redeemed to civilization and
Christianity; and a stable settlement, half-feudal, half-commercial, grow up
in the heart of the western wilderness. This plan was but a part of the
original scheme of his enterprise, adapted to new and unexpected
circumstances; and he now set himself to its execution with his usual vigor,
joined to an address which, when dealing with Indians, never failed him.
There were allies close at hand. Near Fort Miami were
the huts of twenty-five or thirty savages, exiles from INDIAN
their homes, and strangers in this western world. Several FRIENDS.
of the English colonies, from Virginia to Maine, had of late years been
harassed by Indian wars; and the Puritans of New England, above all, had
been scourged by the deadly outbreak of King Philip's war. Those engaged
in it had paid a bitter price for their brief triumphs. A band of refugees,
chiefly Abenakis and Mohegans, driven from their native seats, had roamed
into these distant wilds, and were wintering in the friendly neighborhood of
the French. La Salle soon won them over to his interests. One of their
number was the Mohegan hunter, who for two years had faithfully followed
his fortunes, and who had been four years in the West. He is described as a
prudent and discreet young man, in whom La Salle had great confidence,
and who could make himself understood in several western languages,
belonging, like his own, to the great Algonquin tongue. This devoted
henchman proved an efficient mediator with his countrymen. The New-
England Indians, with one voice, promised to follow La Salle, asking no
recompense but to call him their chief, and yield to him the love and
admiration which he rarely failed to command from this hero-worshipping
race.
New allies soon appeared. A Shawanoe chief from the valley of the Ohio,
whose following embraced a hundred and fifty warriors, came to ask the
protection of the French against the all-destroying Iroquois. "The
Shawanoes are too distant," was La Salle's reply; "but let them come to me
at the Illinois, and they shall be safe." The chief promised to join him in the
autumn, at Fort Miami, with all his band. But, more important than all, the
consent and co-operation of the Illinois must be gained; and the Miamis,
their neighbors and of late their enemies, must be taught the folly of their
league with the Iroquois, and the necessity of joining in the new
confederation. Of late, they had been made to see the perfidy of their
Christianity; and a stable settlement, half-feudal, half-commercial, grow up
in the heart of the western wilderness. This plan was but a part of the
original scheme of his enterprise, adapted to new and unexpected
circumstances; and he now set himself to its execution with his usual vigor,
joined to an address which, when dealing with Indians, never failed him.
There were allies close at hand. Near Fort Miami were
the huts of twenty-five or thirty savages, exiles from INDIAN
their homes, and strangers in this western world. Several FRIENDS.
of the English colonies, from Virginia to Maine, had of late years been
harassed by Indian wars; and the Puritans of New England, above all, had
been scourged by the deadly outbreak of King Philip's war. Those engaged
in it had paid a bitter price for their brief triumphs. A band of refugees,
chiefly Abenakis and Mohegans, driven from their native seats, had roamed
into these distant wilds, and were wintering in the friendly neighborhood of
the French. La Salle soon won them over to his interests. One of their
number was the Mohegan hunter, who for two years had faithfully followed
his fortunes, and who had been four years in the West. He is described as a
prudent and discreet young man, in whom La Salle had great confidence,
and who could make himself understood in several western languages,
belonging, like his own, to the great Algonquin tongue. This devoted
henchman proved an efficient mediator with his countrymen. The New-
England Indians, with one voice, promised to follow La Salle, asking no
recompense but to call him their chief, and yield to him the love and
admiration which he rarely failed to command from this hero-worshipping
race.
New allies soon appeared. A Shawanoe chief from the valley of the Ohio,
whose following embraced a hundred and fifty warriors, came to ask the
protection of the French against the all-destroying Iroquois. "The
Shawanoes are too distant," was La Salle's reply; "but let them come to me
at the Illinois, and they shall be safe." The chief promised to join him in the
autumn, at Fort Miami, with all his band. But, more important than all, the
consent and co-operation of the Illinois must be gained; and the Miamis,
their neighbors and of late their enemies, must be taught the folly of their
league with the Iroquois, and the necessity of joining in the new
confederation. Of late, they had been made to see the perfidy of their
Page 213
dangerous allies. A band of the Iroquois, returning from the slaughter of the
Tamaroa Illinois, had met and murdered a band of Miamis on the Ohio, and
had not only refused satisfaction, but had intrenched themselves in three
rude forts of trees and brushwood in the heart of the Miami country. The
moment was favorable for negotiating; but, first, La Salle wished to open a
communication with the Illinois, some of whom had begun to return to the
country they had abandoned. With this view, and also, it seems, to procure
provisions, he set out on the first of March, with his lieutenant La Forest,
and fifteen men.
The country was sheeted in snow, and the party journeyed on snow-
shoes; but when they reached the open prairies, the white expanse glared in
the sun with so dazzling a brightness that La Salle and several of the men
became snow-blind. They stopped and encamped under the edge of a forest;
and here La Salle remained in darkness for three days, suffering extreme
pain. Meanwhile, he sent forward La Forest and most of the men, keeping
with him his old attendant Hunaut. Going out in quest of pine-leaves,—a
decoction of which was supposed to be useful in cases of snow-blindness,
—this man discovered the fresh tracks of Indians, followed them, and found
a camp of Outagamies, or Foxes, from the neighborhood of Green Bay.
From them he heard welcome news. They told him that Tonty was safe
among the Pottawattamies, and that Hennepin had passed through their
country on his return from among the Sioux.[224]
A thaw took place; the snow melted rapidly; the rivers
were opened; the blind men began to recover; and ILLINOIS ALLIES.
launching the canoes which they had dragged after them,
the party pursued their way by water. They soon met a band of Illinois. La
Salle gave them presents, condoled with them on their losses, and urged
them to make peace and alliance with the Miamis. Thus, he said, they could
set the Iroquois at defiance; for he himself, with his Frenchmen and his
Indian friends, would make his abode among them, supply them with
goods, and aid them to defend themselves. They listened, well pleased,
promised to carry his message to their countrymen, and furnished him with
a large supply of corn.[225] Meanwhile he had rejoined La Forest, whom he
now sent to Michilimackinac to await Tonty, and tell him to remain there till
he, La Salle, should arrive.
Tamaroa Illinois, had met and murdered a band of Miamis on the Ohio, and
had not only refused satisfaction, but had intrenched themselves in three
rude forts of trees and brushwood in the heart of the Miami country. The
moment was favorable for negotiating; but, first, La Salle wished to open a
communication with the Illinois, some of whom had begun to return to the
country they had abandoned. With this view, and also, it seems, to procure
provisions, he set out on the first of March, with his lieutenant La Forest,
and fifteen men.
The country was sheeted in snow, and the party journeyed on snow-
shoes; but when they reached the open prairies, the white expanse glared in
the sun with so dazzling a brightness that La Salle and several of the men
became snow-blind. They stopped and encamped under the edge of a forest;
and here La Salle remained in darkness for three days, suffering extreme
pain. Meanwhile, he sent forward La Forest and most of the men, keeping
with him his old attendant Hunaut. Going out in quest of pine-leaves,—a
decoction of which was supposed to be useful in cases of snow-blindness,
—this man discovered the fresh tracks of Indians, followed them, and found
a camp of Outagamies, or Foxes, from the neighborhood of Green Bay.
From them he heard welcome news. They told him that Tonty was safe
among the Pottawattamies, and that Hennepin had passed through their
country on his return from among the Sioux.[224]
A thaw took place; the snow melted rapidly; the rivers
were opened; the blind men began to recover; and ILLINOIS ALLIES.
launching the canoes which they had dragged after them,
the party pursued their way by water. They soon met a band of Illinois. La
Salle gave them presents, condoled with them on their losses, and urged
them to make peace and alliance with the Miamis. Thus, he said, they could
set the Iroquois at defiance; for he himself, with his Frenchmen and his
Indian friends, would make his abode among them, supply them with
goods, and aid them to defend themselves. They listened, well pleased,
promised to carry his message to their countrymen, and furnished him with
a large supply of corn.[225] Meanwhile he had rejoined La Forest, whom he
now sent to Michilimackinac to await Tonty, and tell him to remain there till
he, La Salle, should arrive.
Page 214
Having thus accomplished the objects of his journey, he returned to Fort
Miami, whence he soon after ascended the St. Joseph to the village of the
Miami Indians, on the portage, at the head of the Kankakee. Here he found
unwelcome guests. These were three Iroquois warriors, who had been for
some time in the place, and who, as he was told, had demeaned themselves
with the insolence of conquerors, and spoken of the French with the utmost
contempt. He hastened to confront them, rebuked and menaced them, and
told them that now, when he was present, they dared not repeat the
calumnies which they had uttered in his absence. They stood abashed and
confounded, and during the following night secretly left the town and fled.
The effect was prodigious on the minds of the Miamis, when they saw that
La Salle, backed by ten Frenchmen, could command from their arrogant
visitors a respect which they, with their hundreds of warriors, had wholly
failed to inspire. Here, at the outset, was an augury full of promise for the
approaching negotiations.
There were other strangers in the town,—a band of eastern Indians, more
numerous than those who had wintered at the fort. The greater number were
from Rhode Island, including, probably, some of King Philip's warriors;
others were from New York, and others again from Virginia. La Salle called
them to a council, promised them a new home in the West under the
protection of the Great King, with rich lands, an abundance of game, and
French traders to supply them with the goods which they had once received
from the English. Let them but help him to make peace between the Miamis
and the Illinois, and he would insure for them a future of prosperity and
safety. They listened with open ears, and promised their aid in the work of
peace.
On the next morning, the Miamis were called to a
grand council. It was held in the lodge of their chief, GRAND
COUNCIL.
from which the mats were removed, that the crowd
without might hear what was said. La Salle rose and harangued the
concourse. Few men were so skilled in the arts of forest rhetoric and
diplomacy. After the Indian mode, he was, to follow his chroniclers, "the
greatest orator in North America."[226] He began with a gift of tobacco, to
clear the brains of his auditory; next, for he had brought a canoe-load of
presents to support his eloquence, he gave them cloth to cover their dead,
coats to dress them, hatchets to build a grand scaffold in their honor, and
Miami, whence he soon after ascended the St. Joseph to the village of the
Miami Indians, on the portage, at the head of the Kankakee. Here he found
unwelcome guests. These were three Iroquois warriors, who had been for
some time in the place, and who, as he was told, had demeaned themselves
with the insolence of conquerors, and spoken of the French with the utmost
contempt. He hastened to confront them, rebuked and menaced them, and
told them that now, when he was present, they dared not repeat the
calumnies which they had uttered in his absence. They stood abashed and
confounded, and during the following night secretly left the town and fled.
The effect was prodigious on the minds of the Miamis, when they saw that
La Salle, backed by ten Frenchmen, could command from their arrogant
visitors a respect which they, with their hundreds of warriors, had wholly
failed to inspire. Here, at the outset, was an augury full of promise for the
approaching negotiations.
There were other strangers in the town,—a band of eastern Indians, more
numerous than those who had wintered at the fort. The greater number were
from Rhode Island, including, probably, some of King Philip's warriors;
others were from New York, and others again from Virginia. La Salle called
them to a council, promised them a new home in the West under the
protection of the Great King, with rich lands, an abundance of game, and
French traders to supply them with the goods which they had once received
from the English. Let them but help him to make peace between the Miamis
and the Illinois, and he would insure for them a future of prosperity and
safety. They listened with open ears, and promised their aid in the work of
peace.
On the next morning, the Miamis were called to a
grand council. It was held in the lodge of their chief, GRAND
COUNCIL.
from which the mats were removed, that the crowd
without might hear what was said. La Salle rose and harangued the
concourse. Few men were so skilled in the arts of forest rhetoric and
diplomacy. After the Indian mode, he was, to follow his chroniclers, "the
greatest orator in North America."[226] He began with a gift of tobacco, to
clear the brains of his auditory; next, for he had brought a canoe-load of
presents to support his eloquence, he gave them cloth to cover their dead,
coats to dress them, hatchets to build a grand scaffold in their honor, and
Page 215
beads, bells, and trinkets of all sorts, to decorate their relatives at a grand
funeral feast. All this was mere metaphor. The living, while appropriating
the gifts to their own use, were pleased at the compliment offered to their
dead; and their delight redoubled as the orator proceeded. One of their great
chiefs had lately been killed; and La Salle, after a eulogy of the departed,
declared that he would now raise him to life again; that is, that he would
assume his name and give support to his squaws and children. This
flattering announcement drew forth an outburst of applause; and when, to
confirm his words, his attendants placed before them a huge pile of coats,
shirts, and hunting-knives, the whole assembly exploded in yelps of
admiration.
Now came the climax of the harangue, introduced by a further present of
six guns:—
"He who is my master, and the master of all this country, is a mighty
chief, feared by the whole world; but he loves peace, and the words of his
lips are for good alone. He is called the King of France, and he is the
mightiest among the chiefs beyond the great water. His goodness reaches
even to your dead, and his subjects come among you to raise them up to
life. But it is his will to preserve the life he has given; it is his will that you
should obey his laws, and make no war without the leave of Onontio, who
commands in his name at Quebec, and who loves all the nations alike,
because such is the will of the Great King. You ought, then, to live at peace
with your neighbors, and above all with the Illinois. You have had causes of
quarrel with them; but their defeat has avenged you. Though they are still
strong, they wish to make peace with you. Be content with the glory of
having obliged them to ask for it. You have an interest in preserving them;
since, if the Iroquois destroy them, they will next destroy you. Let us all
obey the Great King, and live together in peace, under his protection. Be of
my mind, and use these guns that I have given you, not to make war, but
only to hunt and to defend yourselves."[227]
So saying, he gave two belts of wampum to confirm
his words; and the assembly dissolved. On the following THE CHIEFS
REPLY.
day, the chiefs again convoked it, and made their reply
in form. It was all that La Salle could have wished. "The Illinois is our
brother, because he is the son of our Father, the Great King." "We make you
funeral feast. All this was mere metaphor. The living, while appropriating
the gifts to their own use, were pleased at the compliment offered to their
dead; and their delight redoubled as the orator proceeded. One of their great
chiefs had lately been killed; and La Salle, after a eulogy of the departed,
declared that he would now raise him to life again; that is, that he would
assume his name and give support to his squaws and children. This
flattering announcement drew forth an outburst of applause; and when, to
confirm his words, his attendants placed before them a huge pile of coats,
shirts, and hunting-knives, the whole assembly exploded in yelps of
admiration.
Now came the climax of the harangue, introduced by a further present of
six guns:—
"He who is my master, and the master of all this country, is a mighty
chief, feared by the whole world; but he loves peace, and the words of his
lips are for good alone. He is called the King of France, and he is the
mightiest among the chiefs beyond the great water. His goodness reaches
even to your dead, and his subjects come among you to raise them up to
life. But it is his will to preserve the life he has given; it is his will that you
should obey his laws, and make no war without the leave of Onontio, who
commands in his name at Quebec, and who loves all the nations alike,
because such is the will of the Great King. You ought, then, to live at peace
with your neighbors, and above all with the Illinois. You have had causes of
quarrel with them; but their defeat has avenged you. Though they are still
strong, they wish to make peace with you. Be content with the glory of
having obliged them to ask for it. You have an interest in preserving them;
since, if the Iroquois destroy them, they will next destroy you. Let us all
obey the Great King, and live together in peace, under his protection. Be of
my mind, and use these guns that I have given you, not to make war, but
only to hunt and to defend yourselves."[227]
So saying, he gave two belts of wampum to confirm
his words; and the assembly dissolved. On the following THE CHIEFS
REPLY.
day, the chiefs again convoked it, and made their reply
in form. It was all that La Salle could have wished. "The Illinois is our
brother, because he is the son of our Father, the Great King." "We make you
Page 216
the master of our beaver and our lands, of our minds and our bodies." "We
cannot wonder that our brothers from the East wish to live with you. We
should have wished so too, if we had known what a blessing it is to be the
children of the Great King." The rest of this auspicious day was passed in
feasts and dances, in which La Salle and his Frenchmen all bore part. His
new scheme was hopefully begun. It remained to achieve the enterprise,
twice defeated, of the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi,—that vital
condition of his triumph, without which all other success was meaningless
and vain.
To this end he must return to Canada, appease his creditors, and collect
his scattered resources. Towards the end of May he set out in canoes from
Fort Miami, and reached Michilimackinac after a prosperous voyage. Here,
to his great joy, he found Tonty and Zenobe Membré, who had lately arrived
from Green Bay. The meeting was one at which even his stoic nature must
have melted. Each had for the other a tale of disaster; but when La Salle
recounted the long succession of his reverses, it was with the tranquil tone
and cheerful look of one who relates the incidents of an ordinary journey.
Membré looked on him with admiration. "Any one else," he says, "would
have thrown up his hand and abandoned the enterprise; but, far from this,
with a firmness and constancy that never had its equal, I saw him more
resolved than ever to continue his work and push forward his discovery."
[228]
Without loss of time they embarked together for Fort Frontenac, paddled
their canoes a thousand miles, and safely reached their destination. Here, in
this third beginning of his enterprise, La Salle found himself beset with
embarrassments. Not only was he burdened with the fruitless costs of his
two former efforts, but the heavy debts which he had incurred in building
and maintaining Fort Frontenac had not been wholly paid. The fort and the
seigniory were already deeply mortgaged; yet through the influence of
Count Frontenac, the assistance of his secretary Barrois, a consummate man
of business, and the support of a wealthy relative, he found means to
appease his creditors and even to gain fresh advances. To this end, however,
he was forced to part with a portion of his monopolies. Having first made
his will at Montreal, in favor of a cousin who had befriended him,[229] he
mustered his men, and once more set forth, resolved to trust no more to
cannot wonder that our brothers from the East wish to live with you. We
should have wished so too, if we had known what a blessing it is to be the
children of the Great King." The rest of this auspicious day was passed in
feasts and dances, in which La Salle and his Frenchmen all bore part. His
new scheme was hopefully begun. It remained to achieve the enterprise,
twice defeated, of the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi,—that vital
condition of his triumph, without which all other success was meaningless
and vain.
To this end he must return to Canada, appease his creditors, and collect
his scattered resources. Towards the end of May he set out in canoes from
Fort Miami, and reached Michilimackinac after a prosperous voyage. Here,
to his great joy, he found Tonty and Zenobe Membré, who had lately arrived
from Green Bay. The meeting was one at which even his stoic nature must
have melted. Each had for the other a tale of disaster; but when La Salle
recounted the long succession of his reverses, it was with the tranquil tone
and cheerful look of one who relates the incidents of an ordinary journey.
Membré looked on him with admiration. "Any one else," he says, "would
have thrown up his hand and abandoned the enterprise; but, far from this,
with a firmness and constancy that never had its equal, I saw him more
resolved than ever to continue his work and push forward his discovery."
[228]
Without loss of time they embarked together for Fort Frontenac, paddled
their canoes a thousand miles, and safely reached their destination. Here, in
this third beginning of his enterprise, La Salle found himself beset with
embarrassments. Not only was he burdened with the fruitless costs of his
two former efforts, but the heavy debts which he had incurred in building
and maintaining Fort Frontenac had not been wholly paid. The fort and the
seigniory were already deeply mortgaged; yet through the influence of
Count Frontenac, the assistance of his secretary Barrois, a consummate man
of business, and the support of a wealthy relative, he found means to
appease his creditors and even to gain fresh advances. To this end, however,
he was forced to part with a portion of his monopolies. Having first made
his will at Montreal, in favor of a cousin who had befriended him,[229] he
mustered his men, and once more set forth, resolved to trust no more to
Page 217
agents, but to lead on his followers, in a united body, under his own
personal command.[230]
At the beginning of autumn he was at Toronto, where
the long and difficult portage to Lake Simcoe detained THE TORONTO
PORTAGE.
him a fortnight. He spent a part of it in writing an
account of what had lately occurred to a correspondent in France, and he
closes his letter thus: "This is all I can tell you this year. I have a hundred
things to write, but you could not believe how hard it is to do it among
Indians. The canoes and their lading must be got over the portage, and I
must speak to them continually and bear all their importunity, or else they
will do nothing I want. I hope to write more at leisure next year, and tell
you the end of this business, which I hope will turn out well: for I have M.
de Tonty, who is full of zeal; thirty Frenchmen, all good men, without
reckoning such as I cannot trust; and more than a hundred Indians, some of
them Shawanoes, and others from New England, all of whom know how to
use guns."
It was October before he reached Lake Huron. Day after day and week
after week the heavy-laden canoes crept on along the lonely wilderness
shores, by the monotonous ranks of bristling moss-bearded firs; lake and
forest, forest and lake; a dreary scene haunted with yet more dreary
memories,—disasters, sorrows, and deferred hopes; time, strength, and
wealth spent in vain; a ruinous past and a doubtful future; slander, obloquy,
and hate. With unmoved heart, the patient voyager held his course, and
drew up his canoes at last on the beach at Fort Miami.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Relation des Découvertes. Compare Lettre de La Salle (Margry, ii. 144).
22
4] [ This seems to have been taken from the secret repositories, or caches, of the
22 ruined town of the Illinois.
5]
[ "En ce genre, il étoit le plus grand orateur de l'Amérique Septentrionale."—
22 Relation des Découvertes.
6]
[ Translated from the Relation, where these councils are reported at
22 great length.
7]
personal command.[230]
At the beginning of autumn he was at Toronto, where
the long and difficult portage to Lake Simcoe detained THE TORONTO
PORTAGE.
him a fortnight. He spent a part of it in writing an
account of what had lately occurred to a correspondent in France, and he
closes his letter thus: "This is all I can tell you this year. I have a hundred
things to write, but you could not believe how hard it is to do it among
Indians. The canoes and their lading must be got over the portage, and I
must speak to them continually and bear all their importunity, or else they
will do nothing I want. I hope to write more at leisure next year, and tell
you the end of this business, which I hope will turn out well: for I have M.
de Tonty, who is full of zeal; thirty Frenchmen, all good men, without
reckoning such as I cannot trust; and more than a hundred Indians, some of
them Shawanoes, and others from New England, all of whom know how to
use guns."
It was October before he reached Lake Huron. Day after day and week
after week the heavy-laden canoes crept on along the lonely wilderness
shores, by the monotonous ranks of bristling moss-bearded firs; lake and
forest, forest and lake; a dreary scene haunted with yet more dreary
memories,—disasters, sorrows, and deferred hopes; time, strength, and
wealth spent in vain; a ruinous past and a doubtful future; slander, obloquy,
and hate. With unmoved heart, the patient voyager held his course, and
drew up his canoes at last on the beach at Fort Miami.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Relation des Découvertes. Compare Lettre de La Salle (Margry, ii. 144).
22
4] [ This seems to have been taken from the secret repositories, or caches, of the
22 ruined town of the Illinois.
5]
[ "En ce genre, il étoit le plus grand orateur de l'Amérique Septentrionale."—
22 Relation des Découvertes.
6]
[ Translated from the Relation, where these councils are reported at
22 great length.
7]
Page 218
[ Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 208. Tonty, in his memoir of 1693, speaks of the joy of La Salle
22 at the meeting. The Relation, usually very accurate, says, erroneously, that Tonty had gone
8] to Fort Frontenac. La Forest had gone thither, not long before La Salle's arrival.
[ Copie du Testament du deffunt Sr. de la Salle, 11 Août, 1681. The relative was François
22 Plet, to whom he was deeply in debt.
9]
[ "On apprendra à la fin de cette année, 1682, le succès de la découverte qu'il étoit résolu
23 d'achever, au plus tard le printemps dernier ou de périr en y travaillant. Tant de traverses et
0] de malheurs toujours arrivés en son absence l'ont fait résoudre à ne se fier plus à personne
et à conduire lui-même tout son monde, tout son équipage, et toute son entreprise, de laquelle il
espéroit une heureuse conclusion."
The above is a part of the closing paragraph of the Relation des
Découvertes, so often cited.
22 at the meeting. The Relation, usually very accurate, says, erroneously, that Tonty had gone
8] to Fort Frontenac. La Forest had gone thither, not long before La Salle's arrival.
[ Copie du Testament du deffunt Sr. de la Salle, 11 Août, 1681. The relative was François
22 Plet, to whom he was deeply in debt.
9]
[ "On apprendra à la fin de cette année, 1682, le succès de la découverte qu'il étoit résolu
23 d'achever, au plus tard le printemps dernier ou de périr en y travaillant. Tant de traverses et
0] de malheurs toujours arrivés en son absence l'ont fait résoudre à ne se fier plus à personne
et à conduire lui-même tout son monde, tout son équipage, et toute son entreprise, de laquelle il
espéroit une heureuse conclusion."
The above is a part of the closing paragraph of the Relation des
Découvertes, so often cited.
Page 219
CHAPTER XX.
1681-1682.
SUCCESS OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—The Chicago Portage.—Descent of the Mississippi.—The
Lost Hunter.—The Arkansas.—The Taensas.—The Natchez.—
Hostility.—The Mouth of the Mississippi.—Louis XIV. proclaimed
Sovereign of the Great West.
The season was far advanced. On the bare limbs of the forest hung a few
withered remnants of its gay autumnal livery; and the smoke crept upward
through the sullen November air from the squalid wigwams of La Salle's
Abenaki and Mohegan allies. These, his new friends, were savages whose
midnight yells had startled the border hamlets of New England; who had
danced around Puritan scalps, and whom Puritan imaginations painted as
incarnate fiends. La Salle chose eighteen of them, whom he added to the
twenty-three Frenchmen who remained with him, some of the rest having
deserted and others lagged behind. The Indians insisted on taking their
squaws with them. These were ten in number, besides three children; and
thus the expedition included fifty-four persons, of whom some were
useless, and others a burden.
On the 21st of December, Tonty and Membré set out from Fort Miami
with some of the party in six canoes, and crossed to the little river Chicago.
[231]
La Salle, with the rest of the men, joined them a few days later. It was
the dead of winter, and the streams were frozen. They made sledges, placed
on them the canoes, the baggage, and a disabled Frenchman; crossed from
the Chicago to the northern branch of the Illinois, and filed in a long
procession down its frozen course. They reached the site of the great Illinois
village, found it tenantless, and continued their journey, still dragging their
canoes, till at length they reached open water below Lake Peoria.
La Salle had abandoned for a time his original plan of
building a vessel for the navigation of the Mississippi. PRUDHOMME.
1681-1682.
SUCCESS OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—The Chicago Portage.—Descent of the Mississippi.—The
Lost Hunter.—The Arkansas.—The Taensas.—The Natchez.—
Hostility.—The Mouth of the Mississippi.—Louis XIV. proclaimed
Sovereign of the Great West.
The season was far advanced. On the bare limbs of the forest hung a few
withered remnants of its gay autumnal livery; and the smoke crept upward
through the sullen November air from the squalid wigwams of La Salle's
Abenaki and Mohegan allies. These, his new friends, were savages whose
midnight yells had startled the border hamlets of New England; who had
danced around Puritan scalps, and whom Puritan imaginations painted as
incarnate fiends. La Salle chose eighteen of them, whom he added to the
twenty-three Frenchmen who remained with him, some of the rest having
deserted and others lagged behind. The Indians insisted on taking their
squaws with them. These were ten in number, besides three children; and
thus the expedition included fifty-four persons, of whom some were
useless, and others a burden.
On the 21st of December, Tonty and Membré set out from Fort Miami
with some of the party in six canoes, and crossed to the little river Chicago.
[231]
La Salle, with the rest of the men, joined them a few days later. It was
the dead of winter, and the streams were frozen. They made sledges, placed
on them the canoes, the baggage, and a disabled Frenchman; crossed from
the Chicago to the northern branch of the Illinois, and filed in a long
procession down its frozen course. They reached the site of the great Illinois
village, found it tenantless, and continued their journey, still dragging their
canoes, till at length they reached open water below Lake Peoria.
La Salle had abandoned for a time his original plan of
building a vessel for the navigation of the Mississippi. PRUDHOMME.
Page 220
Bitter experience had taught him the difficulty of the attempt, and he
resolved to trust to his canoes alone. They embarked again, floating
prosperously down between the leafless forests that flanked the tranquil
river; till, on the sixth of February, they issued upon the majestic bosom of
the Mississippi. Here, for the time, their progress was stopped; for the river
was full of floating ice. La Salle's Indians, too, had lagged behind; but
within a week all had arrived, the navigation was once more free, and they
resumed their course. Towards evening they saw on their right the mouth of
a great river; and the clear current was invaded by the headlong torrent of
the Missouri, opaque with mud. They built their camp-fires in the
neighboring forest; and at daylight, embarking anew on the dark and mighty
stream, drifted swiftly down towards unknown destinies. They passed a
deserted town of the Tamaroas; saw, three days after, the mouth of the Ohio;
[232]
and, gliding by the wastes of bordering swamp, landed on the twenty-
fourth of February near the Third Chickasaw Bluffs.[233] They encamped,
and the hunters went out for game. All returned, excepting Pierre
Prudhomme; and as the others had seen fresh tracks of Indians, La Salle
feared that he was killed. While some of his followers built a small stockade
fort on a high bluff[234] by the river, others ranged the woods in pursuit of
the missing hunter. After six days of ceaseless and fruitless search, they met
two Chickasaw Indians in the forest; and through them La Salle sent
presents and peace-messages to that warlike people, whose villages were a
few days' journey distant. Several days later Prudhomme was found, and
brought into the camp, half-dead. He had lost his way while hunting; and to
console him for his woes La Salle christened the newly built fort with his
name, and left him, with a few others, in charge of it.
Again they embarked; and with every stage of their adventurous progress
the mystery of this vast New World was more and more unveiled. More and
more they entered the realms of spring. The hazy sunlight, the warm and
drowsy air, the tender foliage, the opening flowers, betokened the reviving
life of Nature. For several days more they followed the writhings of the
great river on its tortuous course through wastes of swamp and cane-brake,
till on the thirteenth of March[235] they found themselves wrapped in a thick
fog. Neither shore was visible; but they heard on the right the booming of
an Indian drum and the shrill outcries of the war-dance. La Salle at once
crossed to the opposite side, where, in less than an hour, his men threw up a
resolved to trust to his canoes alone. They embarked again, floating
prosperously down between the leafless forests that flanked the tranquil
river; till, on the sixth of February, they issued upon the majestic bosom of
the Mississippi. Here, for the time, their progress was stopped; for the river
was full of floating ice. La Salle's Indians, too, had lagged behind; but
within a week all had arrived, the navigation was once more free, and they
resumed their course. Towards evening they saw on their right the mouth of
a great river; and the clear current was invaded by the headlong torrent of
the Missouri, opaque with mud. They built their camp-fires in the
neighboring forest; and at daylight, embarking anew on the dark and mighty
stream, drifted swiftly down towards unknown destinies. They passed a
deserted town of the Tamaroas; saw, three days after, the mouth of the Ohio;
[232]
and, gliding by the wastes of bordering swamp, landed on the twenty-
fourth of February near the Third Chickasaw Bluffs.[233] They encamped,
and the hunters went out for game. All returned, excepting Pierre
Prudhomme; and as the others had seen fresh tracks of Indians, La Salle
feared that he was killed. While some of his followers built a small stockade
fort on a high bluff[234] by the river, others ranged the woods in pursuit of
the missing hunter. After six days of ceaseless and fruitless search, they met
two Chickasaw Indians in the forest; and through them La Salle sent
presents and peace-messages to that warlike people, whose villages were a
few days' journey distant. Several days later Prudhomme was found, and
brought into the camp, half-dead. He had lost his way while hunting; and to
console him for his woes La Salle christened the newly built fort with his
name, and left him, with a few others, in charge of it.
Again they embarked; and with every stage of their adventurous progress
the mystery of this vast New World was more and more unveiled. More and
more they entered the realms of spring. The hazy sunlight, the warm and
drowsy air, the tender foliage, the opening flowers, betokened the reviving
life of Nature. For several days more they followed the writhings of the
great river on its tortuous course through wastes of swamp and cane-brake,
till on the thirteenth of March[235] they found themselves wrapped in a thick
fog. Neither shore was visible; but they heard on the right the booming of
an Indian drum and the shrill outcries of the war-dance. La Salle at once
crossed to the opposite side, where, in less than an hour, his men threw up a
Page 221
rude fort of felled trees. Meanwhile the fog cleared; and from the farther
bank the astonished Indians saw the strange visitors at their work. Some of
the French advanced to the edge of the water, and beckoned them to come
over. Several of them approached, in a wooden canoe, to within the distance
of a gun-shot. La Salle displayed the calumet, and sent a Frenchman to meet
them. He was well received; and the friendly mood of the Indians being
now apparent, the whole party crossed the river.
On landing, they found themselves at a town of the
Kappa band of the Arkansas, a people dwelling near the THE ARKANSAS.
mouth of the river which bears their name. "The whole
village," writes Membré to his superior, "came down to the shore to meet
us, except the women, who had run off. I cannot tell you the civility and
kindness we received from these barbarians, who brought us poles to make
huts, supplied us with firewood during the three days we were among them,
and took turns in feasting us. But, my Reverend Father, this gives no idea of
the good qualities of these savages, who are gay, civil, and free-hearted. The
young men, though the most alert and spirited we had seen, are nevertheless
so modest that not one of them would take the liberty to enter our hut, but
all stood quietly at the door. They are so well formed that we were in
admiration at their beauty. We did not lose the value of a pin while we were
among them."
Various were the dances and ceremonies with which they entertained the
strangers, who, on their part, responded with a solemnity which their hosts
would have liked less if they had understood it better. La Salle and Tonty, at
the head of their followers, marched to the open area in the midst of the
village. Here, to the admiration of the gazing crowd of warriors, women,
and children, a cross was raised bearing the arms of France. Membré, in
canonicals, sang a hymn; the men shouted Vive le Roi; and La Salle, in the
King's name, took formal possession of the country.[236] The friar, not, he
flatters himself, without success, labored to expound by signs the mysteries
of the Faith; while La Salle, by methods equally satisfactory, drew from the
chief an acknowledgement of fealty to Louis XIV.[237]
After touching at several other towns of this people,
the voyagers resumed their course, guided by two of the THE TAENSAS.
Arkansas; passed the sites, since become historic, of
bank the astonished Indians saw the strange visitors at their work. Some of
the French advanced to the edge of the water, and beckoned them to come
over. Several of them approached, in a wooden canoe, to within the distance
of a gun-shot. La Salle displayed the calumet, and sent a Frenchman to meet
them. He was well received; and the friendly mood of the Indians being
now apparent, the whole party crossed the river.
On landing, they found themselves at a town of the
Kappa band of the Arkansas, a people dwelling near the THE ARKANSAS.
mouth of the river which bears their name. "The whole
village," writes Membré to his superior, "came down to the shore to meet
us, except the women, who had run off. I cannot tell you the civility and
kindness we received from these barbarians, who brought us poles to make
huts, supplied us with firewood during the three days we were among them,
and took turns in feasting us. But, my Reverend Father, this gives no idea of
the good qualities of these savages, who are gay, civil, and free-hearted. The
young men, though the most alert and spirited we had seen, are nevertheless
so modest that not one of them would take the liberty to enter our hut, but
all stood quietly at the door. They are so well formed that we were in
admiration at their beauty. We did not lose the value of a pin while we were
among them."
Various were the dances and ceremonies with which they entertained the
strangers, who, on their part, responded with a solemnity which their hosts
would have liked less if they had understood it better. La Salle and Tonty, at
the head of their followers, marched to the open area in the midst of the
village. Here, to the admiration of the gazing crowd of warriors, women,
and children, a cross was raised bearing the arms of France. Membré, in
canonicals, sang a hymn; the men shouted Vive le Roi; and La Salle, in the
King's name, took formal possession of the country.[236] The friar, not, he
flatters himself, without success, labored to expound by signs the mysteries
of the Faith; while La Salle, by methods equally satisfactory, drew from the
chief an acknowledgement of fealty to Louis XIV.[237]
After touching at several other towns of this people,
the voyagers resumed their course, guided by two of the THE TAENSAS.
Arkansas; passed the sites, since become historic, of
Page 222
Vicksburg and Grand Gulf; and, about three hundred miles below the
Arkansas, stopped by the edge of a swamp on the western side of the river.
[238]
Here, as their two guides told them, was the path to the great town of
the Taensas. Tonty and Membré were sent to visit it. They and their men
shouldered their birch canoe through the swamp, and launched it on a lake
which had once formed a portion of the channel of the river. In two hours,
they reached the town; and Tonty gazed at it with astonishment. He had
seen nothing like it in America,—large square dwellings, built of sun-baked
mud mixed with straw, arched over with a dome-shaped roof of canes, and
placed in regular order around an open area. Two of them were larger and
better than the rest. One was the lodge of the chief; the other was the
temple, or house of the Sun. They entered the former, and found a single
room, forty feet square, where, in the dim light,—for there was no opening
but the door,—the chief sat awaiting them on a sort of bedstead, three of his
wives at his side; while sixty old men, wrapped in white cloaks woven of
mulberry-bark, formed his divan. When he spoke, his wives howled to do
him honor; and the assembled councillors listened with the reverence due to
a potentate for whom, at his death, a hundred victims were to be sacrificed.
He received the visitors graciously, and joyfully accepted the gifts which
Tonty laid before him.[239] This interview over, the Frenchmen repaired to
the temple, wherein were kept the bones of the departed chiefs. In
construction, it was much like the royal dwelling. Over it were rude wooden
figures, representing three eagles turned towards the east. A strong mud
wall surrounded it, planted with stakes, on which were stuck the skulls of
enemies sacrificed to the Sun; while before the door was a block of wood,
on which lay a large shell surrounded with the braided hair of the victims.
The interior was rude as a barn, dimly lighted from the doorway, and full of
smoke. There was a structure in the middle which Membré thinks was a
kind of altar; and before it burned a perpetual fire, fed with three logs laid
end to end, and watched by two old men devoted to this sacred office. There
was a mysterious recess, too, which the strangers were forbidden to explore,
but which, as Tonty was told, contained the riches of the nation, consisting
of pearls from the Gulf, and trinkets obtained, probably through other
tribes, from the Spaniards and other Europeans.
The chief condescended to visit La Salle at his camp,—a favor which he
would by no means have granted, had the visitors been Indians. A master of
Arkansas, stopped by the edge of a swamp on the western side of the river.
[238]
Here, as their two guides told them, was the path to the great town of
the Taensas. Tonty and Membré were sent to visit it. They and their men
shouldered their birch canoe through the swamp, and launched it on a lake
which had once formed a portion of the channel of the river. In two hours,
they reached the town; and Tonty gazed at it with astonishment. He had
seen nothing like it in America,—large square dwellings, built of sun-baked
mud mixed with straw, arched over with a dome-shaped roof of canes, and
placed in regular order around an open area. Two of them were larger and
better than the rest. One was the lodge of the chief; the other was the
temple, or house of the Sun. They entered the former, and found a single
room, forty feet square, where, in the dim light,—for there was no opening
but the door,—the chief sat awaiting them on a sort of bedstead, three of his
wives at his side; while sixty old men, wrapped in white cloaks woven of
mulberry-bark, formed his divan. When he spoke, his wives howled to do
him honor; and the assembled councillors listened with the reverence due to
a potentate for whom, at his death, a hundred victims were to be sacrificed.
He received the visitors graciously, and joyfully accepted the gifts which
Tonty laid before him.[239] This interview over, the Frenchmen repaired to
the temple, wherein were kept the bones of the departed chiefs. In
construction, it was much like the royal dwelling. Over it were rude wooden
figures, representing three eagles turned towards the east. A strong mud
wall surrounded it, planted with stakes, on which were stuck the skulls of
enemies sacrificed to the Sun; while before the door was a block of wood,
on which lay a large shell surrounded with the braided hair of the victims.
The interior was rude as a barn, dimly lighted from the doorway, and full of
smoke. There was a structure in the middle which Membré thinks was a
kind of altar; and before it burned a perpetual fire, fed with three logs laid
end to end, and watched by two old men devoted to this sacred office. There
was a mysterious recess, too, which the strangers were forbidden to explore,
but which, as Tonty was told, contained the riches of the nation, consisting
of pearls from the Gulf, and trinkets obtained, probably through other
tribes, from the Spaniards and other Europeans.
The chief condescended to visit La Salle at his camp,—a favor which he
would by no means have granted, had the visitors been Indians. A master of
Page 223
ceremonies and six attendants preceded him, to clear the path and prepare
the place of meeting. When all was ready, he was seen advancing, clothed
in a white robe and preceded by two men bearing white fans, while a third
displayed a disk of burnished copper,—doubtless to represent the Sun, his
ancestor, or, as others will have it, his elder brother. His aspect was
marvellously grave, and he and La Salle met with gestures of ceremonious
courtesy. The interview was very friendly; and the chief returned well
pleased with the gifts which his entertainer bestowed on him, and which,
indeed, had been the principal motive of his visit.
On the next morning, as they descended the river, they
saw a wooden canoe full of Indians; and Tonty gave THE NATCHEZ.
chase. He had nearly overtaken it, when more than a
hundred men appeared suddenly on the shore, with bows bent to defend
their countrymen. La Salle called out to Tonty to withdraw. He obeyed; and
the whole party encamped on the opposite bank. Tonty offered to cross the
river with a peace-pipe, and set out accordingly with a small party of men.
When he landed, the Indians made signs of friendship by joining their
hands,—a proceeding by which Tonty, having but one hand, was somewhat
embarrassed; but he directed his men to respond in his stead. La Salle and
Membré now joined him, and went with the Indians to their village, three
leagues distant. Here they spent the night. "The Sieur de la Salle," writes
Membré, "whose very air, engaging manners, tact, and address attract love
and respect alike, produced such an effect on the hearts of these people that
they did not know how to treat us well enough."[240]
The Indians of this village were the Natchez; and their chief was brother
of the great chief, or Sun, of the whole nation. His town was several leagues
distant, near the site of the city of Natchez; and thither the French repaired
to visit him. They saw what they had already seen among the Taensas,—a
religious and political despotism, a privileged caste descended from the sun,
a temple, and a sacred fire.[241] La Salle planted a large cross, with the arms
of France attached, in the midst of the town; while the inhabitants looked on
with a satisfaction which they would hardly have displayed had they
understood the meaning of the act.
The French next visited the Coroas, at their village
two leagues below; and here they found a reception no HOSTILITY.
the place of meeting. When all was ready, he was seen advancing, clothed
in a white robe and preceded by two men bearing white fans, while a third
displayed a disk of burnished copper,—doubtless to represent the Sun, his
ancestor, or, as others will have it, his elder brother. His aspect was
marvellously grave, and he and La Salle met with gestures of ceremonious
courtesy. The interview was very friendly; and the chief returned well
pleased with the gifts which his entertainer bestowed on him, and which,
indeed, had been the principal motive of his visit.
On the next morning, as they descended the river, they
saw a wooden canoe full of Indians; and Tonty gave THE NATCHEZ.
chase. He had nearly overtaken it, when more than a
hundred men appeared suddenly on the shore, with bows bent to defend
their countrymen. La Salle called out to Tonty to withdraw. He obeyed; and
the whole party encamped on the opposite bank. Tonty offered to cross the
river with a peace-pipe, and set out accordingly with a small party of men.
When he landed, the Indians made signs of friendship by joining their
hands,—a proceeding by which Tonty, having but one hand, was somewhat
embarrassed; but he directed his men to respond in his stead. La Salle and
Membré now joined him, and went with the Indians to their village, three
leagues distant. Here they spent the night. "The Sieur de la Salle," writes
Membré, "whose very air, engaging manners, tact, and address attract love
and respect alike, produced such an effect on the hearts of these people that
they did not know how to treat us well enough."[240]
The Indians of this village were the Natchez; and their chief was brother
of the great chief, or Sun, of the whole nation. His town was several leagues
distant, near the site of the city of Natchez; and thither the French repaired
to visit him. They saw what they had already seen among the Taensas,—a
religious and political despotism, a privileged caste descended from the sun,
a temple, and a sacred fire.[241] La Salle planted a large cross, with the arms
of France attached, in the midst of the town; while the inhabitants looked on
with a satisfaction which they would hardly have displayed had they
understood the meaning of the act.
The French next visited the Coroas, at their village
two leagues below; and here they found a reception no HOSTILITY.
Page 224
less auspicious. On the thirty-first of March, as they approached Red River,
they passed in the fog a town of the Oumas, and three days later discovered
a party of fishermen, in wooden canoes, among the canes along the margin
of the water. They fled at sight of the Frenchmen. La Salle sent men to
reconnoitre, who, as they struggled through the marsh, were greeted with a
shower of arrows; while from the neighboring village of the Quinipissas,
[242]
invisible behind the cane-brake, they heard the sound of an Indian
drum and the whoops of the mustering warriors. La Salle, anxious to keep
the peace with all the tribes along the river, recalled his men, and pursued
his voyage. A few leagues below they saw a cluster of Indian lodges on the
left bank, apparently void of inhabitants. They landed, and found three of
them filled with corpses. It was a village of the Tangibao, sacked by their
enemies only a few days before.[243]
And now they neared their journey's end. On the sixth of April the river
divided itself into three broad channels. La Salle followed that of the west,
and Dautray that of the east; while Tonty took the middle passage. As he
drifted down the turbid current, between the low and marshy shores, the
brackish water changed to brine, and the breeze grew fresh with the salt
breath of the sea. Then the broad bosom of the great Gulf opened on his
sight, tossing its restless billows, limitless, voiceless, lonely as when born
of chaos, without a sail, without a sign of life.
La Salle, in a canoe, coasted the marshy borders of the sea; and then the
reunited parties assembled on a spot of dry ground, a short distance above
the mouth of the river. Here a column was made ready, bearing the arms of
France, and inscribed with the words, "Louis Le Grand, Roy De France Et
De Navarre, Règne; Le Neuvième Avril, 1682."
The Frenchmen were mustered under arms; and while the New England
Indians and their squaws looked on in wondering silence, they chanted the
Te Deum, the Exaudiat, and the Domine salvum fac Regem. Then, amid
volleys of musketry and shouts of Vive le Roi, La Salle planted the column
in its place, and, standing near it, proclaimed in a loud voice,—
"In the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and
victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God POSSESSION
TAKEN.
King of France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name,
they passed in the fog a town of the Oumas, and three days later discovered
a party of fishermen, in wooden canoes, among the canes along the margin
of the water. They fled at sight of the Frenchmen. La Salle sent men to
reconnoitre, who, as they struggled through the marsh, were greeted with a
shower of arrows; while from the neighboring village of the Quinipissas,
[242]
invisible behind the cane-brake, they heard the sound of an Indian
drum and the whoops of the mustering warriors. La Salle, anxious to keep
the peace with all the tribes along the river, recalled his men, and pursued
his voyage. A few leagues below they saw a cluster of Indian lodges on the
left bank, apparently void of inhabitants. They landed, and found three of
them filled with corpses. It was a village of the Tangibao, sacked by their
enemies only a few days before.[243]
And now they neared their journey's end. On the sixth of April the river
divided itself into three broad channels. La Salle followed that of the west,
and Dautray that of the east; while Tonty took the middle passage. As he
drifted down the turbid current, between the low and marshy shores, the
brackish water changed to brine, and the breeze grew fresh with the salt
breath of the sea. Then the broad bosom of the great Gulf opened on his
sight, tossing its restless billows, limitless, voiceless, lonely as when born
of chaos, without a sail, without a sign of life.
La Salle, in a canoe, coasted the marshy borders of the sea; and then the
reunited parties assembled on a spot of dry ground, a short distance above
the mouth of the river. Here a column was made ready, bearing the arms of
France, and inscribed with the words, "Louis Le Grand, Roy De France Et
De Navarre, Règne; Le Neuvième Avril, 1682."
The Frenchmen were mustered under arms; and while the New England
Indians and their squaws looked on in wondering silence, they chanted the
Te Deum, the Exaudiat, and the Domine salvum fac Regem. Then, amid
volleys of musketry and shouts of Vive le Roi, La Salle planted the column
in its place, and, standing near it, proclaimed in a loud voice,—
"In the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and
victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God POSSESSION
TAKEN.
King of France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name,
Page 225
I, this ninth day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, in
virtue of the commission of his Majesty, which I hold in my hand, and
which may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now
take, in the name of his Majesty and of his successors to the crown,
possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays,
adjacent straits, and all the nations, peoples, provinces, cities, towns,
villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams, and rivers, within the extent of
the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Louis, otherwise
called the Ohio, ... as also along the river Colbert, or Mississippi, and the
rivers which discharge themselves thereinto, from its source beyond the
country of the Nadouessioux ... as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of
Mexico, and also to the mouth of the River of Palms, upon the assurance we
have had from the natives of these countries that we are the first Europeans
who have descended or ascended the said river Colbert; hereby protesting
against all who may hereafter undertake to invade any or all of these
aforesaid countries, peoples, or lands, to the prejudice of the rights of his
Majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations dwelling herein. Of which,
and of all else that is needful, I hereby take to witness those who hear me,
and demand an act of the notary here present."[244]
Shouts of Vive le Roi and volleys of musketry responded to his words.
Then a cross was planted beside the column, and a leaden plate buried near
it, bearing the arms of France, with a Latin inscription, Ludovicus Magnus
regnat. The weather-beaten voyagers joined their voices in the grand hymn
of the Vexilla Regis:—
"The banners of Heaven's King advance,
The mystery of the Cross shines forth;"
and renewed shouts of Vive le Roi closed the ceremony.
On that day, the realm of France received on parchment a stupendous
accession. The fertile plains of Texas; the vast basin of the Mississippi,
from its frozen northern springs to the sultry borders of the Gulf; from the
woody ridges of the Alleghanies to the bare peaks of the Rocky Mountains,
—a region of savannas and forests, sun-cracked deserts, and grassy prairies,
watered by a thousand rivers, ranged by a thousand warlike tribes, passed
virtue of the commission of his Majesty, which I hold in my hand, and
which may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now
take, in the name of his Majesty and of his successors to the crown,
possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays,
adjacent straits, and all the nations, peoples, provinces, cities, towns,
villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams, and rivers, within the extent of
the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Louis, otherwise
called the Ohio, ... as also along the river Colbert, or Mississippi, and the
rivers which discharge themselves thereinto, from its source beyond the
country of the Nadouessioux ... as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of
Mexico, and also to the mouth of the River of Palms, upon the assurance we
have had from the natives of these countries that we are the first Europeans
who have descended or ascended the said river Colbert; hereby protesting
against all who may hereafter undertake to invade any or all of these
aforesaid countries, peoples, or lands, to the prejudice of the rights of his
Majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations dwelling herein. Of which,
and of all else that is needful, I hereby take to witness those who hear me,
and demand an act of the notary here present."[244]
Shouts of Vive le Roi and volleys of musketry responded to his words.
Then a cross was planted beside the column, and a leaden plate buried near
it, bearing the arms of France, with a Latin inscription, Ludovicus Magnus
regnat. The weather-beaten voyagers joined their voices in the grand hymn
of the Vexilla Regis:—
"The banners of Heaven's King advance,
The mystery of the Cross shines forth;"
and renewed shouts of Vive le Roi closed the ceremony.
On that day, the realm of France received on parchment a stupendous
accession. The fertile plains of Texas; the vast basin of the Mississippi,
from its frozen northern springs to the sultry borders of the Gulf; from the
woody ridges of the Alleghanies to the bare peaks of the Rocky Mountains,
—a region of savannas and forests, sun-cracked deserts, and grassy prairies,
watered by a thousand rivers, ranged by a thousand warlike tribes, passed
Page 226
beneath the sceptre of the Sultan of Versailles; and all by virtue of a feeble
human voice, inaudible at half a mile.
FOOTNOTES:
[ La Salle, Relation de la Découverte, 1682, in Thomassy, Géologie Pratique de la
23 Louisiane 9; Lettre du Père Zenobe Membré, 3 Juin, 1682; Ibid., 14 Août, 1682; Membré in
1] Le Clerc, ii. 214; Tonty, 1684, 1693; Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession de la
Louisiane, Feuilles détachées d'une Lettre de La Salle (Margry, ii. 164); Récit de Nicolas de la
Salle (Ibid., i. 547).
The narrative ascribed to Membré and published by Le Clerc is based
on the document preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine,
entitled Relation de la Découverte de l'Embouchure de la Rivière
Mississippi faite par le Sieur de la Salle, l'année passée, 1682. The
writer of the narrative has used it very freely, copying the greater part
verbatim, with occasional additions of a kind which seem to indicate that
he had taken part in the expedition. The Relation de la Découverte,
though written in the third person, is the official report of the discovery
made by La Salle, or perhaps for him by Membré.
[ Called by Membré the Ouabache (Wabash).
23
2] [ La Salle, Relation de la Découverte de l'Embouchure, etc.; Thomassy, 10. Membré
23 gives the same date; but the Procès Verbal makes it the twenty-sixth.
3]
[ Gravier, in his letter of 16 Feb., 1701, says that he encamped near a "great
23 bluff of stone, called Fort Prudhomme, because M. de La Salle, going on his
4] discovery, intrenched himself here with his party, fearing that Prudhomme,
who had lost himself in the woods, had been killed by the Indians, and that he himself would be
attacked."
[ La Salle, Relation; Thomassy, 11.
23
5] [ Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession du Pays des Arkansas, 14 Mars, 1682.
23
6] [ The nation of the Akanseas, Alkansas, or Arkansas, dwelt on the west bank
23 of the Mississippi, near the mouth of the Arkansas. They were divided into
7] four tribes, living for the most part in separate villages. Those first visited by
La Salle were the Kappas, or Quapaws, a remnant of whom still subsists. The others were the
Topingas, or Tongengas; the Torimans; and the Osotouoy, or Sauthouis. According to Charlevoix,
who saw them in 1721, they were regarded as the tallest and best-formed Indians in America, and
were known as les Beaux Hommes. Gravier says that they once lived on the Ohio.
[ In Tensas County, Louisiana. Tonty's estimates of distance are here much too low. They
23 seem to be founded on observations of latitude, without reckoning the windings of the
8]
human voice, inaudible at half a mile.
FOOTNOTES:
[ La Salle, Relation de la Découverte, 1682, in Thomassy, Géologie Pratique de la
23 Louisiane 9; Lettre du Père Zenobe Membré, 3 Juin, 1682; Ibid., 14 Août, 1682; Membré in
1] Le Clerc, ii. 214; Tonty, 1684, 1693; Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession de la
Louisiane, Feuilles détachées d'une Lettre de La Salle (Margry, ii. 164); Récit de Nicolas de la
Salle (Ibid., i. 547).
The narrative ascribed to Membré and published by Le Clerc is based
on the document preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine,
entitled Relation de la Découverte de l'Embouchure de la Rivière
Mississippi faite par le Sieur de la Salle, l'année passée, 1682. The
writer of the narrative has used it very freely, copying the greater part
verbatim, with occasional additions of a kind which seem to indicate that
he had taken part in the expedition. The Relation de la Découverte,
though written in the third person, is the official report of the discovery
made by La Salle, or perhaps for him by Membré.
[ Called by Membré the Ouabache (Wabash).
23
2] [ La Salle, Relation de la Découverte de l'Embouchure, etc.; Thomassy, 10. Membré
23 gives the same date; but the Procès Verbal makes it the twenty-sixth.
3]
[ Gravier, in his letter of 16 Feb., 1701, says that he encamped near a "great
23 bluff of stone, called Fort Prudhomme, because M. de La Salle, going on his
4] discovery, intrenched himself here with his party, fearing that Prudhomme,
who had lost himself in the woods, had been killed by the Indians, and that he himself would be
attacked."
[ La Salle, Relation; Thomassy, 11.
23
5] [ Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession du Pays des Arkansas, 14 Mars, 1682.
23
6] [ The nation of the Akanseas, Alkansas, or Arkansas, dwelt on the west bank
23 of the Mississippi, near the mouth of the Arkansas. They were divided into
7] four tribes, living for the most part in separate villages. Those first visited by
La Salle were the Kappas, or Quapaws, a remnant of whom still subsists. The others were the
Topingas, or Tongengas; the Torimans; and the Osotouoy, or Sauthouis. According to Charlevoix,
who saw them in 1721, they were regarded as the tallest and best-formed Indians in America, and
were known as les Beaux Hommes. Gravier says that they once lived on the Ohio.
[ In Tensas County, Louisiana. Tonty's estimates of distance are here much too low. They
23 seem to be founded on observations of latitude, without reckoning the windings of the
8]
Page 227
river. It may interest sportsmen to know that the party killed several large alligators, on their way.
Membré is much astonished that such monsters should be born of eggs like chickens.
[ Tonty, 1684, 1693. In the spurious narrative, published in Tonty's name, the account is
23 embellished and exaggerated. Compare Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 227. La Salle's statements
9] in the Relation of 1682 (Thomassy, 12) sustain those of Tonty.
[ Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 232.
24
0] [ The Natchez and the Taensas, whose habits and customs were similar, did not, in
24 their social organization, differ radically from other Indians. The same principle of
1] clanship, or totemship, so widely spread, existed in full force among them, combined
with their religious ideas, and developed into forms of which no other example, equally distinct,
is to be found. (For Indian clanship, see "The Jesuits in North America," Introduction.) Among
the Natchez and Taensas, the principal clan formed a ruling caste; and its chiefs had the attributes
of demi-gods. As descent was through the female, the chief's son never succeeded him, but the
son of one of his sisters; and as she, by the usual totemic law, was forced to marry in another clan,
—that is, to marry a common mortal,—her husband, though the destined father of a demi-god,
was treated by her as little better than a slave. She might kill him, if he proved unfaithful; but he
was forced to submit to her infidelities in silence.
The customs of the Natchez have been described by Du Pratz, Le Petit,
Penecaut, and others. Charlevoix visited their temple in 1721, and found
it in a somewhat shabby condition. At this time, the Taensas were extinct.
In 1729 the Natchez, enraged by the arbitrary conduct of a French
commandant, massacred the neighboring settlers, and were in
consequence expelled from their country and nearly destroyed. A few
still survive, incorporated with the Creeks; but they have lost their
peculiar customs.
[ In St. Charles County, on the left bank, not far above New Orleans.
24
2] [ Hennepin uses this incident, as well as most of those which have preceded it, in
24 making up the story of his pretended voyage to the Gulf.
3]
[ In the passages omitted above, for the sake of brevity, the Ohio is mentioned
24 as being called also the Olighin- (Alleghany) Sipou, and Chukagoua; and La
4] Salle declares that he takes possession of the country with the consent of the
nations dwelling in it, of whom he names the Chaouanons (Shawanoes), Kious, or Nadouessious
(Sioux), Chikachas (Chickasaws), Motantees (?), Illinois, Mitchigamias, Arkansas, Natchez, and
Koroas. This alleged consent is, of course, mere farce. If there could be any doubt as to the
meaning of the words of La Salle, as recorded in the Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession de
la Louisiane, it would be set at rest by Le Clerc, who says: "Le Sieur de la Salle prit au nom de sa
Majesté possession de ce fleuve, de toutes les rivières qui y entrent, et de tous les pays qu'elles
arrosent." These words are borrowed from the report of La Salle (see Thomassy, 14). A copy of
the original Procès Verbal is before me. It bears the name of Jacques de la Metairie, Notary of
Fort Frontenac, who was one of the party.
Membré is much astonished that such monsters should be born of eggs like chickens.
[ Tonty, 1684, 1693. In the spurious narrative, published in Tonty's name, the account is
23 embellished and exaggerated. Compare Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 227. La Salle's statements
9] in the Relation of 1682 (Thomassy, 12) sustain those of Tonty.
[ Membré in Le Clerc, ii. 232.
24
0] [ The Natchez and the Taensas, whose habits and customs were similar, did not, in
24 their social organization, differ radically from other Indians. The same principle of
1] clanship, or totemship, so widely spread, existed in full force among them, combined
with their religious ideas, and developed into forms of which no other example, equally distinct,
is to be found. (For Indian clanship, see "The Jesuits in North America," Introduction.) Among
the Natchez and Taensas, the principal clan formed a ruling caste; and its chiefs had the attributes
of demi-gods. As descent was through the female, the chief's son never succeeded him, but the
son of one of his sisters; and as she, by the usual totemic law, was forced to marry in another clan,
—that is, to marry a common mortal,—her husband, though the destined father of a demi-god,
was treated by her as little better than a slave. She might kill him, if he proved unfaithful; but he
was forced to submit to her infidelities in silence.
The customs of the Natchez have been described by Du Pratz, Le Petit,
Penecaut, and others. Charlevoix visited their temple in 1721, and found
it in a somewhat shabby condition. At this time, the Taensas were extinct.
In 1729 the Natchez, enraged by the arbitrary conduct of a French
commandant, massacred the neighboring settlers, and were in
consequence expelled from their country and nearly destroyed. A few
still survive, incorporated with the Creeks; but they have lost their
peculiar customs.
[ In St. Charles County, on the left bank, not far above New Orleans.
24
2] [ Hennepin uses this incident, as well as most of those which have preceded it, in
24 making up the story of his pretended voyage to the Gulf.
3]
[ In the passages omitted above, for the sake of brevity, the Ohio is mentioned
24 as being called also the Olighin- (Alleghany) Sipou, and Chukagoua; and La
4] Salle declares that he takes possession of the country with the consent of the
nations dwelling in it, of whom he names the Chaouanons (Shawanoes), Kious, or Nadouessious
(Sioux), Chikachas (Chickasaws), Motantees (?), Illinois, Mitchigamias, Arkansas, Natchez, and
Koroas. This alleged consent is, of course, mere farce. If there could be any doubt as to the
meaning of the words of La Salle, as recorded in the Procès Verbal de la Prise de Possession de
la Louisiane, it would be set at rest by Le Clerc, who says: "Le Sieur de la Salle prit au nom de sa
Majesté possession de ce fleuve, de toutes les rivières qui y entrent, et de tous les pays qu'elles
arrosent." These words are borrowed from the report of La Salle (see Thomassy, 14). A copy of
the original Procès Verbal is before me. It bears the name of Jacques de la Metairie, Notary of
Fort Frontenac, who was one of the party.
Page 228
Page 229
CHAPTER XXI.
1682, 1683.
ST. LOUIS OF THE ILLINOIS.
Louisiana.—Illness of La Salle: his Colony on the Illinois.—Fort St.
Louis.—Recall of Frontenac.—Le Febvre de la Barre.—Critical
Position of la Salle.—Hostility Of the New Governor.—Triumph of
the Adverse Faction.—La Salle sails for France.
Louisiana was the name bestowed by La Salle on the new domain of the
French crown. The rule of the Bourbons in the West is a memory of the
past, but the name of the Great King still survives in a narrow corner of
their lost empire. The Louisiana of to-day is but a single State of the
American republic. The Louisiana of La Salle stretched from the
Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains; from the Rio Grande and the Gulf to
the farthest springs of the Missouri.[245]
La Salle had written his name in history; but his hard-earned success was
but the prelude of a harder task. Herculean labors lay before him, if he
would realize the schemes with which his brain was pregnant. Bent on
accomplishing them, he retraced his course, and urged his canoes upward
against the muddy current. The party were famished. They had little to
subsist on but the flesh of alligators. When they reached the Quinipissas,
who had proved hostile on their way down, they resolved to risk an
interview with them, in the hope of obtaining food. The treacherous savages
dissembled, brought them corn, and on the following night made an attack
upon them, but met with a bloody repulse. The party next revisited the
Coroas, and found an unfavorable change in their disposition towards them.
They feasted them, indeed, but during the repast surrounded them with an
overwhelming force of warriors. The French, however, kept so well on their
guard, that their entertainers dared not make an attack, and suffered them to
depart unmolested.[246]
1682, 1683.
ST. LOUIS OF THE ILLINOIS.
Louisiana.—Illness of La Salle: his Colony on the Illinois.—Fort St.
Louis.—Recall of Frontenac.—Le Febvre de la Barre.—Critical
Position of la Salle.—Hostility Of the New Governor.—Triumph of
the Adverse Faction.—La Salle sails for France.
Louisiana was the name bestowed by La Salle on the new domain of the
French crown. The rule of the Bourbons in the West is a memory of the
past, but the name of the Great King still survives in a narrow corner of
their lost empire. The Louisiana of to-day is but a single State of the
American republic. The Louisiana of La Salle stretched from the
Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains; from the Rio Grande and the Gulf to
the farthest springs of the Missouri.[245]
La Salle had written his name in history; but his hard-earned success was
but the prelude of a harder task. Herculean labors lay before him, if he
would realize the schemes with which his brain was pregnant. Bent on
accomplishing them, he retraced his course, and urged his canoes upward
against the muddy current. The party were famished. They had little to
subsist on but the flesh of alligators. When they reached the Quinipissas,
who had proved hostile on their way down, they resolved to risk an
interview with them, in the hope of obtaining food. The treacherous savages
dissembled, brought them corn, and on the following night made an attack
upon them, but met with a bloody repulse. The party next revisited the
Coroas, and found an unfavorable change in their disposition towards them.
They feasted them, indeed, but during the repast surrounded them with an
overwhelming force of warriors. The French, however, kept so well on their
guard, that their entertainers dared not make an attack, and suffered them to
depart unmolested.[246]
Page 230
And now, in a career of unwonted success and
anticipated triumph, La Salle was arrested by a foe ILLNESS OF LA
against which the boldest heart avails nothing. As he SALLE.
ascended the Mississippi, he was seized by a dangerous illness. Unable to
proceed, he sent forward Tonty to Michilimackinac, whence, after
despatching news of their discovery to Canada, he was to return to the
Illinois. La Salle himself lay helpless at Fort Prudhomme, the palisade work
which his men had built at the Chickasaw Bluffs on their way down. Father
Zenobe Membré attended him; and at the end of July he was once more in a
condition to advance by slow movements towards Fort Miami, which he
reached in about a month.
In September he rejoined Tonty at Michilimackinac, and in the following
month wrote to a friend in France: "Though my discovery is made, and I
have descended the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, I cannot send you
this year either an account of my journey or a map. On the way back I was
attacked by a deadly disease, which kept me in danger of my life for forty
days, and left me so weak that I could think of nothing for four months
after. I have hardly strength enough now to write my letters, and the season
is so far advanced that I cannot detain a single day this canoe which I send
expressly to carry them. If I had not feared being forced to winter on the
way, I should have tried to get to Quebec to meet the new governor, if it is
true that we are to have one; but in my present condition this would be an
act of suicide, on account of the bad nourishment I should have all winter in
case the snow and ice stopped me on the way. Besides, my presence is
absolutely necessary in the place to which I am going. I pray you, my dear
sir, to give me once more all the help you can. I have great enemies, who
have succeeded in all they have undertaken. I do not pretend to resist them,
but only to justify myself, so that I can pursue by sea the plans I have begun
here by land."
This was what he had proposed to himself from the first; that is, to
abandon the difficult access through Canada, beset with enemies, and open
a way to his western domain through the Gulf and the Mississippi. This was
the aim of all his toilsome explorations. Could he have accomplished his
first intention of building a vessel on the Illinois and descending in her to
the Gulf, he would have been able to defray in good measure the costs of
the enterprise by means of the furs and buffalo-hides collected on the way
anticipated triumph, La Salle was arrested by a foe ILLNESS OF LA
against which the boldest heart avails nothing. As he SALLE.
ascended the Mississippi, he was seized by a dangerous illness. Unable to
proceed, he sent forward Tonty to Michilimackinac, whence, after
despatching news of their discovery to Canada, he was to return to the
Illinois. La Salle himself lay helpless at Fort Prudhomme, the palisade work
which his men had built at the Chickasaw Bluffs on their way down. Father
Zenobe Membré attended him; and at the end of July he was once more in a
condition to advance by slow movements towards Fort Miami, which he
reached in about a month.
In September he rejoined Tonty at Michilimackinac, and in the following
month wrote to a friend in France: "Though my discovery is made, and I
have descended the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, I cannot send you
this year either an account of my journey or a map. On the way back I was
attacked by a deadly disease, which kept me in danger of my life for forty
days, and left me so weak that I could think of nothing for four months
after. I have hardly strength enough now to write my letters, and the season
is so far advanced that I cannot detain a single day this canoe which I send
expressly to carry them. If I had not feared being forced to winter on the
way, I should have tried to get to Quebec to meet the new governor, if it is
true that we are to have one; but in my present condition this would be an
act of suicide, on account of the bad nourishment I should have all winter in
case the snow and ice stopped me on the way. Besides, my presence is
absolutely necessary in the place to which I am going. I pray you, my dear
sir, to give me once more all the help you can. I have great enemies, who
have succeeded in all they have undertaken. I do not pretend to resist them,
but only to justify myself, so that I can pursue by sea the plans I have begun
here by land."
This was what he had proposed to himself from the first; that is, to
abandon the difficult access through Canada, beset with enemies, and open
a way to his western domain through the Gulf and the Mississippi. This was
the aim of all his toilsome explorations. Could he have accomplished his
first intention of building a vessel on the Illinois and descending in her to
the Gulf, he would have been able to defray in good measure the costs of
the enterprise by means of the furs and buffalo-hides collected on the way
Page 231
and carried in her to France. With a fleet of canoes, this was impossible;
and there was nothing to offset the enormous outlay which he and his
associates had made. He meant, as we have seen, to found on the banks of
the Illinois a colony of French and Indians to answer the double purpose of
a bulwark against the Iroquois and a place of storage for the furs of all the
western tribes; and he hoped in the following year to secure an outlet for
this colony and for all the trade of the valley of the Mississippi, by
occupying the mouth of that river with a fort and another colony. This, too,
was an essential part of his original design.
But for his illness, he would have gone to France to provide for its
execution. Meanwhile, he ordered Tonty to collect as many men as possible,
and begin the projected colony on the banks of the Illinois. A report soon
after reached him that those pests of the wilderness the Iroquois were about
to renew their attacks on the western tribes. This would be fatal to his plans;
and, following Tonty to the Illinois, he rejoined him near the site of the
great town.
The cliff called "Starved Rock," now pointed out to
travellers as the chief natural curiosity of the region, "STARVED
rises, steep on three sides as a castle wall, to the height ROCK."
of a hundred and twenty-five feet above the river. In front, it overhangs the
water that washes its base; its western brow looks down on the tops of the
forest trees below; and on the east lies a wide gorge or ravine, choked with
the mingled foliage of oaks, walnuts, and elms; while in its rocky depths a
little brook creeps down to mingle with the river. From the trunk of the
stunted cedar that leans forward from the brink, you may drop a plummet
into the river below, where the cat-fish and the turtles may plainly be seen
gliding over the wrinkled sands of the clear and shallow current. The cliff is
accessible only from behind, where a man may climb up, not without
difficulty, by a steep and narrow passage. The top is about an acre in extent.
Here, in the month of December, La Salle and Tonty began to intrench
themselves. They cut away the forest that crowned the rock, built store-
houses and dwellings of its remains, dragged timber up the rugged pathway,
and encircled the summit with a palisade.[247]
and there was nothing to offset the enormous outlay which he and his
associates had made. He meant, as we have seen, to found on the banks of
the Illinois a colony of French and Indians to answer the double purpose of
a bulwark against the Iroquois and a place of storage for the furs of all the
western tribes; and he hoped in the following year to secure an outlet for
this colony and for all the trade of the valley of the Mississippi, by
occupying the mouth of that river with a fort and another colony. This, too,
was an essential part of his original design.
But for his illness, he would have gone to France to provide for its
execution. Meanwhile, he ordered Tonty to collect as many men as possible,
and begin the projected colony on the banks of the Illinois. A report soon
after reached him that those pests of the wilderness the Iroquois were about
to renew their attacks on the western tribes. This would be fatal to his plans;
and, following Tonty to the Illinois, he rejoined him near the site of the
great town.
The cliff called "Starved Rock," now pointed out to
travellers as the chief natural curiosity of the region, "STARVED
rises, steep on three sides as a castle wall, to the height ROCK."
of a hundred and twenty-five feet above the river. In front, it overhangs the
water that washes its base; its western brow looks down on the tops of the
forest trees below; and on the east lies a wide gorge or ravine, choked with
the mingled foliage of oaks, walnuts, and elms; while in its rocky depths a
little brook creeps down to mingle with the river. From the trunk of the
stunted cedar that leans forward from the brink, you may drop a plummet
into the river below, where the cat-fish and the turtles may plainly be seen
gliding over the wrinkled sands of the clear and shallow current. The cliff is
accessible only from behind, where a man may climb up, not without
difficulty, by a steep and narrow passage. The top is about an acre in extent.
Here, in the month of December, La Salle and Tonty began to intrench
themselves. They cut away the forest that crowned the rock, built store-
houses and dwellings of its remains, dragged timber up the rugged pathway,
and encircled the summit with a palisade.[247]
Page 232
Thus the winter passed, and meanwhile the work of
negotiation went prosperously on. The minds of the LA SALLE'S
COLONY.
Indians had been already prepared. In La Salle they saw
their champion against the Iroquois, the standing terror of all this region.
They gathered round his stronghold like the timorous peasantry of the
middle ages around the rock-built castle of their feudal lord. From the
wooden ramparts of St. Louis,—for so he named his fort,—high and
inaccessible as an eagle's nest, a strange scene lay before his eye. The
broad, flat valley of the Illinois was spread beneath him like a map,
bounded in the distance by its low wall of woody hills. The river wound at
negotiation went prosperously on. The minds of the LA SALLE'S
COLONY.
Indians had been already prepared. In La Salle they saw
their champion against the Iroquois, the standing terror of all this region.
They gathered round his stronghold like the timorous peasantry of the
middle ages around the rock-built castle of their feudal lord. From the
wooden ramparts of St. Louis,—for so he named his fort,—high and
inaccessible as an eagle's nest, a strange scene lay before his eye. The
broad, flat valley of the Illinois was spread beneath him like a map,
bounded in the distance by its low wall of woody hills. The river wound at
Page 233
his feet in devious channels among islands bordered with lofty trees; then,
far on the left, flowed calmly westward through the vast meadows, till its
glimmering blue ribbon was lost in hazy distance.
There had been a time, and that not remote, when these fair meadows
were a waste of death and desolation, scathed with fire, and strewn with the
ghastly relics of an Iroquois victory. Now all was changed. La Salle looked
down from his rock on a concourse of wild human life. Lodges of bark and
rushes, or cabins of logs, were clustered on the open plain or along the
edges of the bordering forests. Squaws labored, warriors lounged in the sun,
naked children whooped and gambolled on the grass. Beyond the river, a
mile and a half on the left, the banks were studded once more with the
lodges of the Illinois, who, to the number of six thousand, had returned,
since their defeat, to this their favorite dwelling-place. Scattered along the
valley, among the adjacent hills, or over the neighboring prairie, were the
cantonments of a half-score of other tribes and fragments of tribes, gathered
under the protecting ægis of the French,—Shawanoes from the Ohio,
Abenakis from Maine, Miamis from the sources of the Kankakee, with
others whose barbarous names are hardly worth the record.[248] Nor were
these La Salle's only dependants. By the terms of his patent, he held
seigniorial rights over this wild domain; and he now began to grant it out in
parcels to his followers. These, however, were as yet but a score,—a
lawless band, trained in forest license, and marrying, as their detractors
affirm, a new squaw every day in the week. This was after their lord's
departure, for his presence imposed a check on these eccentricities.
La Salle, in a memoir addressed to the Minister of the Marine, reports the
total number of the Indians around Fort St. Louis at about four thousand
warriors, or twenty thousand souls. His diplomacy had been crowned with a
marvellous success,—for which his thanks were due, first to the Iroquois,
and the universal terror they inspired; next, to his own address and
unwearied energy. His colony had sprung up, as it were, in a night; but
might not a night suffice to disperse it?
The conditions of maintaining it were twofold: first, he must give
efficient aid to his savage colonists against the Iroquois; secondly, he must
supply them with French goods in exchange for their furs. The men, arms,
and ammunition for their defence, and the goods for trading with them,
far on the left, flowed calmly westward through the vast meadows, till its
glimmering blue ribbon was lost in hazy distance.
There had been a time, and that not remote, when these fair meadows
were a waste of death and desolation, scathed with fire, and strewn with the
ghastly relics of an Iroquois victory. Now all was changed. La Salle looked
down from his rock on a concourse of wild human life. Lodges of bark and
rushes, or cabins of logs, were clustered on the open plain or along the
edges of the bordering forests. Squaws labored, warriors lounged in the sun,
naked children whooped and gambolled on the grass. Beyond the river, a
mile and a half on the left, the banks were studded once more with the
lodges of the Illinois, who, to the number of six thousand, had returned,
since their defeat, to this their favorite dwelling-place. Scattered along the
valley, among the adjacent hills, or over the neighboring prairie, were the
cantonments of a half-score of other tribes and fragments of tribes, gathered
under the protecting ægis of the French,—Shawanoes from the Ohio,
Abenakis from Maine, Miamis from the sources of the Kankakee, with
others whose barbarous names are hardly worth the record.[248] Nor were
these La Salle's only dependants. By the terms of his patent, he held
seigniorial rights over this wild domain; and he now began to grant it out in
parcels to his followers. These, however, were as yet but a score,—a
lawless band, trained in forest license, and marrying, as their detractors
affirm, a new squaw every day in the week. This was after their lord's
departure, for his presence imposed a check on these eccentricities.
La Salle, in a memoir addressed to the Minister of the Marine, reports the
total number of the Indians around Fort St. Louis at about four thousand
warriors, or twenty thousand souls. His diplomacy had been crowned with a
marvellous success,—for which his thanks were due, first to the Iroquois,
and the universal terror they inspired; next, to his own address and
unwearied energy. His colony had sprung up, as it were, in a night; but
might not a night suffice to disperse it?
The conditions of maintaining it were twofold: first, he must give
efficient aid to his savage colonists against the Iroquois; secondly, he must
supply them with French goods in exchange for their furs. The men, arms,
and ammunition for their defence, and the goods for trading with them,
Page 234
must be brought from Canada, until a better and surer avenue of supply
could be provided through the entrepôt which he meant to establish at the
mouth of the Mississippi. Canada was full of his enemies; but as long as
Count Frontenac was in power, he was sure of support. Count Frontenac
was in power no longer. He had been recalled to France through the
intrigues of the party adverse to La Salle; and Le Febvre de la Barre reigned
in his stead.
La Barre was an old naval officer of rank, advanced to
a post for which he proved himself notably unfit. If he LA SALLE AND
LA BARRE.
was without the arbitrary passions which had been the
chief occasion of the recall of his predecessor, he was no less without his
energies and his talents. He showed a weakness and an avarice for which
his age may have been in some measure answerable. He was no whit less
unscrupulous than his predecessor in his secret violation of the royal
ordinances regulating the fur-trade, which it was his duty to enforce. Like
Frontenac, he took advantage of his position to carry on an illicit traffic
with the Indians; but it was with different associates. The late governor's
friends were the new governor's enemies; and La Salle, armed with his
monopolies, was the object of his especial jealousy.[249]
Meanwhile, La Salle, buried in the western wilderness, remained for the
time ignorant of La Barre's disposition towards him, and made an effort to
secure his good-will and countenance. He wrote to him from his rock of St.
Louis, early in the spring of 1683, expressing the hope that he should have
from him the same support as from Count Frontenac; "although," he says,
"my enemies will try to influence you against me." His attachment to
Frontenac, he pursues, has been the cause of all the late governor's enemies
turning against him. He then recounts his voyage down the Mississippi;
says that, with twenty-two Frenchmen, he caused all the tribes along the
river to ask for peace; and speaks of his right under the royal patent to build
forts anywhere along his route, and grant out lands around them, as at Fort
Frontenac.
"My losses in my enterprises," he continues, "have exceeded forty
thousand crowns. I am now going four hundred leagues south-southwest of
this place, to induce the Chickasaws to follow the Shawanoes and other
tribes, and settle, like them, at St. Louis. It remained only to settle French
could be provided through the entrepôt which he meant to establish at the
mouth of the Mississippi. Canada was full of his enemies; but as long as
Count Frontenac was in power, he was sure of support. Count Frontenac
was in power no longer. He had been recalled to France through the
intrigues of the party adverse to La Salle; and Le Febvre de la Barre reigned
in his stead.
La Barre was an old naval officer of rank, advanced to
a post for which he proved himself notably unfit. If he LA SALLE AND
LA BARRE.
was without the arbitrary passions which had been the
chief occasion of the recall of his predecessor, he was no less without his
energies and his talents. He showed a weakness and an avarice for which
his age may have been in some measure answerable. He was no whit less
unscrupulous than his predecessor in his secret violation of the royal
ordinances regulating the fur-trade, which it was his duty to enforce. Like
Frontenac, he took advantage of his position to carry on an illicit traffic
with the Indians; but it was with different associates. The late governor's
friends were the new governor's enemies; and La Salle, armed with his
monopolies, was the object of his especial jealousy.[249]
Meanwhile, La Salle, buried in the western wilderness, remained for the
time ignorant of La Barre's disposition towards him, and made an effort to
secure his good-will and countenance. He wrote to him from his rock of St.
Louis, early in the spring of 1683, expressing the hope that he should have
from him the same support as from Count Frontenac; "although," he says,
"my enemies will try to influence you against me." His attachment to
Frontenac, he pursues, has been the cause of all the late governor's enemies
turning against him. He then recounts his voyage down the Mississippi;
says that, with twenty-two Frenchmen, he caused all the tribes along the
river to ask for peace; and speaks of his right under the royal patent to build
forts anywhere along his route, and grant out lands around them, as at Fort
Frontenac.
"My losses in my enterprises," he continues, "have exceeded forty
thousand crowns. I am now going four hundred leagues south-southwest of
this place, to induce the Chickasaws to follow the Shawanoes and other
tribes, and settle, like them, at St. Louis. It remained only to settle French
Page 235
colonists here, and this I have already done. I hope you will not detain them
as coureurs de bois, when they come down to Montreal to make necessary
purchases. I am aware that I have no right to trade with the tribes who
descend to Montreal, and I shall not permit such trade to my men; nor have
I ever issued licenses to that effect, as my enemies say that I have done."
[250]
Again, on the fourth of June following, he writes to La Barre, from the
Chicago portage, complaining that some of his colonists, going to Montreal
for necessary supplies, have been detained by his enemies, and begging that
they may be allowed to return, that his enterprise may not be ruined. "The
Iroquois," he pursues, "are again invading the country. Last year, the
Miamis were so alarmed by them that they abandoned their town and fled;
but at my return they came back, and have been induced to settle with the
Illinois at my fort of St. Louis. The Iroquois have lately murdered some
families of their nation, and they are all in terror again. I am afraid they will
take flight, and so prevent the Missouris and neighboring tribes from
coming to settle at St. Louis, as they are about to do.
"Some of the Hurons and French tell the Miamis that I am keeping them
here for the Iroquois to destroy. I pray that you will let me hear from you,
that I may give these people some assurances of protection before they are
destroyed in my sight. Do not suffer my men who have come down to the
settlements to be longer prevented from returning. There is great need here
of reinforcements. The Iroquois, as I have said, have lately entered the
country; and a great terror prevails. I have postponed going to
Michilimackinac, because, if the Iroquois strike any blow in my absence,
the Miamis will think that I am in league with them; whereas, if I and the
French stay among them, they will regard us as protectors. But, Monsieur, it
is in vain that we risk our lives here, and that I exhaust my means in order
to fulfil the intentions of his Majesty, if all my measures are crossed in the
settlements below, and if those who go down to bring munitions, without
which we cannot defend ourselves, are detained under pretexts trumped up
for the occasion. If I am prevented from bringing up men and supplies, as I
am allowed to do by the permit of Count Frontenac, then my patent from
the King is useless. It would be very hard for us, after having done what
was required, even before the time prescribed, and after suffering severe
losses, to have our efforts frustrated by obstacles got up designedly.
as coureurs de bois, when they come down to Montreal to make necessary
purchases. I am aware that I have no right to trade with the tribes who
descend to Montreal, and I shall not permit such trade to my men; nor have
I ever issued licenses to that effect, as my enemies say that I have done."
[250]
Again, on the fourth of June following, he writes to La Barre, from the
Chicago portage, complaining that some of his colonists, going to Montreal
for necessary supplies, have been detained by his enemies, and begging that
they may be allowed to return, that his enterprise may not be ruined. "The
Iroquois," he pursues, "are again invading the country. Last year, the
Miamis were so alarmed by them that they abandoned their town and fled;
but at my return they came back, and have been induced to settle with the
Illinois at my fort of St. Louis. The Iroquois have lately murdered some
families of their nation, and they are all in terror again. I am afraid they will
take flight, and so prevent the Missouris and neighboring tribes from
coming to settle at St. Louis, as they are about to do.
"Some of the Hurons and French tell the Miamis that I am keeping them
here for the Iroquois to destroy. I pray that you will let me hear from you,
that I may give these people some assurances of protection before they are
destroyed in my sight. Do not suffer my men who have come down to the
settlements to be longer prevented from returning. There is great need here
of reinforcements. The Iroquois, as I have said, have lately entered the
country; and a great terror prevails. I have postponed going to
Michilimackinac, because, if the Iroquois strike any blow in my absence,
the Miamis will think that I am in league with them; whereas, if I and the
French stay among them, they will regard us as protectors. But, Monsieur, it
is in vain that we risk our lives here, and that I exhaust my means in order
to fulfil the intentions of his Majesty, if all my measures are crossed in the
settlements below, and if those who go down to bring munitions, without
which we cannot defend ourselves, are detained under pretexts trumped up
for the occasion. If I am prevented from bringing up men and supplies, as I
am allowed to do by the permit of Count Frontenac, then my patent from
the King is useless. It would be very hard for us, after having done what
was required, even before the time prescribed, and after suffering severe
losses, to have our efforts frustrated by obstacles got up designedly.
Page 236
"I trust that, as it lies with you alone to prevent or to permit the return of
the men whom I have sent down, you will not so act as to thwart my plans.
A part of the goods which I have sent by them belong not to me, but to the
Sieur de Tonty, and are a part of his pay. Others are to buy munitions
indispensable for our defence. Do not let my creditors seize them. It is for
their advantage that my fort, full as it is of goods, should be held against the
enemy. I have only twenty men, with scarcely a hundred pounds of powder;
and I cannot long hold the country without more. The Illinois are very
capricious and uncertain.... If I had men enough to send out to reconnoitre
the enemy, I would have done so before this; but I have not enough. I trust
you will put it in my power to obtain more, that this important colony may
be saved."[251]
While La Salle was thus writing to La Barre, La Barre was writing to
Seignelay, the Marine and Colonial Minister, decrying his correspondent's
discoveries, and pretending to doubt their reality. "The Iroquois," he adds,
"have sworn his [La Salle's] death. The imprudence of this man is about to
involve the colony in war."[252] And again he writes, in the following
spring, to say that La Salle was with a score of vagabonds at Green Bay,
where he set himself up as a king, pillaged his countrymen, and put them to
ransom, exposed the tribes of the West to the incursions of the Iroquois, and
all under pretence of a patent from his Majesty, the provisions of which he
grossly abused; but, as his privileges would expire on the twelfth of May
ensuing, he would then be forced to come to Quebec, where his creditors, to
whom he owed more than thirty thousand crowns, were anxiously awaiting
him.[253]
Finally, when La Barre received the two letters from La Salle, of which
the substance is given above, he sent copies of them to the Minister
Seignelay, with the following comment: "By the copies of the Sieur de la
Salle's letters, you will perceive that his head is turned, and that he has been
bold enough to give you intelligence of a false discovery, and that, instead
of returning to the colony to learn what the King wishes him to do, he does
not come near me, but keeps in the backwoods, five hundred leagues off,
with the idea of attracting the inhabitants to him, and building up an
imaginary kingdom for himself, by debauching all the bankrupts and idlers
of this country. If you will look at the two letters I had from him, you can
the men whom I have sent down, you will not so act as to thwart my plans.
A part of the goods which I have sent by them belong not to me, but to the
Sieur de Tonty, and are a part of his pay. Others are to buy munitions
indispensable for our defence. Do not let my creditors seize them. It is for
their advantage that my fort, full as it is of goods, should be held against the
enemy. I have only twenty men, with scarcely a hundred pounds of powder;
and I cannot long hold the country without more. The Illinois are very
capricious and uncertain.... If I had men enough to send out to reconnoitre
the enemy, I would have done so before this; but I have not enough. I trust
you will put it in my power to obtain more, that this important colony may
be saved."[251]
While La Salle was thus writing to La Barre, La Barre was writing to
Seignelay, the Marine and Colonial Minister, decrying his correspondent's
discoveries, and pretending to doubt their reality. "The Iroquois," he adds,
"have sworn his [La Salle's] death. The imprudence of this man is about to
involve the colony in war."[252] And again he writes, in the following
spring, to say that La Salle was with a score of vagabonds at Green Bay,
where he set himself up as a king, pillaged his countrymen, and put them to
ransom, exposed the tribes of the West to the incursions of the Iroquois, and
all under pretence of a patent from his Majesty, the provisions of which he
grossly abused; but, as his privileges would expire on the twelfth of May
ensuing, he would then be forced to come to Quebec, where his creditors, to
whom he owed more than thirty thousand crowns, were anxiously awaiting
him.[253]
Finally, when La Barre received the two letters from La Salle, of which
the substance is given above, he sent copies of them to the Minister
Seignelay, with the following comment: "By the copies of the Sieur de la
Salle's letters, you will perceive that his head is turned, and that he has been
bold enough to give you intelligence of a false discovery, and that, instead
of returning to the colony to learn what the King wishes him to do, he does
not come near me, but keeps in the backwoods, five hundred leagues off,
with the idea of attracting the inhabitants to him, and building up an
imaginary kingdom for himself, by debauching all the bankrupts and idlers
of this country. If you will look at the two letters I had from him, you can
Page 237
judge the character of this personage better than I can. Affairs with the
Iroquois are in such a state that I cannot allow him to muster all their
enemies together and put himself at their head. All the men who brought me
news from him have abandoned him, and say not a word about returning,
but sell the furs they have brought as if they were their own; so that he
cannot hold his ground much longer."[254] Such calumnies had their effect.
The enemies of La Salle had already gained the ear of the King; and he had
written in August, from Fontainebleau, to his new governor of Canada: "I
am convinced, like you, that the discovery of the Sieur de la Salle is very
useless, and that such enterprises ought to be prevented in future, as they
tend only to debauch the inhabitants by the hope of gain, and to diminish
the revenue from beaver-skins."[255]
In order to understand the posture of affairs at this time, it must be
remembered that Dutch and English traders of New York were urging on
the Iroquois to attack the western tribes, with the object of gaining, through
their conquest, the control of the fur-trade of the interior, and diverting it
from Montreal to Albany. The scheme was full of danger to Canada, which
the loss of the trade would have ruined. La Barre and his associates were
greatly alarmed at it. Its complete success would have been fatal to their
hopes of profit; but they nevertheless wished it such a measure of success as
would ruin their rival, La Salle. Hence, no little satisfaction mingled with
their anxiety when they heard that the Iroquois were again threatening to
invade the Miamis and the Illinois; and thus La Barre, whose duty it was
strenuously to oppose the intrigue of the English, and use every effort to
quiet the ferocious bands whom they were hounding against the Indian
allies of the French, was, in fact, but half-hearted in the work. He cut off La
Salle from all supplies; detained the men whom he sent for succor; and, at a
conference with the Iroquois, told them that they were welcome to plunder
and kill him.[256]
The old governor, and the unscrupulous ring with
which he was associated, now took a step to which he A NEW ALARM.
was doubtless emboldened by the tone of the King's
letter, in condemnation of La Salle's enterprise. He resolved to seize Fort
Frontenac, the property of La Salle, under the pretext that the latter had not
fulfilled the conditions of the grant, and had not maintained a sufficient
Iroquois are in such a state that I cannot allow him to muster all their
enemies together and put himself at their head. All the men who brought me
news from him have abandoned him, and say not a word about returning,
but sell the furs they have brought as if they were their own; so that he
cannot hold his ground much longer."[254] Such calumnies had their effect.
The enemies of La Salle had already gained the ear of the King; and he had
written in August, from Fontainebleau, to his new governor of Canada: "I
am convinced, like you, that the discovery of the Sieur de la Salle is very
useless, and that such enterprises ought to be prevented in future, as they
tend only to debauch the inhabitants by the hope of gain, and to diminish
the revenue from beaver-skins."[255]
In order to understand the posture of affairs at this time, it must be
remembered that Dutch and English traders of New York were urging on
the Iroquois to attack the western tribes, with the object of gaining, through
their conquest, the control of the fur-trade of the interior, and diverting it
from Montreal to Albany. The scheme was full of danger to Canada, which
the loss of the trade would have ruined. La Barre and his associates were
greatly alarmed at it. Its complete success would have been fatal to their
hopes of profit; but they nevertheless wished it such a measure of success as
would ruin their rival, La Salle. Hence, no little satisfaction mingled with
their anxiety when they heard that the Iroquois were again threatening to
invade the Miamis and the Illinois; and thus La Barre, whose duty it was
strenuously to oppose the intrigue of the English, and use every effort to
quiet the ferocious bands whom they were hounding against the Indian
allies of the French, was, in fact, but half-hearted in the work. He cut off La
Salle from all supplies; detained the men whom he sent for succor; and, at a
conference with the Iroquois, told them that they were welcome to plunder
and kill him.[256]
The old governor, and the unscrupulous ring with
which he was associated, now took a step to which he A NEW ALARM.
was doubtless emboldened by the tone of the King's
letter, in condemnation of La Salle's enterprise. He resolved to seize Fort
Frontenac, the property of La Salle, under the pretext that the latter had not
fulfilled the conditions of the grant, and had not maintained a sufficient
Page 238
garrison.[257] Two of his associates, La Chesnaye and Le Ber, armed with an
order from him, went up and took possession, despite the remonstrances of
La Salle's creditors and mortgagees; lived on La Salle's stores, sold for their
own profit, and (it is said) that of La Barre, the provisions sent by the King,
and turned in the cattle to pasture on the growing crops. La Forest, La
Salle's lieutenant, was told that he might retain the command of the fort if
he would join the associates; but he refused, and sailed in the autumn for
France.[258]
Meanwhile La Salle remained at the Illinois in extreme embarrassment,
cut off from supplies, robbed of his men who had gone to seek them, and
disabled from fulfilling the pledges he had given to the surrounding Indians.
Such was his position, when reports came to Fort St. Louis that the Iroquois
were at hand. The Indian hamlets were wild with terror, beseeching him for
succor which he had no power to give. Happily, the report proved false. No
Iroquois appeared; the threatened attack was postponed, and the summer
passed away in peace. But La Salle's position, with the governor his
declared enemy, was intolerable and untenable; and there was no resource
but in the protection of the court. Early in the autumn, he left Tonty in
command of the rock, bade farewell to his savage retainers, and descended
to Quebec, intending to sail for France.
On his way, he met the Chevalier de Baugis, an officer of the King's
dragoons, commissioned by La Barre to take possession of Fort St. Louis,
and bearing letters from the governor ordering La Salle to come to Quebec,
—a superfluous command, as he was then on his way thither. He smothered
his wrath, and wrote to Tonty to receive De Baugis well. The chevalier and
his party proceeded to the Illinois, and took possession of the fort,—De
Baugis commanding for the governor, while Tonty remained as
representative of La Salle. The two officers could not live in harmony; but,
with the return of spring, each found himself in sore need of aid from the
other. Towards the end of March the Iroquois attacked their citadel, and
besieged it for six days, but at length withdrew discomfited, carrying with
them a number of Indian prisoners, most of whom escaped from their
clutches.[259]
Meanwhile, La Salle had sailed for France.
order from him, went up and took possession, despite the remonstrances of
La Salle's creditors and mortgagees; lived on La Salle's stores, sold for their
own profit, and (it is said) that of La Barre, the provisions sent by the King,
and turned in the cattle to pasture on the growing crops. La Forest, La
Salle's lieutenant, was told that he might retain the command of the fort if
he would join the associates; but he refused, and sailed in the autumn for
France.[258]
Meanwhile La Salle remained at the Illinois in extreme embarrassment,
cut off from supplies, robbed of his men who had gone to seek them, and
disabled from fulfilling the pledges he had given to the surrounding Indians.
Such was his position, when reports came to Fort St. Louis that the Iroquois
were at hand. The Indian hamlets were wild with terror, beseeching him for
succor which he had no power to give. Happily, the report proved false. No
Iroquois appeared; the threatened attack was postponed, and the summer
passed away in peace. But La Salle's position, with the governor his
declared enemy, was intolerable and untenable; and there was no resource
but in the protection of the court. Early in the autumn, he left Tonty in
command of the rock, bade farewell to his savage retainers, and descended
to Quebec, intending to sail for France.
On his way, he met the Chevalier de Baugis, an officer of the King's
dragoons, commissioned by La Barre to take possession of Fort St. Louis,
and bearing letters from the governor ordering La Salle to come to Quebec,
—a superfluous command, as he was then on his way thither. He smothered
his wrath, and wrote to Tonty to receive De Baugis well. The chevalier and
his party proceeded to the Illinois, and took possession of the fort,—De
Baugis commanding for the governor, while Tonty remained as
representative of La Salle. The two officers could not live in harmony; but,
with the return of spring, each found himself in sore need of aid from the
other. Towards the end of March the Iroquois attacked their citadel, and
besieged it for six days, but at length withdrew discomfited, carrying with
them a number of Indian prisoners, most of whom escaped from their
clutches.[259]
Meanwhile, La Salle had sailed for France.
Page 239
FOOTNOTES:
[ The boundaries are laid down on the great map of Franquelin, made in 1684, and
24 preserved in the Dépôt des Cartes of the Marine. The line runs along the south shore of
5] Lake Erie, and thence follows the heads of the streams flowing into Lake Michigan. It then
turns northwest, and is lost in the vast unknown of the now British Territories. On the south, it is
drawn by the heads of the streams flowing into the Gulf, as far west as Mobile, after which it
follows the shore of the Gulf to a little south of the Rio Grande; then runs west, northwest, and
finally north, along the range of the Rocky Mountains.
[ Tonty, 1684, 1693.
24
6] [ "Starved Rock" perfectly answers, in every respect, to the indications of the
24 contemporary maps and documents concerning "Le Rocher," the site of La Salle's
7] fort of St. Louis. It is laid down on several contemporary maps, besides the great
map of La Salle's discoveries, made in 1684. They all place it on the south side of the river;
whereas Buffalo Rock, three miles above, which has been supposed to be the site of the fort, is on
the north. The latter is crowned by a plateau of great extent, is but sixty feet high, is accessible at
many points, and would require a large force to defend it; whereas La Salle chose "Le Rocher,"
because a few men could hold it against a multitude. Charlevoix, in 1721, describes both rocks,
and says that the top of Buffalo Rock had been occupied by the Miami village, so that it was
known as Le Fort des Miamis. This is confirmed by Joutel, who found the Miamis here in 1687.
Charlevoix then speaks of "Le Rocher," calling it by that name; says that it is about a league
below, on the left or south side, forming a sheer cliff, very high, and looking like a fortress on the
border of the river. He saw remains of palisades at the top, which, he thinks, were made by the
Illinois (Journal Historique, Let. xxvii.), though his countrymen had occupied it only three years
before. "The French reside on the rock (Le Rocher), which is very lofty and impregnable."
(Memoir on Western Indians, 1718, in N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 890.) St. Cosme, passing this way in
1699, mentions it as "Le Vieux Fort," and says that it is "a rock about a hundred feet high at the
edge of the river, where M. de la Salle built a fort, since abandoned." (Journal de St. Cosme.)
Joutel, who was here in 1687, says, "Fort St. Louis is on a steep rock, about two hundred feet
high, with the river running at its base." He adds that its only defences were palisades. The true
height, as stated above, is about a hundred and twenty-five feet.
A traditional interest also attaches to this rock. It is said that, in the
Indian wars that followed the assassination of Pontiac, a few years after
the cession of Canada, a party of Illinois, assailed by the Pottawattamies,
here took refuge, defying attack. At length they were all destroyed by
starvation, and hence the name of "Starved Rock."
For other proofs concerning this locality, see ante, 239.
[ This singular extemporized colony of La Salle, on the banks of the Illinois, is laid down
24 in detail on the great map of La Salle's discoveries, by Jean Baptiste Franquelin, finished in
8] 1684. There can be no doubt that this part of the work is composed from authentic data. La
Salle himself, besides others of his party, came down from the Illinois in the autumn of 1683, and
undoubtedly supplied the young engineer with materials. The various Indian villages, or
[ The boundaries are laid down on the great map of Franquelin, made in 1684, and
24 preserved in the Dépôt des Cartes of the Marine. The line runs along the south shore of
5] Lake Erie, and thence follows the heads of the streams flowing into Lake Michigan. It then
turns northwest, and is lost in the vast unknown of the now British Territories. On the south, it is
drawn by the heads of the streams flowing into the Gulf, as far west as Mobile, after which it
follows the shore of the Gulf to a little south of the Rio Grande; then runs west, northwest, and
finally north, along the range of the Rocky Mountains.
[ Tonty, 1684, 1693.
24
6] [ "Starved Rock" perfectly answers, in every respect, to the indications of the
24 contemporary maps and documents concerning "Le Rocher," the site of La Salle's
7] fort of St. Louis. It is laid down on several contemporary maps, besides the great
map of La Salle's discoveries, made in 1684. They all place it on the south side of the river;
whereas Buffalo Rock, three miles above, which has been supposed to be the site of the fort, is on
the north. The latter is crowned by a plateau of great extent, is but sixty feet high, is accessible at
many points, and would require a large force to defend it; whereas La Salle chose "Le Rocher,"
because a few men could hold it against a multitude. Charlevoix, in 1721, describes both rocks,
and says that the top of Buffalo Rock had been occupied by the Miami village, so that it was
known as Le Fort des Miamis. This is confirmed by Joutel, who found the Miamis here in 1687.
Charlevoix then speaks of "Le Rocher," calling it by that name; says that it is about a league
below, on the left or south side, forming a sheer cliff, very high, and looking like a fortress on the
border of the river. He saw remains of palisades at the top, which, he thinks, were made by the
Illinois (Journal Historique, Let. xxvii.), though his countrymen had occupied it only three years
before. "The French reside on the rock (Le Rocher), which is very lofty and impregnable."
(Memoir on Western Indians, 1718, in N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 890.) St. Cosme, passing this way in
1699, mentions it as "Le Vieux Fort," and says that it is "a rock about a hundred feet high at the
edge of the river, where M. de la Salle built a fort, since abandoned." (Journal de St. Cosme.)
Joutel, who was here in 1687, says, "Fort St. Louis is on a steep rock, about two hundred feet
high, with the river running at its base." He adds that its only defences were palisades. The true
height, as stated above, is about a hundred and twenty-five feet.
A traditional interest also attaches to this rock. It is said that, in the
Indian wars that followed the assassination of Pontiac, a few years after
the cession of Canada, a party of Illinois, assailed by the Pottawattamies,
here took refuge, defying attack. At length they were all destroyed by
starvation, and hence the name of "Starved Rock."
For other proofs concerning this locality, see ante, 239.
[ This singular extemporized colony of La Salle, on the banks of the Illinois, is laid down
24 in detail on the great map of La Salle's discoveries, by Jean Baptiste Franquelin, finished in
8] 1684. There can be no doubt that this part of the work is composed from authentic data. La
Salle himself, besides others of his party, came down from the Illinois in the autumn of 1683, and
undoubtedly supplied the young engineer with materials. The various Indian villages, or
Page 240
cantonments, are all indicated, with the number of warriors belonging to each, the aggregate
corresponding very nearly with that of La Salle's report to the minister. The Illinois, properly so
called, are set down at 1,200 warriors; the Miamis, at 1,300; the Shawanoes, at 200; the
Ouiatnoens (Weas), at 500; the Peanqhichia (Piankishaw) band, at 150; the Pepikokia, at 160; the
Kilatica, at 300; and the Ouabona, at 70,—in all, 3,880 warriors. A few others, probably
Abenakis, lived in the fort.
The Fort St. Louis is placed, on the map, at the exact site of Starved
Rock, and the Illinois village at the place where, as already mentioned
(see 239), Indian remains in great quantities are yearly ploughed up. The
Shawanoe camp, or village, is placed on the south side of the river,
behind the fort. The country is here hilly, broken, and now, as in La
Salle's time, covered with wood, which, however, soon ends in the open
prairie. A short time since, the remains of a low, irregular earthwork of
considerable extent were discovered at the intersection of two ravines,
about twenty-four hundred feet behind, or south of, Starved Rock. The
earthwork follows the line of the ravines on two sides. On the east, there
is an opening, or gateway, leading to the adjacent prairie. The work is
very irregular in form, and shows no trace of the civilized engineer. In
the stump of an oak-tree upon it, Dr. Paul counted a hundred and sixty
rings of annual growth. The village of the Shawanoes (Chaouenons), on
Franquelin's map, corresponds with the position of this earthwork. I am
indebted to the kindness of Dr. John Paul and Col. D. F. Hitt, the
proprietor of Starved Rock, for a plan of these curious remains and a
survey of the neighboring district. I must also express my obligations to
Mr. W. E. Bowman, photographer at Ottawa, for views of Starved Rock
and other features of the neighboring scenery.
An interesting relic of the early explorers of this region was found a
few years ago at Ottawa, six miles above Starved Rock, in the shape of a
small iron gun, buried several feet deep in the drift of the river. It
consists of a welded tube of iron, about an inch and a half in calibre,
strengthened by a series of thick iron rings, cooled on, after the most
ancient as well as the most recent method of making cannon. It is about
fourteen inches long, the part near the muzzle having been burst off. The
construction is very rude. Small field-pieces, on a similar principle, were
used in the fourteenth century. Several of them may be seen at the Musée
d'Artillerie at Paris. In the time of Louis XIV., the art of casting cannon
was carried to a high degree of perfection. The gun in question may have
corresponding very nearly with that of La Salle's report to the minister. The Illinois, properly so
called, are set down at 1,200 warriors; the Miamis, at 1,300; the Shawanoes, at 200; the
Ouiatnoens (Weas), at 500; the Peanqhichia (Piankishaw) band, at 150; the Pepikokia, at 160; the
Kilatica, at 300; and the Ouabona, at 70,—in all, 3,880 warriors. A few others, probably
Abenakis, lived in the fort.
The Fort St. Louis is placed, on the map, at the exact site of Starved
Rock, and the Illinois village at the place where, as already mentioned
(see 239), Indian remains in great quantities are yearly ploughed up. The
Shawanoe camp, or village, is placed on the south side of the river,
behind the fort. The country is here hilly, broken, and now, as in La
Salle's time, covered with wood, which, however, soon ends in the open
prairie. A short time since, the remains of a low, irregular earthwork of
considerable extent were discovered at the intersection of two ravines,
about twenty-four hundred feet behind, or south of, Starved Rock. The
earthwork follows the line of the ravines on two sides. On the east, there
is an opening, or gateway, leading to the adjacent prairie. The work is
very irregular in form, and shows no trace of the civilized engineer. In
the stump of an oak-tree upon it, Dr. Paul counted a hundred and sixty
rings of annual growth. The village of the Shawanoes (Chaouenons), on
Franquelin's map, corresponds with the position of this earthwork. I am
indebted to the kindness of Dr. John Paul and Col. D. F. Hitt, the
proprietor of Starved Rock, for a plan of these curious remains and a
survey of the neighboring district. I must also express my obligations to
Mr. W. E. Bowman, photographer at Ottawa, for views of Starved Rock
and other features of the neighboring scenery.
An interesting relic of the early explorers of this region was found a
few years ago at Ottawa, six miles above Starved Rock, in the shape of a
small iron gun, buried several feet deep in the drift of the river. It
consists of a welded tube of iron, about an inch and a half in calibre,
strengthened by a series of thick iron rings, cooled on, after the most
ancient as well as the most recent method of making cannon. It is about
fourteen inches long, the part near the muzzle having been burst off. The
construction is very rude. Small field-pieces, on a similar principle, were
used in the fourteenth century. Several of them may be seen at the Musée
d'Artillerie at Paris. In the time of Louis XIV., the art of casting cannon
was carried to a high degree of perfection. The gun in question may have
Page 241
been made by a French blacksmith on the spot. A far less probable
supposition is, that it is a relic of some unrecorded visit of the Spaniards;
but the pattern of the piece would have been antiquated, even in the time
of De Soto.
[ The royal instructions to La Barre, on his assuming the government, dated at Versailles,
24 10 May, 1682, require him to give no further permission to make journeys of discovery
9] towards the Sioux and the Mississippi, as his Majesty thinks his subjects better employed
in cultivating the land. The letter adds, however, that La Salle is to be allowed to continue his
discoveries, if they appear to be useful. The same instructions are repeated in a letter of the
Minister of the Marine to the new intendant of Canada, De Meules.
[ Lettre de La Salle à La Barre, Fort St. Louis, 2 Avril, 1683. The above is condensed from
25 passages in the original.
0]
[ Lettre de La Salle à La Barre, Portage de Chicagou, 4 Juin, 1683. The substance
25 of the letter is given above, in a condensed form. A passage is omitted, in which La
1] Salle expresses his belief that his vessel, the "Griffin," had been destroyed, not by
Indians, but by the pilot, who, as he thinks, had been induced to sink her, and then, with some of
the crew, attempted to join Du Lhut with their plunder, but were captured by Indians on the
Mississippi.
[ Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1682.
25
2] [ Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 30 Avril, 1683. La Salle had spent the winter, not
25 at Green Bay, as this slanderous letter declares, but in the Illinois country.
3]
[ Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 4 Nov., 1683.
25
4] [ Lettre du Roy à La Barre, 5 Août, 1683.
25
5] [ Mémoire pour rendre compte à Monseigneur le Marquis de
25 Seignelay de l'État où le Sieur de Lasalle a laissé le Fort
6] Frontenac pendant le temps de sa découverte. On La Barre's
conduct, see "Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV.," chap. v.
[ La Salle, when at Mackinaw, on his way to Quebec, in 1682, had been recalled to the
25 Illinois, as we have seen, by a threatened Iroquois invasion. There is before me a copy of a
7] letter which he then wrote to Count Frontenac, begging him to send up more soldiers to the
fort, at his (La Salle's) expense. Frontenac, being about to sail for France, gave this letter to his
newly arrived successor, La Barre, who, far from complying with the request, withdrew La Salle's
soldiers already at the fort, and then made its defenceless state a pretext for seizing it. This
statement is made in the memoir addressed to Seignelay, before cited.
[ These are the statements of the memorial addressed in La Salle's behalf to the minister,
25 Seignelay.
8]
[ Tonty, 1684, 1693; Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 5 Juin, 1684; Ibid., 9 Juillet,
25 1684.
9]
supposition is, that it is a relic of some unrecorded visit of the Spaniards;
but the pattern of the piece would have been antiquated, even in the time
of De Soto.
[ The royal instructions to La Barre, on his assuming the government, dated at Versailles,
24 10 May, 1682, require him to give no further permission to make journeys of discovery
9] towards the Sioux and the Mississippi, as his Majesty thinks his subjects better employed
in cultivating the land. The letter adds, however, that La Salle is to be allowed to continue his
discoveries, if they appear to be useful. The same instructions are repeated in a letter of the
Minister of the Marine to the new intendant of Canada, De Meules.
[ Lettre de La Salle à La Barre, Fort St. Louis, 2 Avril, 1683. The above is condensed from
25 passages in the original.
0]
[ Lettre de La Salle à La Barre, Portage de Chicagou, 4 Juin, 1683. The substance
25 of the letter is given above, in a condensed form. A passage is omitted, in which La
1] Salle expresses his belief that his vessel, the "Griffin," had been destroyed, not by
Indians, but by the pilot, who, as he thinks, had been induced to sink her, and then, with some of
the crew, attempted to join Du Lhut with their plunder, but were captured by Indians on the
Mississippi.
[ Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1682.
25
2] [ Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 30 Avril, 1683. La Salle had spent the winter, not
25 at Green Bay, as this slanderous letter declares, but in the Illinois country.
3]
[ Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 4 Nov., 1683.
25
4] [ Lettre du Roy à La Barre, 5 Août, 1683.
25
5] [ Mémoire pour rendre compte à Monseigneur le Marquis de
25 Seignelay de l'État où le Sieur de Lasalle a laissé le Fort
6] Frontenac pendant le temps de sa découverte. On La Barre's
conduct, see "Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV.," chap. v.
[ La Salle, when at Mackinaw, on his way to Quebec, in 1682, had been recalled to the
25 Illinois, as we have seen, by a threatened Iroquois invasion. There is before me a copy of a
7] letter which he then wrote to Count Frontenac, begging him to send up more soldiers to the
fort, at his (La Salle's) expense. Frontenac, being about to sail for France, gave this letter to his
newly arrived successor, La Barre, who, far from complying with the request, withdrew La Salle's
soldiers already at the fort, and then made its defenceless state a pretext for seizing it. This
statement is made in the memoir addressed to Seignelay, before cited.
[ These are the statements of the memorial addressed in La Salle's behalf to the minister,
25 Seignelay.
8]
[ Tonty, 1684, 1693; Lettre de La Barre au Ministre, 5 Juin, 1684; Ibid., 9 Juillet,
25 1684.
9]
Page 242
Page 243
CHAPTER XXII.
1680-1683.
LA SALLE PAINTED BY HIMSELF.
Difficulty of knowing him: his Detractors; his Letters; vexations of his
Position; his Unfitness for Trade; risks of Correspondence; his
Reported Marriage; alleged Ostentation; motives of Action; charges
of Harshness; intrigues against him; unpopular Manners; a Strange
Confession; his Strength and his Weakness; contrasts of his
Character.
We have seen La Salle in his acts. While he crosses the sea, let us look at
him in himself. Few men knew him, even of those who saw him most.
Reserved and self-contained as he was, with little vivacity or gayety or love
of pleasure, he was a sealed book to those about him. His daring energy and
endurance were patent to all; but the motive forces that urged him, and the
influences that wrought beneath the surface of his character, were hidden
where few eyes could pierce. His enemies were free to make their own
interpretations, and they did not fail to use the opportunity.
The interests arrayed against him were incessantly at work. His men were
persuaded to desert and rob him; the Iroquois were told that he was arming
the western tribes against them; the western tribes were told that he was
betraying them to the Iroquois; his proceedings were denounced to the
court; and continual efforts were made to alienate his associates. They, on
their part, sore as they were from disappointment and loss, were in a mood
to listen to the aspersions cast upon him; and they pestered him with letters,
asking questions, demanding explanations, and dunning him for money. It is
through his answers that we are best able to judge him; and at times, by
those touches of nature which make the whole world kin, they teach us to
know him and to feel for him.
The main charges against him were that he was a
crack-brained schemer, that he was harsh to his men, CHARGES
AGAINST LA
1680-1683.
LA SALLE PAINTED BY HIMSELF.
Difficulty of knowing him: his Detractors; his Letters; vexations of his
Position; his Unfitness for Trade; risks of Correspondence; his
Reported Marriage; alleged Ostentation; motives of Action; charges
of Harshness; intrigues against him; unpopular Manners; a Strange
Confession; his Strength and his Weakness; contrasts of his
Character.
We have seen La Salle in his acts. While he crosses the sea, let us look at
him in himself. Few men knew him, even of those who saw him most.
Reserved and self-contained as he was, with little vivacity or gayety or love
of pleasure, he was a sealed book to those about him. His daring energy and
endurance were patent to all; but the motive forces that urged him, and the
influences that wrought beneath the surface of his character, were hidden
where few eyes could pierce. His enemies were free to make their own
interpretations, and they did not fail to use the opportunity.
The interests arrayed against him were incessantly at work. His men were
persuaded to desert and rob him; the Iroquois were told that he was arming
the western tribes against them; the western tribes were told that he was
betraying them to the Iroquois; his proceedings were denounced to the
court; and continual efforts were made to alienate his associates. They, on
their part, sore as they were from disappointment and loss, were in a mood
to listen to the aspersions cast upon him; and they pestered him with letters,
asking questions, demanding explanations, and dunning him for money. It is
through his answers that we are best able to judge him; and at times, by
those touches of nature which make the whole world kin, they teach us to
know him and to feel for him.
The main charges against him were that he was a
crack-brained schemer, that he was harsh to his men, CHARGES
AGAINST LA
Page 244
that he traded where he had no right to trade, and that his SALLE.
discoveries were nothing but a pretence for making
money. No accusations appear that touch his integrity or his honor.
It was hard to convince those who were always losing by him. A
remittance of good dividends would have been his best answer, and would
have made any other answer needless; but, instead of bills of exchange, he
had nothing to give but excuses and explanations. In the autumn of 1680, he
wrote to an associate who had demanded the long-deferred profits: "I have
had many misfortunes in the last two years. In the autumn of '78, I lost a
vessel by the fault of the pilot; in the next summer, the deserters I told you
about robbed me of eight or ten thousand livres' worth of goods. In the
autumn of '79, I lost a vessel worth more than ten thousand crowns; in the
next spring, five or six rascals stole the value of five or six thousand livres
in goods and beaver-skins, at the Illinois, when I was absent. Two other
men of mine, carrying furs worth four or five thousand livres, were killed or
drowned in the St. Lawrence, and the furs were lost. Another robbed me of
three thousand livres in beaver-skins stored at Michilimackinac. This last
spring, I lost about seventeen hundred livres' worth of goods by the
upsetting of a canoe. Last winter, the fort and buildings at Niagara were
burned by the fault of the commander; and in the spring the deserters, who
passed that way, seized a part of the property that remained, and escaped to
New York. All this does not discourage me in the least, and will only defer
for a year or two the returns of profit which you ask for this year. These
losses are no more my fault than the loss of the ship 'St. Joseph' was yours. I
cannot be everywhere, and cannot help making use of the people of the
country."
He begs his correspondent to send out an agent of his own. "He need not
be very savant, but he must be faithful, patient of labor, and fond neither of
gambling, women, nor good cheer; for he will find none of these with me.
Trusting in what he will write you, you may close your ears to what priests
and Jesuits tell you.
"After having put matters in good trim for trade I
mean to withdraw, though I think it will be very VEXATIONS OF
profitable; for I am disgusted to find that I must always HIS POSITION.
be making excuses, which is a part I cannot play successfully. I am utterly
discoveries were nothing but a pretence for making
money. No accusations appear that touch his integrity or his honor.
It was hard to convince those who were always losing by him. A
remittance of good dividends would have been his best answer, and would
have made any other answer needless; but, instead of bills of exchange, he
had nothing to give but excuses and explanations. In the autumn of 1680, he
wrote to an associate who had demanded the long-deferred profits: "I have
had many misfortunes in the last two years. In the autumn of '78, I lost a
vessel by the fault of the pilot; in the next summer, the deserters I told you
about robbed me of eight or ten thousand livres' worth of goods. In the
autumn of '79, I lost a vessel worth more than ten thousand crowns; in the
next spring, five or six rascals stole the value of five or six thousand livres
in goods and beaver-skins, at the Illinois, when I was absent. Two other
men of mine, carrying furs worth four or five thousand livres, were killed or
drowned in the St. Lawrence, and the furs were lost. Another robbed me of
three thousand livres in beaver-skins stored at Michilimackinac. This last
spring, I lost about seventeen hundred livres' worth of goods by the
upsetting of a canoe. Last winter, the fort and buildings at Niagara were
burned by the fault of the commander; and in the spring the deserters, who
passed that way, seized a part of the property that remained, and escaped to
New York. All this does not discourage me in the least, and will only defer
for a year or two the returns of profit which you ask for this year. These
losses are no more my fault than the loss of the ship 'St. Joseph' was yours. I
cannot be everywhere, and cannot help making use of the people of the
country."
He begs his correspondent to send out an agent of his own. "He need not
be very savant, but he must be faithful, patient of labor, and fond neither of
gambling, women, nor good cheer; for he will find none of these with me.
Trusting in what he will write you, you may close your ears to what priests
and Jesuits tell you.
"After having put matters in good trim for trade I
mean to withdraw, though I think it will be very VEXATIONS OF
profitable; for I am disgusted to find that I must always HIS POSITION.
be making excuses, which is a part I cannot play successfully. I am utterly
Page 245
tired of this business; for I see that it is not enough to put property and life
in constant peril, but that it requires more pains to answer envy and
detraction than to overcome the difficulties inseparable from my
undertaking."
And he makes a variety of proposals, by which he hopes to get rid of a
part of his responsibility to his correspondent. He begs him again to send
out a confidential agent, saying that for his part he does not want to have
any account to render, except that which he owes to the court, of his
discoveries. He adds, strangely enough for a man burdened with such
liabilities, "I have neither the habit nor the inclination to keep books, nor
have I anybody with me who knows how." He says to another
correspondent, "I think, like you, that partnerships in business are
dangerous, on account of the little practice I have in these matters." It is not
surprising that he wanted to leave his associates to manage business for
themselves: "You know that this trade is good; and with a trusty agent to
conduct it for you, you run no risk. As for me, I will keep the charge of the
forts, the command of posts and of men, the management of Indians and
Frenchmen, and the establishment of the colony, which will remain my
property, leaving your agent and mine to look after our interests, and
drawing my half without having any hand in what belongs to you."
La Salle was a very indifferent trader; and his heart was not in the
commercial part of his enterprise. He aimed at achievement, and thirsted
after greatness. His ambition was to found another France in the West; and
if he meant to govern it also,—as without doubt he did,—it is not a matter
of wonder or of blame. His misfortune was, that, in the pursuit of a great
design, he was drawn into complications of business with which he was ill
fitted to grapple. He had not the instinct of the successful merchant. He
dared too much, and often dared unwisely; attempted more than he could
grasp, and forgot, in his sanguine anticipations, to reckon with enormous
and incalculable risks.
Except in the narrative parts, his letters are rambling and unconnected,—
which is natural enough, written, as they were, at odd moments, by camp-
fires and among Indians. The style is crude; and being well aware of this, he
disliked writing, especially as the risk was extreme that his letters would
miss their destination. "There is too little good faith in this country, and too
in constant peril, but that it requires more pains to answer envy and
detraction than to overcome the difficulties inseparable from my
undertaking."
And he makes a variety of proposals, by which he hopes to get rid of a
part of his responsibility to his correspondent. He begs him again to send
out a confidential agent, saying that for his part he does not want to have
any account to render, except that which he owes to the court, of his
discoveries. He adds, strangely enough for a man burdened with such
liabilities, "I have neither the habit nor the inclination to keep books, nor
have I anybody with me who knows how." He says to another
correspondent, "I think, like you, that partnerships in business are
dangerous, on account of the little practice I have in these matters." It is not
surprising that he wanted to leave his associates to manage business for
themselves: "You know that this trade is good; and with a trusty agent to
conduct it for you, you run no risk. As for me, I will keep the charge of the
forts, the command of posts and of men, the management of Indians and
Frenchmen, and the establishment of the colony, which will remain my
property, leaving your agent and mine to look after our interests, and
drawing my half without having any hand in what belongs to you."
La Salle was a very indifferent trader; and his heart was not in the
commercial part of his enterprise. He aimed at achievement, and thirsted
after greatness. His ambition was to found another France in the West; and
if he meant to govern it also,—as without doubt he did,—it is not a matter
of wonder or of blame. His misfortune was, that, in the pursuit of a great
design, he was drawn into complications of business with which he was ill
fitted to grapple. He had not the instinct of the successful merchant. He
dared too much, and often dared unwisely; attempted more than he could
grasp, and forgot, in his sanguine anticipations, to reckon with enormous
and incalculable risks.
Except in the narrative parts, his letters are rambling and unconnected,—
which is natural enough, written, as they were, at odd moments, by camp-
fires and among Indians. The style is crude; and being well aware of this, he
disliked writing, especially as the risk was extreme that his letters would
miss their destination. "There is too little good faith in this country, and too
Page 246
many people on the watch, for me to trust anybody with what I wish to send
you. Even sealed letters are not too safe. Not only are they liable to be lost
or stopped by the way, but even such as escape the curiosity of spies lie at
Montreal, waiting a long time to be forwarded."
Again, he writes: "I cannot pardon myself for the
stoppage of my letters, though I made every effort to HIS LETTERS
INTERCEPTED.
make them reach you. I wrote to you in '79 (in August),
and sent my letters to M. de la Forest, who gave them in good faith to my
brother. I don't know what he has done with them. I wrote you another, by
the vessel that was lost last year. I sent two canoes, by two different routes;
but the wind and the rain were so furious that they wintered on the way, and
I found my letters at the fort on my return. I now send you one of them,
which I wrote last year to M. Thouret, in which you will find a full account
of what passed, from the time when we left the outlet of Lake Erie down to
the sixteenth of August, 1680. What preceded was told at full length in the
letters my brother has seen fit to intercept."
This brother was the Sulpitian priest, Jean Cavelier, who had been
persuaded that La Salle's enterprise would be ruinous, and therefore set
himself sometimes to stop it altogether, and sometimes to manage it in his
own way. "His conduct towards me," says La Salle, "has always been so
strange, through the small love he bears me, that it was clear gain for me
when he went away; since while he stayed he did nothing but cross all my
plans, which I was forced to change every moment to suit his caprice."
There was one point on which the interference of his brother and of his
correspondents was peculiarly annoying. They thought it for their interest
that he should remain a single man; whereas, it seems that his devotion to
his purpose was not so engrossing as to exclude more tender subjects. He
writes:—
"I am told that you have been uneasy about my pretended marriage. I had
not thought about it at that time; and I shall not make any engagement of
the sort till I have given you reason to be satisfied with me. It is a little
extraordinary that I must render account of a matter which is free to all the
world.
you. Even sealed letters are not too safe. Not only are they liable to be lost
or stopped by the way, but even such as escape the curiosity of spies lie at
Montreal, waiting a long time to be forwarded."
Again, he writes: "I cannot pardon myself for the
stoppage of my letters, though I made every effort to HIS LETTERS
INTERCEPTED.
make them reach you. I wrote to you in '79 (in August),
and sent my letters to M. de la Forest, who gave them in good faith to my
brother. I don't know what he has done with them. I wrote you another, by
the vessel that was lost last year. I sent two canoes, by two different routes;
but the wind and the rain were so furious that they wintered on the way, and
I found my letters at the fort on my return. I now send you one of them,
which I wrote last year to M. Thouret, in which you will find a full account
of what passed, from the time when we left the outlet of Lake Erie down to
the sixteenth of August, 1680. What preceded was told at full length in the
letters my brother has seen fit to intercept."
This brother was the Sulpitian priest, Jean Cavelier, who had been
persuaded that La Salle's enterprise would be ruinous, and therefore set
himself sometimes to stop it altogether, and sometimes to manage it in his
own way. "His conduct towards me," says La Salle, "has always been so
strange, through the small love he bears me, that it was clear gain for me
when he went away; since while he stayed he did nothing but cross all my
plans, which I was forced to change every moment to suit his caprice."
There was one point on which the interference of his brother and of his
correspondents was peculiarly annoying. They thought it for their interest
that he should remain a single man; whereas, it seems that his devotion to
his purpose was not so engrossing as to exclude more tender subjects. He
writes:—
"I am told that you have been uneasy about my pretended marriage. I had
not thought about it at that time; and I shall not make any engagement of
the sort till I have given you reason to be satisfied with me. It is a little
extraordinary that I must render account of a matter which is free to all the
world.
Page 247
"In fine, Monsieur, it is only as an earnest of something more substantial
that I write to you so much at length. I do not doubt that you will hereafter
change the ideas about me which some persons wish to give you, and that
you will be relieved of the anxiety which all that has happened reasonably
causes you. I have written this letter at more than twenty different times;
and I am more than a hundred and fifty leagues from where I began it. I
have still two hundred more to get over, before reaching the Illinois. I am
taking with me twenty-five men to the relief of the six or seven who remain
with the Sieur de Tonty."
This was the journey which ended in that scene of horror at the ruined
town of the Illinois.
To the same correspondent, pressing him for
dividends, he says: "You repeat continually that you will CHARGED WITH
OSTENTATION.
not be satisfied unless I make you large returns of profit.
Though I have reason to thank you for what you have done for this
enterprise, it seems to me that I have done still more, since I have put
everything at stake; and it would be hard to reproach me either with foolish
outlays or with the ostentation which is falsely imputed to me. Let my
accusers explain what they mean. Since I have been in this country, I have
had neither servants nor clothes nor fare which did not savor more of
meanness than of ostentation; and the moment I see that there is anything
with which either you or the court find fault, I assure you that I will give it
up,—for the life I am leading has no other attraction for me than that of
honor; and the more danger and difficulty there is in undertakings of this
sort, the more worthy of honor I think they are."
His career attests the sincerity of these words. They are a momentary
betrayal of the deep enthusiasm of character which may be read in his life,
but to which he rarely allowed the faintest expression.
"Above all," he continues, "if you want me to keep on, do not compel me
to reply to all the questions and fancies of priests and Jesuits. They have
more leisure than I; and I am not subtle enough to anticipate all their empty
stories. I could easily give you the information you ask; but I have a right to
expect that you will not believe all you hear, nor require me to prove to you
that I am not a madman. That is the first point to which you should have
that I write to you so much at length. I do not doubt that you will hereafter
change the ideas about me which some persons wish to give you, and that
you will be relieved of the anxiety which all that has happened reasonably
causes you. I have written this letter at more than twenty different times;
and I am more than a hundred and fifty leagues from where I began it. I
have still two hundred more to get over, before reaching the Illinois. I am
taking with me twenty-five men to the relief of the six or seven who remain
with the Sieur de Tonty."
This was the journey which ended in that scene of horror at the ruined
town of the Illinois.
To the same correspondent, pressing him for
dividends, he says: "You repeat continually that you will CHARGED WITH
OSTENTATION.
not be satisfied unless I make you large returns of profit.
Though I have reason to thank you for what you have done for this
enterprise, it seems to me that I have done still more, since I have put
everything at stake; and it would be hard to reproach me either with foolish
outlays or with the ostentation which is falsely imputed to me. Let my
accusers explain what they mean. Since I have been in this country, I have
had neither servants nor clothes nor fare which did not savor more of
meanness than of ostentation; and the moment I see that there is anything
with which either you or the court find fault, I assure you that I will give it
up,—for the life I am leading has no other attraction for me than that of
honor; and the more danger and difficulty there is in undertakings of this
sort, the more worthy of honor I think they are."
His career attests the sincerity of these words. They are a momentary
betrayal of the deep enthusiasm of character which may be read in his life,
but to which he rarely allowed the faintest expression.
"Above all," he continues, "if you want me to keep on, do not compel me
to reply to all the questions and fancies of priests and Jesuits. They have
more leisure than I; and I am not subtle enough to anticipate all their empty
stories. I could easily give you the information you ask; but I have a right to
expect that you will not believe all you hear, nor require me to prove to you
that I am not a madman. That is the first point to which you should have
Page 248
attended, before having business with me; and in our long acquaintance,
either you must have found me out, or else I must have had long intervals of
sanity."
To another correspondent he defends himself against the charge of
harshness to his men: "The facility I am said to want is out of place with
this sort of people, who are libertines for the most part; and to indulge them
means to tolerate blasphemy, drunkenness, lewdness, and a license
incompatible with any kind of order. It will not be found that I have in any
case whatever treated any man harshly, except for blasphemies and other
such crimes openly committed. These I cannot tolerate: first, because such
compliance would give grounds for another accusation, much more just;
secondly, because, if I allowed such disorders to become habitual, it would
be hard to keep the men in subordination and obedience, as regards
executing the work I am commissioned to do; thirdly, because the
debaucheries, too common with this rabble, are the source of endless delays
and frequent thieving; and, finally, because I am a Christian, and do not
want to bear the burden of their crimes.
"What is said about my servants has not even a show
of truth; for I use no servants here, and all my men are INTRIGUES
AGAINST HIM.
on the same footing. I grant that as those who have lived
with me are steadier and give me no reason to complain of their behavior, I
treat them as gently as I should treat the others if they resembled them, and
as those who were formerly my servants are the only ones I can trust, I
speak more openly to them than to the rest, who are generally spies of my
enemies. The twenty-two men who deserted and robbed me are not to be
believed on their word, deserters and thieves as they are. They are ready
enough to find some pretext for their crime; and it needs as unjust a judge
as the intendant to prompt such rascals to enter complaints against a person
to whom he had given a warrant to arrest them. But, to show the falsity of
these charges, Martin Chartier, who was one of those who excited the rest to
do as they did, was never with me at all; and the rest had made their plot
before seeing me." And he proceeds to relate, in great detail, a variety of
circumstances to prove that his men had been instigated first to desert, and
then to slander him; adding, "Those who remain with me are the first I had,
and they have not left me for six years."
either you must have found me out, or else I must have had long intervals of
sanity."
To another correspondent he defends himself against the charge of
harshness to his men: "The facility I am said to want is out of place with
this sort of people, who are libertines for the most part; and to indulge them
means to tolerate blasphemy, drunkenness, lewdness, and a license
incompatible with any kind of order. It will not be found that I have in any
case whatever treated any man harshly, except for blasphemies and other
such crimes openly committed. These I cannot tolerate: first, because such
compliance would give grounds for another accusation, much more just;
secondly, because, if I allowed such disorders to become habitual, it would
be hard to keep the men in subordination and obedience, as regards
executing the work I am commissioned to do; thirdly, because the
debaucheries, too common with this rabble, are the source of endless delays
and frequent thieving; and, finally, because I am a Christian, and do not
want to bear the burden of their crimes.
"What is said about my servants has not even a show
of truth; for I use no servants here, and all my men are INTRIGUES
AGAINST HIM.
on the same footing. I grant that as those who have lived
with me are steadier and give me no reason to complain of their behavior, I
treat them as gently as I should treat the others if they resembled them, and
as those who were formerly my servants are the only ones I can trust, I
speak more openly to them than to the rest, who are generally spies of my
enemies. The twenty-two men who deserted and robbed me are not to be
believed on their word, deserters and thieves as they are. They are ready
enough to find some pretext for their crime; and it needs as unjust a judge
as the intendant to prompt such rascals to enter complaints against a person
to whom he had given a warrant to arrest them. But, to show the falsity of
these charges, Martin Chartier, who was one of those who excited the rest to
do as they did, was never with me at all; and the rest had made their plot
before seeing me." And he proceeds to relate, in great detail, a variety of
circumstances to prove that his men had been instigated first to desert, and
then to slander him; adding, "Those who remain with me are the first I had,
and they have not left me for six years."
Page 249
"I have a hundred other proofs of the bad counsel given to these
deserters, and will produce them when wanted; but as they themselves are
the only witnesses of the severity they complain of, while the witnesses of
their crimes are unimpeachable, why am I refused the justice I demand, and
why is their secret escape connived at?
"I do not know what you mean by having popular manners. There is
nothing special in my food, clothing, or lodging, which are all the same for
me as for my men. How can it be that I do not talk with them? I have no
other company. M. de Tonty has often found fault with me because I
stopped too often to talk with them. You do not know the men one must
employ here, when you exhort me to make merry with them. They are
incapable of that; for they are never pleased, unless one gives free rein to
their drunkenness and other vices. If that is what you call having popular
manners, neither honor nor inclination would let me stoop to gain their
favor in a way so disreputable: and, besides, the consequences would be
dangerous, and they would have the same contempt for me that they have
for all who treat them in this fashion.
"You write me that even my friends say that I am not a man of popular
manners. I do not know what friends they are. I know of none in this
country. To all appearance they are enemies, more subtle and secret than the
rest. I make no exceptions; for I know that those who seem to give me
support do not do it out of love for me, but because they are in some sort
bound in honor, and that in their hearts they think I have dealt ill with them.
M. Plet will tell you what he has heard about it himself, and the reasons
they have to give.[260] I have seen it for a long time; and these secret stabs
they give me show it very plainly. After that, it is not surprising that I open
my mind to nobody, and distrust everybody. I have reasons that I cannot
write.
"For the rest, Monsieur, pray be well assured that the information you are
so good as to give me is received with a gratitude equal to the genuine
friendship from which it proceeds; and, however unjust are the charges
made against me, I should be much more unjust myself if I did not feel that
I have as much reason to thank you for telling me of them as I have to
complain of others for inventing them.
deserters, and will produce them when wanted; but as they themselves are
the only witnesses of the severity they complain of, while the witnesses of
their crimes are unimpeachable, why am I refused the justice I demand, and
why is their secret escape connived at?
"I do not know what you mean by having popular manners. There is
nothing special in my food, clothing, or lodging, which are all the same for
me as for my men. How can it be that I do not talk with them? I have no
other company. M. de Tonty has often found fault with me because I
stopped too often to talk with them. You do not know the men one must
employ here, when you exhort me to make merry with them. They are
incapable of that; for they are never pleased, unless one gives free rein to
their drunkenness and other vices. If that is what you call having popular
manners, neither honor nor inclination would let me stoop to gain their
favor in a way so disreputable: and, besides, the consequences would be
dangerous, and they would have the same contempt for me that they have
for all who treat them in this fashion.
"You write me that even my friends say that I am not a man of popular
manners. I do not know what friends they are. I know of none in this
country. To all appearance they are enemies, more subtle and secret than the
rest. I make no exceptions; for I know that those who seem to give me
support do not do it out of love for me, but because they are in some sort
bound in honor, and that in their hearts they think I have dealt ill with them.
M. Plet will tell you what he has heard about it himself, and the reasons
they have to give.[260] I have seen it for a long time; and these secret stabs
they give me show it very plainly. After that, it is not surprising that I open
my mind to nobody, and distrust everybody. I have reasons that I cannot
write.
"For the rest, Monsieur, pray be well assured that the information you are
so good as to give me is received with a gratitude equal to the genuine
friendship from which it proceeds; and, however unjust are the charges
made against me, I should be much more unjust myself if I did not feel that
I have as much reason to thank you for telling me of them as I have to
complain of others for inventing them.
Page 250
"As for what you say about my look and manner, I
myself confess that you are not far from right. But HIS MANNERS.
naturam expellas; and if I am wanting in expansiveness
and show of feeling towards those with whom I associate, it is only through
a timidity which is natural to me, and which has made me leave various
employments, where without it I could have succeeded. But as I judged
myself ill-fitted for them on account of this defect, I have chosen a life
more suited to my solitary disposition; which, nevertheless, does not make
me harsh to my people, though, joined to a life among savages, it makes
me, perhaps, less polished and complaisant than the atmosphere of Paris
requires. I well believe that there is self-love in this; and that, knowing how
little I am accustomed to a more polite life, the fear of making mistakes
makes me more reserved than I like to be. So I rarely expose myself to
conversation with those in whose company I am afraid of making blunders,
and can hardly help making them. Abbé Renaudot knows with what
repugnance I had the honor to appear before Monseigneur de Conti; and
sometimes it took me a week to make up my mind to go to the audience,—
that is, when I had time to think about myself, and was not driven by
pressing business. It is much the same with letters, which I never write
except when pushed to it, and for the same reason. It is a defect of which I
shall never rid myself as long as I live, often as it spites me against myself,
and often as I quarrel with myself about it."
Here is a strange confession for a man like La Salle.
Without doubt, the timidity of which he accuses himself HIS STRENGTH
had some of its roots in pride; but not the less was his AND WEAKNESS.
pride vexed and humbled by it. It is surprising that, being what he was, he
could have brought himself to such an avowal under any circumstances or
any pressure of distress. Shyness; a morbid fear of committing himself; and
incapacity to express, and much more to simulate, feeling,—a trait
sometimes seen in those with whom feeling is most deep,—are strange
ingredients in the character of a man who had grappled so dauntlessly with
life on its harshest and rudest side. They were deplorable defects for one in
his position. He lacked that sympathetic power, the inestimable gift of the
true leader of men, in which lies the difference between a willing and a
constrained obedience. This solitary being, hiding his shyness under a cold
reserve, could rouse no enthusiasm in his followers. He lived in the purpose
myself confess that you are not far from right. But HIS MANNERS.
naturam expellas; and if I am wanting in expansiveness
and show of feeling towards those with whom I associate, it is only through
a timidity which is natural to me, and which has made me leave various
employments, where without it I could have succeeded. But as I judged
myself ill-fitted for them on account of this defect, I have chosen a life
more suited to my solitary disposition; which, nevertheless, does not make
me harsh to my people, though, joined to a life among savages, it makes
me, perhaps, less polished and complaisant than the atmosphere of Paris
requires. I well believe that there is self-love in this; and that, knowing how
little I am accustomed to a more polite life, the fear of making mistakes
makes me more reserved than I like to be. So I rarely expose myself to
conversation with those in whose company I am afraid of making blunders,
and can hardly help making them. Abbé Renaudot knows with what
repugnance I had the honor to appear before Monseigneur de Conti; and
sometimes it took me a week to make up my mind to go to the audience,—
that is, when I had time to think about myself, and was not driven by
pressing business. It is much the same with letters, which I never write
except when pushed to it, and for the same reason. It is a defect of which I
shall never rid myself as long as I live, often as it spites me against myself,
and often as I quarrel with myself about it."
Here is a strange confession for a man like La Salle.
Without doubt, the timidity of which he accuses himself HIS STRENGTH
had some of its roots in pride; but not the less was his AND WEAKNESS.
pride vexed and humbled by it. It is surprising that, being what he was, he
could have brought himself to such an avowal under any circumstances or
any pressure of distress. Shyness; a morbid fear of committing himself; and
incapacity to express, and much more to simulate, feeling,—a trait
sometimes seen in those with whom feeling is most deep,—are strange
ingredients in the character of a man who had grappled so dauntlessly with
life on its harshest and rudest side. They were deplorable defects for one in
his position. He lacked that sympathetic power, the inestimable gift of the
true leader of men, in which lies the difference between a willing and a
constrained obedience. This solitary being, hiding his shyness under a cold
reserve, could rouse no enthusiasm in his followers. He lived in the purpose
Page 251
which he had made a part of himself, nursed his plans in secret, and seldom
asked or accepted advice. He trusted himself, and learned more and more to
trust no others. One may fairly infer that distrust was natural to him; but the
inference may possibly be wrong. Bitter experience had schooled him to it;
for he lived among snares, pitfalls, and intriguing enemies. He began to
doubt even the associates who, under representations he had made them in
perfect good faith, had staked their money on his enterprise, and lost it, or
were likely to lose it. They pursued him with advice and complaint, and half
believed that he was what his maligners called him,—a visionary or a
madman. It galled him that they had suffered for their trust in him, and that
they had repented their trust. His lonely and shadowed nature needed the
mellowing sunshine of success, and his whole life was a fight with
adversity.
All that appears to the eye is his intrepid conflict with obstacles without;
but this, perhaps, was no more arduous than the invisible and silent strife of
a nature at war with itself,—the pride, aspiration, and bold energy that lay at
the base of his character battling against the superficial weakness that
mortified and angered him. In such a man, the effect of such an infirmity is
to concentrate and intensify the force within. In one form or another,
discordant natures are common enough; but very rarely is the antagonism so
irreconcilable as it was in him. And the greater the antagonism, the greater
the pain. There are those in whom the sort of timidity from which he
suffered is matched with no quality that strongly revolts against it. These
gentle natures may at least have peace, but for him there was no peace.
Cavelier de La Salle stands in history like a statue cast in iron; but his
own unwilling pen betrays the man, and reveals in the stern, sad figure an
object of human interest and pity.[261]
FOOTNOTES:
[ His cousin, François Plet, was in Canada in 1680, where, with La Salle's approval, he
26 carried on the trade of Fort Frontenac, in order to indemnify himself for money advanced.
0] La Salle always speaks of him with esteem and gratitude.
[ The following is the character of La Salle, as drawn by his friend, Abbé Bernou, in a
26 memorial to the minister Seignelay: "Il est irréprochable dans ses mœurs, réglé dans sa
1] conduite, et qui veut de l'ordre parmy ses gens. Il est savant, judicieux, politique, vigilant,
asked or accepted advice. He trusted himself, and learned more and more to
trust no others. One may fairly infer that distrust was natural to him; but the
inference may possibly be wrong. Bitter experience had schooled him to it;
for he lived among snares, pitfalls, and intriguing enemies. He began to
doubt even the associates who, under representations he had made them in
perfect good faith, had staked their money on his enterprise, and lost it, or
were likely to lose it. They pursued him with advice and complaint, and half
believed that he was what his maligners called him,—a visionary or a
madman. It galled him that they had suffered for their trust in him, and that
they had repented their trust. His lonely and shadowed nature needed the
mellowing sunshine of success, and his whole life was a fight with
adversity.
All that appears to the eye is his intrepid conflict with obstacles without;
but this, perhaps, was no more arduous than the invisible and silent strife of
a nature at war with itself,—the pride, aspiration, and bold energy that lay at
the base of his character battling against the superficial weakness that
mortified and angered him. In such a man, the effect of such an infirmity is
to concentrate and intensify the force within. In one form or another,
discordant natures are common enough; but very rarely is the antagonism so
irreconcilable as it was in him. And the greater the antagonism, the greater
the pain. There are those in whom the sort of timidity from which he
suffered is matched with no quality that strongly revolts against it. These
gentle natures may at least have peace, but for him there was no peace.
Cavelier de La Salle stands in history like a statue cast in iron; but his
own unwilling pen betrays the man, and reveals in the stern, sad figure an
object of human interest and pity.[261]
FOOTNOTES:
[ His cousin, François Plet, was in Canada in 1680, where, with La Salle's approval, he
26 carried on the trade of Fort Frontenac, in order to indemnify himself for money advanced.
0] La Salle always speaks of him with esteem and gratitude.
[ The following is the character of La Salle, as drawn by his friend, Abbé Bernou, in a
26 memorial to the minister Seignelay: "Il est irréprochable dans ses mœurs, réglé dans sa
1] conduite, et qui veut de l'ordre parmy ses gens. Il est savant, judicieux, politique, vigilant,
Page 252
infatigable, sobre, et intrépide. Il entend suffisament l'architecture civile, militaire, et navale ainsy
que l'agriculture; il parle ou entend quatre ou cinq langues des Sauvages, et a beaucoup de facilité
pour apprendre les autres. Il sçait toutes leurs manières et obtient d'eux tout ce qu'il veut par son
adresse, par son éloquence, et parce qu'il est beaucoup estimé d'eux. Dans ses voyages il ne fait
pas meilleure chère que le moindre de ses gens et se donne plus de peine que pas un pour les
encourager, et il y a lieu de croire qu'avec la protection de Monseigneur il fondera des colonies
plus considérables que toutes celles que les François ont établies jusqu'à présent."—Mémoire
pour Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay, 1682 (Margry, ii. 277).
The extracts given in the foregoing chapter are from La Salle's long
letters of 29 Sept., 1680, and 22 Aug., 1682 (1681?). Both are printed in
the second volume of the Margry collection, and the originals of both are
in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The latter seems to have been written to
La Salle's friend, Abbé Bernou; and the former, to a certain M. Thouret.
que l'agriculture; il parle ou entend quatre ou cinq langues des Sauvages, et a beaucoup de facilité
pour apprendre les autres. Il sçait toutes leurs manières et obtient d'eux tout ce qu'il veut par son
adresse, par son éloquence, et parce qu'il est beaucoup estimé d'eux. Dans ses voyages il ne fait
pas meilleure chère que le moindre de ses gens et se donne plus de peine que pas un pour les
encourager, et il y a lieu de croire qu'avec la protection de Monseigneur il fondera des colonies
plus considérables que toutes celles que les François ont établies jusqu'à présent."—Mémoire
pour Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay, 1682 (Margry, ii. 277).
The extracts given in the foregoing chapter are from La Salle's long
letters of 29 Sept., 1680, and 22 Aug., 1682 (1681?). Both are printed in
the second volume of the Margry collection, and the originals of both are
in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The latter seems to have been written to
La Salle's friend, Abbé Bernou; and the former, to a certain M. Thouret.
Page 253
CHAPTER XXIII.
1684.
A NEW ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Court: his Proposals.—Occupation of Louisiana.—Invasion
of Mexico.—Royal Favor.—Preparation.—A Divided Command.—
Beaujeu and La Salle.—Mental Condition of La Salle: his Farewell
to his Mother.
When La Salle reached Paris, he went to his old lodgings in Rue de la
Truanderie, and, it is likely enough, thought for an instant of the adventures
and vicissitudes he had passed since he occupied them before. Another
ordeal awaited him. He must confront, not painted savages with tomahawk
and knife, but—what he shrank from more—the courtly throngs that still
live and move in the pages of Sévigné and Saint-Simon.
The news of his discovery and the rumor of his schemes were the talk of
a moment among the courtiers, and then were forgotten. It was not so with
their master. La Salle's friends and patrons did not fail him. A student and a
recluse in his youth, and a backwoodsman in his manhood, he had what was
to him the formidable honor of an interview with royalty itself, and stood
with such philosophy as he could command before the gilded arm-chair,
where, majestic and awful, the power of France sat embodied. The King
listened to all he said; but the results of the interview were kept so secret
that it was rumored in the ante-chambers that his proposals had been
rejected.[262]
On the contrary, they had met with more than favor. The moment was
opportune for La Salle. The King had long been irritated against the
Spaniards, because they not only excluded his subjects from their American
ports, but forbade them to enter the Gulf of Mexico. Certain Frenchmen
who had sailed on this forbidden sea had been seized and imprisoned; and
more recently a small vessel of the royal navy had been captured for the
same offence. This had drawn from the King a declaration that every sea
1684.
A NEW ENTERPRISE.
La Salle at Court: his Proposals.—Occupation of Louisiana.—Invasion
of Mexico.—Royal Favor.—Preparation.—A Divided Command.—
Beaujeu and La Salle.—Mental Condition of La Salle: his Farewell
to his Mother.
When La Salle reached Paris, he went to his old lodgings in Rue de la
Truanderie, and, it is likely enough, thought for an instant of the adventures
and vicissitudes he had passed since he occupied them before. Another
ordeal awaited him. He must confront, not painted savages with tomahawk
and knife, but—what he shrank from more—the courtly throngs that still
live and move in the pages of Sévigné and Saint-Simon.
The news of his discovery and the rumor of his schemes were the talk of
a moment among the courtiers, and then were forgotten. It was not so with
their master. La Salle's friends and patrons did not fail him. A student and a
recluse in his youth, and a backwoodsman in his manhood, he had what was
to him the formidable honor of an interview with royalty itself, and stood
with such philosophy as he could command before the gilded arm-chair,
where, majestic and awful, the power of France sat embodied. The King
listened to all he said; but the results of the interview were kept so secret
that it was rumored in the ante-chambers that his proposals had been
rejected.[262]
On the contrary, they had met with more than favor. The moment was
opportune for La Salle. The King had long been irritated against the
Spaniards, because they not only excluded his subjects from their American
ports, but forbade them to enter the Gulf of Mexico. Certain Frenchmen
who had sailed on this forbidden sea had been seized and imprisoned; and
more recently a small vessel of the royal navy had been captured for the
same offence. This had drawn from the King a declaration that every sea
Page 254
should be free to all his subjects; and Count d'Estrées was sent with a
squadron to the Gulf, to exact satisfaction of the Spaniards, or fight them if
they refused it.[263] This was in time of peace. War had since arisen between
the two crowns, and brought with it the opportunity of settling the question
forever. In order to do so, the minister Seignelay, like his father Colbert,
proposed to establish a French port on the Gulf, as a permanent menace to
the Spaniards and a basis of future conquest. It was in view of this plan that
La Salle's past enterprises had been favored; and the proposals he now
made were in perfect accord with it.
These proposals were set forth in two memorials. The
first of them states that the late Monseigneur Colbert LA SALLE'S
PROPOSALS.
deemed it important for the service of his Majesty to
discover a port in the Gulf of Mexico; that to this end the memorialist, La
Salle, made five journeys of upwards of five thousand leagues, in great part
on foot; and traversed more than six hundred leagues of unknown country,
among savages and cannibals, at the cost of a hundred and fifty thousand
francs. He now proposes to return by way of the Gulf of Mexico and the
mouth of the Mississippi to the countries he has discovered, whence great
benefits may be expected: first, the cause of God may be advanced by the
preaching of the gospel to many Indian tribes; and, secondly, great
conquests may be effected for the glory of the King, by the seizure of
provinces rich in silver mines, and defended only by a few indolent and
effeminate Spaniards. The Sieur de la Salle, pursues the memorial, binds
himself to be ready for the accomplishment of this enterprise within one
year after his arrival on the spot; and he asks for this purpose only one
vessel and two hundred men, with their arms, munitions, pay, and
maintenance. When Monseigneur shall direct him, he will give the details
of what he proposes. The memorial then describes the boundless extent, the
fertility and resources of the country watered by the river Colbert, or
Mississippi; the necessity of guarding it against foreigners, who will be
eager to seize it now that La Salle's discovery has made it known; and the
ease with which it may be defended by one or two forts at a proper distance
above its mouth, which would form the key to an interior region eight
hundred leagues in extent. "Should foreigners anticipate us," he adds, "they
will complete the ruin of New France, which they already hem in by their
squadron to the Gulf, to exact satisfaction of the Spaniards, or fight them if
they refused it.[263] This was in time of peace. War had since arisen between
the two crowns, and brought with it the opportunity of settling the question
forever. In order to do so, the minister Seignelay, like his father Colbert,
proposed to establish a French port on the Gulf, as a permanent menace to
the Spaniards and a basis of future conquest. It was in view of this plan that
La Salle's past enterprises had been favored; and the proposals he now
made were in perfect accord with it.
These proposals were set forth in two memorials. The
first of them states that the late Monseigneur Colbert LA SALLE'S
PROPOSALS.
deemed it important for the service of his Majesty to
discover a port in the Gulf of Mexico; that to this end the memorialist, La
Salle, made five journeys of upwards of five thousand leagues, in great part
on foot; and traversed more than six hundred leagues of unknown country,
among savages and cannibals, at the cost of a hundred and fifty thousand
francs. He now proposes to return by way of the Gulf of Mexico and the
mouth of the Mississippi to the countries he has discovered, whence great
benefits may be expected: first, the cause of God may be advanced by the
preaching of the gospel to many Indian tribes; and, secondly, great
conquests may be effected for the glory of the King, by the seizure of
provinces rich in silver mines, and defended only by a few indolent and
effeminate Spaniards. The Sieur de la Salle, pursues the memorial, binds
himself to be ready for the accomplishment of this enterprise within one
year after his arrival on the spot; and he asks for this purpose only one
vessel and two hundred men, with their arms, munitions, pay, and
maintenance. When Monseigneur shall direct him, he will give the details
of what he proposes. The memorial then describes the boundless extent, the
fertility and resources of the country watered by the river Colbert, or
Mississippi; the necessity of guarding it against foreigners, who will be
eager to seize it now that La Salle's discovery has made it known; and the
ease with which it may be defended by one or two forts at a proper distance
above its mouth, which would form the key to an interior region eight
hundred leagues in extent. "Should foreigners anticipate us," he adds, "they
will complete the ruin of New France, which they already hem in by their
Page 255
establishments of Virginia, Pennsylvania, New England, and Hudson's
Bay."[264]
The second memorial is more explicit. The place, it says, which the Sieur
de la Salle proposes to fortify, is on the river Colbert, or Mississippi, sixty
leagues above its mouth, where the soil is very fertile, the climate very
mild, and whence we, the French, may control the continent,—since, the
river being narrow, we could defend ourselves by means of fire-ships
against a hostile fleet, while the position is excellent both for attacking an
enemy or retreating in case of need. The neighboring Indians detest the
Spaniards, but love the French, having been won over by the kindness of
the Sieur de la Salle. We could form of them an army of more than fifteen
thousand savages, who, supported by the French and Abenakis, followers of
the Sieur de la Salle, could easily subdue the province of New Biscay (the
most northern province of Mexico), where there are but four hundred
Spaniards, more fit to work the mines than to fight. On the north of New
Biscay lie vast forests, extending to the river Seignelay[265] (Red River),
which is but forty or fifty leagues from the Spanish province. This river
affords the means of attacking it to great advantage.
In view of these facts, pursues the memorial, the Sieur de la Salle offers,
if the war with Spain continues, to undertake this conquest with two
hundred men from France. He will take on his way fifty buccaneers at St.
Domingo, and direct the four thousand Indian warriors at Fort St. Louis of
the Illinois to descend the river and join him. He will separate his force into
three divisions, and attack at the same time the centre and the two
extremities of the province. To accomplish this great design, he asks only
for a vessel of thirty guns, a few cannon for the forts, and power to raise in
France two hundred such men as he shall think fit, to be armed, paid, and
maintained six months at the King's charge. And the Sieur de la Salle binds
himself, if the execution of this plan is prevented for more than three years,
by peace with Spain, to refund to his Majesty all the costs of the enterprise,
on pain of forfeiting the government of the ports he will have established.
[266]
Such, in brief, was the substance of this singular
proposition. And, first, it is to be observed that it is LA SALLES'S
PLANS.
based on a geographical blunder, the nature of which is
Bay."[264]
The second memorial is more explicit. The place, it says, which the Sieur
de la Salle proposes to fortify, is on the river Colbert, or Mississippi, sixty
leagues above its mouth, where the soil is very fertile, the climate very
mild, and whence we, the French, may control the continent,—since, the
river being narrow, we could defend ourselves by means of fire-ships
against a hostile fleet, while the position is excellent both for attacking an
enemy or retreating in case of need. The neighboring Indians detest the
Spaniards, but love the French, having been won over by the kindness of
the Sieur de la Salle. We could form of them an army of more than fifteen
thousand savages, who, supported by the French and Abenakis, followers of
the Sieur de la Salle, could easily subdue the province of New Biscay (the
most northern province of Mexico), where there are but four hundred
Spaniards, more fit to work the mines than to fight. On the north of New
Biscay lie vast forests, extending to the river Seignelay[265] (Red River),
which is but forty or fifty leagues from the Spanish province. This river
affords the means of attacking it to great advantage.
In view of these facts, pursues the memorial, the Sieur de la Salle offers,
if the war with Spain continues, to undertake this conquest with two
hundred men from France. He will take on his way fifty buccaneers at St.
Domingo, and direct the four thousand Indian warriors at Fort St. Louis of
the Illinois to descend the river and join him. He will separate his force into
three divisions, and attack at the same time the centre and the two
extremities of the province. To accomplish this great design, he asks only
for a vessel of thirty guns, a few cannon for the forts, and power to raise in
France two hundred such men as he shall think fit, to be armed, paid, and
maintained six months at the King's charge. And the Sieur de la Salle binds
himself, if the execution of this plan is prevented for more than three years,
by peace with Spain, to refund to his Majesty all the costs of the enterprise,
on pain of forfeiting the government of the ports he will have established.
[266]
Such, in brief, was the substance of this singular
proposition. And, first, it is to be observed that it is LA SALLES'S
PLANS.
based on a geographical blunder, the nature of which is
Page 256
explained by the map of La Salle's discoveries made in this very year. Here
the river Seignelay, or Red River, is represented as running parallel to the
northern border of Mexico, and at no great distance from it,—the region
now called Texas being almost entirely suppressed. According to the map,
New Biscay might be reached from this river in a few days; and, after
crossing the intervening forests, the coveted mines of Ste. Barbe, or Santa
Barbara, would be within striking distance.[267] That La Salle believed in
the possibility of invading the Spanish province of New Biscay from Red
River there can be no doubt; neither can it reasonably be doubted that he
hoped at some future day to make the attempt; and yet it is incredible that a
man in his sober senses could have proposed this scheme with the intention
of attempting to execute it at the time and in the manner which he indicates.
[268]
This memorial bears some indications of being drawn up in order to
produce a certain effect on the minds of the King and his minister. La
Salle's immediate necessity was to obtain from them the means for
establishing a fort and a colony within the mouth of the Mississippi. This
was essential to his own plans; nor did he in the least exaggerate the value
of such an establishment to the French nation, and the importance of
anticipating other powers in the possession of it. But he thought that he
needed a more glittering lure to attract the eyes of Louis and Seignelay; and
thus, it may be, he held before them, in a definite and tangible form, the
project of Spanish conquest which had haunted his imagination from youth,
—trusting that the speedy conclusion of peace, which actually took place,
would absolve him from the immediate execution of the scheme, and give
him time, with the means placed at his disposal, to mature his plans and
prepare for eventual action. Such a procedure may be charged with
indirectness; but there is a different explanation, which we shall suggest
hereafter, and which implies no such reproach.[269]
Even with this madcap enterprise lopped off, La Salle's scheme of
Mississippi trade and colonization, perfectly sound in itself, was too vast for
an individual,—above all, for one crippled and crushed with debt. While he
grasped one link of the great chain, another, no less essential, escaped from
his hand; while he built up a colony on the Mississippi, it was reasonably
certain that evil would befall his distant colony of the Illinois.
the river Seignelay, or Red River, is represented as running parallel to the
northern border of Mexico, and at no great distance from it,—the region
now called Texas being almost entirely suppressed. According to the map,
New Biscay might be reached from this river in a few days; and, after
crossing the intervening forests, the coveted mines of Ste. Barbe, or Santa
Barbara, would be within striking distance.[267] That La Salle believed in
the possibility of invading the Spanish province of New Biscay from Red
River there can be no doubt; neither can it reasonably be doubted that he
hoped at some future day to make the attempt; and yet it is incredible that a
man in his sober senses could have proposed this scheme with the intention
of attempting to execute it at the time and in the manner which he indicates.
[268]
This memorial bears some indications of being drawn up in order to
produce a certain effect on the minds of the King and his minister. La
Salle's immediate necessity was to obtain from them the means for
establishing a fort and a colony within the mouth of the Mississippi. This
was essential to his own plans; nor did he in the least exaggerate the value
of such an establishment to the French nation, and the importance of
anticipating other powers in the possession of it. But he thought that he
needed a more glittering lure to attract the eyes of Louis and Seignelay; and
thus, it may be, he held before them, in a definite and tangible form, the
project of Spanish conquest which had haunted his imagination from youth,
—trusting that the speedy conclusion of peace, which actually took place,
would absolve him from the immediate execution of the scheme, and give
him time, with the means placed at his disposal, to mature his plans and
prepare for eventual action. Such a procedure may be charged with
indirectness; but there is a different explanation, which we shall suggest
hereafter, and which implies no such reproach.[269]
Even with this madcap enterprise lopped off, La Salle's scheme of
Mississippi trade and colonization, perfectly sound in itself, was too vast for
an individual,—above all, for one crippled and crushed with debt. While he
grasped one link of the great chain, another, no less essential, escaped from
his hand; while he built up a colony on the Mississippi, it was reasonably
certain that evil would befall his distant colony of the Illinois.
Page 257
The glittering project which he now unfolded found
favor in the eyes of the King and his minister; for both LA BARRE
were in the flush of an unparalleled success, and looked REBUKED.
in the future, as in the past, for nothing but triumphs. They granted more
than the petitioner asked, as indeed they well might, if they expected the
accomplishment of all that he proposed to attempt. La Forest, La Salle's
lieutenant, ejected from Fort Frontenac by La Barre, was now at Paris; and
he was despatched to Canada, empowered to reoccupy, in La Salle's name,
both Fort Frontenac and Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. The King himself
wrote to La Barre in a strain that must have sent a cold thrill through the
veins of that official. "I hear," he says, "that you have taken possession of
Fort Frontenac, the property of the Sieur de la Salle, driven away his men,
suffered his land to run to waste, and even told the Iroquois that they might
seize him as an enemy of the colony." He adds, that, if this is true, La Barre
must make reparation for the wrong, and place all La Salle's property, as
well as his men, in the hands of the Sieur de la Forest, "as I am satisfied that
Fort Frontenac was not abandoned, as you wrote to me that it had been."
[270]
Four days later, he wrote to the intendant of Canada, De Meules, to the
effect that the bearer, La Forest, is to suffer no impediment, and that La
Barre is to surrender to him without reserve all that belongs to La Salle.[271]
Armed with this letter, La Forest sailed for Canada.[272]
A chief object of his mission, as it was represented to Seignelay, was, not
only to save the colony at the Illinois from being broken up by La Barre,
but also to collect La Salle's scattered followers, muster the savage warriors
around the rock of St. Louis, and lead the whole down the Mississippi, to
co-operate in the attack on New Biscay. If La Salle meant that La Forest
should seriously attempt to execute such a scheme, then the charges of his
enemies that his brain was turned were better founded than he would have
us think.[273]
He had asked for two vessels,[274] and four were given
to him. Agents were sent to Rochelle and Rochefort to PREPARATION.
gather recruits. A hundred soldiers were enrolled,
besides mechanics and laborers; and thirty volunteers, including gentlemen
and burghers of condition, joined the expedition. And, as the plan was one
no less of colonization than of war, several families embarked for the new
favor in the eyes of the King and his minister; for both LA BARRE
were in the flush of an unparalleled success, and looked REBUKED.
in the future, as in the past, for nothing but triumphs. They granted more
than the petitioner asked, as indeed they well might, if they expected the
accomplishment of all that he proposed to attempt. La Forest, La Salle's
lieutenant, ejected from Fort Frontenac by La Barre, was now at Paris; and
he was despatched to Canada, empowered to reoccupy, in La Salle's name,
both Fort Frontenac and Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. The King himself
wrote to La Barre in a strain that must have sent a cold thrill through the
veins of that official. "I hear," he says, "that you have taken possession of
Fort Frontenac, the property of the Sieur de la Salle, driven away his men,
suffered his land to run to waste, and even told the Iroquois that they might
seize him as an enemy of the colony." He adds, that, if this is true, La Barre
must make reparation for the wrong, and place all La Salle's property, as
well as his men, in the hands of the Sieur de la Forest, "as I am satisfied that
Fort Frontenac was not abandoned, as you wrote to me that it had been."
[270]
Four days later, he wrote to the intendant of Canada, De Meules, to the
effect that the bearer, La Forest, is to suffer no impediment, and that La
Barre is to surrender to him without reserve all that belongs to La Salle.[271]
Armed with this letter, La Forest sailed for Canada.[272]
A chief object of his mission, as it was represented to Seignelay, was, not
only to save the colony at the Illinois from being broken up by La Barre,
but also to collect La Salle's scattered followers, muster the savage warriors
around the rock of St. Louis, and lead the whole down the Mississippi, to
co-operate in the attack on New Biscay. If La Salle meant that La Forest
should seriously attempt to execute such a scheme, then the charges of his
enemies that his brain was turned were better founded than he would have
us think.[273]
He had asked for two vessels,[274] and four were given
to him. Agents were sent to Rochelle and Rochefort to PREPARATION.
gather recruits. A hundred soldiers were enrolled,
besides mechanics and laborers; and thirty volunteers, including gentlemen
and burghers of condition, joined the expedition. And, as the plan was one
no less of colonization than of war, several families embarked for the new
Page 258
land of promise, as well as a number of girls, lured by the prospect of
almost certain matrimony. Nor were missionaries wanting. Among them
was La Salle's brother, Cavelier, and two other priests of St. Sulpice. Three
Récollets were added,—Zenobe Membré, who was then in France, Anastase
Douay, and Maxime Le Clerc. The principal vessel was the "Joly,"
belonging to the royal navy, and carrying thirty-six guns. Another armed
vessel of six guns was added, together with a store-ship and a ketch.
La Salle had asked for sole command of the expedition, with a subaltern
officer, and one or two pilots to sail the vessels as he should direct. Instead
of complying, Seignelay gave the command of the vessels to Beaujeu, a
captain of the royal navy,—whose authority was restricted to their
management at sea, while La Salle was to prescribe the route they were to
take, and have entire control of the troops and colonists on land.[275] This
arrangement displeased both parties. Beaujeu, an old and experienced
officer, was galled that a civilian should be set over him,—and he, too, a
burgher lately ennobled; nor was La Salle the man to soothe his ruffled
spirit. Detesting a divided command, cold, reserved, and impenetrable, he
would have tried the patience of a less excitable colleague. Beaujeu, on his
part, though set to a task which he disliked, seems to have meant to do his
duty, and to have been willing at the outset to make the relations between
himself and his unwelcome associate as agreeable as possible. Unluckily,
La Salle discovered that the wife of Beaujeu was devoted to the Jesuits. We
have seen the extreme distrust with which he regarded these guides of his
youth, and he seems now to have fancied that Beaujeu was their secret ally.
Possibly, he suspected that information of his movements would be given to
the Spaniards; more probably, he had undefined fears of adverse
machinations. Granting that such existed, it was not his interest to stimulate
them by needlessly exasperating the naval commander. His deportment,
however, was not conciliating; and Beaujeu, prepared to dislike him,
presently lost temper. While the vessels still lay at Rochelle; while all was
bustle and preparation; while stores, arms, and munitions were embarking;
while boys and vagabonds were enlisting as soldiers for the expedition,—
Beaujeu was venting his disgust in long letters to the minister.
"You have ordered me, Monseigneur, to give all
possible aid to this undertaking, and I shall do so to the BEAUJEU AND
LA SALLE.
best of my power; but permit me to take great credit to
almost certain matrimony. Nor were missionaries wanting. Among them
was La Salle's brother, Cavelier, and two other priests of St. Sulpice. Three
Récollets were added,—Zenobe Membré, who was then in France, Anastase
Douay, and Maxime Le Clerc. The principal vessel was the "Joly,"
belonging to the royal navy, and carrying thirty-six guns. Another armed
vessel of six guns was added, together with a store-ship and a ketch.
La Salle had asked for sole command of the expedition, with a subaltern
officer, and one or two pilots to sail the vessels as he should direct. Instead
of complying, Seignelay gave the command of the vessels to Beaujeu, a
captain of the royal navy,—whose authority was restricted to their
management at sea, while La Salle was to prescribe the route they were to
take, and have entire control of the troops and colonists on land.[275] This
arrangement displeased both parties. Beaujeu, an old and experienced
officer, was galled that a civilian should be set over him,—and he, too, a
burgher lately ennobled; nor was La Salle the man to soothe his ruffled
spirit. Detesting a divided command, cold, reserved, and impenetrable, he
would have tried the patience of a less excitable colleague. Beaujeu, on his
part, though set to a task which he disliked, seems to have meant to do his
duty, and to have been willing at the outset to make the relations between
himself and his unwelcome associate as agreeable as possible. Unluckily,
La Salle discovered that the wife of Beaujeu was devoted to the Jesuits. We
have seen the extreme distrust with which he regarded these guides of his
youth, and he seems now to have fancied that Beaujeu was their secret ally.
Possibly, he suspected that information of his movements would be given to
the Spaniards; more probably, he had undefined fears of adverse
machinations. Granting that such existed, it was not his interest to stimulate
them by needlessly exasperating the naval commander. His deportment,
however, was not conciliating; and Beaujeu, prepared to dislike him,
presently lost temper. While the vessels still lay at Rochelle; while all was
bustle and preparation; while stores, arms, and munitions were embarking;
while boys and vagabonds were enlisting as soldiers for the expedition,—
Beaujeu was venting his disgust in long letters to the minister.
"You have ordered me, Monseigneur, to give all
possible aid to this undertaking, and I shall do so to the BEAUJEU AND
LA SALLE.
best of my power; but permit me to take great credit to
Page 259
myself, for I find it very hard to submit to the orders of the Sieur de la Salle,
whom I believe to be a man of merit, but who has no experience of war
except with savages, and who has no rank, while I have been captain of a
ship thirteen years, and have served thirty by sea and land. Besides,
Monseigneur, he has told me that in case of his death you have directed that
the Sieur de Tonty shall succeed him. This, indeed, is very hard; for, though
I am not acquainted with that country, I should be very dull, if, being on the
spot, I did not know at the end of a month as much of it as they do. I beg,
Monseigneur, that I may at least share the command with them; and that, as
regards war, nothing may be done without my knowledge and concurrence,
—for, as to their commerce, I neither intend nor desire to know anything
about it."
Seignelay answered by a rebuff, and told him to make no trouble about
the command. This increased his irritation, and he wrote: "In my last letter,
Monseigneur, I represented to you the hardship of compelling me to obey
M. de la Salle, who has no rank, and never commanded anybody but school-
boys; and I begged you at least to divide the command between us. I now,
Monseigneur, take the liberty to say that I will obey without repugnance, if
you order me to do so, having reflected that there can be no competition
between the said Sieur de la Salle and me.
"Thus far, he has not told me his plan; and he changes his mind every
moment. He is a man so suspicious, and so afraid that one will penetrate his
secrets, that I dare not ask him anything. He says that M. de Parassy,
commissary's clerk, with whom he has often quarrelled, is paid by his
enemies to defeat his undertaking; and many other things with which I will
not trouble you....
"He pretends that I am only to command the sailors, and have no
authority over the volunteer officers and the hundred soldiers who are to
take passage in the 'Joly;' and that they are not to recognize or obey me in
any way during the voyage....
"He has covered the decks with boxes and chests of such prodigious size
that neither the cannon nor the capstan can be worked."
La Salle drew up a long list of articles, defining the respective rights and
functions of himself and Beaujeu, to whom he presented it for signature.
whom I believe to be a man of merit, but who has no experience of war
except with savages, and who has no rank, while I have been captain of a
ship thirteen years, and have served thirty by sea and land. Besides,
Monseigneur, he has told me that in case of his death you have directed that
the Sieur de Tonty shall succeed him. This, indeed, is very hard; for, though
I am not acquainted with that country, I should be very dull, if, being on the
spot, I did not know at the end of a month as much of it as they do. I beg,
Monseigneur, that I may at least share the command with them; and that, as
regards war, nothing may be done without my knowledge and concurrence,
—for, as to their commerce, I neither intend nor desire to know anything
about it."
Seignelay answered by a rebuff, and told him to make no trouble about
the command. This increased his irritation, and he wrote: "In my last letter,
Monseigneur, I represented to you the hardship of compelling me to obey
M. de la Salle, who has no rank, and never commanded anybody but school-
boys; and I begged you at least to divide the command between us. I now,
Monseigneur, take the liberty to say that I will obey without repugnance, if
you order me to do so, having reflected that there can be no competition
between the said Sieur de la Salle and me.
"Thus far, he has not told me his plan; and he changes his mind every
moment. He is a man so suspicious, and so afraid that one will penetrate his
secrets, that I dare not ask him anything. He says that M. de Parassy,
commissary's clerk, with whom he has often quarrelled, is paid by his
enemies to defeat his undertaking; and many other things with which I will
not trouble you....
"He pretends that I am only to command the sailors, and have no
authority over the volunteer officers and the hundred soldiers who are to
take passage in the 'Joly;' and that they are not to recognize or obey me in
any way during the voyage....
"He has covered the decks with boxes and chests of such prodigious size
that neither the cannon nor the capstan can be worked."
La Salle drew up a long list of articles, defining the respective rights and
functions of himself and Beaujeu, to whom he presented it for signature.
Page 260
Beaujeu demurred at certain military honors demanded by La Salle, saying
that if a marshal of France should come on board his ship, he would have
none left to offer him. The point was referred to the naval intendant; and the
articles of the treaty having been slightly modified, Beaujeu set his name to
it. "By this," he says, "you can judge better of the character of M. de la
Salle than by all I can say. He is a man who wants smoke [form and
ceremony]. I will give him his fill of it, and, perhaps, more than he likes.
"I am bound to an unknown country, to seek what is about as hard to find
as the philosopher's stone. It vexes me, Monseigneur, that you should have
been involved in a business the success of which is very uncertain. M. de la
Salle begins to doubt it himself."
While Beaujeu wrote thus to the minister, he was also writing to Cabart
de Villermont, one of his friends at Paris, with whom La Salle was also on
friendly terms. These letters are lively and entertaining, and by no means
suggestive of any secret conspiracy. He might, it is true, have been more
reserved in his communications; but he betrays no confidence, for none was
placed in him. It is the familiar correspondence of an irritable but not ill-
natured veteran, who is placed in an annoying position, and thinks he is
making the best of it.
La Salle thought that the minister had been too free in communicating the
secrets of the expedition to the naval intendant at Rochefort, and through
him to Beaujeu. It is hard to see how Beaujeu was to blame for this; but La
Salle nevertheless fell into a dispute with him. "He could hardly keep his
temper, and used expressions which obliged me to tell him that I cared very
little about his affairs, and that the King himself would not speak as he did.
He retracted, made excuses, and we parted good friends....
"I do not like his suspiciousness. I think him a good, honest Norman; but
Normans are out of fashion. It is one thing to-day, another to-morrow. It
seems to me that he is not so sure about his undertaking as he was at Paris.
This morning he came to see me, and told me he had changed his mind, and
meant to give a new turn to the business, and go to another coast. He gave
very poor reasons, to which I assented, to avoid a quarrel. I thought, by
what he said, that he wanted to find a scapegoat to bear the blame, in case
his plan does not succeed as he hopes. For the rest, I think him a brave man
that if a marshal of France should come on board his ship, he would have
none left to offer him. The point was referred to the naval intendant; and the
articles of the treaty having been slightly modified, Beaujeu set his name to
it. "By this," he says, "you can judge better of the character of M. de la
Salle than by all I can say. He is a man who wants smoke [form and
ceremony]. I will give him his fill of it, and, perhaps, more than he likes.
"I am bound to an unknown country, to seek what is about as hard to find
as the philosopher's stone. It vexes me, Monseigneur, that you should have
been involved in a business the success of which is very uncertain. M. de la
Salle begins to doubt it himself."
While Beaujeu wrote thus to the minister, he was also writing to Cabart
de Villermont, one of his friends at Paris, with whom La Salle was also on
friendly terms. These letters are lively and entertaining, and by no means
suggestive of any secret conspiracy. He might, it is true, have been more
reserved in his communications; but he betrays no confidence, for none was
placed in him. It is the familiar correspondence of an irritable but not ill-
natured veteran, who is placed in an annoying position, and thinks he is
making the best of it.
La Salle thought that the minister had been too free in communicating the
secrets of the expedition to the naval intendant at Rochefort, and through
him to Beaujeu. It is hard to see how Beaujeu was to blame for this; but La
Salle nevertheless fell into a dispute with him. "He could hardly keep his
temper, and used expressions which obliged me to tell him that I cared very
little about his affairs, and that the King himself would not speak as he did.
He retracted, made excuses, and we parted good friends....
"I do not like his suspiciousness. I think him a good, honest Norman; but
Normans are out of fashion. It is one thing to-day, another to-morrow. It
seems to me that he is not so sure about his undertaking as he was at Paris.
This morning he came to see me, and told me he had changed his mind, and
meant to give a new turn to the business, and go to another coast. He gave
very poor reasons, to which I assented, to avoid a quarrel. I thought, by
what he said, that he wanted to find a scapegoat to bear the blame, in case
his plan does not succeed as he hopes. For the rest, I think him a brave man
Page 261
and a true; and I am persuaded that if this business fails, it will be because
he does not know enough, and will not trust us of the profession. As for me,
I shall do my best to help him, as I have told you before; and I am delighted
to have him keep his secret, so that I shall not have to answer for the result.
Pray do not show my letters, for fear of committing me with him. He is too
suspicious already; and never was Norman so Norman as he, which is a
great hinderance to business."
Beaujeu came from the same province and calls himself jocularly un bon
gros Normand. His good-nature, however, rapidly gave way as time went
on. "Yesterday," he writes, "this Monsieur told me that he meant to go to the
Gulf of Mexico. A little while ago, as I said before, he talked about going to
Canada. I see nothing certain in it. It is not that I do not believe that all he
says is true; but not being of the profession, and not liking to betray his
ignorance, he is puzzled what to do.
"I shall go straight forward, without regarding a thousand whims and
bagatelles. His continual suspicion would drive anybody mad except a
Norman like me; but I shall humor him, as I have always done, even to
sailing my ship on dry land, if he likes."
A few days later, there was an open quarrel. "M. de la
Salle came to me, and said, rather haughtily and in a AN OPEN
QUARREL.
tone of command, that I must put provisions for three
months more on board my vessel. I told him it was impossible, as she had
more lading already than anybody ever dared to put in her before. He would
not hear reason, but got angry and abused me in good French, and found
fault with me because the vessel would not hold his three months'
provisions. He said I ought to have told him of it before. 'And how would
you have me tell you,' said I, 'when you never tell me what you mean to
do?' We had still another quarrel. He asked me where his officers should
take their meals. I told him that they might take them where he pleased; for
I gave myself no trouble in the matter, having no orders. He answered that
they should not mess on bacon, while the rest ate fowls and mutton. I said
that if he would send fowls and mutton on board, his people should eat
them; but, as for bacon, I had often ate it myself. At this, he went off and
complained to M. Dugué that I refused to embark his provisions, and told
him that he must live on bacon. I excused him as not knowing how to
he does not know enough, and will not trust us of the profession. As for me,
I shall do my best to help him, as I have told you before; and I am delighted
to have him keep his secret, so that I shall not have to answer for the result.
Pray do not show my letters, for fear of committing me with him. He is too
suspicious already; and never was Norman so Norman as he, which is a
great hinderance to business."
Beaujeu came from the same province and calls himself jocularly un bon
gros Normand. His good-nature, however, rapidly gave way as time went
on. "Yesterday," he writes, "this Monsieur told me that he meant to go to the
Gulf of Mexico. A little while ago, as I said before, he talked about going to
Canada. I see nothing certain in it. It is not that I do not believe that all he
says is true; but not being of the profession, and not liking to betray his
ignorance, he is puzzled what to do.
"I shall go straight forward, without regarding a thousand whims and
bagatelles. His continual suspicion would drive anybody mad except a
Norman like me; but I shall humor him, as I have always done, even to
sailing my ship on dry land, if he likes."
A few days later, there was an open quarrel. "M. de la
Salle came to me, and said, rather haughtily and in a AN OPEN
QUARREL.
tone of command, that I must put provisions for three
months more on board my vessel. I told him it was impossible, as she had
more lading already than anybody ever dared to put in her before. He would
not hear reason, but got angry and abused me in good French, and found
fault with me because the vessel would not hold his three months'
provisions. He said I ought to have told him of it before. 'And how would
you have me tell you,' said I, 'when you never tell me what you mean to
do?' We had still another quarrel. He asked me where his officers should
take their meals. I told him that they might take them where he pleased; for
I gave myself no trouble in the matter, having no orders. He answered that
they should not mess on bacon, while the rest ate fowls and mutton. I said
that if he would send fowls and mutton on board, his people should eat
them; but, as for bacon, I had often ate it myself. At this, he went off and
complained to M. Dugué that I refused to embark his provisions, and told
him that he must live on bacon. I excused him as not knowing how to
Page 262
behave himself, having spent his life among school-boy brats and savages.
Nevertheless, I offered to him, his brother, and two of his friends, seats at
my table and the same fare as myself. He answered my civility by an
impertinence, saying that he distrusted people who offered so much and
seemed so obliging. I could not help telling him that I saw he was brought
up in the provinces."
This was touching La Salle on a sensitive point. Beaujeu continues: "In
fact, you knew him better than I; for I always took him for a gentleman
(honnête homme). I see now that he is anything but that. Pray set Abbé
Renaudot and M. Morel right about this man, and tell them he is not what
they take him for. Adieu. It has struck twelve: the postman is just going."
Bad as was the state of things, it soon grew worse. Renaudot wrote to La
Salle that Beaujeu was writing to Villermont everything that happened, and
that Villermont showed the letters to all his acquaintance. Villermont was a
relative of the Jesuit Beschefer; and this was sufficient to suggest some
secret machination to the mind of La Salle. Villermont's fault, however,
seems to have been simple indiscretion, for which Beaujeu took him
sharply to task. "I asked you to burn my letters; and I cannot help saying
that I am angry with you, not because you make known my secrets, but
because you show letters scrawled in haste, and sent off without being even
read over. M. de la Salle not having told me his secret, though M. de
Seignelay ordered him to tell me, I am not obliged to keep it, and have as
good a right as anybody to make my conjectures on what I read about it in
the Gazette de Hollande. Let Abbé Renaudot glorify M. de la Salle as much
as he likes, and make him a Cortez, a Pizarro, or an Almagro,—that is
nothing to me; but do not let him speak of me as an obstacle in his hero's
way. Let him understand that I know how to execute the orders of the court
as well as he....
"You ask how I get on with M. de la Salle. Don't you
know that this man is impenetrable, and that there is no LA SALLE'S
INDISCRETION.
knowing what he thinks of one? He told a person of note
whom I will not name that he had suspicions about our correspondence, as
well as about Madame de Beaujeu's devotion to the Jesuits. His distrust is
incredible. If he sees one of his people speak to the rest, he suspects
Nevertheless, I offered to him, his brother, and two of his friends, seats at
my table and the same fare as myself. He answered my civility by an
impertinence, saying that he distrusted people who offered so much and
seemed so obliging. I could not help telling him that I saw he was brought
up in the provinces."
This was touching La Salle on a sensitive point. Beaujeu continues: "In
fact, you knew him better than I; for I always took him for a gentleman
(honnête homme). I see now that he is anything but that. Pray set Abbé
Renaudot and M. Morel right about this man, and tell them he is not what
they take him for. Adieu. It has struck twelve: the postman is just going."
Bad as was the state of things, it soon grew worse. Renaudot wrote to La
Salle that Beaujeu was writing to Villermont everything that happened, and
that Villermont showed the letters to all his acquaintance. Villermont was a
relative of the Jesuit Beschefer; and this was sufficient to suggest some
secret machination to the mind of La Salle. Villermont's fault, however,
seems to have been simple indiscretion, for which Beaujeu took him
sharply to task. "I asked you to burn my letters; and I cannot help saying
that I am angry with you, not because you make known my secrets, but
because you show letters scrawled in haste, and sent off without being even
read over. M. de la Salle not having told me his secret, though M. de
Seignelay ordered him to tell me, I am not obliged to keep it, and have as
good a right as anybody to make my conjectures on what I read about it in
the Gazette de Hollande. Let Abbé Renaudot glorify M. de la Salle as much
as he likes, and make him a Cortez, a Pizarro, or an Almagro,—that is
nothing to me; but do not let him speak of me as an obstacle in his hero's
way. Let him understand that I know how to execute the orders of the court
as well as he....
"You ask how I get on with M. de la Salle. Don't you
know that this man is impenetrable, and that there is no LA SALLE'S
INDISCRETION.
knowing what he thinks of one? He told a person of note
whom I will not name that he had suspicions about our correspondence, as
well as about Madame de Beaujeu's devotion to the Jesuits. His distrust is
incredible. If he sees one of his people speak to the rest, he suspects
Page 263
something, and is gruff with them. He told me himself that he wanted to get
rid of M. de Tonty, who is in America."
La Salle's claim to exclusive command of the soldiers on board the "Joly"
was a source of endless trouble. Beaujeu declared that he would not set sail
till officers, soldiers, and volunteers had all sworn to obey him when at sea;
at which La Salle had the indiscretion to say, "If I am not master of my
soldiers, how can I make him [Beaujeu] do his duty in case he does not
want to do it?"
Beaujeu says that this affair made a great noise among the officers at
Rochefort, and adds: "There are very few people who do not think that his
brain is touched. I have spoken to some who have known him twenty years.
They all say that he was always rather visionary."
It is difficult not to suspect that the current belief at Rochefort had some
foundation; and that the deadly strain of extreme hardship, prolonged
anxiety, and alternation of disaster and success, joined to the fever which
nearly killed him, had unsettled his judgment and given a morbid
development to his natural defects. His universal suspicion, which included
even the stanch and faithful Henri de Tonty; his needless provocation of
persons whose good-will was necessary to him; his doubts whether he
should sail for the Gulf or for Canada, when to sail to Canada would have
been to renounce, or expose to almost certain defeat, an enterprise long
cherished and definitely planned,—all point to one conclusion. It may be
thought that his doubts were feigned, in order to hide his destination to the
last moment; but if so, he attempted to blind not only his ill wishers, but his
mother, whom he also left in uncertainty as to his route.
Unless we assume that his scheme of invading
Mexico was thrown out as a bait to the King, it is hard to AN
reconcile it with the supposition of mental soundness. To OVERWROUGHT
BRAIN.
base so critical an attempt on a geographical conjecture,
which rested on the slightest possible information, and was in fact a total
error; to postpone the perfectly sound plan of securing the mouth of the
Mississippi, to a wild project of leading fifteen thousand savages for an
unknown distance through an unknown country to attack an unknown
enemy,—was something more than Quixotic daring. The King and the
rid of M. de Tonty, who is in America."
La Salle's claim to exclusive command of the soldiers on board the "Joly"
was a source of endless trouble. Beaujeu declared that he would not set sail
till officers, soldiers, and volunteers had all sworn to obey him when at sea;
at which La Salle had the indiscretion to say, "If I am not master of my
soldiers, how can I make him [Beaujeu] do his duty in case he does not
want to do it?"
Beaujeu says that this affair made a great noise among the officers at
Rochefort, and adds: "There are very few people who do not think that his
brain is touched. I have spoken to some who have known him twenty years.
They all say that he was always rather visionary."
It is difficult not to suspect that the current belief at Rochefort had some
foundation; and that the deadly strain of extreme hardship, prolonged
anxiety, and alternation of disaster and success, joined to the fever which
nearly killed him, had unsettled his judgment and given a morbid
development to his natural defects. His universal suspicion, which included
even the stanch and faithful Henri de Tonty; his needless provocation of
persons whose good-will was necessary to him; his doubts whether he
should sail for the Gulf or for Canada, when to sail to Canada would have
been to renounce, or expose to almost certain defeat, an enterprise long
cherished and definitely planned,—all point to one conclusion. It may be
thought that his doubts were feigned, in order to hide his destination to the
last moment; but if so, he attempted to blind not only his ill wishers, but his
mother, whom he also left in uncertainty as to his route.
Unless we assume that his scheme of invading
Mexico was thrown out as a bait to the King, it is hard to AN
reconcile it with the supposition of mental soundness. To OVERWROUGHT
BRAIN.
base so critical an attempt on a geographical conjecture,
which rested on the slightest possible information, and was in fact a total
error; to postpone the perfectly sound plan of securing the mouth of the
Mississippi, to a wild project of leading fifteen thousand savages for an
unknown distance through an unknown country to attack an unknown
enemy,—was something more than Quixotic daring. The King and the
Page 264
minister saw nothing impracticable in it, for they did not know the country
or its inhabitants. They saw no insuperable difficulty in mustering and
keeping together fifteen thousand of the most wayward and unstable
savages on earth, split into a score and more of tribes, some hostile to each
other and some to the French; nor in the problem of feeding such a mob, on
a march of hundreds of miles; nor in the plan of drawing four thousand of
them from the Illinois, nearly two thousand miles distant, though some of
these intended allies had no canoes or other means of transportation, and
though, travelling in such numbers, they would infallibly starve on the way
to the rendezvous. It is difficult not to see in all this the chimera of an
overwrought brain, no longer able to distinguish between the possible and
the impossible.
Preparation dragged slowly on; the season was growing late; the King
grew impatient, and found fault with the naval intendant. Meanwhile, the
various members of the expedition had all gathered at Rochelle. Joutel, a
fellow-townsman of La Salle, returning to his native Rouen, after sixteen
years in the army, found all astir with the new project. His father had been
gardener to Henri Cavelier, La Salle's uncle; and being of an adventurous
spirit he volunteered for the enterprise, of which he was to become the
historian. With La Salle's brother the priest, and two of his nephews, one of
whom was a boy of fourteen, Joutel set out for Rochelle, where all were to
embark together for their promised land.[276]
La Salle wrote a parting letter to his mother at Rouen:
— A PARTING
LETTER
Rochelle, 18 July, 1684.
Madame my Most Honored Mother,—
At last, after having waited a long time for a favourable wind, and having had a great
many difficulties to overcome, we are setting sail with four vessels, and nearly four
hundred men on board. Everybody is well, including little Colin and my nephew. We all
have good hope of a happy success. We are not going by way of Canada, but by the Gulf of
Mexico. I passionately wish, and so do we all, that the success of this voyage may
contribute to your repose and comfort. Assuredly, I shall spare no effort that it may; and I
beg you, on your part, to preserve yourself for the love of us.
You need not be troubled by the news from Canada, which are nothing but the
continuation of the artifices of my enemies. I hope to be as successful against them as I
or its inhabitants. They saw no insuperable difficulty in mustering and
keeping together fifteen thousand of the most wayward and unstable
savages on earth, split into a score and more of tribes, some hostile to each
other and some to the French; nor in the problem of feeding such a mob, on
a march of hundreds of miles; nor in the plan of drawing four thousand of
them from the Illinois, nearly two thousand miles distant, though some of
these intended allies had no canoes or other means of transportation, and
though, travelling in such numbers, they would infallibly starve on the way
to the rendezvous. It is difficult not to see in all this the chimera of an
overwrought brain, no longer able to distinguish between the possible and
the impossible.
Preparation dragged slowly on; the season was growing late; the King
grew impatient, and found fault with the naval intendant. Meanwhile, the
various members of the expedition had all gathered at Rochelle. Joutel, a
fellow-townsman of La Salle, returning to his native Rouen, after sixteen
years in the army, found all astir with the new project. His father had been
gardener to Henri Cavelier, La Salle's uncle; and being of an adventurous
spirit he volunteered for the enterprise, of which he was to become the
historian. With La Salle's brother the priest, and two of his nephews, one of
whom was a boy of fourteen, Joutel set out for Rochelle, where all were to
embark together for their promised land.[276]
La Salle wrote a parting letter to his mother at Rouen:
— A PARTING
LETTER
Rochelle, 18 July, 1684.
Madame my Most Honored Mother,—
At last, after having waited a long time for a favourable wind, and having had a great
many difficulties to overcome, we are setting sail with four vessels, and nearly four
hundred men on board. Everybody is well, including little Colin and my nephew. We all
have good hope of a happy success. We are not going by way of Canada, but by the Gulf of
Mexico. I passionately wish, and so do we all, that the success of this voyage may
contribute to your repose and comfort. Assuredly, I shall spare no effort that it may; and I
beg you, on your part, to preserve yourself for the love of us.
You need not be troubled by the news from Canada, which are nothing but the
continuation of the artifices of my enemies. I hope to be as successful against them as I
Page 265
have been thus far, and to embrace you a year hence with all the pleasure that the most
grateful of children can feel with so good a mother as you have always been. Pray let this
hope, which shall not disappoint you, support you through whatever trials may happen, and
be sure that you will always find me with a heart full of the feelings which are due to you.
Madame my Most Honored Mother, from your most humble and most obedient servant and
son,
De la Salle.
My brother, my nephews, and all the others greet you, and take their leave of you.
This memorable last farewell has lain for two hundred years among the
family papers of the Caveliers.[277]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettres de l'Abbé Tronson, 8 Avril, 10 Avril, 1684 (Margry, ii. 354).
26
2] [ Lettres du Roy et du Ministre sur la Navigation du Golfe du Mexique, 1669-1682
26 (Margry, iii. 3-14).
3]
[ Mémoire du Sr. de la Salle, pour rendre compte à Monseigneur de Seignelay
26 de la découverte qu'il a faite par l'ordre de sa Majesté.
4]
[ This name, also given to the Illinois, is used to designate Red River on the map of
26 Franquelin, where the forests above mentioned are represented.
5]
[ ] Mémoire du Sr. de la Salle sur l'Entreprise qu'il a proposé à Monseigneur le
26 Marquis de Seignelay sur une des provinces de Mexique.
6]
[ Both the memorial and the map represent the banks of Red River as inhabited by
26 Indians, called Terliquiquimechi, and known to the Spaniards as Indios bravos, or Indios de
7] guerra. The Spaniards, it is added, were in great fear of them, as they made frequent
inroads into Mexico. La Salle's Mexican geography was in all respects confused and erroneous;
nor was Seignelay better informed. Indeed, Spanish jealousy placed correct information beyond
their reach.
[ While the plan, as proposed in the memorial, was clearly impracticable, the subsequent
26 experience of the French in Texas tended to prove that the tribes of that region could be
8] used with advantage in attacking the Spaniards of Mexico, and that an inroad on a
comparatively small scale might have been successfully made with their help. In 1689, Tonty
actually made the attempt, as we shall see, but failed, from the desertion of his men. In 1697, the
Sieur de Louvigny wrote to the Minister of the Marine, asking to complete La Salle's discoveries,
and invade Mexico from Texas. (Lettre de M. de Louvigny, 14 Oct., 1697.) In an unpublished
memoir of the year 1700, the seizure of the Mexican mines is given as one of the motives of the
colonization of Louisiana.
[ Another scheme, with similar aims, but much more practicable, was at this very time
26 before the court. Count Peñalossa, a Spanish Creole, born in Peru, had been governor of
9] New Mexico, where he fell into a dispute with the Inquisition, which involved him in the
grateful of children can feel with so good a mother as you have always been. Pray let this
hope, which shall not disappoint you, support you through whatever trials may happen, and
be sure that you will always find me with a heart full of the feelings which are due to you.
Madame my Most Honored Mother, from your most humble and most obedient servant and
son,
De la Salle.
My brother, my nephews, and all the others greet you, and take their leave of you.
This memorable last farewell has lain for two hundred years among the
family papers of the Caveliers.[277]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettres de l'Abbé Tronson, 8 Avril, 10 Avril, 1684 (Margry, ii. 354).
26
2] [ Lettres du Roy et du Ministre sur la Navigation du Golfe du Mexique, 1669-1682
26 (Margry, iii. 3-14).
3]
[ Mémoire du Sr. de la Salle, pour rendre compte à Monseigneur de Seignelay
26 de la découverte qu'il a faite par l'ordre de sa Majesté.
4]
[ This name, also given to the Illinois, is used to designate Red River on the map of
26 Franquelin, where the forests above mentioned are represented.
5]
[ ] Mémoire du Sr. de la Salle sur l'Entreprise qu'il a proposé à Monseigneur le
26 Marquis de Seignelay sur une des provinces de Mexique.
6]
[ Both the memorial and the map represent the banks of Red River as inhabited by
26 Indians, called Terliquiquimechi, and known to the Spaniards as Indios bravos, or Indios de
7] guerra. The Spaniards, it is added, were in great fear of them, as they made frequent
inroads into Mexico. La Salle's Mexican geography was in all respects confused and erroneous;
nor was Seignelay better informed. Indeed, Spanish jealousy placed correct information beyond
their reach.
[ While the plan, as proposed in the memorial, was clearly impracticable, the subsequent
26 experience of the French in Texas tended to prove that the tribes of that region could be
8] used with advantage in attacking the Spaniards of Mexico, and that an inroad on a
comparatively small scale might have been successfully made with their help. In 1689, Tonty
actually made the attempt, as we shall see, but failed, from the desertion of his men. In 1697, the
Sieur de Louvigny wrote to the Minister of the Marine, asking to complete La Salle's discoveries,
and invade Mexico from Texas. (Lettre de M. de Louvigny, 14 Oct., 1697.) In an unpublished
memoir of the year 1700, the seizure of the Mexican mines is given as one of the motives of the
colonization of Louisiana.
[ Another scheme, with similar aims, but much more practicable, was at this very time
26 before the court. Count Peñalossa, a Spanish Creole, born in Peru, had been governor of
9] New Mexico, where he fell into a dispute with the Inquisition, which involved him in the
Page 266
loss of property, and for a time of liberty. Failing to obtain redress in Spain, he renounced his
allegiance in disgust, and sought refuge in France, where, in 1682, he first proposed to the King
the establishment of a colony of French buccaneers at the mouth of Rio Bravo, on the Gulf of
Mexico. In January, 1684, after the war had broken out, he proposed to attack the Spanish town of
Panuco, with twelve hundred buccaneers from St. Domingo; then march into the interior, seize
the mines, conquer Durango, and occupy New Mexico. It was proposed to combine his plan with
that of La Salle; but the latter, who had an interview with him, expressed distrust, and showed
characteristic reluctance to accept a colleague. It is extremely probable, however, that his
knowledge of Peñalossa's original proposal had some influence in stimulating him to lay before
the court proposals of his own, equally attractive. Peace was concluded before the plans of the
Spanish adventurer could be carried into effect.
[ Lettre du Roy à La Barre, Versailles, 10 Avril, 1684.
27
0] [ Lettre du Roy à De Meules, Versailles, 14 Avril, 1684. Seignelay wrote to De
27 Meules to the same effect.
1]
[ On La Forest's mission,—Mémoire pour representer à Monseigneur le
27 Marquis de Seignelay la nécessité d'envoyer le Sr. de la Forest en diligence à
2] la Nouvelle France; Lettre du Roy à La Barre, 14 Avril, 1684; Ibid., 31 Oct.,
1684.
There is before me a promissory note of La Salle to La Forest, of
5,200 livres, dated at Rochelle, 17 July, 1684. This seems to be pay due
to La Forest, who had served as La Salle's officer for nine years. A
memorandum is attached, signed by La Salle, to the effect that it is his
wish that La Forest reimburse himself, "par préférence," out of any
property of his (La Salle's) in France or Canada.
[ The attitude of La Salle, in this matter, is incomprehensible. In July, La Forest was at
27 Rochefort, complaining because La Salle had ordered him to stay in garrison at Fort
3] Frontenac. Beaujeu à Villermont, 10 July, 1684. This means an abandonment of the scheme
of leading the warriors at the rock of St. Louis down the Mississippi; but, in the next month, La
Salle writes to Seignelay that he is afraid La Barre will use the Iroquois war as a pretext to
prevent La Forest from making his journey (to the Illinois), and that in this case he will himself
try to go up the Mississippi, and meet the Illinois warriors; so that, in five or six months from the
date of the letter, the minister will hear of his departure to attack the Spaniards. (La Salle à
Seignelay, Août, 1684.) Either this is sheer folly, or else it is meant to delude the minister.
[ Mémoire de ce qui aura esté accordé au Sieur de la Salle.
27
4] [ Lettre au Roy à La Salle, 12 Avril, 1684; Mémoire pour servir d'Instruction au
27 Sieur de Beaujeu, 14 Avril, 1684.
5]
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 12.
27
6] [ The letters of Beaujeu to Seignelay and to Cabart de Villermont, with
27 most of the other papers on which this chapter rests, will be found in
7] Margry, ii. 354-471. This indefatigable investigator has also brought to
light a number of letters from a brother officer of Beaujeu, Machaut-Rougemont, written at
allegiance in disgust, and sought refuge in France, where, in 1682, he first proposed to the King
the establishment of a colony of French buccaneers at the mouth of Rio Bravo, on the Gulf of
Mexico. In January, 1684, after the war had broken out, he proposed to attack the Spanish town of
Panuco, with twelve hundred buccaneers from St. Domingo; then march into the interior, seize
the mines, conquer Durango, and occupy New Mexico. It was proposed to combine his plan with
that of La Salle; but the latter, who had an interview with him, expressed distrust, and showed
characteristic reluctance to accept a colleague. It is extremely probable, however, that his
knowledge of Peñalossa's original proposal had some influence in stimulating him to lay before
the court proposals of his own, equally attractive. Peace was concluded before the plans of the
Spanish adventurer could be carried into effect.
[ Lettre du Roy à La Barre, Versailles, 10 Avril, 1684.
27
0] [ Lettre du Roy à De Meules, Versailles, 14 Avril, 1684. Seignelay wrote to De
27 Meules to the same effect.
1]
[ On La Forest's mission,—Mémoire pour representer à Monseigneur le
27 Marquis de Seignelay la nécessité d'envoyer le Sr. de la Forest en diligence à
2] la Nouvelle France; Lettre du Roy à La Barre, 14 Avril, 1684; Ibid., 31 Oct.,
1684.
There is before me a promissory note of La Salle to La Forest, of
5,200 livres, dated at Rochelle, 17 July, 1684. This seems to be pay due
to La Forest, who had served as La Salle's officer for nine years. A
memorandum is attached, signed by La Salle, to the effect that it is his
wish that La Forest reimburse himself, "par préférence," out of any
property of his (La Salle's) in France or Canada.
[ The attitude of La Salle, in this matter, is incomprehensible. In July, La Forest was at
27 Rochefort, complaining because La Salle had ordered him to stay in garrison at Fort
3] Frontenac. Beaujeu à Villermont, 10 July, 1684. This means an abandonment of the scheme
of leading the warriors at the rock of St. Louis down the Mississippi; but, in the next month, La
Salle writes to Seignelay that he is afraid La Barre will use the Iroquois war as a pretext to
prevent La Forest from making his journey (to the Illinois), and that in this case he will himself
try to go up the Mississippi, and meet the Illinois warriors; so that, in five or six months from the
date of the letter, the minister will hear of his departure to attack the Spaniards. (La Salle à
Seignelay, Août, 1684.) Either this is sheer folly, or else it is meant to delude the minister.
[ Mémoire de ce qui aura esté accordé au Sieur de la Salle.
27
4] [ Lettre au Roy à La Salle, 12 Avril, 1684; Mémoire pour servir d'Instruction au
27 Sieur de Beaujeu, 14 Avril, 1684.
5]
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 12.
27
6] [ The letters of Beaujeu to Seignelay and to Cabart de Villermont, with
27 most of the other papers on which this chapter rests, will be found in
7] Margry, ii. 354-471. This indefatigable investigator has also brought to
light a number of letters from a brother officer of Beaujeu, Machaut-Rougemont, written at
Page 267
Rochefort, just after the departure of the expedition from Rochelle, and giving some idea of the
views there entertained concerning it. He says: "L'on ne peut pas faire plus d'extravagances que le
Sieur de la Salle n'en a fait sur toutes ses prétentions de commandement. Je plains beaucoup le
pauvre Beaujeu d'avoir affaire à une humeur si saturnienne.... Je le croy beaucoup visionnaire ...
Beaujeu a une sotte commission."
views there entertained concerning it. He says: "L'on ne peut pas faire plus d'extravagances que le
Sieur de la Salle n'en a fait sur toutes ses prétentions de commandement. Je plains beaucoup le
pauvre Beaujeu d'avoir affaire à une humeur si saturnienne.... Je le croy beaucoup visionnaire ...
Beaujeu a une sotte commission."
Page 268
CHAPTER XXIV.
1684, 1685.
THE VOYAGE.
Disputes with Beaujeu.—St. Domingo.—La Salle Attacked with Fever:
his Desperate Condition.—The Gulf Of Mexico.—A Vain Search and
a Fatal Error.
The four ships sailed from Rochelle on the twenty-fourth of July. Four
days after, the "Joly" broke her bowsprit, by design as La Salle fancied.
They all put back to Rochefort, where the mischief was quickly repaired;
and they put to sea again. La Salle, and the chief persons of the expedition,
with a crowd of soldiers, artisans, and women, the destined mothers of
Louisiana, were all on board the "Joly." Beaujeu wished to touch at
Madeira, to replenish his water-casks. La Salle refused, lest by doing so the
secret of the enterprise might reach the Spaniards. One Paget, a Huguenot,
took up the word in support of Beaujeu. La Salle told him that the affair was
none of his; and as Paget persisted with increased warmth and freedom, he
demanded of Beaujeu if it was with his consent that a man of no rank spoke
to him in that manner. Beaujeu sustained the Huguenot. "That is enough,"
returned La Salle, and withdrew into his cabin.[278]
This was not the first misunderstanding; nor was it the last. There was
incessant chafing between the two commanders; and the sailors of the
"Joly" were soon of one mind with their captain. When the ship crossed the
tropic, they made ready a tub on deck to baptize the passengers, after the
villanous practice of the time; but La Salle refused to permit it, at which
they were highly exasperated, having promised themselves a bountiful
ransom, in money or liquor, from their victims. "Assuredly," says Joutel,
"they would gladly have killed us all."
When, after a wretched voyage of two months the
ships reached St. Domingo, a fresh dispute occurred. It ST. DOMINGO.
had been resolved at a council of officers to stop at Port
1684, 1685.
THE VOYAGE.
Disputes with Beaujeu.—St. Domingo.—La Salle Attacked with Fever:
his Desperate Condition.—The Gulf Of Mexico.—A Vain Search and
a Fatal Error.
The four ships sailed from Rochelle on the twenty-fourth of July. Four
days after, the "Joly" broke her bowsprit, by design as La Salle fancied.
They all put back to Rochefort, where the mischief was quickly repaired;
and they put to sea again. La Salle, and the chief persons of the expedition,
with a crowd of soldiers, artisans, and women, the destined mothers of
Louisiana, were all on board the "Joly." Beaujeu wished to touch at
Madeira, to replenish his water-casks. La Salle refused, lest by doing so the
secret of the enterprise might reach the Spaniards. One Paget, a Huguenot,
took up the word in support of Beaujeu. La Salle told him that the affair was
none of his; and as Paget persisted with increased warmth and freedom, he
demanded of Beaujeu if it was with his consent that a man of no rank spoke
to him in that manner. Beaujeu sustained the Huguenot. "That is enough,"
returned La Salle, and withdrew into his cabin.[278]
This was not the first misunderstanding; nor was it the last. There was
incessant chafing between the two commanders; and the sailors of the
"Joly" were soon of one mind with their captain. When the ship crossed the
tropic, they made ready a tub on deck to baptize the passengers, after the
villanous practice of the time; but La Salle refused to permit it, at which
they were highly exasperated, having promised themselves a bountiful
ransom, in money or liquor, from their victims. "Assuredly," says Joutel,
"they would gladly have killed us all."
When, after a wretched voyage of two months the
ships reached St. Domingo, a fresh dispute occurred. It ST. DOMINGO.
had been resolved at a council of officers to stop at Port
Page 269
de Paix; but Beaujeu, on pretext of a fair wind, ran by that place in the
night, and cast anchor at Petit Goave, on the other side of the island. La
Salle was extremely vexed; for he expected to meet at Port de Paix the
Marquis de Saint-Laurent, lieutenant-general of the islands, Bégon the
intendant, and De Cussy, governor of La Tortue, who had orders to supply
him with provisions and give him all possible aid.
The "Joly" was alone: the other vessels had lagged behind. She had more
than fifty sick men on board, and La Salle was of the number. He sent a
messenger to Saint-Laurent, Bégon, and Cussy, begging them to come to
him; ordered Joutel to get the sick ashore, suffocating as they were in the
hot and crowded ship; and caused the soldiers to be landed on a small island
in the harbor. Scarcely had the voyagers sung Te Deum for their safe arrival,
when two of the lagging vessels appeared, bringing tidings that the third,
the ketch "St. François," had been taken by Spanish buccaneers. She was
laden with provisions, tools, and other necessaries for the colony; and the
loss was irreparable. Beaujeu was answerable for it; for had he anchored at
Port de Paix, it would not have occurred. The lieutenant-general, with
Bégon and Cussy, who presently arrived, plainly spoke their minds to him.
[279]
La Salle's illness increased. "I was walking with him
one day," writes Joutel, "when he was seized of a sudden ILLNESS OF LA
SALLE.
with such a weakness that he could not stand, and was
obliged to lie down on the ground. When he was a little better, I led him to a
chamber of a house that the brothers Duhaut had hired. Here we put him to
bed, and in the morning he was attacked by a violent fever."[280] "It was so
violent that," says another of his shipmates, "his imagination pictured to
him things equally terrible and amazing."[281] He lay delirious in the
wretched garret, attended by his brother, and one or two others who stood
faithful to him. A goldsmith of the neighborhood, moved at his deplorable
condition, offered the use of his house; and Abbé Cavelier had him removed
thither. But there was a tavern hard by, and the patient was tormented with
daily and nightly riot. At the height of the fever, a party of Beaujeu's sailors
spent a night in singing and dancing before the house; and, says Cavelier,
"The more we begged them to be quiet, the more noise they made." La Salle
lost reason and well-nigh life; but at length his mind resumed its balance,
night, and cast anchor at Petit Goave, on the other side of the island. La
Salle was extremely vexed; for he expected to meet at Port de Paix the
Marquis de Saint-Laurent, lieutenant-general of the islands, Bégon the
intendant, and De Cussy, governor of La Tortue, who had orders to supply
him with provisions and give him all possible aid.
The "Joly" was alone: the other vessels had lagged behind. She had more
than fifty sick men on board, and La Salle was of the number. He sent a
messenger to Saint-Laurent, Bégon, and Cussy, begging them to come to
him; ordered Joutel to get the sick ashore, suffocating as they were in the
hot and crowded ship; and caused the soldiers to be landed on a small island
in the harbor. Scarcely had the voyagers sung Te Deum for their safe arrival,
when two of the lagging vessels appeared, bringing tidings that the third,
the ketch "St. François," had been taken by Spanish buccaneers. She was
laden with provisions, tools, and other necessaries for the colony; and the
loss was irreparable. Beaujeu was answerable for it; for had he anchored at
Port de Paix, it would not have occurred. The lieutenant-general, with
Bégon and Cussy, who presently arrived, plainly spoke their minds to him.
[279]
La Salle's illness increased. "I was walking with him
one day," writes Joutel, "when he was seized of a sudden ILLNESS OF LA
SALLE.
with such a weakness that he could not stand, and was
obliged to lie down on the ground. When he was a little better, I led him to a
chamber of a house that the brothers Duhaut had hired. Here we put him to
bed, and in the morning he was attacked by a violent fever."[280] "It was so
violent that," says another of his shipmates, "his imagination pictured to
him things equally terrible and amazing."[281] He lay delirious in the
wretched garret, attended by his brother, and one or two others who stood
faithful to him. A goldsmith of the neighborhood, moved at his deplorable
condition, offered the use of his house; and Abbé Cavelier had him removed
thither. But there was a tavern hard by, and the patient was tormented with
daily and nightly riot. At the height of the fever, a party of Beaujeu's sailors
spent a night in singing and dancing before the house; and, says Cavelier,
"The more we begged them to be quiet, the more noise they made." La Salle
lost reason and well-nigh life; but at length his mind resumed its balance,
Page 270
and the violence of the disease abated. A friendly Capucin friar offered him
the shelter of his roof; and two of his men supported him thither on foot,
giddy with exhaustion and hot with fever. Here he found repose, and was
slowly recovering, when some of his attendants rashly told him the loss of
the ketch "St. François;" and the consequence was a critical return of the
disease.[282]
There was no one to fill his place. Beaujeu would not; Cavelier could not.
Joutel, the gardener's son, was apparently the most trusty man of the
company; but the expedition was virtually without a head. The men roamed
on shore, and plunged into every excess of debauchery, contracting diseases
which eventually killed them.
Beaujeu, in the extremity of ill-humor, resumed his
correspondence with Seignelay. "But for the illness of COMPLAINTS OF
BEAUJEU.
the Sieur de la Salle," he writes, "I could not venture to
report to you the progress of our voyage, as I am charged only with the
navigation, and he with the secrets; but as his malady has deprived him of
the use of his faculties, both of body and mind, I have thought myself
obliged to acquaint you with what is passing, and of the condition in which
we are."
He then declares that the ships freighted by La Salle were so slow that
the "Joly" had continually been forced to wait for them, thus doubling the
length of the voyage; that he had not had water enough for the passengers,
as La Salle had not told him that there were to be any such till the day they
came on board; that great numbers were sick, and that he had told La Salle
there would be trouble if he filled all the space between decks with his
goods, and forced the soldiers and sailors to sleep on deck; that he had told
him he would get no provisions at St. Domingo, but that he insisted on
stopping; that it had always been so,—that whatever he proposed La Salle
would refuse, alleging orders from the King; "and now," pursues the ruffled
commander, "everybody is ill; and he himself has a violent fever, as
dangerous, the surgeon tells me, to the mind as to the body."
The rest of the letter is in the same strain. He says that a day or two after
La Salle's illness began, his brother Cavelier came to ask him to take charge
of his affairs; but that he did not wish to meddle with them, especially as
the shelter of his roof; and two of his men supported him thither on foot,
giddy with exhaustion and hot with fever. Here he found repose, and was
slowly recovering, when some of his attendants rashly told him the loss of
the ketch "St. François;" and the consequence was a critical return of the
disease.[282]
There was no one to fill his place. Beaujeu would not; Cavelier could not.
Joutel, the gardener's son, was apparently the most trusty man of the
company; but the expedition was virtually without a head. The men roamed
on shore, and plunged into every excess of debauchery, contracting diseases
which eventually killed them.
Beaujeu, in the extremity of ill-humor, resumed his
correspondence with Seignelay. "But for the illness of COMPLAINTS OF
BEAUJEU.
the Sieur de la Salle," he writes, "I could not venture to
report to you the progress of our voyage, as I am charged only with the
navigation, and he with the secrets; but as his malady has deprived him of
the use of his faculties, both of body and mind, I have thought myself
obliged to acquaint you with what is passing, and of the condition in which
we are."
He then declares that the ships freighted by La Salle were so slow that
the "Joly" had continually been forced to wait for them, thus doubling the
length of the voyage; that he had not had water enough for the passengers,
as La Salle had not told him that there were to be any such till the day they
came on board; that great numbers were sick, and that he had told La Salle
there would be trouble if he filled all the space between decks with his
goods, and forced the soldiers and sailors to sleep on deck; that he had told
him he would get no provisions at St. Domingo, but that he insisted on
stopping; that it had always been so,—that whatever he proposed La Salle
would refuse, alleging orders from the King; "and now," pursues the ruffled
commander, "everybody is ill; and he himself has a violent fever, as
dangerous, the surgeon tells me, to the mind as to the body."
The rest of the letter is in the same strain. He says that a day or two after
La Salle's illness began, his brother Cavelier came to ask him to take charge
of his affairs; but that he did not wish to meddle with them, especially as
Page 271
nobody knows anything about them, and as La Salle has sold some of the
ammunition and provisions; that Cavelier tells him that he thinks his brother
keeps no accounts, wishing to hide his affairs from everybody; that he
learns from buccaneers that the entrance of the Mississippi is very shallow
and difficult, and that this is the worst season for navigating the Gulf; that
the Spaniards have in these seas six vessels of from thirty to sixty guns
each, besides row-galleys; but that he is not afraid, and will perish, or bring
back an account of the Mississippi. "Nevertheless," he adds, "if the Sieur de
la Salle dies, I shall pursue a course different from that which he has
marked out; for I do not approve his plans."
"If," he continues, "you permit me to speak my mind, M. de la Salle
ought to have been satisfied with discovering his river, without undertaking
to conduct three vessels with troops two thousand leagues through so many
different climates, and across seas entirely unknown to him. I grant that he
is a man of knowledge, that he has reading, and even some tincture of
navigation; but there is so much difference between theory and practice,
that a man who has only the former will always be at fault. There is also a
great difference between conducting canoes on lakes and along a river, and
navigating ships with troops on distant oceans."[283]
While Beaujeu was complaining of La Salle, his followers were deserting
him. It was necessary to send them on board ship, and keep them there; for
there were French buccaneers at Petit Goave, who painted the promised
land in such dismal colors that many of the adventurers completely lost
heart. Some, too, were dying. "The air of this place is bad," says Joutel; "so
are the fruits; and there are plenty of women worse than either."[284]
It was near the end of November before La Salle could resume the
voyage. He was told that Beaujeu had said that he would not wait longer for
the store-ship "Aimable," and that she might follow as she could.[285]
Moreover, La Salle was on ill terms with Aigron, her captain, who had
declared that he would have nothing more to do with him.[286] Fearing,
therefore, that some mishap might befall her, he resolved to embark in her
himself, with his brother Cavelier, Membré, Douay, and others, the trustiest
of his followers. On the twenty-fifth they set sail; the "Joly" and the little
frigate "Belle" following. They coasted the shore of Cuba, and landed at the
Isle of Pines, where La Salle shot an alligator, which the soldiers ate; and
ammunition and provisions; that Cavelier tells him that he thinks his brother
keeps no accounts, wishing to hide his affairs from everybody; that he
learns from buccaneers that the entrance of the Mississippi is very shallow
and difficult, and that this is the worst season for navigating the Gulf; that
the Spaniards have in these seas six vessels of from thirty to sixty guns
each, besides row-galleys; but that he is not afraid, and will perish, or bring
back an account of the Mississippi. "Nevertheless," he adds, "if the Sieur de
la Salle dies, I shall pursue a course different from that which he has
marked out; for I do not approve his plans."
"If," he continues, "you permit me to speak my mind, M. de la Salle
ought to have been satisfied with discovering his river, without undertaking
to conduct three vessels with troops two thousand leagues through so many
different climates, and across seas entirely unknown to him. I grant that he
is a man of knowledge, that he has reading, and even some tincture of
navigation; but there is so much difference between theory and practice,
that a man who has only the former will always be at fault. There is also a
great difference between conducting canoes on lakes and along a river, and
navigating ships with troops on distant oceans."[283]
While Beaujeu was complaining of La Salle, his followers were deserting
him. It was necessary to send them on board ship, and keep them there; for
there were French buccaneers at Petit Goave, who painted the promised
land in such dismal colors that many of the adventurers completely lost
heart. Some, too, were dying. "The air of this place is bad," says Joutel; "so
are the fruits; and there are plenty of women worse than either."[284]
It was near the end of November before La Salle could resume the
voyage. He was told that Beaujeu had said that he would not wait longer for
the store-ship "Aimable," and that she might follow as she could.[285]
Moreover, La Salle was on ill terms with Aigron, her captain, who had
declared that he would have nothing more to do with him.[286] Fearing,
therefore, that some mishap might befall her, he resolved to embark in her
himself, with his brother Cavelier, Membré, Douay, and others, the trustiest
of his followers. On the twenty-fifth they set sail; the "Joly" and the little
frigate "Belle" following. They coasted the shore of Cuba, and landed at the
Isle of Pines, where La Salle shot an alligator, which the soldiers ate; and
Page 272
the hunter brought in a wild pig, half of which he sent to Beaujeu. Then
they advanced to Cape St. Antoine, where bad weather and contrary winds
long detained them. A load of cares oppressed the mind of La Salle, pale
and haggard with recent illness, wrapped within his own thoughts, and
seeking sympathy from none.
At length they entered the Gulf of Mexico, that
forbidden sea whence by a Spanish decree, dating from A VAIN SEARCH.
the reign of Philip II., all foreigners were excluded on
pain of extermination.[287] Not a man on board knew the secrets of its
perilous navigation. Cautiously feeling their way, they held a north-westerly
course, till on the twenty-eighth of December a sailor at the mast-head of
the "Aimable" saw land. La Salle and all the pilots had been led to form an
exaggerated idea of the force of the easterly currents; and they therefore
supposed themselves near the Bay of Appalache, when, in fact, they were
much farther westward.
On New Year's Day they anchored three leagues from the shore. La Salle,
with the engineer Minet, went to explore it, and found nothing but a vast
marshy plain, studded with clumps of rushes. Two days after there was a
thick fog, and when at length it cleared, the "Joly" was nowhere to be seen.
La Salle in the "Aimable," followed closely by the little frigate "Belle,"
stood westward along the coast. When at the mouth of the Mississippi in
1682, he had taken its latitude, but unhappily could not determine its
longitude; and now every eye on board was strained to detect in the
monotonous lines of the low shore some tokens of the great river. In fact,
they had already passed it. On the sixth of January, a wide opening was
descried between two low points of land; and the adjacent sea was
discolored with mud. "La Salle," writes his brother Cavelier, "has always
thought that this was the Mississippi." To all appearance, it was the entrance
of Galveston Bay.[288] But why did he not examine it? Joutel says that his
attempts to do so were frustrated by the objections of the pilot of the
"Aimable," to which, with a facility very unusual with him, he suffered
himself to yield. Cavelier declares, on the other hand, that he would not
enter the opening because he was afraid of missing the "Joly." But he might
have entered with one of his two vessels, while the other watched outside
for the absent ship. From whatever cause, he lay here five or six days,
they advanced to Cape St. Antoine, where bad weather and contrary winds
long detained them. A load of cares oppressed the mind of La Salle, pale
and haggard with recent illness, wrapped within his own thoughts, and
seeking sympathy from none.
At length they entered the Gulf of Mexico, that
forbidden sea whence by a Spanish decree, dating from A VAIN SEARCH.
the reign of Philip II., all foreigners were excluded on
pain of extermination.[287] Not a man on board knew the secrets of its
perilous navigation. Cautiously feeling their way, they held a north-westerly
course, till on the twenty-eighth of December a sailor at the mast-head of
the "Aimable" saw land. La Salle and all the pilots had been led to form an
exaggerated idea of the force of the easterly currents; and they therefore
supposed themselves near the Bay of Appalache, when, in fact, they were
much farther westward.
On New Year's Day they anchored three leagues from the shore. La Salle,
with the engineer Minet, went to explore it, and found nothing but a vast
marshy plain, studded with clumps of rushes. Two days after there was a
thick fog, and when at length it cleared, the "Joly" was nowhere to be seen.
La Salle in the "Aimable," followed closely by the little frigate "Belle,"
stood westward along the coast. When at the mouth of the Mississippi in
1682, he had taken its latitude, but unhappily could not determine its
longitude; and now every eye on board was strained to detect in the
monotonous lines of the low shore some tokens of the great river. In fact,
they had already passed it. On the sixth of January, a wide opening was
descried between two low points of land; and the adjacent sea was
discolored with mud. "La Salle," writes his brother Cavelier, "has always
thought that this was the Mississippi." To all appearance, it was the entrance
of Galveston Bay.[288] But why did he not examine it? Joutel says that his
attempts to do so were frustrated by the objections of the pilot of the
"Aimable," to which, with a facility very unusual with him, he suffered
himself to yield. Cavelier declares, on the other hand, that he would not
enter the opening because he was afraid of missing the "Joly." But he might
have entered with one of his two vessels, while the other watched outside
for the absent ship. From whatever cause, he lay here five or six days,
Page 273
waiting in vain for Beaujeu;[289] till, at last, thinking that he must have
passed westward, he resolved to follow. The "Aimable" and the "Belle"
again spread their sails, and coasted the shores of Texas. Joutel, with a
boat's crew, tried to land; but the sand-bars and breakers repelled him. A
party of Indians swam out through the surf, and were taken on board; but La
Salle could learn nothing from them, as their language was unknown to
him. Again Joutel tried to land, and again the breakers repelled him. He
approached as near as he dared, and saw vast plains and a dim expanse of
forest, buffalo running with their heavy gallop along the shore, and deer
grazing on the marshy meadows.
Soon after, he succeeded in landing at a point
somewhere between Matagorda Island and Corpus THE SHORES OF
TEXAS.
Christi Bay. The aspect of the country was not cheering,
with its barren plains, its reedy marshes, its interminable oyster-beds, and
broad flats of mud bare at low tide. Joutel and his men sought in vain for
fresh water, and after shooting some geese and ducks returned to the
"Aimable." Nothing had been seen of Beaujeu and the "Joly;" the coast was
trending southward; and La Salle, convinced that he must have passed the
missing ship, turned to retrace his course. He had sailed but a few miles
when the wind failed, a fog covered the sea, and he was forced to anchor
opposite one of the openings into the lagoons north of Mustang Island. At
length, on the nineteenth, there came a faint breeze; the mists rolled away
before it, and to his great joy he saw the "Joly" approaching.
"His joy," says Joutel, "was short." Beaujeu's lieutenant, Aire, came on
board to charge him with having caused the separation, and La Salle
retorted by throwing the blame on Beaujeu. Then came a debate as to their
position. The priest Esmanville was present, and reports that La Salle
seemed greatly perplexed. He had more cause for perplexity than he knew;
for in his ignorance of the longitude of the Mississippi, he had sailed more
than four hundred miles beyond it.
Of this he had not the faintest suspicion. In full sight from his ship lay a
reach of those vast lagoons which, separated from the sea by narrow strips
of land, line this coast with little interruption from Galveston Bay to the Rio
Grande. The idea took possession of him that the Mississippi discharged
itself into these lagoons, and thence made its way to the sea through the
passed westward, he resolved to follow. The "Aimable" and the "Belle"
again spread their sails, and coasted the shores of Texas. Joutel, with a
boat's crew, tried to land; but the sand-bars and breakers repelled him. A
party of Indians swam out through the surf, and were taken on board; but La
Salle could learn nothing from them, as their language was unknown to
him. Again Joutel tried to land, and again the breakers repelled him. He
approached as near as he dared, and saw vast plains and a dim expanse of
forest, buffalo running with their heavy gallop along the shore, and deer
grazing on the marshy meadows.
Soon after, he succeeded in landing at a point
somewhere between Matagorda Island and Corpus THE SHORES OF
TEXAS.
Christi Bay. The aspect of the country was not cheering,
with its barren plains, its reedy marshes, its interminable oyster-beds, and
broad flats of mud bare at low tide. Joutel and his men sought in vain for
fresh water, and after shooting some geese and ducks returned to the
"Aimable." Nothing had been seen of Beaujeu and the "Joly;" the coast was
trending southward; and La Salle, convinced that he must have passed the
missing ship, turned to retrace his course. He had sailed but a few miles
when the wind failed, a fog covered the sea, and he was forced to anchor
opposite one of the openings into the lagoons north of Mustang Island. At
length, on the nineteenth, there came a faint breeze; the mists rolled away
before it, and to his great joy he saw the "Joly" approaching.
"His joy," says Joutel, "was short." Beaujeu's lieutenant, Aire, came on
board to charge him with having caused the separation, and La Salle
retorted by throwing the blame on Beaujeu. Then came a debate as to their
position. The priest Esmanville was present, and reports that La Salle
seemed greatly perplexed. He had more cause for perplexity than he knew;
for in his ignorance of the longitude of the Mississippi, he had sailed more
than four hundred miles beyond it.
Of this he had not the faintest suspicion. In full sight from his ship lay a
reach of those vast lagoons which, separated from the sea by narrow strips
of land, line this coast with little interruption from Galveston Bay to the Rio
Grande. The idea took possession of him that the Mississippi discharged
itself into these lagoons, and thence made its way to the sea through the
Page 274
various openings he had seen along the coast, chief among which was that
he had discovered on the sixth, about fifty leagues from the place where he
now was.[290]
Yet he was full of doubt as to what he should do. Four
days after rejoining Beaujeu, he wrote him the strange PERPLEXITY OF
LA SALLE.
request to land the troops, that he "might fulfil his
commission;" that is, that he might set out against the Spaniards.[291] More
than a week passed, a gale had set in, and nothing was done. Then La Salle
wrote again, intimating some doubt as to whether he was really at one of the
mouths of the Mississippi, and saying that, being sure that he had passed the
principal mouth, he was determined to go back to look for it.[292]
Meanwhile, Beaujeu was in a state of great irritation. The weather was
stormy, and the coast was dangerous. Supplies were scanty; and La Salle's
soldiers, still crowded in the "Joly," were consuming the provisions of the
ship. Beaujeu gave vent to his annoyance, and La Salle retorted in the same
strain.
According to Joutel, he urged the naval commander to sail back in search
of the river; and Beaujeu refused, unless La Salle should give the soldiers
provisions. La Salle, he adds, offered to supply them with rations for fifteen
days; and Beaujeu declared this insufficient. There is reason, however, to
believe that the request was neither made by the one nor refused by the
other so positively as here appears.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre (sans nom d'auteur) écrite de St. Domingue, 14 Nov., 1684 (Margry, ii. 492);
27 Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Jean Cavelier sur le Voyage de 1684. Compare Joutel.
8]
[ Mémoire de MM. de Saint-Laurens et Bégon (Margry, ii. 499); Joutel, Journal
27 Historique, 28.
9]
[ Relation de Henri Joutel (Margry, iii. 98).
28
0] [ Lettre (sans nom d'auteur), 14 Nov., 1684 (Margry, ii. 496).
28
1] [ The above particulars are from the memoir of La Salle's brother,
28 Abbé Cavelier, already cited.
2]
[ Lettre de Beaujeu au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1684.
28
he had discovered on the sixth, about fifty leagues from the place where he
now was.[290]
Yet he was full of doubt as to what he should do. Four
days after rejoining Beaujeu, he wrote him the strange PERPLEXITY OF
LA SALLE.
request to land the troops, that he "might fulfil his
commission;" that is, that he might set out against the Spaniards.[291] More
than a week passed, a gale had set in, and nothing was done. Then La Salle
wrote again, intimating some doubt as to whether he was really at one of the
mouths of the Mississippi, and saying that, being sure that he had passed the
principal mouth, he was determined to go back to look for it.[292]
Meanwhile, Beaujeu was in a state of great irritation. The weather was
stormy, and the coast was dangerous. Supplies were scanty; and La Salle's
soldiers, still crowded in the "Joly," were consuming the provisions of the
ship. Beaujeu gave vent to his annoyance, and La Salle retorted in the same
strain.
According to Joutel, he urged the naval commander to sail back in search
of the river; and Beaujeu refused, unless La Salle should give the soldiers
provisions. La Salle, he adds, offered to supply them with rations for fifteen
days; and Beaujeu declared this insufficient. There is reason, however, to
believe that the request was neither made by the one nor refused by the
other so positively as here appears.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Lettre (sans nom d'auteur) écrite de St. Domingue, 14 Nov., 1684 (Margry, ii. 492);
27 Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Jean Cavelier sur le Voyage de 1684. Compare Joutel.
8]
[ Mémoire de MM. de Saint-Laurens et Bégon (Margry, ii. 499); Joutel, Journal
27 Historique, 28.
9]
[ Relation de Henri Joutel (Margry, iii. 98).
28
0] [ Lettre (sans nom d'auteur), 14 Nov., 1684 (Margry, ii. 496).
28
1] [ The above particulars are from the memoir of La Salle's brother,
28 Abbé Cavelier, already cited.
2]
[ Lettre de Beaujeu au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1684.
28
Page 275
3] [ Relation de Henri Joutel (Margry, iii. 105).
28
4] [ Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Jean Cavelier.
28
5] [ Lettre de Beaujeu au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1684.
28
6] [ Letter of Don Luis de Onis to the Secretary of State (American
28 State Papers, xii, 27-31).
7]
[ "La hauteur nous a fait remarquer ... que ce que nous
28 avions vu le sixième janvier estoit en effet la principale
8] entrée de la rivière que nous cherchions."—Lettre de La
Salle au Ministre, 4 Mars, 1687.
[ Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Cavelier.
28
9] [ "Depuis que nous avions quitté cette rivière qu'il croyoit infailliblement estre le
29 fleuve Colbert [Mississippi] nous avions fait environ 45 lieues ou 50 au plus."
0] (Cavelier, Mémoire.) This, taken in connection with the statement of La Salle that
this "principale entrée de la rivière que nous cherchions" was twenty-five or thirty leagues
northeast from the entrance of the Bay of St. Louis (Matagorda Bay), shows that it can have been
no other than the entrance of Galveston Bay, mistaken by him for the chief outlet of the
Mississippi. It is evident that he imagined Galveston Bay to form a part of the chain of lagoons
from which it is in fact separated. He speaks of these lagoons as "une espèce de baye fort longue
et fort large, dans laquelle le fleuve Colbert se décharge." He adds that on his descent to the
mouth of the river in 1682 he had been deceived in supposing that this expanse of salt water,
where no shore was in sight, was the open sea. Lettre de La Salle au Ministre, 4 Mars, 1685.
Galveston Bay and the mouth of the Mississippi differ little in latitude, though separated by about
five and a half degrees of longitude.
[ Lettre de La Salle à Beaujeu, 23 Jan., 1685 (Margry, ii. 526).
29
1] [ This letter is dated, "De l'emboucheure d'une rivière que je crois estre une des
29 descharges du Mississipy" (Margry, ii. 528).
2]
28
4] [ Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Jean Cavelier.
28
5] [ Lettre de Beaujeu au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1684.
28
6] [ Letter of Don Luis de Onis to the Secretary of State (American
28 State Papers, xii, 27-31).
7]
[ "La hauteur nous a fait remarquer ... que ce que nous
28 avions vu le sixième janvier estoit en effet la principale
8] entrée de la rivière que nous cherchions."—Lettre de La
Salle au Ministre, 4 Mars, 1687.
[ Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Cavelier.
28
9] [ "Depuis que nous avions quitté cette rivière qu'il croyoit infailliblement estre le
29 fleuve Colbert [Mississippi] nous avions fait environ 45 lieues ou 50 au plus."
0] (Cavelier, Mémoire.) This, taken in connection with the statement of La Salle that
this "principale entrée de la rivière que nous cherchions" was twenty-five or thirty leagues
northeast from the entrance of the Bay of St. Louis (Matagorda Bay), shows that it can have been
no other than the entrance of Galveston Bay, mistaken by him for the chief outlet of the
Mississippi. It is evident that he imagined Galveston Bay to form a part of the chain of lagoons
from which it is in fact separated. He speaks of these lagoons as "une espèce de baye fort longue
et fort large, dans laquelle le fleuve Colbert se décharge." He adds that on his descent to the
mouth of the river in 1682 he had been deceived in supposing that this expanse of salt water,
where no shore was in sight, was the open sea. Lettre de La Salle au Ministre, 4 Mars, 1685.
Galveston Bay and the mouth of the Mississippi differ little in latitude, though separated by about
five and a half degrees of longitude.
[ Lettre de La Salle à Beaujeu, 23 Jan., 1685 (Margry, ii. 526).
29
1] [ This letter is dated, "De l'emboucheure d'une rivière que je crois estre une des
29 descharges du Mississipy" (Margry, ii. 528).
2]
Page 276
CHAPTER XXV.
1685.
LA SALLE IN TEXAS.
A Party of Exploration—Wreck of the "Aimable."—Landing of the
Colonists.—A Forlorn Position.—Indian Neighbors.—Friendly
Advances of Beaujeu: his Departure.—A Fatal Discovery.
Impatience to rid himself of his colleague and to command alone no doubt
had its influence on the judgment of La Salle. He presently declared that he
would land the soldiers, and send them along shore till they came to the
principal outlet of the river. On this, the engineer Minet took up the word,—
expressed his doubts as to whether the Mississippi discharged itself into the
lagoons at all; represented that even if it did, the soldiers would be exposed
to great risks; and gave as his opinion that all should reimbark and continue
the search in company. The advice was good, but La Salle resented it as
coming from one in whom he recognized no right to give it. "He treated
me," complains the engineer, "as if I were the meanest of mankind."[293]
He persisted in his purpose, and sent Joutel and Moranget with a party of
soldiers to explore the coast. They made their way northeastward along the
shore of Matagorda Island, till they were stopped on the third day by what
Joutel calls a river, but which was in fact the entrance of Matagorda Bay.
Here they encamped, and tried to make a raft of drift-wood. "The difficulty
was," says Joutel, "our great number of men, and the few of them who were
fit for anything except eating. As I said before, they had all been caught by
force or surprise, so that our company was like Noah's ark, which contained
animals of all sorts." Before their raft was finished, they descried to their
great joy the ships which had followed them along the coast.[294]
La Salle landed, and announced that here was the
western mouth of the Mississippi, and the place to which LANDING OF LA
SALLE.
the King had sent him. He said further that he would
land all his men, and bring the "Aimable" and the "Belle" to the safe
1685.
LA SALLE IN TEXAS.
A Party of Exploration—Wreck of the "Aimable."—Landing of the
Colonists.—A Forlorn Position.—Indian Neighbors.—Friendly
Advances of Beaujeu: his Departure.—A Fatal Discovery.
Impatience to rid himself of his colleague and to command alone no doubt
had its influence on the judgment of La Salle. He presently declared that he
would land the soldiers, and send them along shore till they came to the
principal outlet of the river. On this, the engineer Minet took up the word,—
expressed his doubts as to whether the Mississippi discharged itself into the
lagoons at all; represented that even if it did, the soldiers would be exposed
to great risks; and gave as his opinion that all should reimbark and continue
the search in company. The advice was good, but La Salle resented it as
coming from one in whom he recognized no right to give it. "He treated
me," complains the engineer, "as if I were the meanest of mankind."[293]
He persisted in his purpose, and sent Joutel and Moranget with a party of
soldiers to explore the coast. They made their way northeastward along the
shore of Matagorda Island, till they were stopped on the third day by what
Joutel calls a river, but which was in fact the entrance of Matagorda Bay.
Here they encamped, and tried to make a raft of drift-wood. "The difficulty
was," says Joutel, "our great number of men, and the few of them who were
fit for anything except eating. As I said before, they had all been caught by
force or surprise, so that our company was like Noah's ark, which contained
animals of all sorts." Before their raft was finished, they descried to their
great joy the ships which had followed them along the coast.[294]
La Salle landed, and announced that here was the
western mouth of the Mississippi, and the place to which LANDING OF LA
SALLE.
the King had sent him. He said further that he would
land all his men, and bring the "Aimable" and the "Belle" to the safe
Page 277
harborage within. Beaujeu remonstrated, alleging the shallowness of the
water and the force of the currents; but his remonstrance was vain.[295]
The Bay of St. Louis, now Matagorda Bay, forms a broad and sheltered
harbor, accessible from the sea by a narrow passage, obstructed by sand-
bars and by the small island now called Pelican Island. Boats were sent to
sound and buoy out the channel, and this was successfully accomplished on
the sixteenth of February. The "Aimable" was ordered to enter; and, on the
twentieth, she weighed anchor. La Salle was on shore watching her. A party
of men, at a little distance, were cutting down a tree to make a canoe.
Suddenly some of them ran towards him with terrified faces, crying out that
they had been set upon by a troop of Indians, who had seized their
companions and carried them off. La Salle ordered those about him to take
their arms, and at once set out in pursuit. He overtook the Indians, and
opened a parley with them; but when he wished to reclaim his men, he
discovered that they had been led away during the conference to the Indian
camp, a league and a half distant. Among them was one of his lieutenants,
the young Marquis de la Sablonnière. He was deeply vexed, for the moment
was critical; but the men must be recovered, and he led his followers in
haste towards the camp. Yet he could not refrain from turning a moment to
watch the "Aimable," as she neared the shoals; and he remarked with deep
anxiety to Joutel, who was with him, that if she held that course she would
soon be aground.
They hurried on till they saw the Indian huts. About
fifty of them, oven-shaped, and covered with mats and WRECK OF THE
"AIMABLE".
hides, were clustered on a rising ground, with their
inmates gathered among and around them. As the French entered the camp,
there was the report of a cannon from the seaward. The startled savages
dropped flat with terror. A different fear seized La Salle, for he knew that
the shot was a signal of disaster. Looking back, he saw the "Aimable"
furling her sails, and his heart sank with the conviction that she had struck
upon the reef. Smothering his distress,—she was laden with all the stores of
the colony,—he pressed forward among the filthy wigwams, whose
astonished inmates swarmed about the band of armed strangers, staring
between curiosity and fear. La Salle knew those with whom he was dealing,
and, without ceremony, entered the chief's lodge with his followers. The
crowd closed around them, naked men and half-naked women, described by
water and the force of the currents; but his remonstrance was vain.[295]
The Bay of St. Louis, now Matagorda Bay, forms a broad and sheltered
harbor, accessible from the sea by a narrow passage, obstructed by sand-
bars and by the small island now called Pelican Island. Boats were sent to
sound and buoy out the channel, and this was successfully accomplished on
the sixteenth of February. The "Aimable" was ordered to enter; and, on the
twentieth, she weighed anchor. La Salle was on shore watching her. A party
of men, at a little distance, were cutting down a tree to make a canoe.
Suddenly some of them ran towards him with terrified faces, crying out that
they had been set upon by a troop of Indians, who had seized their
companions and carried them off. La Salle ordered those about him to take
their arms, and at once set out in pursuit. He overtook the Indians, and
opened a parley with them; but when he wished to reclaim his men, he
discovered that they had been led away during the conference to the Indian
camp, a league and a half distant. Among them was one of his lieutenants,
the young Marquis de la Sablonnière. He was deeply vexed, for the moment
was critical; but the men must be recovered, and he led his followers in
haste towards the camp. Yet he could not refrain from turning a moment to
watch the "Aimable," as she neared the shoals; and he remarked with deep
anxiety to Joutel, who was with him, that if she held that course she would
soon be aground.
They hurried on till they saw the Indian huts. About
fifty of them, oven-shaped, and covered with mats and WRECK OF THE
"AIMABLE".
hides, were clustered on a rising ground, with their
inmates gathered among and around them. As the French entered the camp,
there was the report of a cannon from the seaward. The startled savages
dropped flat with terror. A different fear seized La Salle, for he knew that
the shot was a signal of disaster. Looking back, he saw the "Aimable"
furling her sails, and his heart sank with the conviction that she had struck
upon the reef. Smothering his distress,—she was laden with all the stores of
the colony,—he pressed forward among the filthy wigwams, whose
astonished inmates swarmed about the band of armed strangers, staring
between curiosity and fear. La Salle knew those with whom he was dealing,
and, without ceremony, entered the chief's lodge with his followers. The
crowd closed around them, naked men and half-naked women, described by
Page 278
Joutel as of singular ugliness. They gave buffalo meat and dried porpoise to
the unexpected guests, but La Salle, racked with anxiety, hastened to close
the interview; and having without difficulty recovered the kidnapped men,
he returned to the beach, leaving with the Indians, as usual, an impression
of good-will and respect.
When he reached the shore, he saw his worst fears realized. The
"Aimable" lay careened over on the reef, hopelessly aground. Little
remained but to endure the calamity with firmness, and to save, as far as
might be, the vessel's cargo. This was no easy task. The boat which hung at
her stern had been stove in,—it is said, by design. Beaujeu sent a boat from
the "Joly," and one or more Indian pirogues were procured. La Salle urged
on his men with stern and patient energy, and a quantity of gunpowder and
flour was safely landed. But now the wind blew fresh from the sea; the
waves began to rise; a storm came on; the vessel, rocking to and fro on the
sand-bar, opened along her side, and the ravenous waves were strewn with
her treasures. When the confusion was at its height, a troop of Indians came
down to the shore, greedy for plunder. The drum was beat; the men were
called to arms; La Salle set his trustiest followers to guard the gunpowder,
in fear, not of the Indians alone, but of his own countrymen. On that
lamentable night, the sentinels walked their rounds through the dreary
bivouac among the casks, bales, and boxes which the sea had yielded up;
and here, too, their fate-hunted chief held his drearier vigil, encompassed
with treachery, darkness, and the storm.
Not only La Salle, but Joutel and others of his party, believed that the
wreck of the "Aimable" was intentional. Aigron, who commanded her, had
disobeyed orders and disregarded signals. Though he had been directed to
tow the vessel through the channel, he went in under sail; and though little
else was saved from the wreck, his personal property, including even some
preserved fruits, was all landed safely. He had long been on ill terms with
La Salle.[296]
All La Salle's company were now encamped on the sands at the left side
of the inlet where the "Aimable" was wrecked.[297] "They were all," says
the engineer Minet, "sick with nausea and dysentery. Five or six died every
day, in consequence of brackish water and bad food. There was no grass,
but plenty of rushes and plenty of oysters. There was nothing to make
the unexpected guests, but La Salle, racked with anxiety, hastened to close
the interview; and having without difficulty recovered the kidnapped men,
he returned to the beach, leaving with the Indians, as usual, an impression
of good-will and respect.
When he reached the shore, he saw his worst fears realized. The
"Aimable" lay careened over on the reef, hopelessly aground. Little
remained but to endure the calamity with firmness, and to save, as far as
might be, the vessel's cargo. This was no easy task. The boat which hung at
her stern had been stove in,—it is said, by design. Beaujeu sent a boat from
the "Joly," and one or more Indian pirogues were procured. La Salle urged
on his men with stern and patient energy, and a quantity of gunpowder and
flour was safely landed. But now the wind blew fresh from the sea; the
waves began to rise; a storm came on; the vessel, rocking to and fro on the
sand-bar, opened along her side, and the ravenous waves were strewn with
her treasures. When the confusion was at its height, a troop of Indians came
down to the shore, greedy for plunder. The drum was beat; the men were
called to arms; La Salle set his trustiest followers to guard the gunpowder,
in fear, not of the Indians alone, but of his own countrymen. On that
lamentable night, the sentinels walked their rounds through the dreary
bivouac among the casks, bales, and boxes which the sea had yielded up;
and here, too, their fate-hunted chief held his drearier vigil, encompassed
with treachery, darkness, and the storm.
Not only La Salle, but Joutel and others of his party, believed that the
wreck of the "Aimable" was intentional. Aigron, who commanded her, had
disobeyed orders and disregarded signals. Though he had been directed to
tow the vessel through the channel, he went in under sail; and though little
else was saved from the wreck, his personal property, including even some
preserved fruits, was all landed safely. He had long been on ill terms with
La Salle.[296]
All La Salle's company were now encamped on the sands at the left side
of the inlet where the "Aimable" was wrecked.[297] "They were all," says
the engineer Minet, "sick with nausea and dysentery. Five or six died every
day, in consequence of brackish water and bad food. There was no grass,
but plenty of rushes and plenty of oysters. There was nothing to make
Page 279
ovens, so that they had to eat flour saved from the wreck, boiled into
messes of porridge with this brackish water. Along the shore were quantities
of uprooted trees and rotten logs, thrown up by the sea and the lagoon." Of
these, and fragments of the wreck, they made a sort of rampart to protect
their camp; and here, among tents and hovels, bales, boxes, casks, spars,
dismounted cannon, and pens for fowls and swine, were gathered the
dejected men and homesick women who were to seize New Biscay, and
hold for France a region large as half Europe. The Spaniards, whom they
were to conquer, were they knew not where. They knew not where they
were themselves; and for the fifteen thousand Indian allies who were to
have joined them, they found two hundred squalid savages, more like
enemies than friends.
In fact, it was soon made plain that these their neighbors wished them no
good. A few days after the wreck, the prairie was seen on fire. As the smoke
and flame rolled towards them before the wind, La Salle caused all the
grass about the camp to be cut and carried away, and especially around the
spot where the powder was placed. The danger was averted; but it soon
became known that the Indians had stolen a number of blankets and other
articles, and carried them to their wigwams. Unwilling to leave his camp,
La Salle sent his nephew Moranget and several other volunteers, with a
party of men, to reclaim them. They went up the bay in a boat, landed at the
Indian camp, and, with more mettle than discretion, marched into it, sword
in hand. The Indians ran off, and the rash adventurers seized upon several
canoes as an equivalent for the stolen goods. Not knowing how to manage
them, they made slow progress on their way back, and were overtaken by
night before reaching the French camp. They landed, made a fire, placed a
sentinel, and lay down on the dry grass to sleep. The sentinel followed their
example, when suddenly they were awakened by the war-whoop and a
shower of arrows. Two volunteers, Oris and Desloges, were killed on the
spot; a third, named Gayen, was severely wounded; and young Moranget
received an arrow through the arm. He leaped up and fired his gun at the
vociferous but invisible foe. Others of the party did the same, and the
Indians fled.
It was about this time that Beaujeu prepared to return
to France. He had accomplished his mission, and landed BEAUJEU AND
LA SALLE.
his passengers at what La Salle assured him to be one of
messes of porridge with this brackish water. Along the shore were quantities
of uprooted trees and rotten logs, thrown up by the sea and the lagoon." Of
these, and fragments of the wreck, they made a sort of rampart to protect
their camp; and here, among tents and hovels, bales, boxes, casks, spars,
dismounted cannon, and pens for fowls and swine, were gathered the
dejected men and homesick women who were to seize New Biscay, and
hold for France a region large as half Europe. The Spaniards, whom they
were to conquer, were they knew not where. They knew not where they
were themselves; and for the fifteen thousand Indian allies who were to
have joined them, they found two hundred squalid savages, more like
enemies than friends.
In fact, it was soon made plain that these their neighbors wished them no
good. A few days after the wreck, the prairie was seen on fire. As the smoke
and flame rolled towards them before the wind, La Salle caused all the
grass about the camp to be cut and carried away, and especially around the
spot where the powder was placed. The danger was averted; but it soon
became known that the Indians had stolen a number of blankets and other
articles, and carried them to their wigwams. Unwilling to leave his camp,
La Salle sent his nephew Moranget and several other volunteers, with a
party of men, to reclaim them. They went up the bay in a boat, landed at the
Indian camp, and, with more mettle than discretion, marched into it, sword
in hand. The Indians ran off, and the rash adventurers seized upon several
canoes as an equivalent for the stolen goods. Not knowing how to manage
them, they made slow progress on their way back, and were overtaken by
night before reaching the French camp. They landed, made a fire, placed a
sentinel, and lay down on the dry grass to sleep. The sentinel followed their
example, when suddenly they were awakened by the war-whoop and a
shower of arrows. Two volunteers, Oris and Desloges, were killed on the
spot; a third, named Gayen, was severely wounded; and young Moranget
received an arrow through the arm. He leaped up and fired his gun at the
vociferous but invisible foe. Others of the party did the same, and the
Indians fled.
It was about this time that Beaujeu prepared to return
to France. He had accomplished his mission, and landed BEAUJEU AND
LA SALLE.
his passengers at what La Salle assured him to be one of
Page 280
the mouths of the Mississippi. His ship was in danger on this exposed and
perilous coast, and he was anxious to find shelter. For some time past, his
relations with La Salle had been amicable, and it was agreed between them
that Beaujeu should stop at Galveston Bay, the supposed chief mouth of the
Mississippi; or, failing to find harborage here, that he should proceed to
Mobile Bay, and wait there till April, to hear from his colleague. Two days
before the wreck of the "Aimable," he wrote to La Salle: "I wish with all
my heart that you would have more confidence in me. For my part, I will
always make the first advances; and I will follow your counsel whenever I
can do so without risking my ship. I will come back to this place, if you
want to know the results of the voyage I am going to make. If you wish, I
will go to Martinique for provisions and reinforcements. In fine, there is
nothing I am not ready to do: you have only to speak."
La Salle had begged him to send ashore a number of cannon and a
quantity of iron, stowed in the "Joly," for the use of the colony; and Beaujeu
replies: "I wish very much that I could give you your iron, but it is
impossible except in a harbor; for it is on my ballast, and under your
cannon, my spare anchors, and all my stowage. It would take three days to
get it out, which cannot be done in this place, where the sea runs like
mountains when the slightest wind blows outside. I would rather come back
to give it to you, in case you do not send the 'Belle' to Baye du St. Esprit
[Mobile Bay] to get it.... I beg you once more to consider the offer I make
you to go to Martinique to get provisions for your people. I will ask the
intendant for them in your name; and if they are refused, I will take them on
my own account."[298]
To this La Salle immediately replied: "I received with singular pleasure
the letter you took the trouble to write me; for I found in it extraordinary
proofs of kindness in the interest you take in the success of an affair which I
have the more at heart, as it involves the glory of the King and the honor of
Monseigneur de Seignelay. I have done my part towards a perfect
understanding between us, and have never been wanting in confidence; but
even if I could be so, the offers you make are so obliging that they would
inspire complete trust." He nevertheless declines them,—assuring Beaujeu
at the same time that he has reached the place he sought, and is in a fair way
of success if he can but have the cannon, cannonballs, and iron stowed on
board the "Joly."[299]
perilous coast, and he was anxious to find shelter. For some time past, his
relations with La Salle had been amicable, and it was agreed between them
that Beaujeu should stop at Galveston Bay, the supposed chief mouth of the
Mississippi; or, failing to find harborage here, that he should proceed to
Mobile Bay, and wait there till April, to hear from his colleague. Two days
before the wreck of the "Aimable," he wrote to La Salle: "I wish with all
my heart that you would have more confidence in me. For my part, I will
always make the first advances; and I will follow your counsel whenever I
can do so without risking my ship. I will come back to this place, if you
want to know the results of the voyage I am going to make. If you wish, I
will go to Martinique for provisions and reinforcements. In fine, there is
nothing I am not ready to do: you have only to speak."
La Salle had begged him to send ashore a number of cannon and a
quantity of iron, stowed in the "Joly," for the use of the colony; and Beaujeu
replies: "I wish very much that I could give you your iron, but it is
impossible except in a harbor; for it is on my ballast, and under your
cannon, my spare anchors, and all my stowage. It would take three days to
get it out, which cannot be done in this place, where the sea runs like
mountains when the slightest wind blows outside. I would rather come back
to give it to you, in case you do not send the 'Belle' to Baye du St. Esprit
[Mobile Bay] to get it.... I beg you once more to consider the offer I make
you to go to Martinique to get provisions for your people. I will ask the
intendant for them in your name; and if they are refused, I will take them on
my own account."[298]
To this La Salle immediately replied: "I received with singular pleasure
the letter you took the trouble to write me; for I found in it extraordinary
proofs of kindness in the interest you take in the success of an affair which I
have the more at heart, as it involves the glory of the King and the honor of
Monseigneur de Seignelay. I have done my part towards a perfect
understanding between us, and have never been wanting in confidence; but
even if I could be so, the offers you make are so obliging that they would
inspire complete trust." He nevertheless declines them,—assuring Beaujeu
at the same time that he has reached the place he sought, and is in a fair way
of success if he can but have the cannon, cannonballs, and iron stowed on
board the "Joly."[299]
Page 281
Directly after he writes again, "I cannot help conjuring you once more to
try to give us the iron." Beaujeu replies: "To show you how ardently I wish
to contribute to the success of your undertaking, I have ordered your iron to
be got out, in spite of my officers and sailors, who tell me that I endanger
my ship by moving everything in the depth of the hold on a coast like this,
where the seas are like mountains. I hesitated to disturb my stowage, not so
much to save trouble as because no ballast is to be got hereabout; and I have
therefore had six cannon, from my lower deck battery, let down into the
hold to take the place of the iron." And he again urges La Salle to accept his
offer to bring provisions to the colonists from Martinique.
On the next day, the "Aimable" was wrecked. Beaujeu
remained a fortnight longer on the coast, and then told DEPARTURE OF
La Salle that being out of wood, water, and other BEAUJEU.
necessaries, he must go to Mobile Bay to get them. Nevertheless, he
lingered a week more, repeated his offer to bring supplies from Martinique,
which La Salle again refused, and at last set sail on the twelfth of March,
after a leave-taking which was courteous on both sides.[300]
La Salle and his colonists were left alone. Several of them had lost heart,
and embarked for home with Beaujeu. Among these was Minet the
engineer, who had fallen out with La Salle, and who when he reached
France was imprisoned for deserting him. Even his brother, the priest Jean
Cavelier, had a mind to abandon the enterprise, but was persuaded at last to
remain, along with his nephew the hot-headed Moranget, and the younger
Cavelier, a mere school-boy. The two Récollet friars, Zenobe Membré and
Anastase Douay, the trusty Joutel, a man of sense and observation, and the
Marquis de la Sablonnière, a debauched noble whose patrimony was his
sword, were now the chief persons of the forlorn company. The rest were
soldiers, raw and undisciplined, and artisans, most of whom knew nothing
of their vocation. Add to these the miserable families and the infatuated
young women who had come to tempt fortune in the swamps and cane-
brakes of the Mississippi.
La Salle set out to explore the neighborhood. Joutel remained in
command of the so-called fort. He was beset with wily enemies, and often
at night the Indians would crawl in the grass around his feeble stockade,
howling like wolves; but a few shots would put them to flight. A strict guard
try to give us the iron." Beaujeu replies: "To show you how ardently I wish
to contribute to the success of your undertaking, I have ordered your iron to
be got out, in spite of my officers and sailors, who tell me that I endanger
my ship by moving everything in the depth of the hold on a coast like this,
where the seas are like mountains. I hesitated to disturb my stowage, not so
much to save trouble as because no ballast is to be got hereabout; and I have
therefore had six cannon, from my lower deck battery, let down into the
hold to take the place of the iron." And he again urges La Salle to accept his
offer to bring provisions to the colonists from Martinique.
On the next day, the "Aimable" was wrecked. Beaujeu
remained a fortnight longer on the coast, and then told DEPARTURE OF
La Salle that being out of wood, water, and other BEAUJEU.
necessaries, he must go to Mobile Bay to get them. Nevertheless, he
lingered a week more, repeated his offer to bring supplies from Martinique,
which La Salle again refused, and at last set sail on the twelfth of March,
after a leave-taking which was courteous on both sides.[300]
La Salle and his colonists were left alone. Several of them had lost heart,
and embarked for home with Beaujeu. Among these was Minet the
engineer, who had fallen out with La Salle, and who when he reached
France was imprisoned for deserting him. Even his brother, the priest Jean
Cavelier, had a mind to abandon the enterprise, but was persuaded at last to
remain, along with his nephew the hot-headed Moranget, and the younger
Cavelier, a mere school-boy. The two Récollet friars, Zenobe Membré and
Anastase Douay, the trusty Joutel, a man of sense and observation, and the
Marquis de la Sablonnière, a debauched noble whose patrimony was his
sword, were now the chief persons of the forlorn company. The rest were
soldiers, raw and undisciplined, and artisans, most of whom knew nothing
of their vocation. Add to these the miserable families and the infatuated
young women who had come to tempt fortune in the swamps and cane-
brakes of the Mississippi.
La Salle set out to explore the neighborhood. Joutel remained in
command of the so-called fort. He was beset with wily enemies, and often
at night the Indians would crawl in the grass around his feeble stockade,
howling like wolves; but a few shots would put them to flight. A strict guard
Page 282
was kept; and a wooden horse was set in the enclosure, to punish the
sentinel who should sleep at his post. They stood in daily fear of a more
formidable foe, and once they saw a sail, which they doubted not was
Spanish; but she happily passed without discovering them. They hunted on
the prairies, and speared fish in the neighboring pools. On Easter Day, the
Sieur le Gros, one of the chief men of the company, went out after the
service to shoot snipes; but as he walked barefoot through the marsh, a
snake bit him, and he soon after died. Two men deserted, to starve on the
prairie, or to become savages among savages. Others tried to escape, but
were caught; and one of them was hung. A knot of desperadoes conspired to
kill Joutel; but one of them betrayed the secret, and the plot was crushed.
La Salle returned from his exploration, but his return brought no cheer.
He had been forced to renounce the illusion to which he had clung so long,
and was convinced at last that he was not at the mouth of the Mississippi.
The wreck of the "Aimable" itself was not pregnant with consequences so
disastrous.
Note.—The conduct of Beaujeu, hitherto judged chiefly by the
printed narrative of Joutel, is set in a new and more favorable light by CONDUCT OF
his correspondence with La Salle. Whatever may have been their BEAUJEU.
mutual irritation, it is clear that the naval commander was anxious to
discharge his duty in a manner to satisfy Seignelay, and that he may be wholly acquitted of
any sinister design. When he left La Salle on the twelfth of March, he meant to sail in
search of the Bay of Mobile (Baye du St. Esprit),—partly because he hoped to find it a safe
harbor, where he could get La Salle's cannon out of the hold and find ballast to take their
place; and partly to get a supply of wood and water, of which he was in extreme need. He
told La Salle that he would wait there till the middle of April, in order that he (La Salle)
might send the "Belle" to receive the cannon; but on this point there was no definite
agreement between them. Beaujeu was ignorant of the position of the bay, which he
thought much nearer than it actually was. After trying two days to reach it, the strong head-
winds and the discontent of his crew induced him to bear away for Cuba; and after an
encounter with pirates and various adventures, he reached France about the first of July. He
was coldly received by Seignelay, who wrote to the intendant at Rochelle: "His Majesty
has seen what you wrote about the idea of the Sieur de Beaujeu, that the Sieur de la Salle is
not at the mouth of the Mississippi. He seems to found this belief on such weak conjectures
that no great attention need be given to his account, especially as this man has been
prejudiced from the first against La Salle's enterprise." (Lettre de Seignelay à Arnoul, 22
Juillet, 1685. Margry, ii. 604.) The minister at the same time warns Beaujeu to say nothing
in disparagement of the enterprise, under pain of the King's displeasure. The narrative of
the engineer, Minet, sufficiently explains a curious map, made by him, as he says, not on
the spot, but on the voyage homeward, and still preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de
la Marine. This map includes two distinct sketches of the mouth of the Mississippi. The
first, which corresponds to that made by Franquelin in 1684, is entitled "Embouchure de la
Rivière comme M. de la Salle la marque dans sa Carte." The second bears the words,
sentinel who should sleep at his post. They stood in daily fear of a more
formidable foe, and once they saw a sail, which they doubted not was
Spanish; but she happily passed without discovering them. They hunted on
the prairies, and speared fish in the neighboring pools. On Easter Day, the
Sieur le Gros, one of the chief men of the company, went out after the
service to shoot snipes; but as he walked barefoot through the marsh, a
snake bit him, and he soon after died. Two men deserted, to starve on the
prairie, or to become savages among savages. Others tried to escape, but
were caught; and one of them was hung. A knot of desperadoes conspired to
kill Joutel; but one of them betrayed the secret, and the plot was crushed.
La Salle returned from his exploration, but his return brought no cheer.
He had been forced to renounce the illusion to which he had clung so long,
and was convinced at last that he was not at the mouth of the Mississippi.
The wreck of the "Aimable" itself was not pregnant with consequences so
disastrous.
Note.—The conduct of Beaujeu, hitherto judged chiefly by the
printed narrative of Joutel, is set in a new and more favorable light by CONDUCT OF
his correspondence with La Salle. Whatever may have been their BEAUJEU.
mutual irritation, it is clear that the naval commander was anxious to
discharge his duty in a manner to satisfy Seignelay, and that he may be wholly acquitted of
any sinister design. When he left La Salle on the twelfth of March, he meant to sail in
search of the Bay of Mobile (Baye du St. Esprit),—partly because he hoped to find it a safe
harbor, where he could get La Salle's cannon out of the hold and find ballast to take their
place; and partly to get a supply of wood and water, of which he was in extreme need. He
told La Salle that he would wait there till the middle of April, in order that he (La Salle)
might send the "Belle" to receive the cannon; but on this point there was no definite
agreement between them. Beaujeu was ignorant of the position of the bay, which he
thought much nearer than it actually was. After trying two days to reach it, the strong head-
winds and the discontent of his crew induced him to bear away for Cuba; and after an
encounter with pirates and various adventures, he reached France about the first of July. He
was coldly received by Seignelay, who wrote to the intendant at Rochelle: "His Majesty
has seen what you wrote about the idea of the Sieur de Beaujeu, that the Sieur de la Salle is
not at the mouth of the Mississippi. He seems to found this belief on such weak conjectures
that no great attention need be given to his account, especially as this man has been
prejudiced from the first against La Salle's enterprise." (Lettre de Seignelay à Arnoul, 22
Juillet, 1685. Margry, ii. 604.) The minister at the same time warns Beaujeu to say nothing
in disparagement of the enterprise, under pain of the King's displeasure. The narrative of
the engineer, Minet, sufficiently explains a curious map, made by him, as he says, not on
the spot, but on the voyage homeward, and still preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de
la Marine. This map includes two distinct sketches of the mouth of the Mississippi. The
first, which corresponds to that made by Franquelin in 1684, is entitled "Embouchure de la
Rivière comme M. de la Salle la marque dans sa Carte." The second bears the words,
Page 283
"Costes et Lacs par la Hauteur de sa Rivière, comme nous les avons trouvés." These
"Costes et Lacs" are a rude representation of the lagoons of Matagorda Bay and its
neighborhood, into which the Mississippi is made to discharge, in accordance with the
belief of La Salle. A portion of the coast-line is drawn from actual, though superficial
observation. The rest is merely conjectural.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Relation de Minet; Lettre de Minet à Seignelay, 6 July, 1685 (Margry, ii. 591, 602).
29
3] [ Joutel, Journal Historique, 68; Relation (Margry, iii. 143-146) Compare Journal
29 d'Esmanville (Margry, ii. 510).
4]
[ Relation de Minet (Margry, ii. 591).
29
5] [ Procès Verbal du Sieur de la Salle sur le Naufrage de la Flûte
29 l'Aimable; Lettre de La Salle à Seignelay, 4 Mars, 1685; Lettre de
6] Beaujeu à Seignelay, sans date. Beaujeu did his best to save the cargo.
The loss included nearly all the provisions, 60 barrels of wine, 4 cannon, 1,620 balls, 400
grenades, 4,000 pounds of iron, 5,000 pounds of lead, most of the tools, a forge, a mill, cordage,
boxes of arms, nearly all the medicines, and most of the baggage of the soldiers and colonists.
Aigron returned to France in the "Joly," and was thrown into prison, "comme il paroist clairement
que cet accident est arrivé par sa faute."—Seignelay au Sieur Arnoul, 22 Juillet, 1685 (Margry, ii.
604).
[ A map, entitled Entrée du Lac où on a laisse le Sr. de la Salle, made by the engineer
29 Minet, and preserved in the Archives de la Marine, represents the entrance of Matagorda
7] Bay, the camp of La Salle on the left, Indian camps on the borders of the bay, the "Belle" at
anchor within, the "Aimable" stranded at the entrance, and the "Joly" anchored in the open sea.
[ Lettre de Beaujeu à La Salle, 18 Fév., 1685 (Margry, ii. 542).
29
8] [ Lettre de La Salle à Beaujeu, 18 Fév., 1685 (Margry, ii. 546).
29
9] [ The whole of this correspondence between Beaujeu and La Salle will be
30 found in Margry, ii.
0]
"Costes et Lacs" are a rude representation of the lagoons of Matagorda Bay and its
neighborhood, into which the Mississippi is made to discharge, in accordance with the
belief of La Salle. A portion of the coast-line is drawn from actual, though superficial
observation. The rest is merely conjectural.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Relation de Minet; Lettre de Minet à Seignelay, 6 July, 1685 (Margry, ii. 591, 602).
29
3] [ Joutel, Journal Historique, 68; Relation (Margry, iii. 143-146) Compare Journal
29 d'Esmanville (Margry, ii. 510).
4]
[ Relation de Minet (Margry, ii. 591).
29
5] [ Procès Verbal du Sieur de la Salle sur le Naufrage de la Flûte
29 l'Aimable; Lettre de La Salle à Seignelay, 4 Mars, 1685; Lettre de
6] Beaujeu à Seignelay, sans date. Beaujeu did his best to save the cargo.
The loss included nearly all the provisions, 60 barrels of wine, 4 cannon, 1,620 balls, 400
grenades, 4,000 pounds of iron, 5,000 pounds of lead, most of the tools, a forge, a mill, cordage,
boxes of arms, nearly all the medicines, and most of the baggage of the soldiers and colonists.
Aigron returned to France in the "Joly," and was thrown into prison, "comme il paroist clairement
que cet accident est arrivé par sa faute."—Seignelay au Sieur Arnoul, 22 Juillet, 1685 (Margry, ii.
604).
[ A map, entitled Entrée du Lac où on a laisse le Sr. de la Salle, made by the engineer
29 Minet, and preserved in the Archives de la Marine, represents the entrance of Matagorda
7] Bay, the camp of La Salle on the left, Indian camps on the borders of the bay, the "Belle" at
anchor within, the "Aimable" stranded at the entrance, and the "Joly" anchored in the open sea.
[ Lettre de Beaujeu à La Salle, 18 Fév., 1685 (Margry, ii. 542).
29
8] [ Lettre de La Salle à Beaujeu, 18 Fév., 1685 (Margry, ii. 546).
29
9] [ The whole of this correspondence between Beaujeu and La Salle will be
30 found in Margry, ii.
0]
Page 284
CHAPTER XXVI.
1685-1687.
ST. LOUIS OF TEXAS.
The Fort.—Misery and Dejection.—Energy of La Salle: his Journey of
Exploration.—Adventures and Accidents.—The Buffalo.—Duhaut.
—Indian Massacre.—Return Of La Salle.—A New Calamity.—A
Desperate Resolution.—Departure for Canada.—Wreck of the
"Belle."—Marriage.—Sedition.—Adventures Of la Salle's Party.—
The Cenis.—The Camanches.—The Only Hope.—The Last Farewell.
Of what avail to plant a colony by the mouth of a petty Texan river? The
Mississippi was the life of the enterprise, the condition of its growth and of
its existence. Without it, all was futile and meaningless,—a folly and a ruin.
Cost what it might, the Mississippi must be found.
But the demands of the hour were imperative. The hapless colony, cast
ashore like a wreck on the sands of Matagorda Bay, must gather up its
shattered resources and recruit its exhausted strength, before it essayed
anew its pilgrimage to the "fatal river." La Salle during his explorations had
found a spot which he thought well fitted for a temporary establishment. It
was on the river which he named the La Vache,[301] now the Lavaca, which
enters the head of Matagorda Bay; and thither he ordered all the women and
children, and most of the men, to remove; while the rest, thirty in number,
remained with Joutel at the fort near the mouth of the bay. Here they spent
their time in hunting, fishing, and squaring the logs of drift-wood which the
sea washed up in abundance, and which La Salle proposed to use in
building his new station on the Lavaca. Thus the time passed till
midsummer, when Joutel received orders to abandon his post, and rejoin the
main body of the colonists. To this end, the little frigate "Belle" was sent
down the bay. She was a gift from the King to La Salle, who had brought
her safely over the bar, and regarded her as a main-stay of his hopes. She
now took on board the stores and some of the men, while Joutel with the
rest followed along shore to the post on the Lavaca. Here he found a state of
1685-1687.
ST. LOUIS OF TEXAS.
The Fort.—Misery and Dejection.—Energy of La Salle: his Journey of
Exploration.—Adventures and Accidents.—The Buffalo.—Duhaut.
—Indian Massacre.—Return Of La Salle.—A New Calamity.—A
Desperate Resolution.—Departure for Canada.—Wreck of the
"Belle."—Marriage.—Sedition.—Adventures Of la Salle's Party.—
The Cenis.—The Camanches.—The Only Hope.—The Last Farewell.
Of what avail to plant a colony by the mouth of a petty Texan river? The
Mississippi was the life of the enterprise, the condition of its growth and of
its existence. Without it, all was futile and meaningless,—a folly and a ruin.
Cost what it might, the Mississippi must be found.
But the demands of the hour were imperative. The hapless colony, cast
ashore like a wreck on the sands of Matagorda Bay, must gather up its
shattered resources and recruit its exhausted strength, before it essayed
anew its pilgrimage to the "fatal river." La Salle during his explorations had
found a spot which he thought well fitted for a temporary establishment. It
was on the river which he named the La Vache,[301] now the Lavaca, which
enters the head of Matagorda Bay; and thither he ordered all the women and
children, and most of the men, to remove; while the rest, thirty in number,
remained with Joutel at the fort near the mouth of the bay. Here they spent
their time in hunting, fishing, and squaring the logs of drift-wood which the
sea washed up in abundance, and which La Salle proposed to use in
building his new station on the Lavaca. Thus the time passed till
midsummer, when Joutel received orders to abandon his post, and rejoin the
main body of the colonists. To this end, the little frigate "Belle" was sent
down the bay. She was a gift from the King to La Salle, who had brought
her safely over the bar, and regarded her as a main-stay of his hopes. She
now took on board the stores and some of the men, while Joutel with the
rest followed along shore to the post on the Lavaca. Here he found a state of
Page 285
things that was far from cheering. Crops had been sown, but the drought
and the cattle had nearly destroyed them. The colonists were lodged under
tents and hovels; and the only solid structure was a small square enclosure
of pickets, in which the gunpowder and the brandy were stored. The site
was good, a rising ground by the river; but there was no wood within the
distance of a league, and no horses or oxen to drag it. Their work must be
done by men. Some felled and squared the timber; and others dragged it by
main force over the matted grass of the prairie, under the scorching Texan
sun. The gun-carriages served to make the task somewhat easier; yet the
strongest men soon gave out under it. Joutel went down to the first fort,
made a raft and brought up the timber collected there, which proved a most
seasonable and useful supply. Palisades and buildings began to rise. The
men labored without spirit, yet strenuously; for they labored under the eye
of La Salle. The carpenters brought from Rochelle proved worthless; and he
himself made the plans of the work, marked out the tenons and mortises,
and directed the whole.[302]
Death, meanwhile, made withering havoc among his
followers; and under the sheds and hovels that shielded MISERY AND
DEJECTION.
them from the sun lay a score of wretches slowly
wasting away with the diseases contracted at St. Domingo. Of the soldiers
enlisted for the expedition by La Salle's agents, many are affirmed to have
spent their lives in begging at the church doors of Rochefort, and were
consequently incapable of discipline. It was impossible to prevent either
them or the sailors from devouring persimmons and other wild fruits to a
destructive excess. Nearly all fell ill; and before the summer had passed, the
graveyard had more than thirty tenants.[303] The bearing of La Salle did not
aid to raise the drooping spirits of his followers. The results of the
enterprise had been far different from his hopes; and, after a season of
flattering promise, he had entered again on those dark and obstructed paths
which seemed his destined way of life. The present was beset with trouble;
the future, thick with storms. The consciousness quickened his energies; but
it made him stern, harsh, and often unjust to those beneath him.
Joutel was returning to camp one afternoon with the master-carpenter,
when they saw game; and the carpenter went after it. He was never seen
again. Perhaps he was lost on the prairie, perhaps killed by Indians. He
knew little of his trade, but they nevertheless had need of him. Le Gros, a
and the cattle had nearly destroyed them. The colonists were lodged under
tents and hovels; and the only solid structure was a small square enclosure
of pickets, in which the gunpowder and the brandy were stored. The site
was good, a rising ground by the river; but there was no wood within the
distance of a league, and no horses or oxen to drag it. Their work must be
done by men. Some felled and squared the timber; and others dragged it by
main force over the matted grass of the prairie, under the scorching Texan
sun. The gun-carriages served to make the task somewhat easier; yet the
strongest men soon gave out under it. Joutel went down to the first fort,
made a raft and brought up the timber collected there, which proved a most
seasonable and useful supply. Palisades and buildings began to rise. The
men labored without spirit, yet strenuously; for they labored under the eye
of La Salle. The carpenters brought from Rochelle proved worthless; and he
himself made the plans of the work, marked out the tenons and mortises,
and directed the whole.[302]
Death, meanwhile, made withering havoc among his
followers; and under the sheds and hovels that shielded MISERY AND
DEJECTION.
them from the sun lay a score of wretches slowly
wasting away with the diseases contracted at St. Domingo. Of the soldiers
enlisted for the expedition by La Salle's agents, many are affirmed to have
spent their lives in begging at the church doors of Rochefort, and were
consequently incapable of discipline. It was impossible to prevent either
them or the sailors from devouring persimmons and other wild fruits to a
destructive excess. Nearly all fell ill; and before the summer had passed, the
graveyard had more than thirty tenants.[303] The bearing of La Salle did not
aid to raise the drooping spirits of his followers. The results of the
enterprise had been far different from his hopes; and, after a season of
flattering promise, he had entered again on those dark and obstructed paths
which seemed his destined way of life. The present was beset with trouble;
the future, thick with storms. The consciousness quickened his energies; but
it made him stern, harsh, and often unjust to those beneath him.
Joutel was returning to camp one afternoon with the master-carpenter,
when they saw game; and the carpenter went after it. He was never seen
again. Perhaps he was lost on the prairie, perhaps killed by Indians. He
knew little of his trade, but they nevertheless had need of him. Le Gros, a
Page 286
man of character and intelligence, suffered more and more from the bite of
the snake received in the marsh on Easter Day. The injured limb was
amputated, and he died. La Salle's brother, the priest, lay ill; and several
others among the chief persons of the colony were in the same condition.
Meanwhile, the work was urged on. A large building was finished,
constructed of timber, roofed with boards and raw hides, and divided into
apartments for lodging and other uses. La Salle gave the new establishment
his favorite name of Fort St. Louis, and the neighboring bay was also
christened after the royal saint.[304] The scene was not without its charms.
Towards the southeast stretched the bay with its bordering meadows; and on
the northeast the Lavaca ran along the base of green declivities. Around, far
and near, rolled a sea of prairie, with distant forests, dim in the summer
haze. At times, it was dotted with the browsing buffalo, not yet scared from
their wonted pastures; and the grassy swells were spangled with the flowers
for which Texas is renowned, and which now form the gay ornaments of
our gardens.
And now, the needful work accomplished, and the
colony in some measure housed and fortified, its LA SALLE'S
EXPLORATIONS.
indefatigable chief prepared to renew his quest of the
"fatal river," as Joutel repeatedly calls it. Before his departure he made
some preliminary explorations, in the course of which, according to the
report of his brother the priest, he found evidence that the Spaniards had
long before had a transient establishment at a spot about fifteen leagues
from Fort St. Louis.[305]
It was the last day of October when La Salle set out
on his great journey of exploration. His brother Cavelier, LIFE AT THE
FORT.
who had now recovered, accompanied him with fifty
men; and five cannon-shot from the fort saluted them as they departed.
They were lightly equipped; but some of them wore corselets made of
staves, to ward off arrows. Descending the Lavaca, they pursued their
course eastward on foot along the margin of the bay, while Joutel remained
in command of the fort. It was two leagues above the mouth of the river;
and in it were thirty-four persons, including three Récollet friars, a number
of women and girls from Paris, and two young orphan daughters of one
Talon, a Canadian, who had lately died. Their live-stock consisted of some
the snake received in the marsh on Easter Day. The injured limb was
amputated, and he died. La Salle's brother, the priest, lay ill; and several
others among the chief persons of the colony were in the same condition.
Meanwhile, the work was urged on. A large building was finished,
constructed of timber, roofed with boards and raw hides, and divided into
apartments for lodging and other uses. La Salle gave the new establishment
his favorite name of Fort St. Louis, and the neighboring bay was also
christened after the royal saint.[304] The scene was not without its charms.
Towards the southeast stretched the bay with its bordering meadows; and on
the northeast the Lavaca ran along the base of green declivities. Around, far
and near, rolled a sea of prairie, with distant forests, dim in the summer
haze. At times, it was dotted with the browsing buffalo, not yet scared from
their wonted pastures; and the grassy swells were spangled with the flowers
for which Texas is renowned, and which now form the gay ornaments of
our gardens.
And now, the needful work accomplished, and the
colony in some measure housed and fortified, its LA SALLE'S
EXPLORATIONS.
indefatigable chief prepared to renew his quest of the
"fatal river," as Joutel repeatedly calls it. Before his departure he made
some preliminary explorations, in the course of which, according to the
report of his brother the priest, he found evidence that the Spaniards had
long before had a transient establishment at a spot about fifteen leagues
from Fort St. Louis.[305]
It was the last day of October when La Salle set out
on his great journey of exploration. His brother Cavelier, LIFE AT THE
FORT.
who had now recovered, accompanied him with fifty
men; and five cannon-shot from the fort saluted them as they departed.
They were lightly equipped; but some of them wore corselets made of
staves, to ward off arrows. Descending the Lavaca, they pursued their
course eastward on foot along the margin of the bay, while Joutel remained
in command of the fort. It was two leagues above the mouth of the river;
and in it were thirty-four persons, including three Récollet friars, a number
of women and girls from Paris, and two young orphan daughters of one
Talon, a Canadian, who had lately died. Their live-stock consisted of some
Page 287
hogs and a litter of eight pigs, which, as Joutel does not forget to inform us,
passed their time in wallowing in the ditch of the palisade; a cock and hen,
with a young family; and a pair of goats, which, in a temporary dearth of
fresh meat, were sacrificed to the needs of the invalid Abbé Cavelier. Joutel
suffered no man to lie idle. The blacksmith, having no anvil, was supplied
with a cannon as a substitute. Lodgings were built for the women and girls,
and separate lodgings for the men. A small chapel was afterwards added,
and the whole was fenced with a palisade. At the four corners of the house
were mounted eight pieces of cannon, which, in the absence of balls, were
loaded with bags of bullets.[306] Between the palisades and the stream lay a
narrow strip of marsh, the haunt of countless birds; and at a little distance it
deepened into pools full of fish. All the surrounding prairies swarmed with
game,—buffalo, deer, hares, turkeys, ducks, geese, swans, plover, snipe,
and grouse. The river supplied the colonists with turtles, and the bay with
oysters. Of these last, they often found more than they wanted; for when in
their excursions they shoved their log canoes into the water, wading
shoeless through the deep, tenacious mud, the sharp shells would cut their
feet like knives; "and what was worse," says Joutel, "the salt water came
into the gashes, and made them smart atrociously."
He sometimes amused himself with shooting alligators. "I never spared
them when I met them near the house. One day I killed an extremely large
one, which was nearly four feet and a half in girth, and about twenty feet
long." He describes with accuracy that curious native of the southwestern
plains, the "horned frog," which, deceived by its uninviting appearance, he
erroneously supposed to be venomous. "We had some of our animals bitten
by snakes; among the others, a bitch that had belonged to the deceased
Sieur le Gros. She was bitten in the jaw when she was with me, as I was
fishing by the shore of the bay. I gave her a little theriac [an antidote then in
vogue], which cured her, as it did one of our sows, which came home one
day with her head so swelled that she could hardly hold it up. Thinking it
must be some snake that had bitten her, I gave her a dose of the theriac
mixed with meal and water." The patient began to mend at once. "I killed a
good many rattle-snakes by means of the aforesaid bitch, for when she saw
one she would bark around him, sometimes for a half hour together, till I
took my gun and shot him. I often found them in the bushes, making a noise
with their tails. When I had killed them, our hogs ate them." He devotes
passed their time in wallowing in the ditch of the palisade; a cock and hen,
with a young family; and a pair of goats, which, in a temporary dearth of
fresh meat, were sacrificed to the needs of the invalid Abbé Cavelier. Joutel
suffered no man to lie idle. The blacksmith, having no anvil, was supplied
with a cannon as a substitute. Lodgings were built for the women and girls,
and separate lodgings for the men. A small chapel was afterwards added,
and the whole was fenced with a palisade. At the four corners of the house
were mounted eight pieces of cannon, which, in the absence of balls, were
loaded with bags of bullets.[306] Between the palisades and the stream lay a
narrow strip of marsh, the haunt of countless birds; and at a little distance it
deepened into pools full of fish. All the surrounding prairies swarmed with
game,—buffalo, deer, hares, turkeys, ducks, geese, swans, plover, snipe,
and grouse. The river supplied the colonists with turtles, and the bay with
oysters. Of these last, they often found more than they wanted; for when in
their excursions they shoved their log canoes into the water, wading
shoeless through the deep, tenacious mud, the sharp shells would cut their
feet like knives; "and what was worse," says Joutel, "the salt water came
into the gashes, and made them smart atrociously."
He sometimes amused himself with shooting alligators. "I never spared
them when I met them near the house. One day I killed an extremely large
one, which was nearly four feet and a half in girth, and about twenty feet
long." He describes with accuracy that curious native of the southwestern
plains, the "horned frog," which, deceived by its uninviting appearance, he
erroneously supposed to be venomous. "We had some of our animals bitten
by snakes; among the others, a bitch that had belonged to the deceased
Sieur le Gros. She was bitten in the jaw when she was with me, as I was
fishing by the shore of the bay. I gave her a little theriac [an antidote then in
vogue], which cured her, as it did one of our sows, which came home one
day with her head so swelled that she could hardly hold it up. Thinking it
must be some snake that had bitten her, I gave her a dose of the theriac
mixed with meal and water." The patient began to mend at once. "I killed a
good many rattle-snakes by means of the aforesaid bitch, for when she saw
one she would bark around him, sometimes for a half hour together, till I
took my gun and shot him. I often found them in the bushes, making a noise
with their tails. When I had killed them, our hogs ate them." He devotes
Page 288
many pages to the plants and animals of the neighborhood, most of which
may easily be recognized from his description.
With the buffalo, which he calls "our daily bread," his
experiences were many and strange. Being, like the rest THE BUFFALO.
of the party, a novice in the art of shooting them, he met
with many disappointments. Once, having mounted to the roof of the large
house in the fort, he saw a dark moving object on a swell of the prairie three
miles off; and rightly thinking that it was a herd of buffalo, he set out with
six or seven men to try to kill some of them. After a while, he discovered
two bulls lying in a hollow; and signing to the rest of his party to keep
quiet, he made his approach, gun in hand. The bulls presently jumped up,
and stared through their manes at the intruder. Joutel fired. It was a close
shot; but the bulls merely shook their shaggy heads, wheeled about, and
galloped heavily away. The same luck attended him the next day. "We saw
plenty of buffalo. I approached several bands of them, and fired again and
again, but could not make one of them fall." He had not yet learned that a
buffalo rarely falls at once, unless hit in the spine. He continues: "I was not
discouraged; and after approaching several more bands,—which was hard
work, because I had to crawl on the ground, so as not to be seen,—I found
myself in a herd of five or six thousand, but, to my great vexation, I could
not bring one of them down. They all ran off to the right and left. It was
near night, and I had killed nothing. Though I was very tired, I tried again,
approached another band, and fired a number of shots; but not a buffalo
would fall. The skin was off my knees with crawling. At last, as I was going
back to rejoin our men, I saw a buffalo lying on the ground. I went towards
it, and saw that it was dead. I examined it, and found that the bullet had
gone in near the shoulder. Then I found others dead like the first. I
beckoned the men to come on, and we set to work to cut up the meat,—a
task which was new to us all." It would be impossible to write a more true
and characteristic sketch of the experience of a novice in shooting buffalo
on foot. A few days after, he went out again, with Father Anastase Douay;
approached a bull, fired, and broke his shoulder. The bull hobbled off on
three legs. Douay ran in his cassock to head him back, while Joutel reloaded
his gun; upon which the enraged beast butted at the missionary, and
knocked him down. He very narrowly escaped with his life. "There was
another missionary," pursues Joutel, "named Father Maxime Le Clerc, who
may easily be recognized from his description.
With the buffalo, which he calls "our daily bread," his
experiences were many and strange. Being, like the rest THE BUFFALO.
of the party, a novice in the art of shooting them, he met
with many disappointments. Once, having mounted to the roof of the large
house in the fort, he saw a dark moving object on a swell of the prairie three
miles off; and rightly thinking that it was a herd of buffalo, he set out with
six or seven men to try to kill some of them. After a while, he discovered
two bulls lying in a hollow; and signing to the rest of his party to keep
quiet, he made his approach, gun in hand. The bulls presently jumped up,
and stared through their manes at the intruder. Joutel fired. It was a close
shot; but the bulls merely shook their shaggy heads, wheeled about, and
galloped heavily away. The same luck attended him the next day. "We saw
plenty of buffalo. I approached several bands of them, and fired again and
again, but could not make one of them fall." He had not yet learned that a
buffalo rarely falls at once, unless hit in the spine. He continues: "I was not
discouraged; and after approaching several more bands,—which was hard
work, because I had to crawl on the ground, so as not to be seen,—I found
myself in a herd of five or six thousand, but, to my great vexation, I could
not bring one of them down. They all ran off to the right and left. It was
near night, and I had killed nothing. Though I was very tired, I tried again,
approached another band, and fired a number of shots; but not a buffalo
would fall. The skin was off my knees with crawling. At last, as I was going
back to rejoin our men, I saw a buffalo lying on the ground. I went towards
it, and saw that it was dead. I examined it, and found that the bullet had
gone in near the shoulder. Then I found others dead like the first. I
beckoned the men to come on, and we set to work to cut up the meat,—a
task which was new to us all." It would be impossible to write a more true
and characteristic sketch of the experience of a novice in shooting buffalo
on foot. A few days after, he went out again, with Father Anastase Douay;
approached a bull, fired, and broke his shoulder. The bull hobbled off on
three legs. Douay ran in his cassock to head him back, while Joutel reloaded
his gun; upon which the enraged beast butted at the missionary, and
knocked him down. He very narrowly escaped with his life. "There was
another missionary," pursues Joutel, "named Father Maxime Le Clerc, who
Page 289
was very well fitted for such an undertaking as ours, because he was equal
to anything, even to butchering a buffalo; and as I said before that every one
of us must lend a hand, because we were too few for anybody to be waited
upon, I made the women, girls, and children do their part, as well as him;
for as they all wanted to eat, it was fair that they all should work." He had a
scaffolding built near the fort, and set them to smoking buffalo meat,
against a day of scarcity.[307]
Thus the time passed till the middle of January; when
late one evening, as all were gathered in the principal RETURN OF
DUHAUT.
building, conversing perhaps, or smoking, or playing at
cards, or dozing by the fire in homesick dreams of France, a man on guard
came in to report that he had heard a voice from the river. They all went
down to the bank, and descried a man in a canoe, who called out,
"Dominic!" This was the name of the younger of the two brothers Duhaut,
who was one of Joutel's followers. As the canoe approached, they
recognized the elder, who had gone with La Salle on his journey of
discovery, and who was perhaps the greatest villain of the company. Joutel
was much perplexed. La Salle had ordered him to admit nobody into the
fort without a pass and a watchword. Duhaut, when questioned, said that he
had none, but told at the same time so plausible a story that Joutel no longer
hesitated to receive him. As La Salle and his men were pursuing their march
along the prairie, Duhaut, who was in the rear, had stopped to mend his
moccasins, and when he tried to overtake the party, had lost his way,
mistaking a buffalo-path for the trail of his companions. At night he fired
his gun as a signal, but there was no answering shot. Seeing no hope of
rejoining them, he turned back for the fort, found one of the canoes which
La Salle had hidden at the shore, paddled by night and lay close by day,
shot turkeys, deer, and buffalo for food, and, having no knife, cut the meat
with a sharp flint, till after a month of excessive hardship he reached his
destination. As the inmates of Fort St. Louis gathered about the weather-
beaten wanderer, he told them dreary tidings. The pilot of the "Belle," such
was his story, had gone with five men to sound along the shore, by order of
La Salle, who was then encamped in the neighborhood with his party of
explorers. The boat's crew, being overtaken by the night, had rashly
bivouacked on the beach without setting a guard; and as they slept, a band
of Indians had rushed in upon them, and butchered them all. La Salle,
to anything, even to butchering a buffalo; and as I said before that every one
of us must lend a hand, because we were too few for anybody to be waited
upon, I made the women, girls, and children do their part, as well as him;
for as they all wanted to eat, it was fair that they all should work." He had a
scaffolding built near the fort, and set them to smoking buffalo meat,
against a day of scarcity.[307]
Thus the time passed till the middle of January; when
late one evening, as all were gathered in the principal RETURN OF
DUHAUT.
building, conversing perhaps, or smoking, or playing at
cards, or dozing by the fire in homesick dreams of France, a man on guard
came in to report that he had heard a voice from the river. They all went
down to the bank, and descried a man in a canoe, who called out,
"Dominic!" This was the name of the younger of the two brothers Duhaut,
who was one of Joutel's followers. As the canoe approached, they
recognized the elder, who had gone with La Salle on his journey of
discovery, and who was perhaps the greatest villain of the company. Joutel
was much perplexed. La Salle had ordered him to admit nobody into the
fort without a pass and a watchword. Duhaut, when questioned, said that he
had none, but told at the same time so plausible a story that Joutel no longer
hesitated to receive him. As La Salle and his men were pursuing their march
along the prairie, Duhaut, who was in the rear, had stopped to mend his
moccasins, and when he tried to overtake the party, had lost his way,
mistaking a buffalo-path for the trail of his companions. At night he fired
his gun as a signal, but there was no answering shot. Seeing no hope of
rejoining them, he turned back for the fort, found one of the canoes which
La Salle had hidden at the shore, paddled by night and lay close by day,
shot turkeys, deer, and buffalo for food, and, having no knife, cut the meat
with a sharp flint, till after a month of excessive hardship he reached his
destination. As the inmates of Fort St. Louis gathered about the weather-
beaten wanderer, he told them dreary tidings. The pilot of the "Belle," such
was his story, had gone with five men to sound along the shore, by order of
La Salle, who was then encamped in the neighborhood with his party of
explorers. The boat's crew, being overtaken by the night, had rashly
bivouacked on the beach without setting a guard; and as they slept, a band
of Indians had rushed in upon them, and butchered them all. La Salle,
Page 290
alarmed by their long absence, had searched along the shore, and at length
found their bodies scattered about the sands and half-devoured by wolves.
[308]
Well would it have been, if Duhaut had shared their fate.
Weeks and months dragged on, when, at the end of March, Joutel,
chancing to mount on the roof of one of the buildings, saw seven or eight
men approaching over the prairie. He went out to meet them with an equal
number, well armed; and as he drew near recognized, with mixed joy and
anxiety, La Salle and some of those who had gone with him. His brother
Cavelier was at his side, with his cassock so tattered that, says Joutel, "there
was hardly a piece left large enough to wrap a farthing's worth of salt. He
had an old cap on his head, having lost his hat by the way. The rest were in
no better plight, for their shirts were all in rags. Some of them carried loads
of meat, because M. de la Salle was afraid that we might not have killed any
buffalo. We met with great joy and many embraces. After our greetings
were over, M. de la Salle, seeing Duhaut, asked me in an angry tone how it
was that I had received this man who had abandoned him. I told him how it
had happened, and repeated Duhaut's story. Duhaut defended himself, and
M. de la Salle's anger was soon over. We went into the house, and refreshed
ourselves with some bread and brandy, as there was no wine left."[309]
La Salle and his companions told their story. They had
wandered on through various savage tribes, with whom LA SALLE'S
they had more than one encounter, scattering them like ADVENTURES.
chaff by the terror of their fire-arms. At length they found a more friendly
band, and learned much touching the Spaniards, who, they were told, were
universally hated by the tribes of that country. It would be easy, said their
informants, to gather a host of warriors and lead them over the Rio Grande;
but La Salle was in no condition for attempting conquests, and the tribes in
whose alliance he had trusted had, a few days before, been at blows with
him. The invasion of New Biscay must be postponed to a more propitious
day. Still advancing, he came to a large river, which he at first mistook for
the Mississippi; and building a fort of palisades, he left here several of his
men.[310] The fate of these unfortunates does not appear. He now retraced
his steps towards Fort St. Louis, and, as he approached it, detached some of
his men to look for his vessel, the "Belle," for whose safety, since the loss
of her pilot, he had become very anxious.
found their bodies scattered about the sands and half-devoured by wolves.
[308]
Well would it have been, if Duhaut had shared their fate.
Weeks and months dragged on, when, at the end of March, Joutel,
chancing to mount on the roof of one of the buildings, saw seven or eight
men approaching over the prairie. He went out to meet them with an equal
number, well armed; and as he drew near recognized, with mixed joy and
anxiety, La Salle and some of those who had gone with him. His brother
Cavelier was at his side, with his cassock so tattered that, says Joutel, "there
was hardly a piece left large enough to wrap a farthing's worth of salt. He
had an old cap on his head, having lost his hat by the way. The rest were in
no better plight, for their shirts were all in rags. Some of them carried loads
of meat, because M. de la Salle was afraid that we might not have killed any
buffalo. We met with great joy and many embraces. After our greetings
were over, M. de la Salle, seeing Duhaut, asked me in an angry tone how it
was that I had received this man who had abandoned him. I told him how it
had happened, and repeated Duhaut's story. Duhaut defended himself, and
M. de la Salle's anger was soon over. We went into the house, and refreshed
ourselves with some bread and brandy, as there was no wine left."[309]
La Salle and his companions told their story. They had
wandered on through various savage tribes, with whom LA SALLE'S
they had more than one encounter, scattering them like ADVENTURES.
chaff by the terror of their fire-arms. At length they found a more friendly
band, and learned much touching the Spaniards, who, they were told, were
universally hated by the tribes of that country. It would be easy, said their
informants, to gather a host of warriors and lead them over the Rio Grande;
but La Salle was in no condition for attempting conquests, and the tribes in
whose alliance he had trusted had, a few days before, been at blows with
him. The invasion of New Biscay must be postponed to a more propitious
day. Still advancing, he came to a large river, which he at first mistook for
the Mississippi; and building a fort of palisades, he left here several of his
men.[310] The fate of these unfortunates does not appear. He now retraced
his steps towards Fort St. Louis, and, as he approached it, detached some of
his men to look for his vessel, the "Belle," for whose safety, since the loss
of her pilot, he had become very anxious.
Page 291
On the next day these men appeared at the fort, with downcast looks.
They had not found the "Belle" at the place where she had been ordered to
remain, nor were any tidings to be heard of her. From that hour, the
conviction that she was lost possessed the mind of La Salle. Surrounded as
he was, and had always been, with traitors, the belief now possessed him
that her crew had abandoned the colony, and made sail for the West Indies
or for France. The loss was incalculable. He had relied on this vessel to
transport the colonists to the Mississippi, as soon as its exact position could
be ascertained; and thinking her a safer place of deposit than the fort, he had
put on board of her all his papers and personal baggage, besides a great
quantity of stores, ammunition, and tools.[311] In truth, she was of the last
necessity to the unhappy exiles, and their only resource for escape from a
position which was fast becoming desperate.
La Salle, as his brother tells us, now fell dangerously ill,—the fatigues of
his journey, joined to the effects upon his mind of this last disaster, having
overcome his strength, though not his fortitude. "In truth," writes the priest,
"after the loss of the vessel which deprived us of our only means of
returning to France, we had no resource but in the firm guidance of my
brother, whose death each of us would have regarded as his own."[312]
La Salle no sooner recovered than he embraced a
resolution which could be the offspring only of a DEPARTURE FOR
CANADA.
desperate necessity. He determined to make his way by
the Mississippi and the Illinois to Canada, whence he might bring succor to
the colonists, and send a report of their condition to France. The attempt
was beset with uncertainties and dangers. The Mississippi was first to be
found, then followed through all the perilous monotony of its interminable
windings to a goal which was to be but the starting-point of a new and not
less arduous journey. Cavelier his brother, Moranget his nephew, the friar
Anastase Douay, and others to the number of twenty, were chosen to
accompany him. Every corner of the magazine was ransacked for an outfit.
Joutel generously gave up the better part of his wardrobe to La Salle and his
two relatives. Duhaut, who had saved his baggage from the wreck of the
"Aimable," was required to contribute to the necessities of the party; and
the scantily-furnished chests of those who had died were used to supply the
wants of the living. Each man labored with needle and awl to patch his
failing garments, or supply their place with buffalo or deer skins. On the
They had not found the "Belle" at the place where she had been ordered to
remain, nor were any tidings to be heard of her. From that hour, the
conviction that she was lost possessed the mind of La Salle. Surrounded as
he was, and had always been, with traitors, the belief now possessed him
that her crew had abandoned the colony, and made sail for the West Indies
or for France. The loss was incalculable. He had relied on this vessel to
transport the colonists to the Mississippi, as soon as its exact position could
be ascertained; and thinking her a safer place of deposit than the fort, he had
put on board of her all his papers and personal baggage, besides a great
quantity of stores, ammunition, and tools.[311] In truth, she was of the last
necessity to the unhappy exiles, and their only resource for escape from a
position which was fast becoming desperate.
La Salle, as his brother tells us, now fell dangerously ill,—the fatigues of
his journey, joined to the effects upon his mind of this last disaster, having
overcome his strength, though not his fortitude. "In truth," writes the priest,
"after the loss of the vessel which deprived us of our only means of
returning to France, we had no resource but in the firm guidance of my
brother, whose death each of us would have regarded as his own."[312]
La Salle no sooner recovered than he embraced a
resolution which could be the offspring only of a DEPARTURE FOR
CANADA.
desperate necessity. He determined to make his way by
the Mississippi and the Illinois to Canada, whence he might bring succor to
the colonists, and send a report of their condition to France. The attempt
was beset with uncertainties and dangers. The Mississippi was first to be
found, then followed through all the perilous monotony of its interminable
windings to a goal which was to be but the starting-point of a new and not
less arduous journey. Cavelier his brother, Moranget his nephew, the friar
Anastase Douay, and others to the number of twenty, were chosen to
accompany him. Every corner of the magazine was ransacked for an outfit.
Joutel generously gave up the better part of his wardrobe to La Salle and his
two relatives. Duhaut, who had saved his baggage from the wreck of the
"Aimable," was required to contribute to the necessities of the party; and
the scantily-furnished chests of those who had died were used to supply the
wants of the living. Each man labored with needle and awl to patch his
failing garments, or supply their place with buffalo or deer skins. On the
Page 292
twenty-second of April, after mass and prayers in the chapel, they issued
from the gate, each bearing his pack and his weapons, some with kettles
slung at their backs, some with axes, some with gifts for Indians. In this
guise, they held their way in silence across the prairie; while anxious eyes
followed them from the palisades of St. Louis, whose inmates, not
excepting Joutel himself, seem to have been ignorant of the extent and
difficulty of the undertaking.[313]
"On May Day," he writes, "at about two in the
afternoon, as I was walking near the house, I heard a WRECK OF THE
"BELLE."
voice from the river below, crying out several times, Qui
vive? Knowing that the Sieur Barbier had gone that way with two canoes to
hunt buffalo, I thought that it might be one of these canoes coming back
with meat, and did not think much of the matter till I heard the same voice
again. I answered, Versailles, which was the password I had given the Sieur
Barbier, in case he should come back in the night. But, as I was going
towards the bank, I heard other voices which I had not heard for a long
time. I recognized among the rest that of M. Chefdeville, which made me
fear that some disaster had happened. I ran down to the bank, and my first
greeting was to ask what had become of the 'Belle.' They answered that she
was wrecked on the other side of the bay, and that all on board were
drowned except the six who were in the canoe; namely, the Sieur
Chefdeville, the Marquis de la Sablonnière, the man named Teissier, a
soldier, a girl, and a little boy."[314]
From the young priest Chefdeville, Joutel learned the particulars of the
disaster. Water had failed on board the "Belle"; a boat's crew of five men
had gone in quest of it; the wind rose, their boat was swamped, and they
were all drowned. Those who remained had now no means of going ashore;
but if they had no water, they had wine and brandy in abundance, and
Teissier, the master of the vessel, was drunk every day. After a while they
left their moorings, and tried to reach the fort; but they were few, weak, and
unskilful. A violent north wind drove them on a sand-bar. Some of them
were drowned in trying to reach land on a raft. Others were more
successful; and, after a long delay, they found a stranded canoe, in which
they made their way to St. Louis, bringing with them some of La Salle's
papers and baggage saved from the wreck.
from the gate, each bearing his pack and his weapons, some with kettles
slung at their backs, some with axes, some with gifts for Indians. In this
guise, they held their way in silence across the prairie; while anxious eyes
followed them from the palisades of St. Louis, whose inmates, not
excepting Joutel himself, seem to have been ignorant of the extent and
difficulty of the undertaking.[313]
"On May Day," he writes, "at about two in the
afternoon, as I was walking near the house, I heard a WRECK OF THE
"BELLE."
voice from the river below, crying out several times, Qui
vive? Knowing that the Sieur Barbier had gone that way with two canoes to
hunt buffalo, I thought that it might be one of these canoes coming back
with meat, and did not think much of the matter till I heard the same voice
again. I answered, Versailles, which was the password I had given the Sieur
Barbier, in case he should come back in the night. But, as I was going
towards the bank, I heard other voices which I had not heard for a long
time. I recognized among the rest that of M. Chefdeville, which made me
fear that some disaster had happened. I ran down to the bank, and my first
greeting was to ask what had become of the 'Belle.' They answered that she
was wrecked on the other side of the bay, and that all on board were
drowned except the six who were in the canoe; namely, the Sieur
Chefdeville, the Marquis de la Sablonnière, the man named Teissier, a
soldier, a girl, and a little boy."[314]
From the young priest Chefdeville, Joutel learned the particulars of the
disaster. Water had failed on board the "Belle"; a boat's crew of five men
had gone in quest of it; the wind rose, their boat was swamped, and they
were all drowned. Those who remained had now no means of going ashore;
but if they had no water, they had wine and brandy in abundance, and
Teissier, the master of the vessel, was drunk every day. After a while they
left their moorings, and tried to reach the fort; but they were few, weak, and
unskilful. A violent north wind drove them on a sand-bar. Some of them
were drowned in trying to reach land on a raft. Others were more
successful; and, after a long delay, they found a stranded canoe, in which
they made their way to St. Louis, bringing with them some of La Salle's
papers and baggage saved from the wreck.
Page 293
These multiplied disasters bore hard on the spirits of the colonists; and
Joutel, like a good commander as he was, spared no pains to cheer them.
"We did what we could to amuse ourselves and drive away care. I
encouraged our people to dance and sing in the evenings; for when M. de la
Salle was among us, pleasure was often banished. Now, there is no use in
being melancholy on such occasions. It is true that M. de la Salle had no
great cause for merry-making, after all his losses and disappointments; but
his troubles made others suffer also. Though he had ordered me to allow to
each person only a certain quantity of meat at every meal, I observed this
rule only when meat was rare. The air here is very keen, and one has a great
appetite. One must eat and act, if he wants good health and spirits. I speak
from experience; for once, when I had ague chills, and was obliged to keep
the house with nothing to do, I was dreary and down-hearted. On the
contrary, if I was busy with hunting or anything else, I was not so dull by
half. So I tried to keep the people as busy as possible. I set them to making
a small cellar to keep meat fresh in hot weather; but when M. de la Salle
came back, he said it was too small. As he always wanted to do everything
on a grand scale, he prepared to make a large one, and marked out the
plan." This plan of the large cellar, like more important undertakings of its
unhappy projector, proved too extensive for execution, the colonists being
engrossed by the daily care of keeping themselves alive.
A gleam of hilarity shot for an instant out of the
clouds. The young Canadian, Barbier, usually conducted MATRIMONY.
the hunting-parties; and some of the women and girls
often went out with them, to aid in cutting up the meat. Barbier became
enamoured of one of the girls; and as his devotion to her was the subject of
comment, he asked Joutel for leave to marry her. The commandant, after
due counsel with the priests and friars, vouchsafed his consent, and the rite
was duly solemnized; whereupon, fired by the example, the Marquis de la
Sablonnière begged leave to marry another of the girls. Joutel, the
gardener's son, concerned that a marquis should so abase himself, and
anxious at the same time for the morals of the fort, which La Salle had
especially commended to his care, not only flatly refused, but, in the
plenitude of his authority, forbade the lovers all further intercourse.
Father Zenobe Membré, superior of the mission, gave unwilling occasion
for further merriment. These worthy friars were singularly unhappy in their
Joutel, like a good commander as he was, spared no pains to cheer them.
"We did what we could to amuse ourselves and drive away care. I
encouraged our people to dance and sing in the evenings; for when M. de la
Salle was among us, pleasure was often banished. Now, there is no use in
being melancholy on such occasions. It is true that M. de la Salle had no
great cause for merry-making, after all his losses and disappointments; but
his troubles made others suffer also. Though he had ordered me to allow to
each person only a certain quantity of meat at every meal, I observed this
rule only when meat was rare. The air here is very keen, and one has a great
appetite. One must eat and act, if he wants good health and spirits. I speak
from experience; for once, when I had ague chills, and was obliged to keep
the house with nothing to do, I was dreary and down-hearted. On the
contrary, if I was busy with hunting or anything else, I was not so dull by
half. So I tried to keep the people as busy as possible. I set them to making
a small cellar to keep meat fresh in hot weather; but when M. de la Salle
came back, he said it was too small. As he always wanted to do everything
on a grand scale, he prepared to make a large one, and marked out the
plan." This plan of the large cellar, like more important undertakings of its
unhappy projector, proved too extensive for execution, the colonists being
engrossed by the daily care of keeping themselves alive.
A gleam of hilarity shot for an instant out of the
clouds. The young Canadian, Barbier, usually conducted MATRIMONY.
the hunting-parties; and some of the women and girls
often went out with them, to aid in cutting up the meat. Barbier became
enamoured of one of the girls; and as his devotion to her was the subject of
comment, he asked Joutel for leave to marry her. The commandant, after
due counsel with the priests and friars, vouchsafed his consent, and the rite
was duly solemnized; whereupon, fired by the example, the Marquis de la
Sablonnière begged leave to marry another of the girls. Joutel, the
gardener's son, concerned that a marquis should so abase himself, and
anxious at the same time for the morals of the fort, which La Salle had
especially commended to his care, not only flatly refused, but, in the
plenitude of his authority, forbade the lovers all further intercourse.
Father Zenobe Membré, superior of the mission, gave unwilling occasion
for further merriment. These worthy friars were singularly unhappy in their
Page 294
dealings with the buffalo, one of which, it may be remembered, had already
knocked down Father Anastase. Undeterred by his example, Father Zenobe
one day went out with the hunters, carrying a gun like the rest. Joutel shot a
buffalo, which was making off, badly wounded, when a second shot
stopped it, and it presently lay down. The father superior thought it was
dead; and, without heeding the warning shout of Joutel, he approached, and
pushed it with the butt of his gun. The bull sprang up with an effort of
expiring fury, and, in the words of Joutel, "trampled on the father, took the
skin off his face in several places, and broke his gun, so that he could hardly
manage to get away, and remained in an almost helpless state for more than
three months. Bad as the accident was, he was laughed at nevertheless for
his rashness."
The mishaps of the friars did not end here. Father Maxime Le Clerc was
set upon by a boar belonging to the colony. "I do not know," says Joutel,
"what spite the beast had against him, whether for a beating or some other
offence; but, however this may be, I saw the father running and crying for
help, and the boar running after him. I went to the rescue, but could not
come up in time. The father stooped as he ran, to gather up his cassock from
about his legs; and the boar, which ran faster than he, struck him in the arm
with his tusks, so that some of the nerves were torn. Thus, all three of our
good Récollet fathers were near being the victims of animals."[315]
In spite of his efforts to encourage them, the followers of Joutel were fast
losing heart. Father Maxime Le Clerc kept a journal, in which he set down
various charges against La Salle. Joutel got possession of the paper, and
burned it on the urgent entreaty of the friars, who dreaded what might
ensue, should the absent commander become aware of the aspersions cast
upon him. The elder Duhaut fomented the rising discontent of the colonists,
played the demagogue, told them that La Salle would never return, and tried
to make himself their leader. Joutel detected the mischief, and, with a lenity
which he afterwards deeply regretted, contented himself with a rebuke to
the offender, and words of reproof and encouragement to the dejected band.
He had caused the grass to be cut near the fort, so as
to form a sort of playground; and here, one evening, he ADVENTURES
OF THE
and some of the party were trying to amuse themselves, TRAVELLERS.
when they heard shouts from beyond the river, and
knocked down Father Anastase. Undeterred by his example, Father Zenobe
one day went out with the hunters, carrying a gun like the rest. Joutel shot a
buffalo, which was making off, badly wounded, when a second shot
stopped it, and it presently lay down. The father superior thought it was
dead; and, without heeding the warning shout of Joutel, he approached, and
pushed it with the butt of his gun. The bull sprang up with an effort of
expiring fury, and, in the words of Joutel, "trampled on the father, took the
skin off his face in several places, and broke his gun, so that he could hardly
manage to get away, and remained in an almost helpless state for more than
three months. Bad as the accident was, he was laughed at nevertheless for
his rashness."
The mishaps of the friars did not end here. Father Maxime Le Clerc was
set upon by a boar belonging to the colony. "I do not know," says Joutel,
"what spite the beast had against him, whether for a beating or some other
offence; but, however this may be, I saw the father running and crying for
help, and the boar running after him. I went to the rescue, but could not
come up in time. The father stooped as he ran, to gather up his cassock from
about his legs; and the boar, which ran faster than he, struck him in the arm
with his tusks, so that some of the nerves were torn. Thus, all three of our
good Récollet fathers were near being the victims of animals."[315]
In spite of his efforts to encourage them, the followers of Joutel were fast
losing heart. Father Maxime Le Clerc kept a journal, in which he set down
various charges against La Salle. Joutel got possession of the paper, and
burned it on the urgent entreaty of the friars, who dreaded what might
ensue, should the absent commander become aware of the aspersions cast
upon him. The elder Duhaut fomented the rising discontent of the colonists,
played the demagogue, told them that La Salle would never return, and tried
to make himself their leader. Joutel detected the mischief, and, with a lenity
which he afterwards deeply regretted, contented himself with a rebuke to
the offender, and words of reproof and encouragement to the dejected band.
He had caused the grass to be cut near the fort, so as
to form a sort of playground; and here, one evening, he ADVENTURES
OF THE
and some of the party were trying to amuse themselves, TRAVELLERS.
when they heard shouts from beyond the river, and
Page 295
Joutel recognized the voice of La Salle. Hastening to meet him in a wooden
canoe, he brought him and his party to the fort. Twenty men had gone out
with him, and eight had returned. Of the rest, four had deserted, one had
been lost, one had been devoured by an alligator; and the others, giving out
on the march, had probably perished in attempting to regain the fort. The
travellers told of a rich country, a wild and beautiful landscape,—woods,
rivers, groves, and prairies; but all availed nothing, and the acquisition of
five horses was but an indifferent return for the loss of twelve men.
After leaving the fort, they had journeyed towards the northeast, over
plains green as an emerald with the young verdure of April, till at length
they saw, far as the eye could reach, the boundless prairie alive with herds
of buffalo. The animals were in one of their tame or stupid moods; and they
killed nine or ten of them without the least difficulty, drying the best parts
of the meat. They crossed the Colorado on a raft, and reached the banks of
another river, where one of the party, named Hiens, a German of
Würtemberg, and an old buccaneer, was mired and nearly suffocated in a
mud-hole. Unfortunately, as will soon appear, he managed to crawl out;
and, to console him, the river was christened with his name. The party made
a bridge of felled trees, on which they crossed in safety. La Salle now
changed their course, and journeyed eastward, when the travellers soon
found themselves in the midst of a numerous Indian population, where they
were feasted and caressed without measure. At another village they were
less fortunate. The inhabitants were friendly by day and hostile by night.
They came to attack the French in their camp, but withdrew, daunted by the
menacing voice of La Salle, who had heard them approaching through the
cane-brake.
La Salle's favorite Shawanoe hunter, Nika, who had followed him from
Canada to France, and from France to Texas, was bitten by a rattlesnake;
and, though he recovered, the accident detained the party for several days.
At length they resumed their journey, but were stopped by a river, called by
Douay, "La Rivière des Malheurs." La Salle and Cavelier, with a few others,
tried to cross on a raft, which, as it reached the channel, was caught by a
current of marvellous swiftness. Douay and Moranget, watching the transit
from the edge of the cane-brake, beheld their commander swept down the
stream, and vanishing, as it were, in an instant. All that day they remained
with their companions on the bank, lamenting in despair for the loss of their
canoe, he brought him and his party to the fort. Twenty men had gone out
with him, and eight had returned. Of the rest, four had deserted, one had
been lost, one had been devoured by an alligator; and the others, giving out
on the march, had probably perished in attempting to regain the fort. The
travellers told of a rich country, a wild and beautiful landscape,—woods,
rivers, groves, and prairies; but all availed nothing, and the acquisition of
five horses was but an indifferent return for the loss of twelve men.
After leaving the fort, they had journeyed towards the northeast, over
plains green as an emerald with the young verdure of April, till at length
they saw, far as the eye could reach, the boundless prairie alive with herds
of buffalo. The animals were in one of their tame or stupid moods; and they
killed nine or ten of them without the least difficulty, drying the best parts
of the meat. They crossed the Colorado on a raft, and reached the banks of
another river, where one of the party, named Hiens, a German of
Würtemberg, and an old buccaneer, was mired and nearly suffocated in a
mud-hole. Unfortunately, as will soon appear, he managed to crawl out;
and, to console him, the river was christened with his name. The party made
a bridge of felled trees, on which they crossed in safety. La Salle now
changed their course, and journeyed eastward, when the travellers soon
found themselves in the midst of a numerous Indian population, where they
were feasted and caressed without measure. At another village they were
less fortunate. The inhabitants were friendly by day and hostile by night.
They came to attack the French in their camp, but withdrew, daunted by the
menacing voice of La Salle, who had heard them approaching through the
cane-brake.
La Salle's favorite Shawanoe hunter, Nika, who had followed him from
Canada to France, and from France to Texas, was bitten by a rattlesnake;
and, though he recovered, the accident detained the party for several days.
At length they resumed their journey, but were stopped by a river, called by
Douay, "La Rivière des Malheurs." La Salle and Cavelier, with a few others,
tried to cross on a raft, which, as it reached the channel, was caught by a
current of marvellous swiftness. Douay and Moranget, watching the transit
from the edge of the cane-brake, beheld their commander swept down the
stream, and vanishing, as it were, in an instant. All that day they remained
with their companions on the bank, lamenting in despair for the loss of their
Page 296
guardian angel, for so Douay calls La Salle.[316] It was fast growing dark,
when, to their unspeakable relief, they saw him advancing with his party
along the opposite bank, having succeeded, after great exertion, in guiding
the raft to land. How to rejoin him was now the question. Douay and his
companions, who had tasted no food that day, broke their fast on two young
eagles which they knocked out of their nest, and then spent the night in
rueful consultation as to the means of crossing the river. In the morning
they waded into the marsh, the friar with his breviary in his hood to keep it
dry, and hacked among the canes till they had gathered enough to make
another raft; on which, profiting by La Salle's experience, they safely
crossed, and rejoined him.
Next, they became entangled in a cane-brake, where La Salle, as usual
with him in such cases, took the lead, a hatchet in each hand, and hewed out
a path for his followers. They soon reached the villages of the Cenis
Indians, on and near the river Trinity,—a tribe then powerful, but long since
extinct. Nothing could surpass the friendliness of their welcome. The chiefs
came to meet them, bearing the calumet, and followed by warriors in shirts
of embroidered deer-skin. Then the whole village swarmed out like bees,
gathering around the visitors with offerings of food and all that was
precious in their eyes. La Salle was lodged with the great chief; but he
compelled his men to encamp at a distance, lest the ardor of their gallantry
might give occasion of offence. The lodges of the Cenis, forty or fifty feet
high, and covered with a thatch of meadow-grass, looked like huge bee-
hives. Each held several families, whose fire was in the middle, and their
beds around the circumference. The spoil of the Spaniards was to be seen
on all sides,—silver lamps and spoons, swords, old muskets, money,
clothing, and a bull of the Pope dispensing the Spanish colonists of New
Mexico from fasting during summer.[317] These treasures, as well as their
numerous horses, were obtained by the Cenis from their neighbors and
allies the Camanches, that fierce prairie banditti who then, as now, scourged
the Mexican border with their bloody forays. A party of these wild
horsemen was in the village. Douay was edified at seeing them make the
sign of the cross in imitation of the neophytes of one of the Spanish
missions. They enacted, too, the ceremony of the mass; and one of them, in
his rude way, drew a sketch of a picture he had seen in some church which
he had pillaged, wherein the friar plainly recognized the Virgin weeping at
when, to their unspeakable relief, they saw him advancing with his party
along the opposite bank, having succeeded, after great exertion, in guiding
the raft to land. How to rejoin him was now the question. Douay and his
companions, who had tasted no food that day, broke their fast on two young
eagles which they knocked out of their nest, and then spent the night in
rueful consultation as to the means of crossing the river. In the morning
they waded into the marsh, the friar with his breviary in his hood to keep it
dry, and hacked among the canes till they had gathered enough to make
another raft; on which, profiting by La Salle's experience, they safely
crossed, and rejoined him.
Next, they became entangled in a cane-brake, where La Salle, as usual
with him in such cases, took the lead, a hatchet in each hand, and hewed out
a path for his followers. They soon reached the villages of the Cenis
Indians, on and near the river Trinity,—a tribe then powerful, but long since
extinct. Nothing could surpass the friendliness of their welcome. The chiefs
came to meet them, bearing the calumet, and followed by warriors in shirts
of embroidered deer-skin. Then the whole village swarmed out like bees,
gathering around the visitors with offerings of food and all that was
precious in their eyes. La Salle was lodged with the great chief; but he
compelled his men to encamp at a distance, lest the ardor of their gallantry
might give occasion of offence. The lodges of the Cenis, forty or fifty feet
high, and covered with a thatch of meadow-grass, looked like huge bee-
hives. Each held several families, whose fire was in the middle, and their
beds around the circumference. The spoil of the Spaniards was to be seen
on all sides,—silver lamps and spoons, swords, old muskets, money,
clothing, and a bull of the Pope dispensing the Spanish colonists of New
Mexico from fasting during summer.[317] These treasures, as well as their
numerous horses, were obtained by the Cenis from their neighbors and
allies the Camanches, that fierce prairie banditti who then, as now, scourged
the Mexican border with their bloody forays. A party of these wild
horsemen was in the village. Douay was edified at seeing them make the
sign of the cross in imitation of the neophytes of one of the Spanish
missions. They enacted, too, the ceremony of the mass; and one of them, in
his rude way, drew a sketch of a picture he had seen in some church which
he had pillaged, wherein the friar plainly recognized the Virgin weeping at
Page 297
the foot of the cross. They invited the French to join them on a raid into
New Mexico; and they spoke with contempt, as their tribesmen will speak
to this day, of the Spanish creoles, saying that it would be easy to conquer a
nation of cowards who make people walk before them with fans to cool
them in hot weather.[318]
Soon after leaving the Cenis villages, both La Salle and his nephew
Moranget were attacked by fever. This caused a delay of more than two
months, during which the party seem to have remained encamped on the
Neches, or possibly the Sabine. When at length the invalids had recovered
sufficient strength to travel, the stock of ammunition was nearly spent,
some of the men had deserted, and the condition of the travellers was such
that there seemed no alternative but to return to Fort St. Louis. This they
accordingly did, greatly aided in their march by the horses bought from the
Cenis, and suffering no very serious accident by the way,—excepting the
loss of La Salle's servant, Dumesnil, who was seized by an alligator while
attempting to cross the Colorado.
The temporary excitement caused among the colonists
by their return soon gave place to a dejection bordering DEJECTION.
on despair. "This pleasant land," writes Cavelier,
"seemed to us an abode of weariness and a perpetual prison." Flattering
themselves with the delusion, common to exiles of every kind, that they
were objects of solicitude at home, they watched daily, with straining eyes,
for an approaching sail. Ships, indeed, had ranged the coast to seek them,
but with no friendly intent. Their thoughts dwelt, with unspeakable
yearning, on the France they had left behind, which, to their longing fancy,
was pictured as an unattainable Eden. Well might they despond; for of a
hundred and eighty colonists, besides the crew of the "Belle," less than
forty-five remained. The weary precincts of Fort St. Louis, with its fence of
rigid palisades, its area of trampled earth, its buildings of weather-stained
timber, and its well-peopled graveyard without, were hateful to their sight.
La Salle had a heavy task to save them from despair. His composure, his
unfailing equanimity, his words of encouragement and cheer, were the
breath of life to this forlorn company; for though he could not impart to
minds of less adamantine temper the audacity of hope with which he still
clung to the final accomplishment of his purposes, the contagion of his
hardihood touched, nevertheless, the drooping spirits of his followers.[319]
New Mexico; and they spoke with contempt, as their tribesmen will speak
to this day, of the Spanish creoles, saying that it would be easy to conquer a
nation of cowards who make people walk before them with fans to cool
them in hot weather.[318]
Soon after leaving the Cenis villages, both La Salle and his nephew
Moranget were attacked by fever. This caused a delay of more than two
months, during which the party seem to have remained encamped on the
Neches, or possibly the Sabine. When at length the invalids had recovered
sufficient strength to travel, the stock of ammunition was nearly spent,
some of the men had deserted, and the condition of the travellers was such
that there seemed no alternative but to return to Fort St. Louis. This they
accordingly did, greatly aided in their march by the horses bought from the
Cenis, and suffering no very serious accident by the way,—excepting the
loss of La Salle's servant, Dumesnil, who was seized by an alligator while
attempting to cross the Colorado.
The temporary excitement caused among the colonists
by their return soon gave place to a dejection bordering DEJECTION.
on despair. "This pleasant land," writes Cavelier,
"seemed to us an abode of weariness and a perpetual prison." Flattering
themselves with the delusion, common to exiles of every kind, that they
were objects of solicitude at home, they watched daily, with straining eyes,
for an approaching sail. Ships, indeed, had ranged the coast to seek them,
but with no friendly intent. Their thoughts dwelt, with unspeakable
yearning, on the France they had left behind, which, to their longing fancy,
was pictured as an unattainable Eden. Well might they despond; for of a
hundred and eighty colonists, besides the crew of the "Belle," less than
forty-five remained. The weary precincts of Fort St. Louis, with its fence of
rigid palisades, its area of trampled earth, its buildings of weather-stained
timber, and its well-peopled graveyard without, were hateful to their sight.
La Salle had a heavy task to save them from despair. His composure, his
unfailing equanimity, his words of encouragement and cheer, were the
breath of life to this forlorn company; for though he could not impart to
minds of less adamantine temper the audacity of hope with which he still
clung to the final accomplishment of his purposes, the contagion of his
hardihood touched, nevertheless, the drooping spirits of his followers.[319]
Page 298
The journey to Canada was clearly their only hope;
and, after a brief rest, La Salle prepared to renew the TWELFTH
NIGHT.
attempt. He proposed that Joutel should this time be of
the party; and should proceed from Quebec to France, with his brother
Cavelier, to solicit succors for the colony, while he himself returned to
Texas. A new obstacle was presently interposed. La Salle, whose
constitution seems to have suffered from his long course of hardships, was
attacked in November with hernia. Joutel offered to conduct the party in his
stead; but La Salle replied that his own presence was indispensable at the
Illinois. He had the good fortune to recover, within four or five weeks,
sufficiently to undertake the journey; and all in the fort busied themselves in
preparing an outfit. In such straits were they for clothing, that the sails of
the "Belle" were cut up to make coats for the adventurers. Christmas came,
and was solemnly observed. There was a midnight mass in the chapel,
where Membré, Cavelier, Douay, and their priestly brethren stood before
the altar, in vestments strangely contrasting with the rude temple and the
ruder garb of the worshippers. And as Membré elevated the consecrated
wafer, and the lamps burned dim through the clouds of incense, the
kneeling group drew from the daily miracle such consolation as true
Catholics alone can know. When Twelfth Night came, all gathered in the
hall, and cried, after the jovial old custom, "The King drinks," with hearts,
perhaps, as cheerless as their cups, which were filled with cold water.
On the morrow, the band of adventurers mustered for
the fatal journey.[320] The five horses, bought by La THE LAST
FAREWELL.
Salle of the Indians, stood in the area of the fort, packed
for the march; and here was gathered the wretched remnant of the colony,—
those who were to go, and those who were to stay behind. These latter were
about twenty in all,—Barbier, who was to command in the place of Joutel;
Sablonnière, who, despite his title of marquis, was held in great contempt;
[321]
the friars, Membré and Le Clerc,[322] and the priest Chefdeville,
besides a surgeon, soldiers, laborers, seven women and girls, and several
children, doomed, in this deadly exile, to wait the issues of the journey, and
the possible arrival of a tardy succor. La Salle had made them a last address,
delivered, we are told, with that winning air which, though alien from his
usual bearing, seems to have been at times a natural expression of this
unhappy man.[323] It was a bitter parting, one of sighs, tears, and
and, after a brief rest, La Salle prepared to renew the TWELFTH
NIGHT.
attempt. He proposed that Joutel should this time be of
the party; and should proceed from Quebec to France, with his brother
Cavelier, to solicit succors for the colony, while he himself returned to
Texas. A new obstacle was presently interposed. La Salle, whose
constitution seems to have suffered from his long course of hardships, was
attacked in November with hernia. Joutel offered to conduct the party in his
stead; but La Salle replied that his own presence was indispensable at the
Illinois. He had the good fortune to recover, within four or five weeks,
sufficiently to undertake the journey; and all in the fort busied themselves in
preparing an outfit. In such straits were they for clothing, that the sails of
the "Belle" were cut up to make coats for the adventurers. Christmas came,
and was solemnly observed. There was a midnight mass in the chapel,
where Membré, Cavelier, Douay, and their priestly brethren stood before
the altar, in vestments strangely contrasting with the rude temple and the
ruder garb of the worshippers. And as Membré elevated the consecrated
wafer, and the lamps burned dim through the clouds of incense, the
kneeling group drew from the daily miracle such consolation as true
Catholics alone can know. When Twelfth Night came, all gathered in the
hall, and cried, after the jovial old custom, "The King drinks," with hearts,
perhaps, as cheerless as their cups, which were filled with cold water.
On the morrow, the band of adventurers mustered for
the fatal journey.[320] The five horses, bought by La THE LAST
FAREWELL.
Salle of the Indians, stood in the area of the fort, packed
for the march; and here was gathered the wretched remnant of the colony,—
those who were to go, and those who were to stay behind. These latter were
about twenty in all,—Barbier, who was to command in the place of Joutel;
Sablonnière, who, despite his title of marquis, was held in great contempt;
[321]
the friars, Membré and Le Clerc,[322] and the priest Chefdeville,
besides a surgeon, soldiers, laborers, seven women and girls, and several
children, doomed, in this deadly exile, to wait the issues of the journey, and
the possible arrival of a tardy succor. La Salle had made them a last address,
delivered, we are told, with that winning air which, though alien from his
usual bearing, seems to have been at times a natural expression of this
unhappy man.[323] It was a bitter parting, one of sighs, tears, and
Page 299
embracings,—the farewell of those on whose souls had sunk a heavy
boding that they would never meet again.[324] Equipped and weaponed for
the journey, the adventurers filed from the gate, crossed the river, and held
their slow march over the prairies beyond, till intervening woods and hills
shut Fort St. Louis forever from their sight.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Called by Joutel, Rivière aux Bœufs.
30
1] [ Joutel, Journal Historique, 108; Relation (Margry, iii. 174); Procès Verbal fait au
30 poste de St. Louis, le 18 Avril, 1686.
2]
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 109. Le Clerc, who was not present, says a
30 hundred.
3]
[ The Bay of St. Louis, St. Bernard's Bay, or Matagorda Bay,—for it
30 has borne all these names,—was also called Espiritu Santo Bay by the
4] Spaniards, in common with several other bays in the Gulf of Mexico. An
adjoining bay still retains the name.
[ Cavelier, in his report to the minister, says: "We reached a large village, enclosed with a
30 kind of wall made of clay and sand, and fortified with little towers at intervals, where we
5] found the arms of Spain engraved on a plate of copper, with the date of 1588, attached to a
stake. The inhabitants gave us a kind welcome, and showed us some hammers and an anvil, two
small pieces of iron cannon, a small brass culverin, some pike-heads, some old sword-blades, and
some books of Spanish comedy; and thence they guided us to a little hamlet of fishermen, about
two leagues distant, where they showed us a second stake, also with the arms of Spain, and a few
old chimneys. All this convinced us that the Spaniards had formerly been here." (Cavelier,
Relation du Voyage que mon frère entreprit pour découvrir l'embouchure du fleuve de Missisipy.)
The above is translated from the original draft of Cavelier, which is in my possession. It was
addressed to the colonial minister, after the death of La Salle. The statement concerning the
Spaniards needs confirmation.
[ Compare Joutel with the Spanish account in Carta en que se da noticia de un viaje hecho
30 á la Bahia de Espíritu Santo y de la poblacion que tenian ahi los Franceses; Coleccion de
6] Varios Documentos, 25.
[ For the above incidents of life at Fort St. Louis, see Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 185-
30 218, passim). The printed condensation of the narrative omits most of these particulars.
7]
[ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 206). Compare Le Clerc, ii. 296. Cavelier, always
30 disposed to exaggerate, says that ten men were killed. La Salle had previously had
8] encounters with the Indians, and punished them severely for the trouble they had
given his men. Le Clerc says of the principal fight: "Several Indians were wounded, a few were
killed, and others made prisoners,—one of whom, a girl of three or four years, was baptized, and
died a few days after, as the first-fruit of this mission, and a sure conquest sent to heaven."
Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 219).
boding that they would never meet again.[324] Equipped and weaponed for
the journey, the adventurers filed from the gate, crossed the river, and held
their slow march over the prairies beyond, till intervening woods and hills
shut Fort St. Louis forever from their sight.
FOOTNOTES:
[ Called by Joutel, Rivière aux Bœufs.
30
1] [ Joutel, Journal Historique, 108; Relation (Margry, iii. 174); Procès Verbal fait au
30 poste de St. Louis, le 18 Avril, 1686.
2]
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 109. Le Clerc, who was not present, says a
30 hundred.
3]
[ The Bay of St. Louis, St. Bernard's Bay, or Matagorda Bay,—for it
30 has borne all these names,—was also called Espiritu Santo Bay by the
4] Spaniards, in common with several other bays in the Gulf of Mexico. An
adjoining bay still retains the name.
[ Cavelier, in his report to the minister, says: "We reached a large village, enclosed with a
30 kind of wall made of clay and sand, and fortified with little towers at intervals, where we
5] found the arms of Spain engraved on a plate of copper, with the date of 1588, attached to a
stake. The inhabitants gave us a kind welcome, and showed us some hammers and an anvil, two
small pieces of iron cannon, a small brass culverin, some pike-heads, some old sword-blades, and
some books of Spanish comedy; and thence they guided us to a little hamlet of fishermen, about
two leagues distant, where they showed us a second stake, also with the arms of Spain, and a few
old chimneys. All this convinced us that the Spaniards had formerly been here." (Cavelier,
Relation du Voyage que mon frère entreprit pour découvrir l'embouchure du fleuve de Missisipy.)
The above is translated from the original draft of Cavelier, which is in my possession. It was
addressed to the colonial minister, after the death of La Salle. The statement concerning the
Spaniards needs confirmation.
[ Compare Joutel with the Spanish account in Carta en que se da noticia de un viaje hecho
30 á la Bahia de Espíritu Santo y de la poblacion que tenian ahi los Franceses; Coleccion de
6] Varios Documentos, 25.
[ For the above incidents of life at Fort St. Louis, see Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 185-
30 218, passim). The printed condensation of the narrative omits most of these particulars.
7]
[ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 206). Compare Le Clerc, ii. 296. Cavelier, always
30 disposed to exaggerate, says that ten men were killed. La Salle had previously had
8] encounters with the Indians, and punished them severely for the trouble they had
given his men. Le Clerc says of the principal fight: "Several Indians were wounded, a few were
killed, and others made prisoners,—one of whom, a girl of three or four years, was baptized, and
died a few days after, as the first-fruit of this mission, and a sure conquest sent to heaven."
Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 219).
Page 300
[ [ Cavelier says that he actually reached the Mississippi; but, on the one hand, the
30 31 abbé did not know whether the river in question was the Mississippi or not; and, on
9] 0] the other, he is somewhat inclined to mendacity. Le Clerc says that La Salle thought
he had found the river. According to the Procès Verbal of 18 April, 1686, "il y arriva le 13
Février." Joutel says that La Salle told him "qu'il n'avoit point trouvé sa rivière."
[ Procès Verbal fait au poste de St. Louis, le 18 Avril, 1686.
31
1] [ Cavelier, Relation du Voyage pour découvrir l'Embouchure du Fleuve de
31 Missisipy.
2]
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 140; Anastase Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 303;
31 Cavelier, Relation. The date is from Douay. It does not appear, from his
3] narrative, that they meant to go farther than the Illinois. Cavelier says that after
resting here they were to go to Canada. Joutel supposed that they would go only to the Illinois. La
Salle seems to have been even more reticent than usual.
[ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 226).
31
4] [ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 244, 246.
31
5] [ "Ce fût une desolation extrême pour nous tous qui desesperions de revoir
31 jamais nostre Ange tutélaire, le Sieur de la Salle.... Tout le jour se passa en
6] pleurs et en larmes."—Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 315.
[ Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 321; Cavelier, Relation.
31
7] [ Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 324, 325.
31
8] [ "L'égalité d'humeur du Chef rassuroit tout le monde; et il trouvoit des
31 resources à tout par son esprit qui relevoit les espérances les plus abatues."—
9] Joutel, Journal Historique, 152.
"Il seroit difficile de trouver dans l'Histoire un courage plus intrepide
et plus invincible que celuy du Sieur de la Salle dans les évenemens
contraires; il ne fût jamais abatu, et il espéroit toujours avec le secours du
Ciel de venir à bout de son entreprise malgré tous les obstacles qui se
présentoient."—Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 327.
[ I follow Douay's date, who makes the day of departure the seventh of January, or the day
32 after Twelfth Night. Joutel thinks it was the twelfth of January, but professes uncertainty as
0] to all his dates at this time, as he lost his notes.
[ He had to be kept on short allowance, because he was in the habit of bargaining away
32 everything given to him. He had squandered the little that belonged to him at St. Domingo,
1] in amusements "indignes de sa naissance," and in consequence was suffering from diseases
which disabled him from walking. (Procès Verbal, 18 Avril, 1686.)
[ Maxime le Clerc was a relative of the author of L'Établissement de la Foi.
32
2] [ "Il fit une Harangue pleine d'éloquence et de cet air engageant qui luy estoit si
32 naturel: toute la petite Colonie y estoit presente et en fût touchée jusques aux larmes,
3]
30 31 abbé did not know whether the river in question was the Mississippi or not; and, on
9] 0] the other, he is somewhat inclined to mendacity. Le Clerc says that La Salle thought
he had found the river. According to the Procès Verbal of 18 April, 1686, "il y arriva le 13
Février." Joutel says that La Salle told him "qu'il n'avoit point trouvé sa rivière."
[ Procès Verbal fait au poste de St. Louis, le 18 Avril, 1686.
31
1] [ Cavelier, Relation du Voyage pour découvrir l'Embouchure du Fleuve de
31 Missisipy.
2]
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 140; Anastase Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 303;
31 Cavelier, Relation. The date is from Douay. It does not appear, from his
3] narrative, that they meant to go farther than the Illinois. Cavelier says that after
resting here they were to go to Canada. Joutel supposed that they would go only to the Illinois. La
Salle seems to have been even more reticent than usual.
[ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 226).
31
4] [ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 244, 246.
31
5] [ "Ce fût une desolation extrême pour nous tous qui desesperions de revoir
31 jamais nostre Ange tutélaire, le Sieur de la Salle.... Tout le jour se passa en
6] pleurs et en larmes."—Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 315.
[ Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 321; Cavelier, Relation.
31
7] [ Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 324, 325.
31
8] [ "L'égalité d'humeur du Chef rassuroit tout le monde; et il trouvoit des
31 resources à tout par son esprit qui relevoit les espérances les plus abatues."—
9] Joutel, Journal Historique, 152.
"Il seroit difficile de trouver dans l'Histoire un courage plus intrepide
et plus invincible que celuy du Sieur de la Salle dans les évenemens
contraires; il ne fût jamais abatu, et il espéroit toujours avec le secours du
Ciel de venir à bout de son entreprise malgré tous les obstacles qui se
présentoient."—Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 327.
[ I follow Douay's date, who makes the day of departure the seventh of January, or the day
32 after Twelfth Night. Joutel thinks it was the twelfth of January, but professes uncertainty as
0] to all his dates at this time, as he lost his notes.
[ He had to be kept on short allowance, because he was in the habit of bargaining away
32 everything given to him. He had squandered the little that belonged to him at St. Domingo,
1] in amusements "indignes de sa naissance," and in consequence was suffering from diseases
which disabled him from walking. (Procès Verbal, 18 Avril, 1686.)
[ Maxime le Clerc was a relative of the author of L'Établissement de la Foi.
32
2] [ "Il fit une Harangue pleine d'éloquence et de cet air engageant qui luy estoit si
32 naturel: toute la petite Colonie y estoit presente et en fût touchée jusques aux larmes,
3]
Page 301
persuadée de la nécessité de son voyage et de la droiture de ses intentions."—Douay in Le Clerc,
ii, 330.
[ "Nous nous separâmes les uns des autres, d'une manière si tendre et si triste qu'il
32 sembloit que nous avions tous le secret pressentiment que nous ne nous reverrions
4] jamais."—Joutel, Journal Historique, 158.
ii, 330.
[ "Nous nous separâmes les uns des autres, d'une manière si tendre et si triste qu'il
32 sembloit que nous avions tous le secret pressentiment que nous ne nous reverrions
4] jamais."—Joutel, Journal Historique, 158.
Page 302
CHAPTER XXVII.
1687.
ASSASSINATION OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—Prairie Travelling—A Hunters' Quarrel—The Murder
of Moranget.—The Conspiracy.—Death of La Salle: his Character.
The travellers were crossing a marshy prairie towards LA SALLE'S
a distant belt of woods that followed the course of a little FOLLOWERS.
river. They led with them their five horses, laden with
their scanty baggage, and, with what was of no less importance, their stock
of presents for Indians. Some wore the remains of the clothing they had
worn from France, eked out with deer-skins, dressed in the Indian manner;
and some had coats of old sail-cloth. Here was La Salle, in whom one
would have known, at a glance, the chief of the party; and the priest,
Cavelier, who seems to have shared not one of the high traits of his younger
brother. Here, too, were their nephews, Moranget and the boy Cavelier, now
about seventeen years old; the trusty soldier Joutel; and the friar Anastase
Douay. Duhaut followed, a man of respectable birth and education; and
Liotot, the surgeon of the party. At home, they might perhaps have lived and
died with a fair repute; but the wilderness is a rude touchstone, which often
reveals traits that would have lain buried and unsuspected in civilized life.
The German Hiens, the ex-buccaneer, was also of the number. He had
probably sailed with an English crew; for he was sometimes known as
Gemme Anglais, or "English Jem."[325] The Sieur de Marie; Teissier, a pilot;
L'Archevêque, a servant of Duhaut; and others, to the number in all of
seventeen,—made up the party; to which is to be added Nika, La Salle's
Shawanoe hunter, who, as well as another Indian, had twice crossed the
ocean with him, and still followed his fortunes with an admiring though
undemonstrative fidelity.
They passed the prairie, and neared the forest. Here they saw buffalo; and
the hunters approached, and killed several of them. Then they traversed the
woods; found and forded the shallow and rushy stream, and pushed through
1687.
ASSASSINATION OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—Prairie Travelling—A Hunters' Quarrel—The Murder
of Moranget.—The Conspiracy.—Death of La Salle: his Character.
The travellers were crossing a marshy prairie towards LA SALLE'S
a distant belt of woods that followed the course of a little FOLLOWERS.
river. They led with them their five horses, laden with
their scanty baggage, and, with what was of no less importance, their stock
of presents for Indians. Some wore the remains of the clothing they had
worn from France, eked out with deer-skins, dressed in the Indian manner;
and some had coats of old sail-cloth. Here was La Salle, in whom one
would have known, at a glance, the chief of the party; and the priest,
Cavelier, who seems to have shared not one of the high traits of his younger
brother. Here, too, were their nephews, Moranget and the boy Cavelier, now
about seventeen years old; the trusty soldier Joutel; and the friar Anastase
Douay. Duhaut followed, a man of respectable birth and education; and
Liotot, the surgeon of the party. At home, they might perhaps have lived and
died with a fair repute; but the wilderness is a rude touchstone, which often
reveals traits that would have lain buried and unsuspected in civilized life.
The German Hiens, the ex-buccaneer, was also of the number. He had
probably sailed with an English crew; for he was sometimes known as
Gemme Anglais, or "English Jem."[325] The Sieur de Marie; Teissier, a pilot;
L'Archevêque, a servant of Duhaut; and others, to the number in all of
seventeen,—made up the party; to which is to be added Nika, La Salle's
Shawanoe hunter, who, as well as another Indian, had twice crossed the
ocean with him, and still followed his fortunes with an admiring though
undemonstrative fidelity.
They passed the prairie, and neared the forest. Here they saw buffalo; and
the hunters approached, and killed several of them. Then they traversed the
woods; found and forded the shallow and rushy stream, and pushed through
Page 303
the forest beyond, till they again reached the open prairie. Heavy clouds
gathered over them, and it rained all night; but they sheltered themselves
under the fresh hides of the buffalo they had killed.
It is impossible, as it would be needless, to follow the
detail of their daily march.[326] It was such an one, PRAIRIE
TRAVELLING.
though with unwonted hardship, as is familiar to the
memory of many a prairie traveller of our own time. They suffered greatly
from the want of shoes, and found for a while no better substitute than a
casing of raw buffalo-hide, which they were forced to keep always wet, as,
when dry, it hardened about the foot like iron. At length they bought dressed
deer-skin from the Indians, of which they made tolerable moccasins. The
rivers, streams, and gullies filled with water were without number; and to
cross them they made a boat of bull-hide, like the "bull boat" still used on
the Upper Missouri. This did good service, as, with the help of their horses,
they could carry it with them. Two or three men could cross in it at once,
and the horses swam after them like dogs. Sometimes they traversed the
sunny prairie; sometimes dived into the dark recesses of the forest, where
the buffalo, descending daily from their pastures in long files to drink at the
river, often made a broad and easy path for the travellers. When foul
weather arrested them, they built huts of bark and long meadow-grass; and
safely sheltered lounged away the day, while their horses, picketed near by,
stood steaming in the rain. At night, they usually set a rude stockade about
their camp; and here, by the grassy border of a brook, or at the edge of a
grove where a spring bubbled up through the sands, they lay asleep around
the embers of their fire, while the man on guard listened to the deep
breathing of the slumbering horses, and the howling of the wolves that
saluted the rising moon as it flooded the waste of prairie with pale mystic
radiance.
They met Indians almost daily,—sometimes a band of hunters, mounted
or on foot, chasing buffalo on the plains; sometimes a party of fishermen;
sometimes a winter camp, on the slope of a hill or under the sheltering
border of a forest. They held intercourse with them in the distance by signs;
often they disarmed their distrust, and attracted them into their camp; and
often they visited them in their lodges, where, seated on buffalo-robes, they
smoked with their entertainers, passing the pipe from hand to hand, after the
custom still in use among the prairie tribes. Cavelier says that they once
gathered over them, and it rained all night; but they sheltered themselves
under the fresh hides of the buffalo they had killed.
It is impossible, as it would be needless, to follow the
detail of their daily march.[326] It was such an one, PRAIRIE
TRAVELLING.
though with unwonted hardship, as is familiar to the
memory of many a prairie traveller of our own time. They suffered greatly
from the want of shoes, and found for a while no better substitute than a
casing of raw buffalo-hide, which they were forced to keep always wet, as,
when dry, it hardened about the foot like iron. At length they bought dressed
deer-skin from the Indians, of which they made tolerable moccasins. The
rivers, streams, and gullies filled with water were without number; and to
cross them they made a boat of bull-hide, like the "bull boat" still used on
the Upper Missouri. This did good service, as, with the help of their horses,
they could carry it with them. Two or three men could cross in it at once,
and the horses swam after them like dogs. Sometimes they traversed the
sunny prairie; sometimes dived into the dark recesses of the forest, where
the buffalo, descending daily from their pastures in long files to drink at the
river, often made a broad and easy path for the travellers. When foul
weather arrested them, they built huts of bark and long meadow-grass; and
safely sheltered lounged away the day, while their horses, picketed near by,
stood steaming in the rain. At night, they usually set a rude stockade about
their camp; and here, by the grassy border of a brook, or at the edge of a
grove where a spring bubbled up through the sands, they lay asleep around
the embers of their fire, while the man on guard listened to the deep
breathing of the slumbering horses, and the howling of the wolves that
saluted the rising moon as it flooded the waste of prairie with pale mystic
radiance.
They met Indians almost daily,—sometimes a band of hunters, mounted
or on foot, chasing buffalo on the plains; sometimes a party of fishermen;
sometimes a winter camp, on the slope of a hill or under the sheltering
border of a forest. They held intercourse with them in the distance by signs;
often they disarmed their distrust, and attracted them into their camp; and
often they visited them in their lodges, where, seated on buffalo-robes, they
smoked with their entertainers, passing the pipe from hand to hand, after the
custom still in use among the prairie tribes. Cavelier says that they once
Page 304
saw a band of a hundred and fifty mounted Indians attacking a herd of
buffalo with lances pointed with sharpened bone. The old priest was
delighted with the sport, which he pronounces "the most diverting thing in
the world." On another occasion, when the party were encamped near the
village of a tribe which Cavelier calls Sassory, he saw them catch an
alligator about twelve feet long, which they proceeded to torture as if he
were a human enemy,—first putting out his eyes, and then leading him to
the neighboring prairie, where, having confined him by a number of stakes,
they spent the entire day in tormenting him.[327]
Holding a northerly course, the travellers crossed the Brazos, and reached
the waters of the Trinity. The weather was unfavorable, and on one occasion
they encamped in the rain during four or five days together. It was not an
harmonious company. La Salle's cold and haughty reserve had returned, at
least for those of his followers to whom he was not partial. Duhaut and the
surgeon Liotot, both of whom were men of some property, had a large
pecuniary stake in the enterprise, and were disappointed and incensed at its
ruinous result. They had a quarrel with young Moranget, whose hot and
hasty temper was as little fitted to conciliate as was the harsh reserve of his
uncle. Already at Fort St. Louis, Duhaut had intrigued among the men; and
the mild admonition of Joutel had not, it seems, sufficed to divert him from
his sinister purposes. Liotot, it is said, had secretly sworn vengeance against
La Salle, whom he charged with having caused the death of his brother, or,
as some will have it, his nephew. On one of the former journeys this young
man's strength had failed; and, La Salle having ordered him to return to the
fort, he had been killed by Indians on the way.
buffalo with lances pointed with sharpened bone. The old priest was
delighted with the sport, which he pronounces "the most diverting thing in
the world." On another occasion, when the party were encamped near the
village of a tribe which Cavelier calls Sassory, he saw them catch an
alligator about twelve feet long, which they proceeded to torture as if he
were a human enemy,—first putting out his eyes, and then leading him to
the neighboring prairie, where, having confined him by a number of stakes,
they spent the entire day in tormenting him.[327]
Holding a northerly course, the travellers crossed the Brazos, and reached
the waters of the Trinity. The weather was unfavorable, and on one occasion
they encamped in the rain during four or five days together. It was not an
harmonious company. La Salle's cold and haughty reserve had returned, at
least for those of his followers to whom he was not partial. Duhaut and the
surgeon Liotot, both of whom were men of some property, had a large
pecuniary stake in the enterprise, and were disappointed and incensed at its
ruinous result. They had a quarrel with young Moranget, whose hot and
hasty temper was as little fitted to conciliate as was the harsh reserve of his
uncle. Already at Fort St. Louis, Duhaut had intrigued among the men; and
the mild admonition of Joutel had not, it seems, sufficed to divert him from
his sinister purposes. Liotot, it is said, had secretly sworn vengeance against
La Salle, whom he charged with having caused the death of his brother, or,
as some will have it, his nephew. On one of the former journeys this young
man's strength had failed; and, La Salle having ordered him to return to the
fort, he had been killed by Indians on the way.
Page 305
The party moved again as the weather improved, and
on the fifteenth of March encamped within a few miles MURDER OF
of a spot which La Salle had passed on his preceding MORANGET.
journey, and where he had left a quantity of Indian corn and beans in cache;
that is to say, hidden in the ground or in a hollow tree. As provisions were
falling short, he sent a party from the camp to find it. These men were
Duhaut, Liotot,[328] Hiens the buccaneer, Teissier, L'Archevêque, Nika the
hunter, and La Salle's servant Saget. They opened the cache, and found the
contents spoiled; but as they returned from their bootless errand they saw
buffalo, and Nika shot two of them. They now encamped on the spot, and
sent the servant to inform La Salle, in order that he might send horses to
bring in the meat. Accordingly, on the next day, he directed Moranget and
De Marle, with the necessary horses, to go with Saget to the hunters' camp.
When they arrived, they found that Duhaut and his companions had already
cut up the meat, and laid it upon scaffolds for smoking, though it was not
yet so dry as, it seems, this process required. Duhaut and the others had also
put by, for themselves, the marrow-bones and certain portions of the meat,
to which, by woodland custom, they had a perfect right. Moranget, whose
rashness and violence had once before caused a fatal catastrophe, fell into a
most unreasonable fit of rage, berated and menaced Duhaut and his party,
and ended by seizing upon the whole of the meat, including the reserved
portions. This added fuel to the fire of Duhaut's old grudge against
Moranget and his uncle. There is reason to think that he had harbored
deadly designs, the execution of which was only hastened by the present
outbreak. The surgeon also bore hatred against Moranget, whom he had
nursed with constant attention when wounded by an Indian arrow, and who
had since repaid him with abuse. These two now took counsel apart with
Hiens, Teissier, and L'Archevêque; and it was resolved to kill Moranget that
night. Nika, La Salle's devoted follower, and Saget, his faithful servant,
must die with him. All of the five were of one mind except the pilot
Teissier, who neither aided nor opposed the plot.
Night came: the woods grew dark; the evening meal was finished, and
the evening pipes were smoked. The order of the guard was arranged; and,
doubtless by design, the first hour of the night was assigned to Moranget,
the second to Saget, and the third to Nika. Gun in hand, each stood watch in
turn over the silent but not sleeping forms around him, till, his time
on the fifteenth of March encamped within a few miles MURDER OF
of a spot which La Salle had passed on his preceding MORANGET.
journey, and where he had left a quantity of Indian corn and beans in cache;
that is to say, hidden in the ground or in a hollow tree. As provisions were
falling short, he sent a party from the camp to find it. These men were
Duhaut, Liotot,[328] Hiens the buccaneer, Teissier, L'Archevêque, Nika the
hunter, and La Salle's servant Saget. They opened the cache, and found the
contents spoiled; but as they returned from their bootless errand they saw
buffalo, and Nika shot two of them. They now encamped on the spot, and
sent the servant to inform La Salle, in order that he might send horses to
bring in the meat. Accordingly, on the next day, he directed Moranget and
De Marle, with the necessary horses, to go with Saget to the hunters' camp.
When they arrived, they found that Duhaut and his companions had already
cut up the meat, and laid it upon scaffolds for smoking, though it was not
yet so dry as, it seems, this process required. Duhaut and the others had also
put by, for themselves, the marrow-bones and certain portions of the meat,
to which, by woodland custom, they had a perfect right. Moranget, whose
rashness and violence had once before caused a fatal catastrophe, fell into a
most unreasonable fit of rage, berated and menaced Duhaut and his party,
and ended by seizing upon the whole of the meat, including the reserved
portions. This added fuel to the fire of Duhaut's old grudge against
Moranget and his uncle. There is reason to think that he had harbored
deadly designs, the execution of which was only hastened by the present
outbreak. The surgeon also bore hatred against Moranget, whom he had
nursed with constant attention when wounded by an Indian arrow, and who
had since repaid him with abuse. These two now took counsel apart with
Hiens, Teissier, and L'Archevêque; and it was resolved to kill Moranget that
night. Nika, La Salle's devoted follower, and Saget, his faithful servant,
must die with him. All of the five were of one mind except the pilot
Teissier, who neither aided nor opposed the plot.
Night came: the woods grew dark; the evening meal was finished, and
the evening pipes were smoked. The order of the guard was arranged; and,
doubtless by design, the first hour of the night was assigned to Moranget,
the second to Saget, and the third to Nika. Gun in hand, each stood watch in
turn over the silent but not sleeping forms around him, till, his time
Page 306
expiring, he called the man who was to relieve him, wrapped himself in his
blanket, and was soon buried in a slumber that was to be his last. Now the
assassins rose. Duhaut and Hiens stood with their guns cocked, ready to
shoot down any one of the destined victims who should resist or fly. The
surgeon, with an axe, stole towards the three sleepers, and struck a rapid
blow at each in turn. Saget and Nika died with little movement; but
Moranget started spasmodically into a sitting posture, gasping and unable to
speak; and the murderers compelled De Marle, who was not in their plot, to
compromise himself by despatching him.
The floodgates of murder were open, and the torrent must have its way.
Vengeance and safety alike demanded the death of La Salle. Hiens, or
"English Jem," alone seems to have hesitated; for he was one of those to
whom that stern commander had always been partial. Meanwhile, the
intended victim was still at his camp, about six miles distant. It is easy to
picture, with sufficient accuracy, the features of the scene,—the sheds of
bark and branches, beneath which, among blankets and buffalo-robes,
camp-utensils, pack-saddles, rude harness, guns, powder-horns, and bullet-
pouches, the men lounged away the hour, sleeping or smoking, or talking
among themselves; the blackened kettles that hung from tripods of poles
over the fires; the Indians strolling about the place or lying, like dogs in the
sun, with eyes half-shut, yet all observant; and, in the neighboring meadow,
the horses grazing under the eye of a watchman.
It was the eighteenth of March. Moranget and his
companions had been expected to return the night SUSPENSE.
before; but the whole day passed, and they did not
appear. La Salle became very anxious. He resolved to go and look for them;
but not well knowing the way, he told the Indians who were about the camp
that he would give them a hatchet if they would guide him. One of them
accepted the offer; and La Salle prepared to set out in the morning, at the
same time directing Joutel to be ready to go with him. Joutel says: "That
evening, while we were talking about what could have happened to the
absent men, he seemed to have a presentiment of what was to take place.
He asked me if I had heard of any machinations against them, or if I had
noticed any bad design on the part of Duhaut and the rest. I answered that I
had heard nothing, except that they sometimes complained of being found
fault with so often; and that this was all I knew; besides which, as they were
blanket, and was soon buried in a slumber that was to be his last. Now the
assassins rose. Duhaut and Hiens stood with their guns cocked, ready to
shoot down any one of the destined victims who should resist or fly. The
surgeon, with an axe, stole towards the three sleepers, and struck a rapid
blow at each in turn. Saget and Nika died with little movement; but
Moranget started spasmodically into a sitting posture, gasping and unable to
speak; and the murderers compelled De Marle, who was not in their plot, to
compromise himself by despatching him.
The floodgates of murder were open, and the torrent must have its way.
Vengeance and safety alike demanded the death of La Salle. Hiens, or
"English Jem," alone seems to have hesitated; for he was one of those to
whom that stern commander had always been partial. Meanwhile, the
intended victim was still at his camp, about six miles distant. It is easy to
picture, with sufficient accuracy, the features of the scene,—the sheds of
bark and branches, beneath which, among blankets and buffalo-robes,
camp-utensils, pack-saddles, rude harness, guns, powder-horns, and bullet-
pouches, the men lounged away the hour, sleeping or smoking, or talking
among themselves; the blackened kettles that hung from tripods of poles
over the fires; the Indians strolling about the place or lying, like dogs in the
sun, with eyes half-shut, yet all observant; and, in the neighboring meadow,
the horses grazing under the eye of a watchman.
It was the eighteenth of March. Moranget and his
companions had been expected to return the night SUSPENSE.
before; but the whole day passed, and they did not
appear. La Salle became very anxious. He resolved to go and look for them;
but not well knowing the way, he told the Indians who were about the camp
that he would give them a hatchet if they would guide him. One of them
accepted the offer; and La Salle prepared to set out in the morning, at the
same time directing Joutel to be ready to go with him. Joutel says: "That
evening, while we were talking about what could have happened to the
absent men, he seemed to have a presentiment of what was to take place.
He asked me if I had heard of any machinations against them, or if I had
noticed any bad design on the part of Duhaut and the rest. I answered that I
had heard nothing, except that they sometimes complained of being found
fault with so often; and that this was all I knew; besides which, as they were
Page 307
persuaded that I was in his interest, they would not have told me of any bad
design they might have. We were very uneasy all the rest of the evening."
In the morning, La Salle set out with his Indian guide.
He had changed his mind with regard to Joutel, whom THE FATAL
SHOT.
he now directed to remain in charge of the camp and to
keep a careful watch. He told the friar Anastase Douay to come with him
instead of Joutel, whose gun, which was the best in the party, he borrowed
for the occasion, as well as his pistol. The three proceeded on their way,—
La Salle, the friar, and the Indian. "All the way," writes the friar, "he spoke
to me of nothing but matters of piety, grace, and predestination; enlarging
on the debt he owed to God, who had saved him from so many perils during
more than twenty years of travel in America. Suddenly, I saw him
overwhelmed with a profound sadness, for which he himself could not
account. He was so much moved that I scarcely knew him." He soon
recovered his usual calmness; and they walked on till they approached the
camp of Duhaut, which was on the farther side of a small river. Looking
about him with the eye of a woodsman, La Salle saw two eagles circling in
the air nearly over him, as if attracted by carcasses of beasts or men. He
fired his gun and his pistol, as a summons to any of his followers who
might be within hearing. The shots reached the ears of the conspirators.
Rightly conjecturing by whom they were fired, several of them, led by
Duhaut, crossed the river at a little distance above, where trees or other
intervening objects hid them from sight. Duhaut and the surgeon crouched
like Indians in the long, dry, reed-like grass of the last summer's growth,
while L'Archevêque stood in sight near the bank. La Salle, continuing to
advance, soon saw him, and, calling to him, demanded where was
Moranget. The man, without lifting his hat, or any show of respect, replied
in an agitated and broken voice, but with a tone of studied insolence, that
Moranget was strolling about somewhere. La Salle rebuked and menaced
him. He rejoined with increased insolence, drawing back, as he spoke,
towards the ambuscade, while the incensed commander advanced to
chastise him. At that moment a shot was fired from the grass, instantly
followed by another; and, pierced through the brain, La Salle dropped dead.
The friar at his side stood terror-stricken, unable to advance or to fly;
when Duhaut, rising from the ambuscade, called out to him to take courage,
for he had nothing to fear. The murderers now came forward, and with wild
design they might have. We were very uneasy all the rest of the evening."
In the morning, La Salle set out with his Indian guide.
He had changed his mind with regard to Joutel, whom THE FATAL
SHOT.
he now directed to remain in charge of the camp and to
keep a careful watch. He told the friar Anastase Douay to come with him
instead of Joutel, whose gun, which was the best in the party, he borrowed
for the occasion, as well as his pistol. The three proceeded on their way,—
La Salle, the friar, and the Indian. "All the way," writes the friar, "he spoke
to me of nothing but matters of piety, grace, and predestination; enlarging
on the debt he owed to God, who had saved him from so many perils during
more than twenty years of travel in America. Suddenly, I saw him
overwhelmed with a profound sadness, for which he himself could not
account. He was so much moved that I scarcely knew him." He soon
recovered his usual calmness; and they walked on till they approached the
camp of Duhaut, which was on the farther side of a small river. Looking
about him with the eye of a woodsman, La Salle saw two eagles circling in
the air nearly over him, as if attracted by carcasses of beasts or men. He
fired his gun and his pistol, as a summons to any of his followers who
might be within hearing. The shots reached the ears of the conspirators.
Rightly conjecturing by whom they were fired, several of them, led by
Duhaut, crossed the river at a little distance above, where trees or other
intervening objects hid them from sight. Duhaut and the surgeon crouched
like Indians in the long, dry, reed-like grass of the last summer's growth,
while L'Archevêque stood in sight near the bank. La Salle, continuing to
advance, soon saw him, and, calling to him, demanded where was
Moranget. The man, without lifting his hat, or any show of respect, replied
in an agitated and broken voice, but with a tone of studied insolence, that
Moranget was strolling about somewhere. La Salle rebuked and menaced
him. He rejoined with increased insolence, drawing back, as he spoke,
towards the ambuscade, while the incensed commander advanced to
chastise him. At that moment a shot was fired from the grass, instantly
followed by another; and, pierced through the brain, La Salle dropped dead.
The friar at his side stood terror-stricken, unable to advance or to fly;
when Duhaut, rising from the ambuscade, called out to him to take courage,
for he had nothing to fear. The murderers now came forward, and with wild
Page 308
looks gathered about their victim. "There thou liest, great Bashaw! There
thou liest!"[329] exclaimed the surgeon Liotot, in base exultation over the
unconscious corpse. With mockery and insult, they stripped it naked,
dragged it into the bushes, and left it there, a prey to the buzzards and the
wolves.
Thus in the vigor of his manhood, at the age of forty-three, died Robert
Cavelier de la Salle, "one of the greatest men," writes Tonty, "of this age;"
without question one of the most remarkable explorers whose names live in
history. His faithful officer Joutel thus sketches his portrait: "His firmness,
his courage, his great knowledge of the arts and sciences, which made him
equal to every undertaking, and his untiring energy, which enabled him to
surmount every obstacle, would have won at last a glorious success for his
grand enterprise, had not all his fine qualities been counterbalanced by a
haughtiness of manner which often made him insupportable, and by a
harshness towards those under his command which drew upon him an
implacable hatred, and was at last the cause of his death."[330]
The enthusiasm of the disinterested and chivalrous
Champlain was not the enthusiasm of La Salle; nor had HIS
he any part in the self-devoted zeal of the early Jesuit CHARACTER.
explorers. He belonged not to the age of the knight-errant and the saint, but
to the modern world of practical study and practical action. He was the hero
not of a principle nor of a faith, but simply of a fixed idea and a determined
purpose. As often happens with concentred and energetic natures, his
purpose was to him a passion and an inspiration; and he clung to it with a
certain fanaticism of devotion. It was the offspring of an ambition vast and
comprehensive, yet acting in the interest both of France and of civilization.
Serious in all things, incapable of the lighter pleasures, incapable of
repose, finding no joy but in the pursuit of great designs, too shy for society
and too reserved for popularity, often unsympathetic and always seeming
so, smothering emotions which he could not utter, schooled to universal
distrust, stern to his followers and pitiless to himself, bearing the brunt of
every hardship and every danger, demanding of others an equal constancy
joined to an implicit deference, heeding no counsel but his own, attempting
the impossible and grasping at what was too vast to hold,—he contained in
thou liest!"[329] exclaimed the surgeon Liotot, in base exultation over the
unconscious corpse. With mockery and insult, they stripped it naked,
dragged it into the bushes, and left it there, a prey to the buzzards and the
wolves.
Thus in the vigor of his manhood, at the age of forty-three, died Robert
Cavelier de la Salle, "one of the greatest men," writes Tonty, "of this age;"
without question one of the most remarkable explorers whose names live in
history. His faithful officer Joutel thus sketches his portrait: "His firmness,
his courage, his great knowledge of the arts and sciences, which made him
equal to every undertaking, and his untiring energy, which enabled him to
surmount every obstacle, would have won at last a glorious success for his
grand enterprise, had not all his fine qualities been counterbalanced by a
haughtiness of manner which often made him insupportable, and by a
harshness towards those under his command which drew upon him an
implacable hatred, and was at last the cause of his death."[330]
The enthusiasm of the disinterested and chivalrous
Champlain was not the enthusiasm of La Salle; nor had HIS
he any part in the self-devoted zeal of the early Jesuit CHARACTER.
explorers. He belonged not to the age of the knight-errant and the saint, but
to the modern world of practical study and practical action. He was the hero
not of a principle nor of a faith, but simply of a fixed idea and a determined
purpose. As often happens with concentred and energetic natures, his
purpose was to him a passion and an inspiration; and he clung to it with a
certain fanaticism of devotion. It was the offspring of an ambition vast and
comprehensive, yet acting in the interest both of France and of civilization.
Serious in all things, incapable of the lighter pleasures, incapable of
repose, finding no joy but in the pursuit of great designs, too shy for society
and too reserved for popularity, often unsympathetic and always seeming
so, smothering emotions which he could not utter, schooled to universal
distrust, stern to his followers and pitiless to himself, bearing the brunt of
every hardship and every danger, demanding of others an equal constancy
joined to an implicit deference, heeding no counsel but his own, attempting
the impossible and grasping at what was too vast to hold,—he contained in
Page 309
his own complex and painful nature the chief springs of his triumphs, his
failures, and his death.
It is easy to reckon up his defects, but it is not easy to hide from sight the
Roman virtues that redeemed them. Beset by a throng of enemies, he
stands, like the King of Israel, head and shoulders above them all. He was a
tower of adamant, against whose impregnable front hardship and danger,
the rage of man and of the elements, the southern sun, the northern blast,
fatigue, famine, disease, delay, disappointment, and deferred hope emptied
their quivers in vain. That very pride which, Coriolanus-like, declared itself
most sternly in the thickest press of foes, has in it something to challenge
admiration. Never, under the impenetrable mail of paladin or crusader, beat
a heart of more intrepid mettle than within the stoic panoply that armed the
breast of La Salle. To estimate aright the marvels of his patient fortitude,
one must follow on his track through the vast scene of his interminable
journeyings,—those thousands of weary miles of forest, marsh, and river,
where, again and again, in the bitterness of baffled striving, the untiring
pilgrim pushed onward towards the goal which he was never to attain.
America owes him an enduring memory; for in this masculine figure she
sees the pioneer who guided her to the possession of her richest heritage.
[331]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Tonty also speaks of him as "un flibustier anglois." In another document, he is called
32 "James."
5]
[ Of the three narratives of this journey, those of Joutel, Cavelier, and Anastase
32 Douay, the first is by far the best. That of Cavelier seems the work of a man of
6] confused brain and indifferent memory. Some of his statements are irreconcilable
with those of Joutel and Douay; and known facts of his history justify the suspicion of a wilful
inaccuracy. Joutel's account is of a very different character, and seems to be the work of an honest
and intelligent man. Douay's account if brief; but it agrees with that of Joutel, in most essential
points.
[ Cavelier, Relation.
32
7] [ Called Lanquetot by Tonty.
32
8] [ "Te voilà, grand Bacha, te voilà!"—Joutel, Journal Historique, 203.
32
9] [ Ibid.
33
failures, and his death.
It is easy to reckon up his defects, but it is not easy to hide from sight the
Roman virtues that redeemed them. Beset by a throng of enemies, he
stands, like the King of Israel, head and shoulders above them all. He was a
tower of adamant, against whose impregnable front hardship and danger,
the rage of man and of the elements, the southern sun, the northern blast,
fatigue, famine, disease, delay, disappointment, and deferred hope emptied
their quivers in vain. That very pride which, Coriolanus-like, declared itself
most sternly in the thickest press of foes, has in it something to challenge
admiration. Never, under the impenetrable mail of paladin or crusader, beat
a heart of more intrepid mettle than within the stoic panoply that armed the
breast of La Salle. To estimate aright the marvels of his patient fortitude,
one must follow on his track through the vast scene of his interminable
journeyings,—those thousands of weary miles of forest, marsh, and river,
where, again and again, in the bitterness of baffled striving, the untiring
pilgrim pushed onward towards the goal which he was never to attain.
America owes him an enduring memory; for in this masculine figure she
sees the pioneer who guided her to the possession of her richest heritage.
[331]
FOOTNOTES:
[ Tonty also speaks of him as "un flibustier anglois." In another document, he is called
32 "James."
5]
[ Of the three narratives of this journey, those of Joutel, Cavelier, and Anastase
32 Douay, the first is by far the best. That of Cavelier seems the work of a man of
6] confused brain and indifferent memory. Some of his statements are irreconcilable
with those of Joutel and Douay; and known facts of his history justify the suspicion of a wilful
inaccuracy. Joutel's account is of a very different character, and seems to be the work of an honest
and intelligent man. Douay's account if brief; but it agrees with that of Joutel, in most essential
points.
[ Cavelier, Relation.
32
7] [ Called Lanquetot by Tonty.
32
8] [ "Te voilà, grand Bacha, te voilà!"—Joutel, Journal Historique, 203.
32
9] [ Ibid.
33
Page 310
0] [ On the assassination of La Salle, the evidence is fourfold: 1. The narrative of
33 Douay, who was with him at the time. 2. That of Joutel, who learned the facts,
1] immediately after they took place, from Douay and others, and who parted from La
Salle an hour or more before his death. 3. A document preserved in the Archives de la Marine,
entitled Relation de la Mort du Sr. de la Salle, suivant le rapport d'un nommé Couture à qui M.
Cavelier l'apprit en passant au pays des Akansa, avec toutes les circonstances que le dit Couture
a apprises d'un François que M. Cavelier avoit laissé aux dits pays des Akansa, crainte qu'il ne
gardât pas le secret. 4. The authentic memoir of Tonty, of which a copy from the original is
before me, and which has recently been printed by Margry.
The narrative of Cavelier unfortunately fails us several weeks before
the death of his brother, the remainder being lost. On a study of these
various documents, it is impossible to resist the conclusion that neither
Cavelier nor Douay always wrote honestly. Joutel, on the contrary, gives
the impression of sense, intelligence, and candor throughout. Charlevoix,
who knew him long after, says that he was "un fort honnête homme, et le
seul de la troupe de M. de la Salle, sur qui ce célèbre voyageur pût
compter." Tonty derived his information from the survivors of La Salle's
party. Couture, whose statements are embodied in the Relation de la
Mort de M. de la Salle, was one of Tonty's men, who, as will be seen
hereafter, were left by him at the mouth of the Arkansas, and to whom
Cavelier told the story of his brother's death. Couture also repeats the
statements of one of La Salle's followers, undoubtedly a Parisian boy,
named Barthelemy, who was violently prejudiced against his chief,
whom he slanders to the utmost of his skill, saying that he was so
enraged at his failures that he did not approach the sacraments for two
years; that he nearly starved his brother Cavelier, allowing him only a
handful of meal a day; that he killed with his own hand "quantité de
personnes," who did not work to his liking; and that he killed the sick in
their beds, without mercy, under the pretence that they were
counterfeiting sickness in order to escape work. These assertions
certainly have no other foundation than the undeniable rigor of La Salle's
command. Douay says that he confessed and made his devotions on the
morning of his death, while Cavelier always speaks of him as the hope
and the staff of the colony.
Douay declares that La Salle lived an hour after the fatal shot; that he
gave him absolution, buried his body, and planted a cross on his grave.
At the time, he told Joutel a different story; and the latter, with the best
means of learning the facts, explicitly denies the friar's printed statement.
33 Douay, who was with him at the time. 2. That of Joutel, who learned the facts,
1] immediately after they took place, from Douay and others, and who parted from La
Salle an hour or more before his death. 3. A document preserved in the Archives de la Marine,
entitled Relation de la Mort du Sr. de la Salle, suivant le rapport d'un nommé Couture à qui M.
Cavelier l'apprit en passant au pays des Akansa, avec toutes les circonstances que le dit Couture
a apprises d'un François que M. Cavelier avoit laissé aux dits pays des Akansa, crainte qu'il ne
gardât pas le secret. 4. The authentic memoir of Tonty, of which a copy from the original is
before me, and which has recently been printed by Margry.
The narrative of Cavelier unfortunately fails us several weeks before
the death of his brother, the remainder being lost. On a study of these
various documents, it is impossible to resist the conclusion that neither
Cavelier nor Douay always wrote honestly. Joutel, on the contrary, gives
the impression of sense, intelligence, and candor throughout. Charlevoix,
who knew him long after, says that he was "un fort honnête homme, et le
seul de la troupe de M. de la Salle, sur qui ce célèbre voyageur pût
compter." Tonty derived his information from the survivors of La Salle's
party. Couture, whose statements are embodied in the Relation de la
Mort de M. de la Salle, was one of Tonty's men, who, as will be seen
hereafter, were left by him at the mouth of the Arkansas, and to whom
Cavelier told the story of his brother's death. Couture also repeats the
statements of one of La Salle's followers, undoubtedly a Parisian boy,
named Barthelemy, who was violently prejudiced against his chief,
whom he slanders to the utmost of his skill, saying that he was so
enraged at his failures that he did not approach the sacraments for two
years; that he nearly starved his brother Cavelier, allowing him only a
handful of meal a day; that he killed with his own hand "quantité de
personnes," who did not work to his liking; and that he killed the sick in
their beds, without mercy, under the pretence that they were
counterfeiting sickness in order to escape work. These assertions
certainly have no other foundation than the undeniable rigor of La Salle's
command. Douay says that he confessed and made his devotions on the
morning of his death, while Cavelier always speaks of him as the hope
and the staff of the colony.
Douay declares that La Salle lived an hour after the fatal shot; that he
gave him absolution, buried his body, and planted a cross on his grave.
At the time, he told Joutel a different story; and the latter, with the best
means of learning the facts, explicitly denies the friar's printed statement.
Page 311
Couture, on the authority of Cavelier himself, also says that neither he
nor Douay was permitted to take any step for burying the body. Tonty
says that Cavelier begged leave to do so, but was refused. Douay,
unwilling to place upon record facts from which the inference might
easily be drawn that he had been terrified from discharging his duty, no
doubt invented the story of the burial, as well as that of the edifying
behavior of Moranget, after he had been struck in the head with an axe.
The locality of La Salle's assassination is sufficiently clear, from a
comparison of the several narratives; and it is also indicated on a
contemporary manuscript map, made on the return of the survivors of the
party to France. The scene of the catastrophe is here placed on a southern
branch of the Trinity.
La Salle's debts, at the time of his death, according to a schedule
presented in 1701 to Champigny, intendant of Canada, amounted to
106,831 livres, without reckoning interest. This cannot be meant to
include all, as items are given which raise the amount much higher. In
1678 and 1679 alone, he contracted debts to the amount of 97,184 livres,
of which 46,000 were furnished by Branssac, fiscal attorney of the
Seminary of Montreal. This was to be paid in beaver-skins. Frontenac, at
the same time, became his surety for 13,623 livres. In 1684, he borrowed
34,825 livres from the Sieur Pen, at Paris. These sums do not include the
losses incurred by his family, which, in the memorial presented by them
to the King, are set down at 500,000 livres for the expeditions between
1678 and 1683, and 300,000 livres for the fatal Texan expedition of 1684
These last figures are certainly exaggerated.
nor Douay was permitted to take any step for burying the body. Tonty
says that Cavelier begged leave to do so, but was refused. Douay,
unwilling to place upon record facts from which the inference might
easily be drawn that he had been terrified from discharging his duty, no
doubt invented the story of the burial, as well as that of the edifying
behavior of Moranget, after he had been struck in the head with an axe.
The locality of La Salle's assassination is sufficiently clear, from a
comparison of the several narratives; and it is also indicated on a
contemporary manuscript map, made on the return of the survivors of the
party to France. The scene of the catastrophe is here placed on a southern
branch of the Trinity.
La Salle's debts, at the time of his death, according to a schedule
presented in 1701 to Champigny, intendant of Canada, amounted to
106,831 livres, without reckoning interest. This cannot be meant to
include all, as items are given which raise the amount much higher. In
1678 and 1679 alone, he contracted debts to the amount of 97,184 livres,
of which 46,000 were furnished by Branssac, fiscal attorney of the
Seminary of Montreal. This was to be paid in beaver-skins. Frontenac, at
the same time, became his surety for 13,623 livres. In 1684, he borrowed
34,825 livres from the Sieur Pen, at Paris. These sums do not include the
losses incurred by his family, which, in the memorial presented by them
to the King, are set down at 500,000 livres for the expeditions between
1678 and 1683, and 300,000 livres for the fatal Texan expedition of 1684
These last figures are certainly exaggerated.
Page 312
CHAPTER XXVIII.
1687, 1688.
THE INNOCENT AND THE GUILTY.
Triumph of the Murderers.—Danger of Joutel.—Joutel among the Cenis.
—White Savages.—Insolence of Duhaut and his Accomplices.—
Murder of Duhaut and Liotot.—Hiens, the Buccaneer.—Joutel and
his Party: their Escape; they reach the Arkansas.—Bravery and
Devotion of Tonty.—The Fugitives reach the Illinois.—Unworthy
Conduct of Cavelier.—He and his Companions return to France.
Father Anastase Douay returned to the camp, and, aghast with grief and
terror, rushed into the hut of Cavelier. "My poor brother is dead!" cried the
priest, instantly divining the catastrophe from the horror-stricken face of the
messenger. Close behind came the murderers, Duhaut at their head.
Cavelier, his young nephew, and Douay himself, all fell on their knees,
expecting instant death. The priest begged piteously for half an hour to
prepare for his end; but terror and submission sufficed, and no more blood
was shed. The camp yielded without resistance; and Duhaut was lord of all.
In truth, there were none to oppose him; for, except the assassins
themselves, the party was now reduced to six persons,—Joutel, Douay, the
elder Cavelier, his young nephew, and two other boys, the orphan Talon and
a lad called Barthelemy.
Joutel, for the moment, was absent; and
L'Archevêque, who had a kindness for him, went quietly DOUBT AND
ANXIETY.
to seek him. He found him on a hillock, making a fire of
dried grass in order that the smoke might guide La Salle on his return, and
watching the horses grazing in the meadow below. "I was very much
surprised," writes Joutel, "when I saw him approaching. When he came up
to me he seemed all in confusion, or, rather, out of his wits. He began with
saying that there was very bad news. I asked what it was. He answered that
the Sieur de la Salle was dead, and also his nephew the Sieur de Moranget,
his Indian hunter, and his servant. I was petrified, and did not know what to
1687, 1688.
THE INNOCENT AND THE GUILTY.
Triumph of the Murderers.—Danger of Joutel.—Joutel among the Cenis.
—White Savages.—Insolence of Duhaut and his Accomplices.—
Murder of Duhaut and Liotot.—Hiens, the Buccaneer.—Joutel and
his Party: their Escape; they reach the Arkansas.—Bravery and
Devotion of Tonty.—The Fugitives reach the Illinois.—Unworthy
Conduct of Cavelier.—He and his Companions return to France.
Father Anastase Douay returned to the camp, and, aghast with grief and
terror, rushed into the hut of Cavelier. "My poor brother is dead!" cried the
priest, instantly divining the catastrophe from the horror-stricken face of the
messenger. Close behind came the murderers, Duhaut at their head.
Cavelier, his young nephew, and Douay himself, all fell on their knees,
expecting instant death. The priest begged piteously for half an hour to
prepare for his end; but terror and submission sufficed, and no more blood
was shed. The camp yielded without resistance; and Duhaut was lord of all.
In truth, there were none to oppose him; for, except the assassins
themselves, the party was now reduced to six persons,—Joutel, Douay, the
elder Cavelier, his young nephew, and two other boys, the orphan Talon and
a lad called Barthelemy.
Joutel, for the moment, was absent; and
L'Archevêque, who had a kindness for him, went quietly DOUBT AND
ANXIETY.
to seek him. He found him on a hillock, making a fire of
dried grass in order that the smoke might guide La Salle on his return, and
watching the horses grazing in the meadow below. "I was very much
surprised," writes Joutel, "when I saw him approaching. When he came up
to me he seemed all in confusion, or, rather, out of his wits. He began with
saying that there was very bad news. I asked what it was. He answered that
the Sieur de la Salle was dead, and also his nephew the Sieur de Moranget,
his Indian hunter, and his servant. I was petrified, and did not know what to
Page 313
say; for I saw that they had been murdered. The man added that, at first, the
murderers had sworn to kill me too. I easily believed it, for I had always
been in the interest of M. de la Salle, and had commanded in his place; and
it is hard to please everybody, or prevent some from being dissatisfied. I
was greatly perplexed as to what I ought to do, and whether I had not better
escape to the woods, whithersoever God should guide me; but, by bad or
good luck, I had no gun and only one pistol, without balls or powder except
what was in my powder-horn. To whatever side I turned, my life was in
great peril. It is true that L'Archevêque assured me that they had changed
their minds, and had agreed to murder nobody else, unless they met with
resistance. So, being in no condition, as I just said, to go far, having neither
arms nor powder, I abandoned myself to Providence, and went back to the
camp, where I found that these wretched murderers had seized everything
belonging to M. de la Salle, and even my personal effects. They had also
taken possession of all the arms. The first words that Duhaut said to me
were, that each should command in turn; to which I made no answer. I saw
M. Cavelier praying in a corner, and Father Anastase in another. He did not
dare to speak to me, nor did I dare to go towards him till I had seen the
designs of the assassins. They were in furious excitement, but, nevertheless,
very uneasy and embarrassed. I was some time without speaking, and, as it
were, without moving, for fear of giving umbrage to our enemies.
"They had cooked some meat, and when it was supper-time they
distributed it as they saw fit, saying that formerly their share had been
served out to them, but that it was they who would serve it out in future.
They, no doubt, wanted me to say something that would give them a chance
to make a noise; but I managed always to keep my mouth closed. When
night came and it was time to stand guard, they were in perplexity, as they
could not do it alone; therefore they said to M. Cavelier, Father Anastase,
me, and the others who were not in the plot with them, that all we had to do
was to stand guard as usual; that there was no use in thinking about what
had happened,—that what was done was done; that they had been driven to
it by despair, and that they were sorry for it, and meant no more harm to
anybody. M. Cavelier took up the word, and told them that when they killed
M. de la Salle they killed themselves, for there was nobody but him who
could get us out of this country. At last, after a good deal of talk on both
sides, they gave us our arms. So we stood guard; during which, M. Cavelier
murderers had sworn to kill me too. I easily believed it, for I had always
been in the interest of M. de la Salle, and had commanded in his place; and
it is hard to please everybody, or prevent some from being dissatisfied. I
was greatly perplexed as to what I ought to do, and whether I had not better
escape to the woods, whithersoever God should guide me; but, by bad or
good luck, I had no gun and only one pistol, without balls or powder except
what was in my powder-horn. To whatever side I turned, my life was in
great peril. It is true that L'Archevêque assured me that they had changed
their minds, and had agreed to murder nobody else, unless they met with
resistance. So, being in no condition, as I just said, to go far, having neither
arms nor powder, I abandoned myself to Providence, and went back to the
camp, where I found that these wretched murderers had seized everything
belonging to M. de la Salle, and even my personal effects. They had also
taken possession of all the arms. The first words that Duhaut said to me
were, that each should command in turn; to which I made no answer. I saw
M. Cavelier praying in a corner, and Father Anastase in another. He did not
dare to speak to me, nor did I dare to go towards him till I had seen the
designs of the assassins. They were in furious excitement, but, nevertheless,
very uneasy and embarrassed. I was some time without speaking, and, as it
were, without moving, for fear of giving umbrage to our enemies.
"They had cooked some meat, and when it was supper-time they
distributed it as they saw fit, saying that formerly their share had been
served out to them, but that it was they who would serve it out in future.
They, no doubt, wanted me to say something that would give them a chance
to make a noise; but I managed always to keep my mouth closed. When
night came and it was time to stand guard, they were in perplexity, as they
could not do it alone; therefore they said to M. Cavelier, Father Anastase,
me, and the others who were not in the plot with them, that all we had to do
was to stand guard as usual; that there was no use in thinking about what
had happened,—that what was done was done; that they had been driven to
it by despair, and that they were sorry for it, and meant no more harm to
anybody. M. Cavelier took up the word, and told them that when they killed
M. de la Salle they killed themselves, for there was nobody but him who
could get us out of this country. At last, after a good deal of talk on both
sides, they gave us our arms. So we stood guard; during which, M. Cavelier
Page 314
told me how they had come to the camp, entered his hut like so many
madmen, and seized everything in it."
Joutel, Douay, and the two Caveliers spent a sleepless night, consulting
as to what they should do. They mutually pledged themselves to stand by
each other to the last, and to escape as soon as they could from the company
of the assassins. In the morning, Duhaut and his accomplices, after much
discussion, resolved to go to the Cenis villages; and, accordingly, the whole
party broke up their camp, packed their horses, and began their march. They
went five leagues, and encamped at the edge of a grove. On the following
day they advanced again till noon, when heavy rains began, and they were
forced to stop by the banks of a river. "We passed the night and the next day
there," says Joutel; "and during that time my mind was possessed with dark
thoughts. It was hard to prevent ourselves from being in constant fear
among such men, and we could not look at them without horror. When I
thought of the cruel deeds they had committed, and the danger we were in
from them, I longed to revenge the evil they had done us. This would have
been easy while they were asleep; but M. Cavelier dissuaded us, saying that
we ought to leave vengeance to God, and that he himself had more to
revenge than we, having lost his brother and his nephew."
The comic alternated with the tragic. On the twenty-
third, they reached the bank of a river too deep to ford. JOURNEY TO
THE CENIS.
Those who knew how to swim crossed without
difficulty, but Joutel, Cavelier, and Douay were not of the number.
Accordingly, they launched a log of light, dry wood, embraced it with one
arm, and struck out for the other bank with their legs and the arm that was
left free. But the friar became frightened. "He only clung fast to the
aforesaid log," says Joutel, "and did nothing to help us forward. While I was
trying to swim, my body being stretched at full length, I hit him in the belly
with my feet; on which he thought it was all over with him, and, I can
answer for it, he invoked Saint Francis with might and main. I could not
help laughing, though I was myself in danger of drowning." Some Indians
who had joined the party swam to the rescue, and pushed the log across.
The path to the Cenis villages was exceedingly faint, and but for the
Indians they would have lost the way. They crossed the main stream of the
Trinity in a boat of raw hides, and then, being short of provisions, held a
madmen, and seized everything in it."
Joutel, Douay, and the two Caveliers spent a sleepless night, consulting
as to what they should do. They mutually pledged themselves to stand by
each other to the last, and to escape as soon as they could from the company
of the assassins. In the morning, Duhaut and his accomplices, after much
discussion, resolved to go to the Cenis villages; and, accordingly, the whole
party broke up their camp, packed their horses, and began their march. They
went five leagues, and encamped at the edge of a grove. On the following
day they advanced again till noon, when heavy rains began, and they were
forced to stop by the banks of a river. "We passed the night and the next day
there," says Joutel; "and during that time my mind was possessed with dark
thoughts. It was hard to prevent ourselves from being in constant fear
among such men, and we could not look at them without horror. When I
thought of the cruel deeds they had committed, and the danger we were in
from them, I longed to revenge the evil they had done us. This would have
been easy while they were asleep; but M. Cavelier dissuaded us, saying that
we ought to leave vengeance to God, and that he himself had more to
revenge than we, having lost his brother and his nephew."
The comic alternated with the tragic. On the twenty-
third, they reached the bank of a river too deep to ford. JOURNEY TO
THE CENIS.
Those who knew how to swim crossed without
difficulty, but Joutel, Cavelier, and Douay were not of the number.
Accordingly, they launched a log of light, dry wood, embraced it with one
arm, and struck out for the other bank with their legs and the arm that was
left free. But the friar became frightened. "He only clung fast to the
aforesaid log," says Joutel, "and did nothing to help us forward. While I was
trying to swim, my body being stretched at full length, I hit him in the belly
with my feet; on which he thought it was all over with him, and, I can
answer for it, he invoked Saint Francis with might and main. I could not
help laughing, though I was myself in danger of drowning." Some Indians
who had joined the party swam to the rescue, and pushed the log across.
The path to the Cenis villages was exceedingly faint, and but for the
Indians they would have lost the way. They crossed the main stream of the
Trinity in a boat of raw hides, and then, being short of provisions, held a
Page 315
council to determine what they should do. It was resolved that Joutel, with
Hiens, Liotot, and Teissier, should go in advance to the villages and buy a
supply of corn. Thus, Joutel found himself doomed to the company of three
villains, who, he strongly suspected, were contriving an opportunity to kill
him; but, as he had no choice, he dissembled his doubts, and set out with his
sinister companions, Duhaut having first supplied him with goods for the
intended barter.
They rode over hills and plains till night, encamped,
supped on a wild turkey, and continued their journey till JOUTEL AND
the afternoon of the next day, when they saw three men THE CENIS.
approaching on horseback, one of whom, to Joutel's alarm, was dressed like
a Spaniard. He proved, however, to be a Cenis Indian, like the others. The
three turned their horses' heads, and accompanied the Frenchmen on their
way. At length they neared the Indian town, which, with its large thatched
lodges, looked like a cluster of gigantic haystacks. Their approach had been
made known, and they were received in solemn state. Twelve of the elders
came to meet them in their dress of ceremony, each with his face daubed
red or black, and his head adorned with painted plumes. From their
shoulders hung deer-skins wrought with gay colors. Some carried war-
clubs; some, bows and arrows; some, the blades of Spanish rapiers, attached
to wooden handles decorated with hawk's bells and bunches of feathers.
They stopped before the honored guests, and, raising their hands aloft,
uttered howls so extraordinary that Joutel could hardly preserve the gravity
which the occasion demanded. Having next embraced the Frenchmen, the
elders conducted them into the village, attended by a crowd of warriors and
young men; ushered them into their town-hall, a large lodge, devoted to
councils, feasts, dances, and other public assemblies; seated them on mats,
and squatted in a ring around them. Here they were regaled with sagamite
or Indian porridge, corn-cake, beans, bread made of the meal of parched
corn, and another kind of bread made of the kernels of nuts and the seed of
sunflowers. Then the pipe was lighted, and all smoked together. The four
Frenchmen proposed to open a traffic for provisions, and their entertainers
grunted assent.
Joutel found a Frenchman in the village. He was a young man from
Provence, who had deserted from La Salle on his last journey, and was now,
to all appearance, a savage like his adopted countrymen, being naked like
Hiens, Liotot, and Teissier, should go in advance to the villages and buy a
supply of corn. Thus, Joutel found himself doomed to the company of three
villains, who, he strongly suspected, were contriving an opportunity to kill
him; but, as he had no choice, he dissembled his doubts, and set out with his
sinister companions, Duhaut having first supplied him with goods for the
intended barter.
They rode over hills and plains till night, encamped,
supped on a wild turkey, and continued their journey till JOUTEL AND
the afternoon of the next day, when they saw three men THE CENIS.
approaching on horseback, one of whom, to Joutel's alarm, was dressed like
a Spaniard. He proved, however, to be a Cenis Indian, like the others. The
three turned their horses' heads, and accompanied the Frenchmen on their
way. At length they neared the Indian town, which, with its large thatched
lodges, looked like a cluster of gigantic haystacks. Their approach had been
made known, and they were received in solemn state. Twelve of the elders
came to meet them in their dress of ceremony, each with his face daubed
red or black, and his head adorned with painted plumes. From their
shoulders hung deer-skins wrought with gay colors. Some carried war-
clubs; some, bows and arrows; some, the blades of Spanish rapiers, attached
to wooden handles decorated with hawk's bells and bunches of feathers.
They stopped before the honored guests, and, raising their hands aloft,
uttered howls so extraordinary that Joutel could hardly preserve the gravity
which the occasion demanded. Having next embraced the Frenchmen, the
elders conducted them into the village, attended by a crowd of warriors and
young men; ushered them into their town-hall, a large lodge, devoted to
councils, feasts, dances, and other public assemblies; seated them on mats,
and squatted in a ring around them. Here they were regaled with sagamite
or Indian porridge, corn-cake, beans, bread made of the meal of parched
corn, and another kind of bread made of the kernels of nuts and the seed of
sunflowers. Then the pipe was lighted, and all smoked together. The four
Frenchmen proposed to open a traffic for provisions, and their entertainers
grunted assent.
Joutel found a Frenchman in the village. He was a young man from
Provence, who had deserted from La Salle on his last journey, and was now,
to all appearance, a savage like his adopted countrymen, being naked like
Page 316
them, and affecting to have forgotten his native language. He was very
friendly, however, and invited the visitors to a neighboring village, where
he lived, and where, as he told them, they would find a better supply of
corn. They accordingly set out with him, escorted by a crowd of Indians.
They saw lodges and clusters of lodges scattered along their path at
intervals, each with its field of corn, beans, and pumpkins, rudely cultivated
with a wooden hoe. Reaching their destination, which was four or five
leagues distant, they were greeted with the same honors as at the first
village, and, the ceremonial of welcome over, were lodged in the abode of
the savage Frenchman. It is not to be supposed, however, that he and his
squaws, of whom he had a considerable number, dwelt here alone; for these
lodges of the Cenis often contained eight or ten families. They were made
by firmly planting in a circle tall, straight young trees, such as grew in the
swamps. The tops were then bent inward and lashed together; great
numbers of cross-pieces were bound on; and the frame thus constructed was
thickly covered with thatch, a hole being left at the top for the escape of the
smoke. The inmates were ranged around the circumference of the structure,
each family in a kind of stall, open in front, but separated from those
adjoining it by partitions of mats. Here they placed their beds of cane, their
painted robes of buffalo and deer-skin, their cooking utensils of pottery, and
other household goods; and here, too, the head of the family hung his bow,
quiver, lance, and shield. There was nothing in common but the fire, which
burned in the middle of the lodge, and was never suffered to go out. These
dwellings were of great size, and Joutel declares that he has seen some of
them sixty feet in diameter.[332]
It was in one of the largest that the four travellers were now lodged. A
place was assigned them where to bestow their baggage; and they took
possession of their quarters amid the silent stares of the whole community.
They asked their renegade countryman, the Provençal, if they were safe. He
replied that they were; but this did not wholly reassure them, and they spent
a somewhat wakeful night. In the morning, they opened their budgets, and
began a brisk trade in knives, awls, beads, and other trinkets, which they
exchanged for corn and beans. Before evening, they had acquired a
considerable stock; and Joutel's three companions declared their intention of
returning with it to the camp, leaving him to continue the trade. They went,
accordingly, in the morning; and Joutel was left alone. On the one hand, he
friendly, however, and invited the visitors to a neighboring village, where
he lived, and where, as he told them, they would find a better supply of
corn. They accordingly set out with him, escorted by a crowd of Indians.
They saw lodges and clusters of lodges scattered along their path at
intervals, each with its field of corn, beans, and pumpkins, rudely cultivated
with a wooden hoe. Reaching their destination, which was four or five
leagues distant, they were greeted with the same honors as at the first
village, and, the ceremonial of welcome over, were lodged in the abode of
the savage Frenchman. It is not to be supposed, however, that he and his
squaws, of whom he had a considerable number, dwelt here alone; for these
lodges of the Cenis often contained eight or ten families. They were made
by firmly planting in a circle tall, straight young trees, such as grew in the
swamps. The tops were then bent inward and lashed together; great
numbers of cross-pieces were bound on; and the frame thus constructed was
thickly covered with thatch, a hole being left at the top for the escape of the
smoke. The inmates were ranged around the circumference of the structure,
each family in a kind of stall, open in front, but separated from those
adjoining it by partitions of mats. Here they placed their beds of cane, their
painted robes of buffalo and deer-skin, their cooking utensils of pottery, and
other household goods; and here, too, the head of the family hung his bow,
quiver, lance, and shield. There was nothing in common but the fire, which
burned in the middle of the lodge, and was never suffered to go out. These
dwellings were of great size, and Joutel declares that he has seen some of
them sixty feet in diameter.[332]
It was in one of the largest that the four travellers were now lodged. A
place was assigned them where to bestow their baggage; and they took
possession of their quarters amid the silent stares of the whole community.
They asked their renegade countryman, the Provençal, if they were safe. He
replied that they were; but this did not wholly reassure them, and they spent
a somewhat wakeful night. In the morning, they opened their budgets, and
began a brisk trade in knives, awls, beads, and other trinkets, which they
exchanged for corn and beans. Before evening, they had acquired a
considerable stock; and Joutel's three companions declared their intention of
returning with it to the camp, leaving him to continue the trade. They went,
accordingly, in the morning; and Joutel was left alone. On the one hand, he
Page 317
was glad to be rid of them; on the other, he found his position among the
Cenis very irksome, and, as he thought, insecure. Besides the Provençal,
who had gone with Liotot and his companions, there were two other French
deserters among this tribe, and Joutel was very desirous to see them, hoping
that they could tell him the way to the Mississippi; for he was resolved to
escape, at the first opportunity, from the company of Duhaut and his
accomplices. He therefore made the present of a knife to a young Indian,
whom he sent to find the two Frenchmen and invite them to come to the
village. Meanwhile he continued his barter, but under many difficulties; for
he could only explain himself by signs, and his customers, though friendly
by day, pilfered his goods by night. This, joined to the fears and troubles
which burdened his mind, almost deprived him of sleep, and, as he
confesses, greatly depressed his spirits. Indeed, he had little cause for
cheerfulness as to the past, present, or future. An old Indian, one of the
patriarchs of the tribe, observing his dejection and anxious to relieve it, one
evening brought him a young wife, saying that he made him a present of
her. She seated herself at his side; "but," says Joutel, "as my head was full
of other cares and anxieties, I said nothing to the poor girl. She waited for a
little time; and then, finding that I did not speak a word, she went away."
[333]
Late one night, he lay between sleeping and waking
on the buffalo-robe that covered his bed of canes. All WHITE SAVAGES.
around the great lodge, its inmates were buried in sleep;
and the fire treasured scalp-locks, the spear and war-club, and shield of
whitened bull-hide—that hung by each warrior's resting-place. Such was
the weird scene that lingered on the dreamy eyes of Joutel, as he closed
them at last in a troubled sleep. The sound of a footstep soon wakened him;
and, turning, he saw at his side the figure of a naked savage, armed with a
bow and arrows. Joutel spoke, but received no answer. Not knowing what to
think, he reached out his hand for his pistols; on which the intruder
withdrew, and seated himself by the fire. Thither Joutel followed; and as the
light fell on his features, he looked at him closely. His face was tattooed,
after the Cenis fashion, in lines drawn from the top of the forehead and
converging to the chin; and his body was decorated with similar
embellishments. Suddenly, this supposed Indian rose and threw his arms
around Joutel's neck, making himself known, at the same time, as one of the
Cenis very irksome, and, as he thought, insecure. Besides the Provençal,
who had gone with Liotot and his companions, there were two other French
deserters among this tribe, and Joutel was very desirous to see them, hoping
that they could tell him the way to the Mississippi; for he was resolved to
escape, at the first opportunity, from the company of Duhaut and his
accomplices. He therefore made the present of a knife to a young Indian,
whom he sent to find the two Frenchmen and invite them to come to the
village. Meanwhile he continued his barter, but under many difficulties; for
he could only explain himself by signs, and his customers, though friendly
by day, pilfered his goods by night. This, joined to the fears and troubles
which burdened his mind, almost deprived him of sleep, and, as he
confesses, greatly depressed his spirits. Indeed, he had little cause for
cheerfulness as to the past, present, or future. An old Indian, one of the
patriarchs of the tribe, observing his dejection and anxious to relieve it, one
evening brought him a young wife, saying that he made him a present of
her. She seated herself at his side; "but," says Joutel, "as my head was full
of other cares and anxieties, I said nothing to the poor girl. She waited for a
little time; and then, finding that I did not speak a word, she went away."
[333]
Late one night, he lay between sleeping and waking
on the buffalo-robe that covered his bed of canes. All WHITE SAVAGES.
around the great lodge, its inmates were buried in sleep;
and the fire treasured scalp-locks, the spear and war-club, and shield of
whitened bull-hide—that hung by each warrior's resting-place. Such was
the weird scene that lingered on the dreamy eyes of Joutel, as he closed
them at last in a troubled sleep. The sound of a footstep soon wakened him;
and, turning, he saw at his side the figure of a naked savage, armed with a
bow and arrows. Joutel spoke, but received no answer. Not knowing what to
think, he reached out his hand for his pistols; on which the intruder
withdrew, and seated himself by the fire. Thither Joutel followed; and as the
light fell on his features, he looked at him closely. His face was tattooed,
after the Cenis fashion, in lines drawn from the top of the forehead and
converging to the chin; and his body was decorated with similar
embellishments. Suddenly, this supposed Indian rose and threw his arms
around Joutel's neck, making himself known, at the same time, as one of the
Page 318
Frenchmen who had deserted from La Salle and taken refuge among the
Cenis. He was a Breton sailor named Ruter. His companion, named Grollet,
also a sailor, had been afraid to come to the village lest he should meet La
Salle. Ruter expressed surprise and regret when he heard of the death of his
late commander. He had deserted him but a few months before. That brief
interval had sufficed to transform him into a savage; and both he and his
companion found their present reckless and ungoverned way of life greatly
to their liking. He could tell nothing of the Mississippi; and on the next day
he went home, carrying with him a present of beads for his wives, of which
last he had made a large collection.
In a few days he reappeared, bringing Grollet with him. Each wore a
bunch of turkey-feathers dangling from his head, and each had wrapped his
naked body in a blanket. Three men soon after arrived from Duhaut's camp,
commissioned to receive the corn which Joutel had purchased. They told
him that Duhaut and Liotot, the tyrants of the party, had resolved to return
to Fort St. Louis, and build a vessel to escape to the West Indies,—"a
visionary scheme," writes Joutel, "for our carpenters were all dead; and
even if they had been alive, they were so ignorant that they would not have
known how to go about the work; besides, we had no tools for it.
Nevertheless, I was obliged to obey, and set out for the camp with the
provisions."
On arriving, he found a wretched state of affairs. Douay and the two
Caveliers, who had been treated by Duhaut with great harshness and
contempt, had been told to make their mess apart; and Joutel now joined
them. This separation restored them their freedom of speech, of which they
had hitherto been deprived; but it subjected them to incessant hunger, as
they were allowed only food enough to keep them from famishing. Douay
says that quarrels were rife among the assassins themselves,—the
malcontents being headed by Hiens, who was enraged that Duhaut and
Liotot should have engrossed all the plunder. Joutel was helpless, for he had
none to back him but two priests and a boy.
He and his companions talked of nothing around their
solitary camp-fire but the means of escaping from the SCHEMES OF
villanous company into which they were thrown. They ESCAPE.
saw no resource but to find the Mississippi, and thus make their way to
Cenis. He was a Breton sailor named Ruter. His companion, named Grollet,
also a sailor, had been afraid to come to the village lest he should meet La
Salle. Ruter expressed surprise and regret when he heard of the death of his
late commander. He had deserted him but a few months before. That brief
interval had sufficed to transform him into a savage; and both he and his
companion found their present reckless and ungoverned way of life greatly
to their liking. He could tell nothing of the Mississippi; and on the next day
he went home, carrying with him a present of beads for his wives, of which
last he had made a large collection.
In a few days he reappeared, bringing Grollet with him. Each wore a
bunch of turkey-feathers dangling from his head, and each had wrapped his
naked body in a blanket. Three men soon after arrived from Duhaut's camp,
commissioned to receive the corn which Joutel had purchased. They told
him that Duhaut and Liotot, the tyrants of the party, had resolved to return
to Fort St. Louis, and build a vessel to escape to the West Indies,—"a
visionary scheme," writes Joutel, "for our carpenters were all dead; and
even if they had been alive, they were so ignorant that they would not have
known how to go about the work; besides, we had no tools for it.
Nevertheless, I was obliged to obey, and set out for the camp with the
provisions."
On arriving, he found a wretched state of affairs. Douay and the two
Caveliers, who had been treated by Duhaut with great harshness and
contempt, had been told to make their mess apart; and Joutel now joined
them. This separation restored them their freedom of speech, of which they
had hitherto been deprived; but it subjected them to incessant hunger, as
they were allowed only food enough to keep them from famishing. Douay
says that quarrels were rife among the assassins themselves,—the
malcontents being headed by Hiens, who was enraged that Duhaut and
Liotot should have engrossed all the plunder. Joutel was helpless, for he had
none to back him but two priests and a boy.
He and his companions talked of nothing around their
solitary camp-fire but the means of escaping from the SCHEMES OF
villanous company into which they were thrown. They ESCAPE.
saw no resource but to find the Mississippi, and thus make their way to
Page 319
Canada,—a prodigious undertaking in their forlorn condition; nor was there
any probability that the assassins would permit them to go. These, on their
part, were beset with difficulties. They could not return to civilization
without manifest peril of a halter; and their only safety was to turn
buccaneers or savages. Duhaut, however, still held to his plan of going back
to Fort St. Louis; and Joutel and his companions, who with good reason
stood in daily fear of him, devised among themselves a simple artifice to
escape from his company. The elder Cavelier was to tell him that they were
too fatigued for the journey, and wished to stay among the Cenis; and to beg
him to allow them a portion of the goods, for which Cavelier was to give
his note of hand. The old priest, whom a sacrifice of truth even on less
important occasions cost no great effort, accordingly opened the
negotiation, and to his own astonishment and that of his companions,
gained the assent of Duhaut. Their joy, however, was short; for Ruter, the
French savage, to whom Joutel had betrayed his intention, when inquiring
the way to the Mississippi, told it to Duhaut, who on this changed front and
made the ominous declaration that he and his men would also go to Canada.
Joutel and his companions were now filled with alarm; for there was no
likelihood that the assassins would permit them, the witnesses of their
crime, to reach the settlements alive. In the midst of their trouble, the sky
was cleared as by the crash of a thunderbolt.
Hiens and several others had gone, some time before,
to the Cenis villages to purchase horses; and here they THE CRISIS.
had been detained by the charms of the Indian women.
During their stay, Hiens heard of Duhaut's new plan of going to Canada by
the Mississippi; and he declared to those with him that he would not
consent. On a morning early in May he appeared at Duhaut's camp, with
Ruter and Grollet, the French savages, and about twenty Indians. Duhaut
and Liotot, it is said, were passing the time by practising with bows and
arrows in front of their hut. One of them called to Hiens, "Good-morning;"
but the buccaneer returned a sullen answer. He then accosted Duhaut,
telling him that he had no mind to go up the Mississippi with him, and
demanding a share of the goods. Duhaut replied that the goods were his
own, since La Salle had owed him money. "So you will not give them to
me?" returned Hiens. "No," was the answer. "You are a wretch!" exclaimed
Hiens; "you killed my master."[334] And drawing a pistol from his belt he
any probability that the assassins would permit them to go. These, on their
part, were beset with difficulties. They could not return to civilization
without manifest peril of a halter; and their only safety was to turn
buccaneers or savages. Duhaut, however, still held to his plan of going back
to Fort St. Louis; and Joutel and his companions, who with good reason
stood in daily fear of him, devised among themselves a simple artifice to
escape from his company. The elder Cavelier was to tell him that they were
too fatigued for the journey, and wished to stay among the Cenis; and to beg
him to allow them a portion of the goods, for which Cavelier was to give
his note of hand. The old priest, whom a sacrifice of truth even on less
important occasions cost no great effort, accordingly opened the
negotiation, and to his own astonishment and that of his companions,
gained the assent of Duhaut. Their joy, however, was short; for Ruter, the
French savage, to whom Joutel had betrayed his intention, when inquiring
the way to the Mississippi, told it to Duhaut, who on this changed front and
made the ominous declaration that he and his men would also go to Canada.
Joutel and his companions were now filled with alarm; for there was no
likelihood that the assassins would permit them, the witnesses of their
crime, to reach the settlements alive. In the midst of their trouble, the sky
was cleared as by the crash of a thunderbolt.
Hiens and several others had gone, some time before,
to the Cenis villages to purchase horses; and here they THE CRISIS.
had been detained by the charms of the Indian women.
During their stay, Hiens heard of Duhaut's new plan of going to Canada by
the Mississippi; and he declared to those with him that he would not
consent. On a morning early in May he appeared at Duhaut's camp, with
Ruter and Grollet, the French savages, and about twenty Indians. Duhaut
and Liotot, it is said, were passing the time by practising with bows and
arrows in front of their hut. One of them called to Hiens, "Good-morning;"
but the buccaneer returned a sullen answer. He then accosted Duhaut,
telling him that he had no mind to go up the Mississippi with him, and
demanding a share of the goods. Duhaut replied that the goods were his
own, since La Salle had owed him money. "So you will not give them to
me?" returned Hiens. "No," was the answer. "You are a wretch!" exclaimed
Hiens; "you killed my master."[334] And drawing a pistol from his belt he
Page 320
fired at Duhaut, who staggered three or four paces and fell dead. Almost at
the same instant Ruter fired his gun at Liotot, shot three balls into his body,
and stretched him on the ground mortally wounded.
Douay and the two Caveliers stood in extreme terror, thinking that their
turn was to come next. Joutel, no less alarmed, snatched his gun to defend
himself; but Hiens called to him to fear nothing, declaring that what he had
done was only to avenge the death of La Salle,—to which, nevertheless, he
had been privy, though not an active sharer in the crime. Liotot lived long
enough to make his confession, after which Ruter killed him by exploding a
pistol loaded with a blank charge of powder against his head. Duhaut's
myrmidon, L'Archevêque, was absent, hunting, and Hiens was for killing
him on his return; but the two priests and Joutel succeeded in dissuading
him.
The Indian spectators beheld these murders with undisguised amazement,
and almost with horror. What manner of men were these who had pierced
the secret places of the wilderness to riot in mutual slaughter? Their fiercest
warriors might learn a lesson in ferocity from these heralds of civilization.
Joutel and his companions, who could not dispense with the aid of the
Cenis, were obliged to explain away, as they best might, the atrocity of
what they had witnessed.[335]
Hiens, and others of the French, had before promised to join the Cenis on
an expedition against a neighboring tribe with whom they were at war; and
the whole party having removed to the Indian village, the warriors and their
allies prepared to depart. Six Frenchmen went with Hiens; and the rest,
including Joutel, Douay, and the Caveliers, remained behind, in the lodge
where Joutel had been domesticated, and where none were now left but
women, children, and old men. Here they remained a week or more,
watched closely by the Cenis, who would not let them leave the village;
when news at length arrived of a great victory, and the warriors soon after
returned with forty-eight scalps. It was the French guns that won the battle,
but not the less did they glory in their prowess; and several days were spent
in ceremonies and feasts of triumph.[336]
When all this hubbub of rejoicing had subsided, Joutel and his
companions broke to Hiens their plan of attempting to reach home by way
the same instant Ruter fired his gun at Liotot, shot three balls into his body,
and stretched him on the ground mortally wounded.
Douay and the two Caveliers stood in extreme terror, thinking that their
turn was to come next. Joutel, no less alarmed, snatched his gun to defend
himself; but Hiens called to him to fear nothing, declaring that what he had
done was only to avenge the death of La Salle,—to which, nevertheless, he
had been privy, though not an active sharer in the crime. Liotot lived long
enough to make his confession, after which Ruter killed him by exploding a
pistol loaded with a blank charge of powder against his head. Duhaut's
myrmidon, L'Archevêque, was absent, hunting, and Hiens was for killing
him on his return; but the two priests and Joutel succeeded in dissuading
him.
The Indian spectators beheld these murders with undisguised amazement,
and almost with horror. What manner of men were these who had pierced
the secret places of the wilderness to riot in mutual slaughter? Their fiercest
warriors might learn a lesson in ferocity from these heralds of civilization.
Joutel and his companions, who could not dispense with the aid of the
Cenis, were obliged to explain away, as they best might, the atrocity of
what they had witnessed.[335]
Hiens, and others of the French, had before promised to join the Cenis on
an expedition against a neighboring tribe with whom they were at war; and
the whole party having removed to the Indian village, the warriors and their
allies prepared to depart. Six Frenchmen went with Hiens; and the rest,
including Joutel, Douay, and the Caveliers, remained behind, in the lodge
where Joutel had been domesticated, and where none were now left but
women, children, and old men. Here they remained a week or more,
watched closely by the Cenis, who would not let them leave the village;
when news at length arrived of a great victory, and the warriors soon after
returned with forty-eight scalps. It was the French guns that won the battle,
but not the less did they glory in their prowess; and several days were spent
in ceremonies and feasts of triumph.[336]
When all this hubbub of rejoicing had subsided, Joutel and his
companions broke to Hiens their plan of attempting to reach home by way
Page 321
of the Mississippi. As they had expected, he opposed it vehemently,
declaring that for his own part he would not run such a risk of losing his
head; but at length he consented to their departure, on condition that the
elder Cavelier should give him a certificate of his entire innocence of the
murder of La Salle, which the priest did not hesitate to do. For the rest,
Hiens treated his departing fellow-travellers with the generosity of a
successful free-booter; for he gave them a good share of the plunder he had
won by his late crime, supplying them with hatchets, knives, beads, and
other articles of trade, besides several horses. Meanwhile, adds Joutel, "we
had the mortification and chagrin of seeing this scoundrel walking about the
camp in a scarlet coat laced with gold which had belonged to the late
Monsieur de la Salle, and which he had seized upon, as also upon all the
rest of his property." A well-aimed shot would have avenged the wrong, but
Joutel was clearly a mild and moderate person; and the elder Cavelier had
constantly opposed all plans of violence. Therefore they stifled their
emotions, and armed themselves with patience.
Joutel's party consisted, besides himself, of the
Caveliers (uncle and nephew), Anastase Douay, De JOUTEL AND HIS
Marle, Teissier, and a young Parisian named Barthelemy. PARTY.
Teissier, an accomplice in the murders of Moranget and La Salle, had
obtained a pardon, in form, from the elder Cavelier. They had six horses and
three Cenis guides. Hiens embraced them at parting, as did the ruffians who
remained with him. Their course was northeast, toward the mouth of the
Arkansas,—a distant goal, the way to which was beset with so many
dangers that their chance of reaching it seemed small. It was early in June,
and the forests and prairies were green with the verdure of opening summer.
They soon reached the Assonis, a tribe near the Sabine, who received
them well, and gave them guides to the nations dwelling towards Red River.
On the twenty-third, they approached a village, the inhabitants of which,
regarding them as curiosities of the first order, came out in a body to see
them; and, eager to do them honor, they required them to mount on their
backs, and thus make their entrance in procession. Joutel, being large and
heavy, weighed down his bearer, insomuch that two of his countrymen were
forced to sustain him, one on each side. On arriving, an old chief washed
their faces with warm water from an earthen pan, and then invited them to
declaring that for his own part he would not run such a risk of losing his
head; but at length he consented to their departure, on condition that the
elder Cavelier should give him a certificate of his entire innocence of the
murder of La Salle, which the priest did not hesitate to do. For the rest,
Hiens treated his departing fellow-travellers with the generosity of a
successful free-booter; for he gave them a good share of the plunder he had
won by his late crime, supplying them with hatchets, knives, beads, and
other articles of trade, besides several horses. Meanwhile, adds Joutel, "we
had the mortification and chagrin of seeing this scoundrel walking about the
camp in a scarlet coat laced with gold which had belonged to the late
Monsieur de la Salle, and which he had seized upon, as also upon all the
rest of his property." A well-aimed shot would have avenged the wrong, but
Joutel was clearly a mild and moderate person; and the elder Cavelier had
constantly opposed all plans of violence. Therefore they stifled their
emotions, and armed themselves with patience.
Joutel's party consisted, besides himself, of the
Caveliers (uncle and nephew), Anastase Douay, De JOUTEL AND HIS
Marle, Teissier, and a young Parisian named Barthelemy. PARTY.
Teissier, an accomplice in the murders of Moranget and La Salle, had
obtained a pardon, in form, from the elder Cavelier. They had six horses and
three Cenis guides. Hiens embraced them at parting, as did the ruffians who
remained with him. Their course was northeast, toward the mouth of the
Arkansas,—a distant goal, the way to which was beset with so many
dangers that their chance of reaching it seemed small. It was early in June,
and the forests and prairies were green with the verdure of opening summer.
They soon reached the Assonis, a tribe near the Sabine, who received
them well, and gave them guides to the nations dwelling towards Red River.
On the twenty-third, they approached a village, the inhabitants of which,
regarding them as curiosities of the first order, came out in a body to see
them; and, eager to do them honor, they required them to mount on their
backs, and thus make their entrance in procession. Joutel, being large and
heavy, weighed down his bearer, insomuch that two of his countrymen were
forced to sustain him, one on each side. On arriving, an old chief washed
their faces with warm water from an earthen pan, and then invited them to
Page 322
mount on a scaffold of canes, where they sat in the hot sun listening to four
successive speeches of welcome, of which they understood not a word.[337]
At the village of another tribe, farther on their way, they met with a
welcome still more oppressive. Cavelier, the unworthy successor of his
brother, being represented as the chief of the party, became the principal
victim of their attentions. They danced the calumet before him; while an
Indian, taking him, with an air of great respect, by the shoulders as he sat,
shook him in cadence with the thumping of the drum. They then placed two
girls close beside him, as his wives; while, at the same time, an old chief
tied a painted feather in his hair. These proceedings so scandalized him that,
pretending to be ill, he broke off the ceremony; but they continued to sing
all night, with so much zeal that several of them were reduced to a state of
complete exhaustion.
At length, after a journey of about two months, during
which they lost one of their number,—De Marle, ARRIVAL AT THE
ARKANSAS.
accidentally drowned while bathing,—the travellers
approached the river Arkansas, at a point not far above its junction with the
Mississippi. Led by their Indian guides, they traversed a rich district of
plains and woods, and stood at length on the borders of the stream. Nestled
beneath the forests of the farther shore, they saw the lodges of a large
Indian town; and here, as they gazed across the broad current, they
presently descried an object which nerved their spent limbs, and thrilled
their homesick hearts with joy. It was a tall, wooden cross; and near it was a
small house, built evidently by Christian hands. With one accord they fell
on their knees, and raised their hands to Heaven in thanksgiving. Two men,
in European dress, issued from the door of the house and fired their guns to
salute the excited travellers, who on their part replied with a volley. Canoes
put out from the farther shore and ferried them to the town, where they were
welcomed by Couture and De Launay, two followers of Henri de Tonty.[338]
That brave, loyal, and generous man, always vigilant and always active,
beloved and feared alike by white men and by red,[339] had been ejected, as
we have seen, by the agent of the governor, La Barre, from the command of
Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. An order from the King had reinstated him;
and he no sooner heard the news of La Salle's landing on the shores of the
Gulf, and of the disastrous beginnings of his colony,[340] than he prepared,
successive speeches of welcome, of which they understood not a word.[337]
At the village of another tribe, farther on their way, they met with a
welcome still more oppressive. Cavelier, the unworthy successor of his
brother, being represented as the chief of the party, became the principal
victim of their attentions. They danced the calumet before him; while an
Indian, taking him, with an air of great respect, by the shoulders as he sat,
shook him in cadence with the thumping of the drum. They then placed two
girls close beside him, as his wives; while, at the same time, an old chief
tied a painted feather in his hair. These proceedings so scandalized him that,
pretending to be ill, he broke off the ceremony; but they continued to sing
all night, with so much zeal that several of them were reduced to a state of
complete exhaustion.
At length, after a journey of about two months, during
which they lost one of their number,—De Marle, ARRIVAL AT THE
ARKANSAS.
accidentally drowned while bathing,—the travellers
approached the river Arkansas, at a point not far above its junction with the
Mississippi. Led by their Indian guides, they traversed a rich district of
plains and woods, and stood at length on the borders of the stream. Nestled
beneath the forests of the farther shore, they saw the lodges of a large
Indian town; and here, as they gazed across the broad current, they
presently descried an object which nerved their spent limbs, and thrilled
their homesick hearts with joy. It was a tall, wooden cross; and near it was a
small house, built evidently by Christian hands. With one accord they fell
on their knees, and raised their hands to Heaven in thanksgiving. Two men,
in European dress, issued from the door of the house and fired their guns to
salute the excited travellers, who on their part replied with a volley. Canoes
put out from the farther shore and ferried them to the town, where they were
welcomed by Couture and De Launay, two followers of Henri de Tonty.[338]
That brave, loyal, and generous man, always vigilant and always active,
beloved and feared alike by white men and by red,[339] had been ejected, as
we have seen, by the agent of the governor, La Barre, from the command of
Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. An order from the King had reinstated him;
and he no sooner heard the news of La Salle's landing on the shores of the
Gulf, and of the disastrous beginnings of his colony,[340] than he prepared,
Page 323
on his own responsibility and at his own cost, to go to his assistance. He
collected twenty-five Frenchmen and eleven Indians, and set out from his
fortified rock on the thirteenth of February, 1686;[341] descended the
Mississippi, and reached its mouth in Holy Week. All was solitude, a
voiceless desolation of river, marsh, and sea. He despatched canoes to the
east and to the west, searching the coast for some thirty leagues on either
side. Finding no trace of his friend, who at that moment was ranging the
prairies of Texas in no less fruitless search of his "fatal river," Tonty wrote
for him a letter, which he left in the charge of an Indian chief, who
preserved it with reverential care, and gave it, fourteen years after, to
Iberville, the founder of Louisiana.[342] Deeply disappointed at his failure,
Tonty retraced his course, and ascended the Mississippi to the villages of
the Arkansas, where some of his men volunteered to remain. He left six of
them; and of this number were Couture and De Launay.[343]
Cavelier and his companions, followed by a crowd of
Indians, some carrying their baggage, some struggling A HOSPITABLE
RECEPTION.
for a view of the white strangers, entered the log cabin
of their two hosts. Rude as it was, they found in it an earnest of peace and
safety, and a foretaste of home. Couture and De Launay were moved even
to tears by the story of their disasters, and of the catastrophe that crowned
them. La Salle's death was carefully concealed from the Indians, many of
whom had seen him on his descent of the Mississippi, and who regarded
him with prodigious respect. They lavished all their hospitality on his
followers; feasted them on corn-bread, dried buffalo meat, and
watermelons, and danced the calumet before them, the most august of all
their ceremonies. On this occasion, Cavelier's patience failed him again;
and pretending, as before, to be ill, he called on his nephew to take his
place. There were solemn dances, too, in which the warriors—some
bedaubed with white clay, some with red, and some with both; some
wearing feathers, and some the horns of buffalo; some naked, and some in
painted shirts of deer-skin, fringed with scalp-locks, insomuch, says Joutel,
that they looked like a troop of devils—leaped, stamped, and howled from
sunset till dawn. All this was partly to do the travellers honor, and partly to
extort presents. They made objections, however, when asked to furnish
guides; and it was only by dint of great offers that four were at length
procured.
collected twenty-five Frenchmen and eleven Indians, and set out from his
fortified rock on the thirteenth of February, 1686;[341] descended the
Mississippi, and reached its mouth in Holy Week. All was solitude, a
voiceless desolation of river, marsh, and sea. He despatched canoes to the
east and to the west, searching the coast for some thirty leagues on either
side. Finding no trace of his friend, who at that moment was ranging the
prairies of Texas in no less fruitless search of his "fatal river," Tonty wrote
for him a letter, which he left in the charge of an Indian chief, who
preserved it with reverential care, and gave it, fourteen years after, to
Iberville, the founder of Louisiana.[342] Deeply disappointed at his failure,
Tonty retraced his course, and ascended the Mississippi to the villages of
the Arkansas, where some of his men volunteered to remain. He left six of
them; and of this number were Couture and De Launay.[343]
Cavelier and his companions, followed by a crowd of
Indians, some carrying their baggage, some struggling A HOSPITABLE
RECEPTION.
for a view of the white strangers, entered the log cabin
of their two hosts. Rude as it was, they found in it an earnest of peace and
safety, and a foretaste of home. Couture and De Launay were moved even
to tears by the story of their disasters, and of the catastrophe that crowned
them. La Salle's death was carefully concealed from the Indians, many of
whom had seen him on his descent of the Mississippi, and who regarded
him with prodigious respect. They lavished all their hospitality on his
followers; feasted them on corn-bread, dried buffalo meat, and
watermelons, and danced the calumet before them, the most august of all
their ceremonies. On this occasion, Cavelier's patience failed him again;
and pretending, as before, to be ill, he called on his nephew to take his
place. There were solemn dances, too, in which the warriors—some
bedaubed with white clay, some with red, and some with both; some
wearing feathers, and some the horns of buffalo; some naked, and some in
painted shirts of deer-skin, fringed with scalp-locks, insomuch, says Joutel,
that they looked like a troop of devils—leaped, stamped, and howled from
sunset till dawn. All this was partly to do the travellers honor, and partly to
extort presents. They made objections, however, when asked to furnish
guides; and it was only by dint of great offers that four were at length
procured.
Page 324
With these, the travellers resumed their journey in a
wooden canoe, about the first of August,[344] descended THE MISSISSIPPI.
the Arkansas, and soon reached the dark and inexorable
river, so long the object of their search, rolling, like a destiny, through its
realms of solitude and shade. They launched their canoe on its turbid
bosom, plied their oars against the current, and slowly won their way
upward, following the writhings of this watery monster through cane-brake,
swamp, and fen. It was a hard and toilsome journey, under the sweltering
sun of August,—now on the water, now knee-deep in mud, dragging their
canoe through the unwholesome jungle. On the nineteenth, they passed the
mouth of the Ohio; and their Indian guides made it an offering of buffalo
meat. On the first of September, they passed the Missouri, and soon after
saw Marquette's pictured rock, and the line of craggy heights on the east
shore, marked on old French maps as "the Ruined Castles." Then, with a
sense of relief, they turned from the great river into the peaceful current of
the Illinois. They were eleven days in ascending it, in their large and heavy
wooden canoe; when at length, on the afternoon of the fourteenth of
September, they saw, towering above the forest and the river, the cliff
crowned with the palisades of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. As they drew
near, a troop of Indians, headed by a Frenchman, descended from the rock,
and fired their guns to salute them. They landed, and followed the forest
path that led towards the fort, when they were met by Boisrondet, Tonty's
comrade in the Iroquois war, and two other Frenchmen, who no sooner saw
them than they called out, demanding where was La Salle. Cavelier, fearing
lest he and his party would lose the advantage they might derive from his
character of representative of his brother, was determined to conceal his
death; and Joutel, as he himself confesses, took part in the deceit.
Substituting equivocation for falsehood, they replied that La Salle had been
with them nearly as far as the Cenis villages, and that, when they parted, he
was in good health. This, so far as they were concerned, was, literally
speaking, true; but Douay and Teissier, the one a witness and the other a
sharer in his death, could not have said so much without a square falsehood,
and therefore evaded the inquiry.
Threading the forest path, and circling to the rear of the rock, they
climbed the rugged height, and reached the top. Here they saw an area,
encircled by the palisades that fenced the brink of the cliff, and by several
wooden canoe, about the first of August,[344] descended THE MISSISSIPPI.
the Arkansas, and soon reached the dark and inexorable
river, so long the object of their search, rolling, like a destiny, through its
realms of solitude and shade. They launched their canoe on its turbid
bosom, plied their oars against the current, and slowly won their way
upward, following the writhings of this watery monster through cane-brake,
swamp, and fen. It was a hard and toilsome journey, under the sweltering
sun of August,—now on the water, now knee-deep in mud, dragging their
canoe through the unwholesome jungle. On the nineteenth, they passed the
mouth of the Ohio; and their Indian guides made it an offering of buffalo
meat. On the first of September, they passed the Missouri, and soon after
saw Marquette's pictured rock, and the line of craggy heights on the east
shore, marked on old French maps as "the Ruined Castles." Then, with a
sense of relief, they turned from the great river into the peaceful current of
the Illinois. They were eleven days in ascending it, in their large and heavy
wooden canoe; when at length, on the afternoon of the fourteenth of
September, they saw, towering above the forest and the river, the cliff
crowned with the palisades of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. As they drew
near, a troop of Indians, headed by a Frenchman, descended from the rock,
and fired their guns to salute them. They landed, and followed the forest
path that led towards the fort, when they were met by Boisrondet, Tonty's
comrade in the Iroquois war, and two other Frenchmen, who no sooner saw
them than they called out, demanding where was La Salle. Cavelier, fearing
lest he and his party would lose the advantage they might derive from his
character of representative of his brother, was determined to conceal his
death; and Joutel, as he himself confesses, took part in the deceit.
Substituting equivocation for falsehood, they replied that La Salle had been
with them nearly as far as the Cenis villages, and that, when they parted, he
was in good health. This, so far as they were concerned, was, literally
speaking, true; but Douay and Teissier, the one a witness and the other a
sharer in his death, could not have said so much without a square falsehood,
and therefore evaded the inquiry.
Threading the forest path, and circling to the rear of the rock, they
climbed the rugged height, and reached the top. Here they saw an area,
encircled by the palisades that fenced the brink of the cliff, and by several
Page 325
dwellings, a store-house, and a chapel. There were Indian lodges too; for
some of the red allies of the French made their abode with them.[345] Tonty
was absent, fighting the Iroquois; but his lieutenant, Bellefontaine, received
the travellers, and his little garrison of bush-rangers greeted them with a
salute of musketry, mingled with the whooping of the Indians. A Te Deum
followed at the chapel; "and, with all our hearts," says Joutel, "we gave
thanks to God, who had preserved and guided us." At length, the tired
travellers were among countrymen and friends. Bellefontaine found a room
for the two priests; while Joutel, Teissier, and young Cavelier were lodged
in the store-house.
The Jesuit Allouez was lying ill at the fort; and Joutel,
Cavelier, and Douay went to visit him. He showed great THE JESUIT
ALLOUEZ.
anxiety when told that La Salle was alive, and on his
way to the Illinois; asked many questions, and could not hide his agitation.
When, some time after, he had partially recovered, he left St. Louis, as if to
shun a meeting with the object of his alarm.[346] Once before, in 1679,
Allouez had fled from the Illinois on hearing of the approach of La Salle.
The season was late, and they were eager to hasten forward that they
might reach Quebec in time to return to France in the autumn ships. There
was not a day to lose. They bade farewell to Bellefontaine, from whom, as
from all others, they had concealed the death of La Salle, and made their
way across the country to Chicago. Here they were detained a week by a
storm; and when at length they embarked in a canoe furnished by
Bellefontaine, the tempest soon forced them to put back. On this, they
abandoned their design, and returned to Fort St. Louis, to the astonishment
of its inmates.
It was October when they arrived; and, meanwhile,
Tonty had returned from the Iroquois war, where he had CONDUCT OF
CAVELIER.
borne a conspicuous part in the famous attack on the
Senecas by the Marquis de Denonville.[347] He listened with deep interest to
the mournful story of his guests. Cavelier knew him well. He knew, so far
as he was capable of knowing, his generous and disinterested character, his
long and faithful attachment to La Salle, and the invaluable services he had
rendered him. Tonty had every claim on his confidence and affection. Yet he
did not hesitate to practise on him the same deceit which he had practised
some of the red allies of the French made their abode with them.[345] Tonty
was absent, fighting the Iroquois; but his lieutenant, Bellefontaine, received
the travellers, and his little garrison of bush-rangers greeted them with a
salute of musketry, mingled with the whooping of the Indians. A Te Deum
followed at the chapel; "and, with all our hearts," says Joutel, "we gave
thanks to God, who had preserved and guided us." At length, the tired
travellers were among countrymen and friends. Bellefontaine found a room
for the two priests; while Joutel, Teissier, and young Cavelier were lodged
in the store-house.
The Jesuit Allouez was lying ill at the fort; and Joutel,
Cavelier, and Douay went to visit him. He showed great THE JESUIT
ALLOUEZ.
anxiety when told that La Salle was alive, and on his
way to the Illinois; asked many questions, and could not hide his agitation.
When, some time after, he had partially recovered, he left St. Louis, as if to
shun a meeting with the object of his alarm.[346] Once before, in 1679,
Allouez had fled from the Illinois on hearing of the approach of La Salle.
The season was late, and they were eager to hasten forward that they
might reach Quebec in time to return to France in the autumn ships. There
was not a day to lose. They bade farewell to Bellefontaine, from whom, as
from all others, they had concealed the death of La Salle, and made their
way across the country to Chicago. Here they were detained a week by a
storm; and when at length they embarked in a canoe furnished by
Bellefontaine, the tempest soon forced them to put back. On this, they
abandoned their design, and returned to Fort St. Louis, to the astonishment
of its inmates.
It was October when they arrived; and, meanwhile,
Tonty had returned from the Iroquois war, where he had CONDUCT OF
CAVELIER.
borne a conspicuous part in the famous attack on the
Senecas by the Marquis de Denonville.[347] He listened with deep interest to
the mournful story of his guests. Cavelier knew him well. He knew, so far
as he was capable of knowing, his generous and disinterested character, his
long and faithful attachment to La Salle, and the invaluable services he had
rendered him. Tonty had every claim on his confidence and affection. Yet he
did not hesitate to practise on him the same deceit which he had practised
Page 326
on Bellefontaine. He told him that he had left his brother in good health on
the Gulf of Mexico, and drew upon him, in La Salle's name, for an amount
stated by Joutel at about four thousand livres, in furs, besides a canoe and a
quantity of other goods, all of which were delivered to him by the
unsuspecting victim.[348]
This was at the end of the winter, when the old priest and his companions
had been living for months on Tonty's hospitality. They set out for Canada
on the twenty-first of March, reached Chicago on the twenty-ninth, and
thence proceeded to Michilimackinac. Here Cavelier sold some of Tonty's
furs to a merchant, who gave him in payment a draft on Montreal, thus
putting him in funds for his voyage home. The party continued their journey
in canoes by way of French River and the Ottawa, and safely reached
Montreal on the seventeenth of July. Here they procured the clothing of
which they were wofully in need, and then descended the river to Quebec,
where they took lodging,—some with the Récollet friars, and some with the
priests of the Seminary,—in order to escape the questions of the curious. At
the end of August they embarked for France, and early in October arrived
safely at Rochelle. None of the party were men of especial energy or force
of character; and yet, under the spur of a dire necessity, they had achieved
one of the most adventurous journeys on record.
Now, at length, they disburdened themselves of their
gloomy secret; but the sole result seems to have been an THE COLONISTS
ABANDONED.
order from the King for the arrest of the murderers,
should they appear in Canada.[349] Joutel was disappointed. It had been his
hope throughout that the King would send a ship to the relief of the
wretched band at Fort St. Louis of Texas. But Louis XIV. hardened his
heart, and left them to their fate.
FOOTNOTES:
[ The lodges of the Florida Indians were somewhat similar. The winter lodges of the now
33 nearly extinct Mandans, though not so high in proportion to their width, and built of more
2] solid materials, as the rigor of a northern climate requires, bear a general resemblance to
those of the Cenis.
the Gulf of Mexico, and drew upon him, in La Salle's name, for an amount
stated by Joutel at about four thousand livres, in furs, besides a canoe and a
quantity of other goods, all of which were delivered to him by the
unsuspecting victim.[348]
This was at the end of the winter, when the old priest and his companions
had been living for months on Tonty's hospitality. They set out for Canada
on the twenty-first of March, reached Chicago on the twenty-ninth, and
thence proceeded to Michilimackinac. Here Cavelier sold some of Tonty's
furs to a merchant, who gave him in payment a draft on Montreal, thus
putting him in funds for his voyage home. The party continued their journey
in canoes by way of French River and the Ottawa, and safely reached
Montreal on the seventeenth of July. Here they procured the clothing of
which they were wofully in need, and then descended the river to Quebec,
where they took lodging,—some with the Récollet friars, and some with the
priests of the Seminary,—in order to escape the questions of the curious. At
the end of August they embarked for France, and early in October arrived
safely at Rochelle. None of the party were men of especial energy or force
of character; and yet, under the spur of a dire necessity, they had achieved
one of the most adventurous journeys on record.
Now, at length, they disburdened themselves of their
gloomy secret; but the sole result seems to have been an THE COLONISTS
ABANDONED.
order from the King for the arrest of the murderers,
should they appear in Canada.[349] Joutel was disappointed. It had been his
hope throughout that the King would send a ship to the relief of the
wretched band at Fort St. Louis of Texas. But Louis XIV. hardened his
heart, and left them to their fate.
FOOTNOTES:
[ The lodges of the Florida Indians were somewhat similar. The winter lodges of the now
33 nearly extinct Mandans, though not so high in proportion to their width, and built of more
2] solid materials, as the rigor of a northern climate requires, bear a general resemblance to
those of the Cenis.
Page 327
The Cenis tattooed their faces and some parts of their bodies, by
pricking powdered charcoal into the skin. The women tattooed the
breasts; and this practice was general among them, notwithstanding the
pain of the operation, as it was thought very ornamental. Their dress
consisted of a sort of frock, or wrapper of skin, from the waist to the
knees. The men, in summer, wore nothing but the waist-cloth.
[ Journal Historique, 237.
33
3] [ "Tu es un misérable. Tu as tué mon maistre."—Tonty, Mémoire. Tonty derived his
33 information from some of those present. Douay and Joutel have each left an account
4] of this murder. They agree in essential points; though Douay says that when it took
place, Duhaut had moved his camp beyond the Cenis villages, which is contrary to Joutel's
statement.
[ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 371).
33
5] [ These are described by Joutel. Like nearly all the early observers of Indian
33 manners, he speaks of the practice of cannibalism.
6]
[ These Indians were a portion of the Cadodaquis, or Caddoes, then living on
33 Red River. The travellers afterwards visited other villages of the same people.
7] Tonty was here two years afterwards, and mentions the curious custom of
washing the faces of guests.
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 298.
33
8] [ Journal de St. Cosme, 1699. This journal has been printed by Mr. Shea, from the
33 copy in my possession. St. Cosme, who knew Tonty well, speaks of him in the
9] warmest terms of praise.
[ In the autumn of 1685, Tonty made a journey from the Illinois to Michilimackinac, to
34 seek news of La Salle. He there learned, by a letter of the new governor, Denonville, just
0] arrived from France, of the landing of La Salle, and the loss of the "Aimable," as recounted
by Beaujeu, on his return. He immediately went back on foot to Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, and
prepared to descend the Mississippi, "dans l'espérance de lui donner secours." Lettre de Tonty au
Ministre, 24 Aoust, 1686; Ibid., à Cabart de Villermont, même date; Mémoire de Tonty; Procès
Verbal de Tonty, 13 Avril, 1686.
[ The date is from the Procès Verbal. In the Mémoire, hastily written long after, he falls
34 into errors of date.
1]
[ Iberville sent it to France, and Charlevoix gives a portion of it. (Histoire de la
34 Nouvelle France, ii. 259.) Singularly enough, the date, as printed by him, is
2] erroneous, being 20 April, 1685, instead of 1686. There is no doubt whatever, from
its relations with concurrent events, that this journey was in the latter year.
[ Tonty, Mémoire; Ibid., Lettre à Monseigneur de Ponchartrain, 1690. Joutel, Journal
34 Historique, 301.
3]
[ Joutel says that the Parisian boy, Barthelemy, was left behind. It was this youth
34 who afterwards uttered the ridiculous defamation of La Salle mentioned in a
pricking powdered charcoal into the skin. The women tattooed the
breasts; and this practice was general among them, notwithstanding the
pain of the operation, as it was thought very ornamental. Their dress
consisted of a sort of frock, or wrapper of skin, from the waist to the
knees. The men, in summer, wore nothing but the waist-cloth.
[ Journal Historique, 237.
33
3] [ "Tu es un misérable. Tu as tué mon maistre."—Tonty, Mémoire. Tonty derived his
33 information from some of those present. Douay and Joutel have each left an account
4] of this murder. They agree in essential points; though Douay says that when it took
place, Duhaut had moved his camp beyond the Cenis villages, which is contrary to Joutel's
statement.
[ Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 371).
33
5] [ These are described by Joutel. Like nearly all the early observers of Indian
33 manners, he speaks of the practice of cannibalism.
6]
[ These Indians were a portion of the Cadodaquis, or Caddoes, then living on
33 Red River. The travellers afterwards visited other villages of the same people.
7] Tonty was here two years afterwards, and mentions the curious custom of
washing the faces of guests.
[ Joutel, Journal Historique, 298.
33
8] [ Journal de St. Cosme, 1699. This journal has been printed by Mr. Shea, from the
33 copy in my possession. St. Cosme, who knew Tonty well, speaks of him in the
9] warmest terms of praise.
[ In the autumn of 1685, Tonty made a journey from the Illinois to Michilimackinac, to
34 seek news of La Salle. He there learned, by a letter of the new governor, Denonville, just
0] arrived from France, of the landing of La Salle, and the loss of the "Aimable," as recounted
by Beaujeu, on his return. He immediately went back on foot to Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, and
prepared to descend the Mississippi, "dans l'espérance de lui donner secours." Lettre de Tonty au
Ministre, 24 Aoust, 1686; Ibid., à Cabart de Villermont, même date; Mémoire de Tonty; Procès
Verbal de Tonty, 13 Avril, 1686.
[ The date is from the Procès Verbal. In the Mémoire, hastily written long after, he falls
34 into errors of date.
1]
[ Iberville sent it to France, and Charlevoix gives a portion of it. (Histoire de la
34 Nouvelle France, ii. 259.) Singularly enough, the date, as printed by him, is
2] erroneous, being 20 April, 1685, instead of 1686. There is no doubt whatever, from
its relations with concurrent events, that this journey was in the latter year.
[ Tonty, Mémoire; Ibid., Lettre à Monseigneur de Ponchartrain, 1690. Joutel, Journal
34 Historique, 301.
3]
[ Joutel says that the Parisian boy, Barthelemy, was left behind. It was this youth
34 who afterwards uttered the ridiculous defamation of La Salle mentioned in a
Page 328
4] preceding note. The account of the death of La Salle, taken from the lips of Couture, was
received by him from Cavelier and his companions, during their stay at the Arkansas. Couture
was by trade a carpenter, and was a native of Rouen.
[ The condition of Fort St. Louis, at this time, may be gathered from several passages of
34 Joutel. The houses, he says, were built at the brink of the cliff, forming, with the palisades,
5] the circle of defence. The Indians lived in the area.
[ Joutel adds that this was occasioned by "une espèce de conspiration qu'on a voulu faire
34 contre les interests de Monsieur de la Salle."—Journal Historique, 350.
6]
"Ce Père appréhendoit que le dit sieur ne l'y rencontrast, ...
suivant ce que j'en ai pu apprendre, les Pères avoient avancé plusieurs
choses pour contrebarrer l'entreprise et avoient voulu détacher plusieurs
nations de Sauvages, lesquelles s'estoient données à M. de la Salle. Ils
avoient esté mesme jusques à vouloir destruire le fort Saint-Louis, en
ayant construit un à Chicago, où ils avoient attiré une partie des
Sauvages, ne pouvant en quelque façon s'emparer du dit fort. Pour
conclure, le bon Père ayant eu peur d'y estre trouvé, aima mieux se
précautionner en prenant le devant.... Quoyque M. Cavelier eust dit au
Père qu'il pouvoit rester, il partit quelques sept ou huit jours avant
nous."—Relation (Margry, iii. 500).
La Salle always saw the influence of the Jesuits in the disasters that
befell him. His repeated assertion, that they wished to establish
themselves in the valley of the Mississippi, receives confirmation from a
document entitled Mémoire sur la proposition à faire par les R. Pères
Jésuites pour la découverte des environs de la rivière du Mississipi et
pour voir si elle est navigable jusqu'à la mer. It is a memorandum of
propositions to be made to the minister Seignelay, and was apparently
put forward as a feeler, before making the propositions in form. It was
written after the return of Beaujeu to France, and before La Salle's death
became known. It intimates that the Jesuits were entitled to precedence in
the valley of the Mississippi, as having first explored it. It affirms that La
Salle had made a blunder, and landed his colony, not at the mouth of the
river, but at another place; and it asks permission to continue the work in
which he has failed. To this end, it petitions for means to build a vessel at
St. Louis of the Illinois, together with canoes, arms, tents, tools,
provisions, and merchandise for the Indians; and it also asks for La
Salle's maps and papers, and for those of Beaujeu. On their part, it
pursues, the Jesuits will engage to make a complete survey of the river,
received by him from Cavelier and his companions, during their stay at the Arkansas. Couture
was by trade a carpenter, and was a native of Rouen.
[ The condition of Fort St. Louis, at this time, may be gathered from several passages of
34 Joutel. The houses, he says, were built at the brink of the cliff, forming, with the palisades,
5] the circle of defence. The Indians lived in the area.
[ Joutel adds that this was occasioned by "une espèce de conspiration qu'on a voulu faire
34 contre les interests de Monsieur de la Salle."—Journal Historique, 350.
6]
"Ce Père appréhendoit que le dit sieur ne l'y rencontrast, ...
suivant ce que j'en ai pu apprendre, les Pères avoient avancé plusieurs
choses pour contrebarrer l'entreprise et avoient voulu détacher plusieurs
nations de Sauvages, lesquelles s'estoient données à M. de la Salle. Ils
avoient esté mesme jusques à vouloir destruire le fort Saint-Louis, en
ayant construit un à Chicago, où ils avoient attiré une partie des
Sauvages, ne pouvant en quelque façon s'emparer du dit fort. Pour
conclure, le bon Père ayant eu peur d'y estre trouvé, aima mieux se
précautionner en prenant le devant.... Quoyque M. Cavelier eust dit au
Père qu'il pouvoit rester, il partit quelques sept ou huit jours avant
nous."—Relation (Margry, iii. 500).
La Salle always saw the influence of the Jesuits in the disasters that
befell him. His repeated assertion, that they wished to establish
themselves in the valley of the Mississippi, receives confirmation from a
document entitled Mémoire sur la proposition à faire par les R. Pères
Jésuites pour la découverte des environs de la rivière du Mississipi et
pour voir si elle est navigable jusqu'à la mer. It is a memorandum of
propositions to be made to the minister Seignelay, and was apparently
put forward as a feeler, before making the propositions in form. It was
written after the return of Beaujeu to France, and before La Salle's death
became known. It intimates that the Jesuits were entitled to precedence in
the valley of the Mississippi, as having first explored it. It affirms that La
Salle had made a blunder, and landed his colony, not at the mouth of the
river, but at another place; and it asks permission to continue the work in
which he has failed. To this end, it petitions for means to build a vessel at
St. Louis of the Illinois, together with canoes, arms, tents, tools,
provisions, and merchandise for the Indians; and it also asks for La
Salle's maps and papers, and for those of Beaujeu. On their part, it
pursues, the Jesuits will engage to make a complete survey of the river,
Page 329
and return an exact account of its inhabitants, its plants, and its other
productions.
[ Tonty, Du Lhut, and Durantaye came to the aid of Denonville with a hundred and eighty
34 Frenchmen, chiefly coureurs de bois, and four hundred Indians from the upper country.
7] Their services were highly appreciated; and Tonty especially is mentioned in the despatches
of Denonville with great praise.
[ "Monsieur Tonty, croyant M. de la Salle vivant, ne fit pas de difficulté de luy donner
34 pour environ quatre mille liv. de pelleterie, de castors, loutres, un canot, et autres effets."—
8] Joutel, Journal Historique, 349.
Tonty himself does not make the amount so great: "Sur ce qu'ils
m'assuroient qu'il étoit resté au Golfe de Mexique en bonne santé, je les
reçus comme si ç'avoit esté lui mesme et luy prestay [à Cavelier] plus de
700 francs."—Tonty, Mémoire.
Cavelier must have known that La Salle was insolvent. Tonty had long
served without pay. Douay says that he made the stay of the party at the
fort very agreeable, and speaks of him, with some apparent compunction,
as "ce brave gentilhomme, toujours inséparablement attaché aux intérêts
du Sieur de la Salle, dont nous luy avons caché la déplorable destinée."
Couture, from the Arkansas, brought word to Tonty, several months
after, of La Salle's death, adding that Cavelier had concealed it, with no
other purpose than that of gaining money or supplies from him (Tonty),
in his brother's name. Cavelier had a letter from La Salle, desiring Tonty
to give him supplies, and pay him 2,652 livres in beaver. If Cavelier is to
be believed, this beaver belonged to La Salle.
[ Lettre du Roy à Denonville, 1 Mai, 1689. Joutel must have been a young man at the time
34 of the Mississippi expedition; for Charlevoix saw him at Rouen, thirty-five years after. He
9] speaks of him with emphatic praise; but it must be admitted that his connivance in the
deception practised by Cavelier on Tonty leaves a shade on his character, as well as on that of
Douay. In other respects, everything that appears concerning him is highly favorable, which is not
the case with Douay, who, on one or two occasions, makes wilful misstatements.
Douay says that the elder Cavelier made a report of the expedition to
the minister Seignelay. This report remained unknown in an English
collection of autographs and old manuscripts, whence I obtained it by
purchase, in 1854, both the buyer and seller being at the time ignorant of
its exact character. It proved, on examination, to be a portion of the first
draft of Cavelier's report to Seignelay. It consists of twenty-six small
productions.
[ Tonty, Du Lhut, and Durantaye came to the aid of Denonville with a hundred and eighty
34 Frenchmen, chiefly coureurs de bois, and four hundred Indians from the upper country.
7] Their services were highly appreciated; and Tonty especially is mentioned in the despatches
of Denonville with great praise.
[ "Monsieur Tonty, croyant M. de la Salle vivant, ne fit pas de difficulté de luy donner
34 pour environ quatre mille liv. de pelleterie, de castors, loutres, un canot, et autres effets."—
8] Joutel, Journal Historique, 349.
Tonty himself does not make the amount so great: "Sur ce qu'ils
m'assuroient qu'il étoit resté au Golfe de Mexique en bonne santé, je les
reçus comme si ç'avoit esté lui mesme et luy prestay [à Cavelier] plus de
700 francs."—Tonty, Mémoire.
Cavelier must have known that La Salle was insolvent. Tonty had long
served without pay. Douay says that he made the stay of the party at the
fort very agreeable, and speaks of him, with some apparent compunction,
as "ce brave gentilhomme, toujours inséparablement attaché aux intérêts
du Sieur de la Salle, dont nous luy avons caché la déplorable destinée."
Couture, from the Arkansas, brought word to Tonty, several months
after, of La Salle's death, adding that Cavelier had concealed it, with no
other purpose than that of gaining money or supplies from him (Tonty),
in his brother's name. Cavelier had a letter from La Salle, desiring Tonty
to give him supplies, and pay him 2,652 livres in beaver. If Cavelier is to
be believed, this beaver belonged to La Salle.
[ Lettre du Roy à Denonville, 1 Mai, 1689. Joutel must have been a young man at the time
34 of the Mississippi expedition; for Charlevoix saw him at Rouen, thirty-five years after. He
9] speaks of him with emphatic praise; but it must be admitted that his connivance in the
deception practised by Cavelier on Tonty leaves a shade on his character, as well as on that of
Douay. In other respects, everything that appears concerning him is highly favorable, which is not
the case with Douay, who, on one or two occasions, makes wilful misstatements.
Douay says that the elder Cavelier made a report of the expedition to
the minister Seignelay. This report remained unknown in an English
collection of autographs and old manuscripts, whence I obtained it by
purchase, in 1854, both the buyer and seller being at the time ignorant of
its exact character. It proved, on examination, to be a portion of the first
draft of Cavelier's report to Seignelay. It consists of twenty-six small
Page 330
folio pages, closely written in a clear hand, though in a few places
obscured by the fading of the ink, as well as by occasional erasures and
interlineations of the writer. It is, as already stated, confused and
unsatisfactory in its statements; and all the latter part has been lost. On
reaching France, he had the impudence to tell Abbé Tronson, Superior of
St. Sulpice, "qu'il avait laissé M. de la Salle dans un très-beau pays avec
M. de Chefdeville en bonne santé."—Lettre de Tronson à Mad. Fauvel-
Cavelier, 29 Nov., 1688.
Cavelier addressed to the King a memorial on the importance of
keeping possession of the Illinois. It closes with an earnest petition for
money in compensation for his losses, as, according to his own
statement, he was completely épuisé. It is affirmed in a memorial of the
heirs of his cousin, François Plet, that he concealed the death of La Salle
some time after his return to France, in order to get possession of
property which would otherwise have been seized by the creditors of the
deceased. The prudent abbé died rich and very old, at the house of a
relative, having inherited a large estate after his return from America.
Apparently, this did not satisfy him; for there is before me the copy of a
petition, written about 1717, in which he asks, jointly with one of his
nephews, to be given possession of the seigniorial property held by La
Salle in America. The petition was refused.
Young Cavelier, La Salle's nephew, died some years after, an officer in
a regiment. He has been erroneously supposed to be the same with one
De la Salle, whose name is appended to a letter giving an account of
Louisiana, and dated at Toulon, 3 Sept., 1698. This person was the son of
a naval official at Toulon, and was not related to the Caveliers.
obscured by the fading of the ink, as well as by occasional erasures and
interlineations of the writer. It is, as already stated, confused and
unsatisfactory in its statements; and all the latter part has been lost. On
reaching France, he had the impudence to tell Abbé Tronson, Superior of
St. Sulpice, "qu'il avait laissé M. de la Salle dans un très-beau pays avec
M. de Chefdeville en bonne santé."—Lettre de Tronson à Mad. Fauvel-
Cavelier, 29 Nov., 1688.
Cavelier addressed to the King a memorial on the importance of
keeping possession of the Illinois. It closes with an earnest petition for
money in compensation for his losses, as, according to his own
statement, he was completely épuisé. It is affirmed in a memorial of the
heirs of his cousin, François Plet, that he concealed the death of La Salle
some time after his return to France, in order to get possession of
property which would otherwise have been seized by the creditors of the
deceased. The prudent abbé died rich and very old, at the house of a
relative, having inherited a large estate after his return from America.
Apparently, this did not satisfy him; for there is before me the copy of a
petition, written about 1717, in which he asks, jointly with one of his
nephews, to be given possession of the seigniorial property held by La
Salle in America. The petition was refused.
Young Cavelier, La Salle's nephew, died some years after, an officer in
a regiment. He has been erroneously supposed to be the same with one
De la Salle, whose name is appended to a letter giving an account of
Louisiana, and dated at Toulon, 3 Sept., 1698. This person was the son of
a naval official at Toulon, and was not related to the Caveliers.
Page 331
CHAPTER XXIX.
1688-1689.
FATE OF THE TEXAN COLONY.
Tonty attempts to rescue the Colonists: his Difficulties and Hardships.—
Spanish Hostility.—Expedition of Alonzo de Leon: he reaches Fort
St. Louis.—A Scene of Havoc.—Destruction of the French.—The
End.
Henri De Tonty, on his rock of St. Louis, was visited COURAGE OF
in September by Couture and two Indians from the TONTY.
Arkansas. Then, for the first time, he heard with grief
and indignation of the death of La Salle, and the deceit practised by
Cavelier. The chief whom he had served so well was beyond his help; but
might not the unhappy colonists left on the shores of Texas still be rescued
from destruction? Couture had confirmed what Cavelier and his party had
already told him, that the tribes south of the Arkansas were eager to join the
French in an invasion of northern Mexico; and he soon after received from
the governor, Denonville, a letter informing him that war had again been
declared against Spain. As bold and enterprising as La Salle himself, Tonty
resolved on an effort to learn the condition of the few Frenchmen left on the
borders of the Gulf, relieve their necessities, and, should it prove
practicable, make them the nucleus of a war-party to cross the Rio Grande,
and add a new province to the domain of France. It was the revival, on a
small scale, of La Salle's scheme of Mexican invasion; and there is no doubt
that, with a score of French musketeers, he could have gathered a
formidable party of savage allies from the tribes of Red River, the Sabine,
and the Trinity. This daring adventure and the rescue of his suffering
countrymen divided his thoughts, and he prepared at once to execute the
double purpose.[350]
He left Fort St. Louis of the Illinois early in
December, in a pirogue, or wooden canoe, with five TONTY
MISREPRESENTE
Frenchmen, a Shawanoe warrior, and two Indian slaves;
1688-1689.
FATE OF THE TEXAN COLONY.
Tonty attempts to rescue the Colonists: his Difficulties and Hardships.—
Spanish Hostility.—Expedition of Alonzo de Leon: he reaches Fort
St. Louis.—A Scene of Havoc.—Destruction of the French.—The
End.
Henri De Tonty, on his rock of St. Louis, was visited COURAGE OF
in September by Couture and two Indians from the TONTY.
Arkansas. Then, for the first time, he heard with grief
and indignation of the death of La Salle, and the deceit practised by
Cavelier. The chief whom he had served so well was beyond his help; but
might not the unhappy colonists left on the shores of Texas still be rescued
from destruction? Couture had confirmed what Cavelier and his party had
already told him, that the tribes south of the Arkansas were eager to join the
French in an invasion of northern Mexico; and he soon after received from
the governor, Denonville, a letter informing him that war had again been
declared against Spain. As bold and enterprising as La Salle himself, Tonty
resolved on an effort to learn the condition of the few Frenchmen left on the
borders of the Gulf, relieve their necessities, and, should it prove
practicable, make them the nucleus of a war-party to cross the Rio Grande,
and add a new province to the domain of France. It was the revival, on a
small scale, of La Salle's scheme of Mexican invasion; and there is no doubt
that, with a score of French musketeers, he could have gathered a
formidable party of savage allies from the tribes of Red River, the Sabine,
and the Trinity. This daring adventure and the rescue of his suffering
countrymen divided his thoughts, and he prepared at once to execute the
double purpose.[350]
He left Fort St. Louis of the Illinois early in
December, in a pirogue, or wooden canoe, with five TONTY
MISREPRESENTE
Frenchmen, a Shawanoe warrior, and two Indian slaves;
Page 332
and, after a long and painful journey, he reached the D.
villages of the Caddoes on Red River on the twenty-
eighth of March. Here he was told that Hiens and his companions were at a
village eighty leagues distant; and thither he was preparing to go in search
of them, when all his men, excepting the Shawanoe and one Frenchman,
declared themselves disgusted with the journey, and refused to follow him.
Persuasion was useless, and there was no means of enforcing obedience. He
found himself abandoned; but he still pushed on, with the two who
remained faithful. A few days after, they lost nearly all their ammunition in
crossing a river. Undeterred by this accident, Tonty made his way to the
village where Hiens and those who had remained with him were said to be;
but no trace of them appeared, and the demeanor of the Indians, when he
inquired for them, convinced him that they had been put to death. He
charged them with having killed the Frenchmen, whereupon the women of
the village raised a wail of lamentation; "and I saw," he says, "that what I
had said to them was true." They refused to give him guides; and this, with
the loss of his ammunition, compelled him to forego his purpose of making
his way to the colonists on the Bay of St. Louis. With bitter disappointment,
he and his two companions retraced their course, and at length approached
Red River. Here they found the whole country flooded. Sometimes they
waded to the knees, sometimes to the neck, sometimes pushed their slow
way on rafts. Night and day it rained without ceasing. They slept on logs
placed side by side to raise them above the mud and water, and fought their
way with hatchets through the inundated cane-brakes. They found no game
but a bear, which had taken refuge on an island in the flood; and they were
forced to eat their dogs. "I never in my life," writes Tonty, "suffered so
much." In judging these intrepid exertions, it is to be remembered that he
was not, at least in appearance, of a robust constitution, and that he had but
one hand. They reached the Mississippi on the eleventh of July, and the
Arkansas villages on the thirty-first. Here Tonty was detained by an attack
of fever. He resumed his journey when it began to abate, and reached his
fort of the Illinois in September.[351]
While the King of France abandoned the exiles of
Texas to their fate, a power dark, ruthless, and terrible A SCENE OF
HAVOC.
was hovering around the feeble colony on the Bay of St.
Louis, searching with pitiless eye to discover and tear out that dying germ
villages of the Caddoes on Red River on the twenty-
eighth of March. Here he was told that Hiens and his companions were at a
village eighty leagues distant; and thither he was preparing to go in search
of them, when all his men, excepting the Shawanoe and one Frenchman,
declared themselves disgusted with the journey, and refused to follow him.
Persuasion was useless, and there was no means of enforcing obedience. He
found himself abandoned; but he still pushed on, with the two who
remained faithful. A few days after, they lost nearly all their ammunition in
crossing a river. Undeterred by this accident, Tonty made his way to the
village where Hiens and those who had remained with him were said to be;
but no trace of them appeared, and the demeanor of the Indians, when he
inquired for them, convinced him that they had been put to death. He
charged them with having killed the Frenchmen, whereupon the women of
the village raised a wail of lamentation; "and I saw," he says, "that what I
had said to them was true." They refused to give him guides; and this, with
the loss of his ammunition, compelled him to forego his purpose of making
his way to the colonists on the Bay of St. Louis. With bitter disappointment,
he and his two companions retraced their course, and at length approached
Red River. Here they found the whole country flooded. Sometimes they
waded to the knees, sometimes to the neck, sometimes pushed their slow
way on rafts. Night and day it rained without ceasing. They slept on logs
placed side by side to raise them above the mud and water, and fought their
way with hatchets through the inundated cane-brakes. They found no game
but a bear, which had taken refuge on an island in the flood; and they were
forced to eat their dogs. "I never in my life," writes Tonty, "suffered so
much." In judging these intrepid exertions, it is to be remembered that he
was not, at least in appearance, of a robust constitution, and that he had but
one hand. They reached the Mississippi on the eleventh of July, and the
Arkansas villages on the thirty-first. Here Tonty was detained by an attack
of fever. He resumed his journey when it began to abate, and reached his
fort of the Illinois in September.[351]
While the King of France abandoned the exiles of
Texas to their fate, a power dark, ruthless, and terrible A SCENE OF
HAVOC.
was hovering around the feeble colony on the Bay of St.
Louis, searching with pitiless eye to discover and tear out that dying germ
Page 333
of civilization from the bosom of the wilderness in whose savage immensity
it lay hidden. Spain claimed the Gulf of Mexico and all its coasts as her
own of unanswerable right, and the viceroys of Mexico were strenuous to
enforce her claim. The capture of one of La Salle's four vessels at St.
Domingo had made known his designs, and in the course of the three
succeeding years no less than four expeditions were sent out from Vera
Cruz to find and destroy him. They scoured the whole extent of the coast,
and found the wrecks of the "Aimable" and the "Belle;" but the colony of
St. Louis,[352] inland and secluded, escaped their search. For a time, the
jealousy of the Spaniards was lulled to sleep. They rested in the assurance
that the intruders had perished, when fresh advices from the frontier
province of New Leon caused the Viceroy, Galve, to order a strong force,
under Alonzo de Leon, to march from Coahuila, and cross the Rio Grande.
Guided by a French prisoner, probably one of the deserters from La Salle,
they pushed their way across wild and arid plains, rivers, prairies, and
forests, till at length they approached the Bay of St. Louis, and descried, far
off, the harboring-place of the French.[353] As they drew near, no banner
was displayed, no sentry challenged; and the silence of death reigned over
the shattered palisades and neglected dwellings. The Spaniards spurred their
reluctant horses through the gateway, and a scene of desolation met their
sight. No living thing was stirring. Doors were torn from their hinges;
broken boxes, staved barrels, and rusty kettles, mingled with a great number
of stocks of arquebuses and muskets, were scattered about in confusion.
Here, too, trampled in mud and soaked with rain, they saw more than two
hundred books, many of which still retained the traces of costly bindings.
On the adjacent prairie lay three dead bodies, one of which, from fragments
of dress still clinging to the wasted remains, they saw to be that of a
woman. It was in vain to question the imperturbable savages, who, wrapped
to the throat in their buffalo-robes, stood gazing on the scene with looks of
wooden immobility. Two strangers, however, at length arrived.[354] Their
faces were smeared with paint, and they were wrapped in buffalo-robes like
the rest; yet these seeming Indians were L'Archevêque, the tool of La
Salle's murderer Duhaut, and Grollet, the companion of the white savage
Ruter. The Spanish commander, learning that these two men were in the
district of the tribe called Texas,[355] had sent to invite them to his camp
under a pledge of good treatment; and they had resolved to trust Spanish
clemency rather than endure longer a life that had become intolerable. From
it lay hidden. Spain claimed the Gulf of Mexico and all its coasts as her
own of unanswerable right, and the viceroys of Mexico were strenuous to
enforce her claim. The capture of one of La Salle's four vessels at St.
Domingo had made known his designs, and in the course of the three
succeeding years no less than four expeditions were sent out from Vera
Cruz to find and destroy him. They scoured the whole extent of the coast,
and found the wrecks of the "Aimable" and the "Belle;" but the colony of
St. Louis,[352] inland and secluded, escaped their search. For a time, the
jealousy of the Spaniards was lulled to sleep. They rested in the assurance
that the intruders had perished, when fresh advices from the frontier
province of New Leon caused the Viceroy, Galve, to order a strong force,
under Alonzo de Leon, to march from Coahuila, and cross the Rio Grande.
Guided by a French prisoner, probably one of the deserters from La Salle,
they pushed their way across wild and arid plains, rivers, prairies, and
forests, till at length they approached the Bay of St. Louis, and descried, far
off, the harboring-place of the French.[353] As they drew near, no banner
was displayed, no sentry challenged; and the silence of death reigned over
the shattered palisades and neglected dwellings. The Spaniards spurred their
reluctant horses through the gateway, and a scene of desolation met their
sight. No living thing was stirring. Doors were torn from their hinges;
broken boxes, staved barrels, and rusty kettles, mingled with a great number
of stocks of arquebuses and muskets, were scattered about in confusion.
Here, too, trampled in mud and soaked with rain, they saw more than two
hundred books, many of which still retained the traces of costly bindings.
On the adjacent prairie lay three dead bodies, one of which, from fragments
of dress still clinging to the wasted remains, they saw to be that of a
woman. It was in vain to question the imperturbable savages, who, wrapped
to the throat in their buffalo-robes, stood gazing on the scene with looks of
wooden immobility. Two strangers, however, at length arrived.[354] Their
faces were smeared with paint, and they were wrapped in buffalo-robes like
the rest; yet these seeming Indians were L'Archevêque, the tool of La
Salle's murderer Duhaut, and Grollet, the companion of the white savage
Ruter. The Spanish commander, learning that these two men were in the
district of the tribe called Texas,[355] had sent to invite them to his camp
under a pledge of good treatment; and they had resolved to trust Spanish
clemency rather than endure longer a life that had become intolerable. From
Page 334
them the Spaniards learned nearly all that is known of the fate of Barbier,
Zenobe Membré, and their companions. Three months before, a large band
of Indians had approached the fort, the inmates of which had suffered
severely from the ravages of the small-pox. From fear of treachery, they
refused to admit their visitors, but received them at a cabin without the
palisades. Here the French began a trade with them; when suddenly a band
of warriors, yelling the war-whoop, rushed from an ambuscade under the
bank of the river, and butchered the greater number. The children of one
Talon, together with an Italian and a young man from Paris named Breman,
were saved by the Indian women, who carried them off on their backs.
L'Archevêque and Grollet, who with others of their stamp were
domesticated in the Indian villages, came to the scene of slaughter, and, as
they affirmed, buried fourteen dead bodies.[356]
L'Archevêque and Grollet were sent to Spain, where,
in spite of the pledge given them, they were thrown into THE SURVIVORS.
prison, with the intention of sending them back to labor
in the mines. The Indians, some time after De Leon's expedition, gave up
their captives to the Spaniards. The Italian was imprisoned at Vera Cruz.
Breman's fate is unknown. Pierre and Jean Baptiste Talon, who were now
old enough to bear arms, were enrolled in the Spanish navy, and, being
captured in 1696 by a French ship of war, regained their liberty; while their
younger brothers and their sister were carried to Spain by the Viceroy.[357]
With respect to the ruffian companions of Hiens, the conviction of Tonty
that they had been put to death by the Indians may have been well founded;
but the buccaneer himself is said to have been killed in a quarrel with his
accomplice Ruter, the white savage; and thus in ignominy and darkness
died the last embers of the doomed colony of La Salle.
Here ends the wild and mournful story of the
explorers of the Mississippi. Of all their toil and FRUIT OF
sacrifice, no fruit remained but a great geographical EXPLORATIONS.
discovery, and a grand type of incarnate energy and will. Where La Salle
had ploughed, others were to sow the seed; and on the path which the
undespairing Norman had hewn out, the Canadian D'Iberville was to win
for France a vast though a transient dominion.
Zenobe Membré, and their companions. Three months before, a large band
of Indians had approached the fort, the inmates of which had suffered
severely from the ravages of the small-pox. From fear of treachery, they
refused to admit their visitors, but received them at a cabin without the
palisades. Here the French began a trade with them; when suddenly a band
of warriors, yelling the war-whoop, rushed from an ambuscade under the
bank of the river, and butchered the greater number. The children of one
Talon, together with an Italian and a young man from Paris named Breman,
were saved by the Indian women, who carried them off on their backs.
L'Archevêque and Grollet, who with others of their stamp were
domesticated in the Indian villages, came to the scene of slaughter, and, as
they affirmed, buried fourteen dead bodies.[356]
L'Archevêque and Grollet were sent to Spain, where,
in spite of the pledge given them, they were thrown into THE SURVIVORS.
prison, with the intention of sending them back to labor
in the mines. The Indians, some time after De Leon's expedition, gave up
their captives to the Spaniards. The Italian was imprisoned at Vera Cruz.
Breman's fate is unknown. Pierre and Jean Baptiste Talon, who were now
old enough to bear arms, were enrolled in the Spanish navy, and, being
captured in 1696 by a French ship of war, regained their liberty; while their
younger brothers and their sister were carried to Spain by the Viceroy.[357]
With respect to the ruffian companions of Hiens, the conviction of Tonty
that they had been put to death by the Indians may have been well founded;
but the buccaneer himself is said to have been killed in a quarrel with his
accomplice Ruter, the white savage; and thus in ignominy and darkness
died the last embers of the doomed colony of La Salle.
Here ends the wild and mournful story of the
explorers of the Mississippi. Of all their toil and FRUIT OF
sacrifice, no fruit remained but a great geographical EXPLORATIONS.
discovery, and a grand type of incarnate energy and will. Where La Salle
had ploughed, others were to sow the seed; and on the path which the
undespairing Norman had hewn out, the Canadian D'Iberville was to win
for France a vast though a transient dominion.
Page 335
FOOTNOTES:
[ Tonty, Mémoire.
35
0] [ Two causes have contributed to detract, most unjustly, from Tonty's reputation,—
35 the publication, under his name, but without his authority, of a perverted account of
1] the enterprises in which he took part; and the confounding him with his brother,
Alphonse de Tonty, who long commanded at Detroit, where charges of peculation were brought
against him. There are very few names in French-American history mentioned with such
unanimity of praise as that of Henri de Tonty. Hennepin finds some fault with him; but his
censure is commendation. The despatches of the governor, Denonville, speak in strong terms of
his services in the Iroquois war, praise his character, and declare that he is fit for any bold
enterprise, adding that he deserves reward from the King. The missionary, St. Cosme, who
travelled under his escort in 1699, says of him: "He is beloved by all the voyageurs.... It was with
deep regret that we parted from him: ... he is the man who best knows the country; ... he is loved
and feared everywhere.... Your grace will, I doubt not, take pleasure in acknowledging the
obligations we owe him."
Tonty held the commission of captain; but, by a memoir which he
addressed to Ponchartrain in 1690, it appears that he had never received
any pay. Count Frontenac certifies the truth of the statement, and adds a
recommendation of the writer. In consequence, probably, of this, the
proprietorship of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois was granted in the same
year to Tonty, jointly with La Forest, formerly La Salle's lieutenant. Here
they carried on a trade in furs. In 1699, a royal declaration was launched
against the coureurs de bois; but an express provision was added in favor
of Tonty and La Forest, who were empowered to send up the country
yearly two canoes, with twelve men, for the maintenance of this fort.
With such a limitation, this fort and the trade carried on at it must have
been very small. In 1702, we find a royal order, to the effect that La
Forest is henceforth to reside in Canada, and Tonty on the Mississippi;
and that the establishment at the Illinois is to be discontinued. In the
same year, Tonty joined D'Iberville in Lower Louisiana, and was sent by
that officer from Mobile to secure the Chickasaws in the French interest.
His subsequent career and the time of his death do not appear. He seems
never to have received the reward which his great merit deserved. Those
intimate with the late lamented Dr. Sparks will remember his often-
expressed wish that justice should be done to the memory of Tonty.
Fort St. Louis of the Illinois was afterwards reoccupied by the French.
In 1718, a number of them, chiefly traders, were living here; but three
[ Tonty, Mémoire.
35
0] [ Two causes have contributed to detract, most unjustly, from Tonty's reputation,—
35 the publication, under his name, but without his authority, of a perverted account of
1] the enterprises in which he took part; and the confounding him with his brother,
Alphonse de Tonty, who long commanded at Detroit, where charges of peculation were brought
against him. There are very few names in French-American history mentioned with such
unanimity of praise as that of Henri de Tonty. Hennepin finds some fault with him; but his
censure is commendation. The despatches of the governor, Denonville, speak in strong terms of
his services in the Iroquois war, praise his character, and declare that he is fit for any bold
enterprise, adding that he deserves reward from the King. The missionary, St. Cosme, who
travelled under his escort in 1699, says of him: "He is beloved by all the voyageurs.... It was with
deep regret that we parted from him: ... he is the man who best knows the country; ... he is loved
and feared everywhere.... Your grace will, I doubt not, take pleasure in acknowledging the
obligations we owe him."
Tonty held the commission of captain; but, by a memoir which he
addressed to Ponchartrain in 1690, it appears that he had never received
any pay. Count Frontenac certifies the truth of the statement, and adds a
recommendation of the writer. In consequence, probably, of this, the
proprietorship of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois was granted in the same
year to Tonty, jointly with La Forest, formerly La Salle's lieutenant. Here
they carried on a trade in furs. In 1699, a royal declaration was launched
against the coureurs de bois; but an express provision was added in favor
of Tonty and La Forest, who were empowered to send up the country
yearly two canoes, with twelve men, for the maintenance of this fort.
With such a limitation, this fort and the trade carried on at it must have
been very small. In 1702, we find a royal order, to the effect that La
Forest is henceforth to reside in Canada, and Tonty on the Mississippi;
and that the establishment at the Illinois is to be discontinued. In the
same year, Tonty joined D'Iberville in Lower Louisiana, and was sent by
that officer from Mobile to secure the Chickasaws in the French interest.
His subsequent career and the time of his death do not appear. He seems
never to have received the reward which his great merit deserved. Those
intimate with the late lamented Dr. Sparks will remember his often-
expressed wish that justice should be done to the memory of Tonty.
Fort St. Louis of the Illinois was afterwards reoccupied by the French.
In 1718, a number of them, chiefly traders, were living here; but three
Page 336
years later it was again deserted, and Charlevoix, passing the spot, saw
only the remains of its palisades.
[ Fort St. Louis of Texas is not to be confounded with Fort St. Louis of the Illinois.
35
2] [ After crossing the Del Norte, they crossed in turn the Upper Nueces, the Hondo
35 (Rio Frio), the De Leon (San Antonio), and the Guadalupe, and then, turning
3] southward, descended to the Bay of St. Bernard.... Manuscript map of "Route que
firent les Espagnols, pour venir enlever les Français restez à la Baye St. Bernard ou St. Louis,
après la perte du vaisseau de Mr. de la Salle en 1689." (Margry's collection.)
[ May 1st. The Spaniards reached the fort April 22.
35
4] [ This is the first instance in which the name occurs. In a letter written by a member
35 of De Leon's party, the Texan Indians are mentioned several times. (See Coleccion de
5] Varios Documentos, 25.) They are described as an agricultural tribe, and were, to all
appearance, identical with the Cenis. The name Tejas, or Texas, was first applied as a local
designation to a spot on the river Neches, in the Cenis territory, whence it extended to the whole
country. (See Yoakum, History of Texas, 52.)
[ Derrotero de la Jornada que hizo el General Alonso de Leon para el descubrimiento de
35 la Bahia del Espíritu Santo, y poblacion de Franceses. Ano de 1689.—This is the official
6] journal of the expedition, signed by Alonzo de Leon. I am indebted to Colonel Thomas
Aspinwall for the opportunity of examining it. The name of Espiritu Santo was, as before
mentioned, given by the Spaniards to St. Louis, or Matagorda Bay, as well as to two other bays of
the Gulf of Mexico.
Carta en que se da noticia de un viaje hecho à la Bahia de Espíritu
Santo y de la poblacion que tenian ahi los Franceses. Coleccion de
Varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida, 25.—This is a letter
from a person accompanying the expedition of De Leon. It is dated May
18, 1689, and agrees closely with the journal cited above, though
evidently by another hand. Compare Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, 294.
Barcia's story has been doubted; but these authentic documents prove the
correctness of his principal statements, though on minor points he seems
to have indulged his fancy.
The Viceroy of New Spain, in a report to the King, 1690, says that, in
order to keep the Texas and other Indians of that region in obedience to
his Majesty, he has resolved to establish eight missions among them. He
adds that he has appointed as governor, or commander, in that province,
Don Domingo Teran de los Rios, who will make a thorough exploration
of it, carry out what De Leon has begun; prevent the further intrusion of
foreigners like La Salle, and go in pursuit of the remnant of the French,
only the remains of its palisades.
[ Fort St. Louis of Texas is not to be confounded with Fort St. Louis of the Illinois.
35
2] [ After crossing the Del Norte, they crossed in turn the Upper Nueces, the Hondo
35 (Rio Frio), the De Leon (San Antonio), and the Guadalupe, and then, turning
3] southward, descended to the Bay of St. Bernard.... Manuscript map of "Route que
firent les Espagnols, pour venir enlever les Français restez à la Baye St. Bernard ou St. Louis,
après la perte du vaisseau de Mr. de la Salle en 1689." (Margry's collection.)
[ May 1st. The Spaniards reached the fort April 22.
35
4] [ This is the first instance in which the name occurs. In a letter written by a member
35 of De Leon's party, the Texan Indians are mentioned several times. (See Coleccion de
5] Varios Documentos, 25.) They are described as an agricultural tribe, and were, to all
appearance, identical with the Cenis. The name Tejas, or Texas, was first applied as a local
designation to a spot on the river Neches, in the Cenis territory, whence it extended to the whole
country. (See Yoakum, History of Texas, 52.)
[ Derrotero de la Jornada que hizo el General Alonso de Leon para el descubrimiento de
35 la Bahia del Espíritu Santo, y poblacion de Franceses. Ano de 1689.—This is the official
6] journal of the expedition, signed by Alonzo de Leon. I am indebted to Colonel Thomas
Aspinwall for the opportunity of examining it. The name of Espiritu Santo was, as before
mentioned, given by the Spaniards to St. Louis, or Matagorda Bay, as well as to two other bays of
the Gulf of Mexico.
Carta en que se da noticia de un viaje hecho à la Bahia de Espíritu
Santo y de la poblacion que tenian ahi los Franceses. Coleccion de
Varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida, 25.—This is a letter
from a person accompanying the expedition of De Leon. It is dated May
18, 1689, and agrees closely with the journal cited above, though
evidently by another hand. Compare Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, 294.
Barcia's story has been doubted; but these authentic documents prove the
correctness of his principal statements, though on minor points he seems
to have indulged his fancy.
The Viceroy of New Spain, in a report to the King, 1690, says that, in
order to keep the Texas and other Indians of that region in obedience to
his Majesty, he has resolved to establish eight missions among them. He
adds that he has appointed as governor, or commander, in that province,
Don Domingo Teran de los Rios, who will make a thorough exploration
of it, carry out what De Leon has begun; prevent the further intrusion of
foreigners like La Salle, and go in pursuit of the remnant of the French,
Page 337
who are said still to remain among the tribes of Red River. I owe this
document to the kindness of Mr. Buckingham Smith.
[ Mémoire sur lequel on a interrogé les deux Canadiens [Pierre et Jean Baptiste Talon]
35 qui sont soldats dans la Compagnie de Feuguerolles. A Brest, 14 Février, 1698.
7]
Interrogations faites à Pierre et Jean Baptiste Talon à leur arrivée
de la Veracrux.—This paper, which differs in some of its details from the
preceding, was sent by D'Iberville, the founder of Louisiana, to Abbé
Cavelier. Appended to it is a letter from D'Iberville, written in May,
1704, in which he confirms the chief statements of the Talons, by
information obtained by him from a Spanish officer at Pensacola.
document to the kindness of Mr. Buckingham Smith.
[ Mémoire sur lequel on a interrogé les deux Canadiens [Pierre et Jean Baptiste Talon]
35 qui sont soldats dans la Compagnie de Feuguerolles. A Brest, 14 Février, 1698.
7]
Interrogations faites à Pierre et Jean Baptiste Talon à leur arrivée
de la Veracrux.—This paper, which differs in some of its details from the
preceding, was sent by D'Iberville, the founder of Louisiana, to Abbé
Cavelier. Appended to it is a letter from D'Iberville, written in May,
1704, in which he confirms the chief statements of the Talons, by
information obtained by him from a Spanish officer at Pensacola.
Page 338
APPENDIX.
I.
EARLY UNPUBLISHED MAPS OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE
GREAT LAKES.
Most of the maps described below are to be found in the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine
et des Colonies, at Paris. Taken together, they exhibit the progress of western discovery,
and illustrate the records of the explorers.
1. The map of Galinée, 1670, has a double title,—Carte du Canada et des
Terres découvertes vers le lac Derié, and Carte du Lac Ontario et des
habitations qui l'environnent ensemble le pays que Messrs. Dolier et
Galinée, missionnaires du seminaire de St. Sulpice, ont parcouru. It
professes to represent only the country actually visited by the two
missionaries. Beginning with Montreal, it gives the course of the Upper St.
Lawrence and the shores of Lake Ontario, the river Niagara, the north shore
of Lake Erie, the Strait of Detroit, and the eastern and northern shores of
Lake Huron. Galinée did not know the existence of the peninsula of
Michigan, and merges Lakes Huron and Michigan into one, under the name
of "Michigané, ou Mer Douce des Hurons." He was also entirely ignorant of
the south shore of Lake Erie. He represents the outlet of Lake Superior as
far as the Saut Ste. Marie, and lays down the river Ottawa in great detail,
having descended it on his return. The Falls of the Genesee are indicated, as
also the Falls of Niagara, with the inscription, "Sault qui tombe au rapport
des sauvages de plus de 200 pieds de haut." Had the Jesuits been disposed
to aid him, they could have given him much additional information, and
corrected his most serious errors; as, for example, the omission of the
peninsula of Michigan. The first attempt to map out the Great Lakes was
that of Champlain, in 1632. This of Galinée may be called the second.
2. The map of Lake Superior, published in the Jesuit Relation of 1670,
1671, was made at about the same time with Galinée's map. Lake Superior
is here styled "Lac Tracy, ou Supérieur." Though not so exact as it has been
represented, this map indicates that the Jesuits had explored every part of
I.
EARLY UNPUBLISHED MAPS OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE
GREAT LAKES.
Most of the maps described below are to be found in the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine
et des Colonies, at Paris. Taken together, they exhibit the progress of western discovery,
and illustrate the records of the explorers.
1. The map of Galinée, 1670, has a double title,—Carte du Canada et des
Terres découvertes vers le lac Derié, and Carte du Lac Ontario et des
habitations qui l'environnent ensemble le pays que Messrs. Dolier et
Galinée, missionnaires du seminaire de St. Sulpice, ont parcouru. It
professes to represent only the country actually visited by the two
missionaries. Beginning with Montreal, it gives the course of the Upper St.
Lawrence and the shores of Lake Ontario, the river Niagara, the north shore
of Lake Erie, the Strait of Detroit, and the eastern and northern shores of
Lake Huron. Galinée did not know the existence of the peninsula of
Michigan, and merges Lakes Huron and Michigan into one, under the name
of "Michigané, ou Mer Douce des Hurons." He was also entirely ignorant of
the south shore of Lake Erie. He represents the outlet of Lake Superior as
far as the Saut Ste. Marie, and lays down the river Ottawa in great detail,
having descended it on his return. The Falls of the Genesee are indicated, as
also the Falls of Niagara, with the inscription, "Sault qui tombe au rapport
des sauvages de plus de 200 pieds de haut." Had the Jesuits been disposed
to aid him, they could have given him much additional information, and
corrected his most serious errors; as, for example, the omission of the
peninsula of Michigan. The first attempt to map out the Great Lakes was
that of Champlain, in 1632. This of Galinée may be called the second.
2. The map of Lake Superior, published in the Jesuit Relation of 1670,
1671, was made at about the same time with Galinée's map. Lake Superior
is here styled "Lac Tracy, ou Supérieur." Though not so exact as it has been
represented, this map indicates that the Jesuits had explored every part of
Page 339
this fresh-water ocean, and that they had a thorough knowledge of the
straits connecting the three Upper Lakes, and of the adjacent bays, inlets,
and shores. The peninsula of Michigan, ignored by Galinée, is represented
in its proper place.
3. Three years or more after Galinée made the map mentioned above,
another, indicating a greatly increased knowledge of the country, was made
by some person whose name does not appear. This map, which is somewhat
more than four feet long and about two feet and a half wide, has no title. All
the Great Lakes, through their entire extent, are laid down on it with
considerable accuracy. Lake Ontario is called "Lac Ontario, ou de
Frontenac." Fort Frontenac is indicated, as well as the Iroquois colonies of
the north shore. Niagara is "Chute haute de 120 toises par où le Lac Erié
tombe dans le Lac Frontenac." Lake Erie is "Lac Teiocha-rontiong, dit
communément Lac Erié." Lake St. Clair is "Tsiketo, ou Lac de la
Chaudière." Lake Huron is "Lac Huron, ou Mer Douce des Hurons." Lake
Superior is "Lac Supérieur." Lake Michigan is "Lac Mitchiganong, ou des
Illinois." On Lake Michigan, immediately opposite the site of Chicago, are
written the words, of which the following is the literal translation: "The
largest vessels can come to this place from the outlet of Lake Erie, where it
discharges into Lake Frontenac [Ontario]; and from this marsh into which
they can enter there is only a distance of a thousand paces to the River La
Divine [Des Plaines], which can lead them to the River Colbert
[Mississippi], and thence to the Gulf of Mexico." This map was evidently
made after that voyage of La Salle in which he discovered the Illinois, or at
least the Des Plaines branch of it. The Ohio is laid down with the
inscription, "River Ohio, so called by the Iroquois on account of its beauty,
which the Sieur de la Salle descended." (Ante, 32, note.)
4. We now come to the map of Marquette, which is a rude sketch of a
portion of Lakes Superior and Michigan, and of the route pursued by him
and Joliet up the Fox River of Green Bay, down the Wisconsin, and thence
down the Mississippi as far as the Arkansas. The river Illinois is also laid
down, as it was by this course that he returned to Lake Michigan after his
memorable voyage. He gives no name to the Wisconsin. The Mississippi is
called "Rivière de la Conception;" the Missouri, the Pekitanoui; and the
Ohio, the Ouabouskiaou, though La Salle, its discoverer, had previously
given it its present name, borrowed from the Iroquois. The Illinois is
straits connecting the three Upper Lakes, and of the adjacent bays, inlets,
and shores. The peninsula of Michigan, ignored by Galinée, is represented
in its proper place.
3. Three years or more after Galinée made the map mentioned above,
another, indicating a greatly increased knowledge of the country, was made
by some person whose name does not appear. This map, which is somewhat
more than four feet long and about two feet and a half wide, has no title. All
the Great Lakes, through their entire extent, are laid down on it with
considerable accuracy. Lake Ontario is called "Lac Ontario, ou de
Frontenac." Fort Frontenac is indicated, as well as the Iroquois colonies of
the north shore. Niagara is "Chute haute de 120 toises par où le Lac Erié
tombe dans le Lac Frontenac." Lake Erie is "Lac Teiocha-rontiong, dit
communément Lac Erié." Lake St. Clair is "Tsiketo, ou Lac de la
Chaudière." Lake Huron is "Lac Huron, ou Mer Douce des Hurons." Lake
Superior is "Lac Supérieur." Lake Michigan is "Lac Mitchiganong, ou des
Illinois." On Lake Michigan, immediately opposite the site of Chicago, are
written the words, of which the following is the literal translation: "The
largest vessels can come to this place from the outlet of Lake Erie, where it
discharges into Lake Frontenac [Ontario]; and from this marsh into which
they can enter there is only a distance of a thousand paces to the River La
Divine [Des Plaines], which can lead them to the River Colbert
[Mississippi], and thence to the Gulf of Mexico." This map was evidently
made after that voyage of La Salle in which he discovered the Illinois, or at
least the Des Plaines branch of it. The Ohio is laid down with the
inscription, "River Ohio, so called by the Iroquois on account of its beauty,
which the Sieur de la Salle descended." (Ante, 32, note.)
4. We now come to the map of Marquette, which is a rude sketch of a
portion of Lakes Superior and Michigan, and of the route pursued by him
and Joliet up the Fox River of Green Bay, down the Wisconsin, and thence
down the Mississippi as far as the Arkansas. The river Illinois is also laid
down, as it was by this course that he returned to Lake Michigan after his
memorable voyage. He gives no name to the Wisconsin. The Mississippi is
called "Rivière de la Conception;" the Missouri, the Pekitanoui; and the
Ohio, the Ouabouskiaou, though La Salle, its discoverer, had previously
given it its present name, borrowed from the Iroquois. The Illinois is
Page 340
nameless, like the Wisconsin. At the mouth of a river, perhaps the Des
Moines, Marquette places the three villages of the Peoria Indians visited by
him. These, with the Kaskaskias, Maroas, and others, on the map, were
merely sub-tribes of the aggregation of savages known as the Illinois. On or
near the Missouri he places the Ouchage (Osages), the Oumessourit
(Missouris), the Kansa (Kanzas), the Paniassa (Pawnees), the Maha
(Omahas), and the Pahoutet (Pah-Utahs?). The names of many other tribes,
"esloignées dans les terres," are also given along the course of the Arkansas,
a river which is nameless on the map. Most of these tribes are now
indistinguishable. This map has recently been engraved and published.
5. Not long after Marquette's return from the Mississippi, another map
was made by the Jesuits, with the following title: Carte de la nouvelle
decouverte que les peres Iesuites ont fait en l'année 1672, et continuée par
le P. Iacques Marquette de la mesme Compagnie accompagné de quelques
françois en l'année 1673, qu'on pourra nommer en françois la Manitoumie.
This title is very elaborately decorated with figures drawn with a pen, and
representing Jesuits instructing Indians. The map is the same published by
Thevenot, not without considerable variations, in 1681. It represents the
Mississippi from a little above the Wisconsin to the Gulf of Mexico, the
part below the Arkansas being drawn from conjecture. The river is named
"Mitchisipi, ou grande Rivière." The Wisconsin, the Illinois, the Ohio, the
Des Moines(?), the Missouri, and the Arkansas are all represented, but in a
very rude manner. Marquette's route, in going and returning, is marked by
lines; but the return route is incorrect. The whole map is so crude and
careless, and based on information so inexact, that it is of little interest.
6. The Jesuits made also another map, without title, of the four Upper
Lakes and the Mississippi to a little below the Arkansas. The Mississippi is
called "Riuiere Colbert." The map is remarkable as including the earliest
representation of the Upper Mississippi, based, perhaps, on the reports of
Indians. The Falls of St. Anthony are indicated by the word "Saut." It is
possible that the map may be of later date than at first appears, and that it
may have been drawn in the interval between the return of Hennepin from
the Upper Mississippi and that of La Salle from his discovery of the mouth
of the river. The various temporary and permanent stations of the Jesuits are
marked by crosses.
Moines, Marquette places the three villages of the Peoria Indians visited by
him. These, with the Kaskaskias, Maroas, and others, on the map, were
merely sub-tribes of the aggregation of savages known as the Illinois. On or
near the Missouri he places the Ouchage (Osages), the Oumessourit
(Missouris), the Kansa (Kanzas), the Paniassa (Pawnees), the Maha
(Omahas), and the Pahoutet (Pah-Utahs?). The names of many other tribes,
"esloignées dans les terres," are also given along the course of the Arkansas,
a river which is nameless on the map. Most of these tribes are now
indistinguishable. This map has recently been engraved and published.
5. Not long after Marquette's return from the Mississippi, another map
was made by the Jesuits, with the following title: Carte de la nouvelle
decouverte que les peres Iesuites ont fait en l'année 1672, et continuée par
le P. Iacques Marquette de la mesme Compagnie accompagné de quelques
françois en l'année 1673, qu'on pourra nommer en françois la Manitoumie.
This title is very elaborately decorated with figures drawn with a pen, and
representing Jesuits instructing Indians. The map is the same published by
Thevenot, not without considerable variations, in 1681. It represents the
Mississippi from a little above the Wisconsin to the Gulf of Mexico, the
part below the Arkansas being drawn from conjecture. The river is named
"Mitchisipi, ou grande Rivière." The Wisconsin, the Illinois, the Ohio, the
Des Moines(?), the Missouri, and the Arkansas are all represented, but in a
very rude manner. Marquette's route, in going and returning, is marked by
lines; but the return route is incorrect. The whole map is so crude and
careless, and based on information so inexact, that it is of little interest.
6. The Jesuits made also another map, without title, of the four Upper
Lakes and the Mississippi to a little below the Arkansas. The Mississippi is
called "Riuiere Colbert." The map is remarkable as including the earliest
representation of the Upper Mississippi, based, perhaps, on the reports of
Indians. The Falls of St. Anthony are indicated by the word "Saut." It is
possible that the map may be of later date than at first appears, and that it
may have been drawn in the interval between the return of Hennepin from
the Upper Mississippi and that of La Salle from his discovery of the mouth
of the river. The various temporary and permanent stations of the Jesuits are
marked by crosses.
Page 341
7. Of far greater interest is the small map of Louis Joliet made and
presented to Count Frontenac after the discoverer's return from the
Mississippi. It is entitled Carte de la decouverte du Sr. Jolliet ou l'on voit La
Communication du fleuve St. Laurens avec les lacs frontenac, Erié, Lac des
Hurons et Ilinois. Then succeeds the following, written in the same
antiquated French, as if it were a part of the title: "Lake Frontenac [Ontario]
is separated by a fall of half a league from Lake Erié, from which one enters
that of the Hurons, and by the same navigation, into that of the Illinois
[Michigan], from the head of which one crosses to the Divine River
[Rivière Divine; i. e., the Des Plaines branch of the river Illinois], by a
portage of a thousand paces. This river falls into the river Colbert
[Mississippi], which discharges itself into the Gulf of Mexico." A part of
this map is based on the Jesuit map of Lake Superior, the legends being
here for the most part identical, though the shape of the lake is better given
by Joliet. The Mississippi, or "Riuiere Colbert," is made to flow from three
lakes in latitude 47°; and it ends in latitude 37°, a little below the mouth of
the Ohio, the rest being apparently cut off to make room for Joliet's letter to
Frontenac (ante, 76), which is written on the lower part of the map. The
valley of the Mississippi is called on the map "Colbertie, ou Amerique
Occidentale." The Missouri is represented without name, and against it is a
legend, of which the following is the literal translation: "By one of these
great rivers which come from the west and discharge themselves into the
river Colbert, one will find a way to enter the Vermilion Sea (Gulf of
California). I have seen a village which was not more than twenty days'
journey by land from a nation which has commerce with those of
California. If I had come two days sooner, I should have spoken with those
who had come from thence, and had brought four hatchets as a present."
The Ohio has no name, but a legend over it states that La Salle had
descended it. (See ante, 32, note).
8. Joliet, at about the same time, made another map, larger than that just
mentioned, but not essentially different. The letter to Frontenac is written
upon both. There is a third map, of which the following is the title: Carte
generalle de la France septentrionale contenant la descouuerte du pays des
Illinois, faite par le Sr. Jolliet. This map, which is inscribed with a
dedication by the Intendant Duchesneau to the minister Colbert, was made
some time after the voyage of Joliet and Marquette. It is an elaborate piece
presented to Count Frontenac after the discoverer's return from the
Mississippi. It is entitled Carte de la decouverte du Sr. Jolliet ou l'on voit La
Communication du fleuve St. Laurens avec les lacs frontenac, Erié, Lac des
Hurons et Ilinois. Then succeeds the following, written in the same
antiquated French, as if it were a part of the title: "Lake Frontenac [Ontario]
is separated by a fall of half a league from Lake Erié, from which one enters
that of the Hurons, and by the same navigation, into that of the Illinois
[Michigan], from the head of which one crosses to the Divine River
[Rivière Divine; i. e., the Des Plaines branch of the river Illinois], by a
portage of a thousand paces. This river falls into the river Colbert
[Mississippi], which discharges itself into the Gulf of Mexico." A part of
this map is based on the Jesuit map of Lake Superior, the legends being
here for the most part identical, though the shape of the lake is better given
by Joliet. The Mississippi, or "Riuiere Colbert," is made to flow from three
lakes in latitude 47°; and it ends in latitude 37°, a little below the mouth of
the Ohio, the rest being apparently cut off to make room for Joliet's letter to
Frontenac (ante, 76), which is written on the lower part of the map. The
valley of the Mississippi is called on the map "Colbertie, ou Amerique
Occidentale." The Missouri is represented without name, and against it is a
legend, of which the following is the literal translation: "By one of these
great rivers which come from the west and discharge themselves into the
river Colbert, one will find a way to enter the Vermilion Sea (Gulf of
California). I have seen a village which was not more than twenty days'
journey by land from a nation which has commerce with those of
California. If I had come two days sooner, I should have spoken with those
who had come from thence, and had brought four hatchets as a present."
The Ohio has no name, but a legend over it states that La Salle had
descended it. (See ante, 32, note).
8. Joliet, at about the same time, made another map, larger than that just
mentioned, but not essentially different. The letter to Frontenac is written
upon both. There is a third map, of which the following is the title: Carte
generalle de la France septentrionale contenant la descouuerte du pays des
Illinois, faite par le Sr. Jolliet. This map, which is inscribed with a
dedication by the Intendant Duchesneau to the minister Colbert, was made
some time after the voyage of Joliet and Marquette. It is an elaborate piece
Page 342
of work, but very inaccurate. It represents the continent from Hudson's
Strait to Mexico and California, with the whole of the Atlantic and a part of
the Pacific coast. An open sea is made to extend from Hudson's Strait
westward to the Pacific. The St. Lawrence and all the Great Lakes are laid
down with tolerable correctness, as also is the Gulf of Mexico. The
Mississippi, called "Messasipi," flows into the Gulf, from which it extends
northward nearly to the "Mer du Nord." Along its course, above the
Wisconsin, which is called "Miskous," is a long list of Indian tribes, most of
which cannot now be recognized, though several are clearly sub-tribes of
the Sioux. The Ohio is called "Ouaboustikou." The whole map is decorated
with numerous figures of animals, natives of the country, or supposed to be
so. Among them are camels, ostriches, and a giraffe, which are placed on
the plains west of the Mississippi. But the most curious figure is that which
represents one of the monsters seen by Joliet and Marquette, painted on a
rock by the Indians. It corresponds with Marquette's description (ante, 68).
This map, which is an early effort of the engineer Franquelin, does more
credit to his skill as a designer than to his geographical knowledge, which
appears in some respects behind his time.
9. Carte de l'Amérique Septentrionale depuis l'embouchure de la Rivière
St. Laurens jusques au Sein Mexique. On this curious little map, the
Mississippi is called "Riuiere Buade" (the family name of Frontenac); and
the neighboring country is "La Frontenacie." The Illinois is "Riuiere de la
Diuine ou Loutrelaise," and the Arkansas is "Riuiere Bazire." The
Mississippi is made to head in three lakes, and to discharge itself into "B.
du S. Esprit" (Mobile Bay). Some of the legends and the orthography of
various Indian names are clearly borrowed from Marquette. This map
appears to be the work of Raudin, Frontenac's engineer. I owe a tracing of it
to the kindness of Henry Harrisse, Esq.
10. Carte des Parties les plus occidentales du Canada, par le Père Pierre
Raffeix, S. J. This rude map shows the course of Du Lhut from the head of
Lake Superior to the Mississippi, and partly confirms the story of Hennepin,
who, Raffeix says in a note, was rescued by Du Lhut. The course of Joliet
and Marquette is given, with the legend "Voyage et première descouverte
du Mississipy faite par le P. Marquette et Mr. Joliet en 1672." The route of
La Salle in 1679, 1680, is also laid down.
Strait to Mexico and California, with the whole of the Atlantic and a part of
the Pacific coast. An open sea is made to extend from Hudson's Strait
westward to the Pacific. The St. Lawrence and all the Great Lakes are laid
down with tolerable correctness, as also is the Gulf of Mexico. The
Mississippi, called "Messasipi," flows into the Gulf, from which it extends
northward nearly to the "Mer du Nord." Along its course, above the
Wisconsin, which is called "Miskous," is a long list of Indian tribes, most of
which cannot now be recognized, though several are clearly sub-tribes of
the Sioux. The Ohio is called "Ouaboustikou." The whole map is decorated
with numerous figures of animals, natives of the country, or supposed to be
so. Among them are camels, ostriches, and a giraffe, which are placed on
the plains west of the Mississippi. But the most curious figure is that which
represents one of the monsters seen by Joliet and Marquette, painted on a
rock by the Indians. It corresponds with Marquette's description (ante, 68).
This map, which is an early effort of the engineer Franquelin, does more
credit to his skill as a designer than to his geographical knowledge, which
appears in some respects behind his time.
9. Carte de l'Amérique Septentrionale depuis l'embouchure de la Rivière
St. Laurens jusques au Sein Mexique. On this curious little map, the
Mississippi is called "Riuiere Buade" (the family name of Frontenac); and
the neighboring country is "La Frontenacie." The Illinois is "Riuiere de la
Diuine ou Loutrelaise," and the Arkansas is "Riuiere Bazire." The
Mississippi is made to head in three lakes, and to discharge itself into "B.
du S. Esprit" (Mobile Bay). Some of the legends and the orthography of
various Indian names are clearly borrowed from Marquette. This map
appears to be the work of Raudin, Frontenac's engineer. I owe a tracing of it
to the kindness of Henry Harrisse, Esq.
10. Carte des Parties les plus occidentales du Canada, par le Père Pierre
Raffeix, S. J. This rude map shows the course of Du Lhut from the head of
Lake Superior to the Mississippi, and partly confirms the story of Hennepin,
who, Raffeix says in a note, was rescued by Du Lhut. The course of Joliet
and Marquette is given, with the legend "Voyage et première descouverte
du Mississipy faite par le P. Marquette et Mr. Joliet en 1672." The route of
La Salle in 1679, 1680, is also laid down.
Page 343
11. In the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine is another map of the Upper
Mississippi, which seems to have been made by or for Du Lhut. Lac Buade,
the "Issatis," the "Tintons," the "Houelbatons," the "Poualacs," and other
tribes of this region appear upon it. This is the map numbered 208 in the
Cartographie of Harrisse.
12. Another map deserving mention is a large and fine one, entitled Carte
de l'Amérique Septentrionale et partie de la Meridionale ... avec les
nouvelles découvertes de la Rivière Missisipi, ou Colbert. It appears to have
been made in 1682 or 1683, before the descent of La Salle to the mouth of
the Mississippi was known to the maker, who seems to have been
Franquelin. The lower Mississippi is omitted, but its upper portions are
elaborately laid down; and the name La Louisiane appears in large gold
letters along its west side. The Falls of St. Anthony are shown, and above
them is written "Armes du Roy gravées sur cet arbre l'an 1679." This refers
to the acte de prise de possession of Du Lhut in July of that year, and this
part of the map seems made from data supplied by him.
13. We now come to the great map of Franquelin, the most remarkable of
all the early maps of the interior of North America, though hitherto
completely ignored by both American and Canadian writers. It is entitled
Carte de la Louisiane ou des Voyages du Sr. de la Salle et des pays qu'il a
découverts depuis la Nouvelle France jusqu'au Golfe Mexique les années
1679, 80, 81, et 82, par Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin, l'an 1684. Paris.
Franquelin was a young engineer, who held the post of hydrographer to the
King, at Quebec, in which Joliet succeeded him. Several of his maps are
preserved, including one made in 1681, in which he lays down the course of
the Mississippi,—the lower part from conjecture,—making it discharge
itself into Mobile Bay. It appears from a letter of the governor, La Barre,
that Franquelin was at Quebec in 1683, engaged on a map which was
probably that of which the title is given above, though had La Barre known
that it was to be called a map of the journeys of his victim La Salle, he
would have been more sparing of his praises. "He" (Franquelin), writes the
governor, "is as skilful as any in France, but extremely poor and in need of
a little aid from his Majesty as an Engineer; he is at work on a very correct
map of the country, which I shall send you next year in his name;
meanwhile, I shall support him with some little assistance."—Colonial
Documents of New York, IX. 205.
Mississippi, which seems to have been made by or for Du Lhut. Lac Buade,
the "Issatis," the "Tintons," the "Houelbatons," the "Poualacs," and other
tribes of this region appear upon it. This is the map numbered 208 in the
Cartographie of Harrisse.
12. Another map deserving mention is a large and fine one, entitled Carte
de l'Amérique Septentrionale et partie de la Meridionale ... avec les
nouvelles découvertes de la Rivière Missisipi, ou Colbert. It appears to have
been made in 1682 or 1683, before the descent of La Salle to the mouth of
the Mississippi was known to the maker, who seems to have been
Franquelin. The lower Mississippi is omitted, but its upper portions are
elaborately laid down; and the name La Louisiane appears in large gold
letters along its west side. The Falls of St. Anthony are shown, and above
them is written "Armes du Roy gravées sur cet arbre l'an 1679." This refers
to the acte de prise de possession of Du Lhut in July of that year, and this
part of the map seems made from data supplied by him.
13. We now come to the great map of Franquelin, the most remarkable of
all the early maps of the interior of North America, though hitherto
completely ignored by both American and Canadian writers. It is entitled
Carte de la Louisiane ou des Voyages du Sr. de la Salle et des pays qu'il a
découverts depuis la Nouvelle France jusqu'au Golfe Mexique les années
1679, 80, 81, et 82, par Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin, l'an 1684. Paris.
Franquelin was a young engineer, who held the post of hydrographer to the
King, at Quebec, in which Joliet succeeded him. Several of his maps are
preserved, including one made in 1681, in which he lays down the course of
the Mississippi,—the lower part from conjecture,—making it discharge
itself into Mobile Bay. It appears from a letter of the governor, La Barre,
that Franquelin was at Quebec in 1683, engaged on a map which was
probably that of which the title is given above, though had La Barre known
that it was to be called a map of the journeys of his victim La Salle, he
would have been more sparing of his praises. "He" (Franquelin), writes the
governor, "is as skilful as any in France, but extremely poor and in need of
a little aid from his Majesty as an Engineer; he is at work on a very correct
map of the country, which I shall send you next year in his name;
meanwhile, I shall support him with some little assistance."—Colonial
Documents of New York, IX. 205.
Page 344
The map is very elaborately executed, and is six feet long and four and a
half wide. It exhibits the political divisions of the continent, as the French
then understood them; that is to say, all the regions drained by streams
flowing into the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi are claimed as belonging
to France, and this vast domain is separated into two grand divisions, La
Nouvelle France and La Louisiane. The boundary line of the former, New
France, is drawn from the Penobscot to the southern extremity of Lake
Champlain, and thence to the Mohawk, which it crosses a little above
Schenectady, in order to make French subjects of the Mohawk Indians.
Thence it passes by the sources of the Susquehanna and the Alleghany,
along the southern shore of Lake Erie, across Southern Michigan, and by
the head of Lake Michigan, whence it sweeps northwestward to the sources
of the Mississippi. Louisiana includes the entire valley of the Mississippi
and the Ohio, besides the whole of Texas. The Spanish province of Florida
comprises the peninsula and the country east of the Bay of Mobile, drained
by streams flowing into the Gulf; while Carolina, Virginia, and the other
English provinces, form a narrow strip between the Alleghanies and the
Atlantic.
The Mississippi is called "Missisipi, ou Rivière Colbert;" the Missouri,
"Grande Rivière des Emissourittes, ou Missourits;" the Illinois, "Rivière des
Ilinois, ou Macopins;" the Ohio, which La Salle had before called by its
present name, "Fleuve St. Louis, ou Chucagoa, ou Casquinampogamou;"
one of its principal branches is "Ohio, ou Olighin" (Alleghany); the
Arkansas, "Rivière des Acansea;" the Red River, "Rivière Seignelay," a
name which had once been given to the Illinois. Many smaller streams are
designated by names which have been entirely forgotten.
The nomenclature differs materially from that of Coronelli's map,
published four years later. Here the whole of the French territory is laid
down as "Canada, ou La Nouvelle France," of which "La Louisiane" forms
an integral part. The map of Homannus, like that of Franquelin, makes two
distinct provinces, of which one is styled "Canada" and the other "La
Louisiane," the latter including Michigan and the greater part of New York.
Franquelin gives the shape of Hudson's Bay, and of all the Great Lakes,
with remarkable accuracy. He makes the Mississippi bend much too far to
the West. The peculiar sinuosities of its course are indicated; and some of
its bends—as, for example, that at New Orleans—are easily recognized. Its
half wide. It exhibits the political divisions of the continent, as the French
then understood them; that is to say, all the regions drained by streams
flowing into the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi are claimed as belonging
to France, and this vast domain is separated into two grand divisions, La
Nouvelle France and La Louisiane. The boundary line of the former, New
France, is drawn from the Penobscot to the southern extremity of Lake
Champlain, and thence to the Mohawk, which it crosses a little above
Schenectady, in order to make French subjects of the Mohawk Indians.
Thence it passes by the sources of the Susquehanna and the Alleghany,
along the southern shore of Lake Erie, across Southern Michigan, and by
the head of Lake Michigan, whence it sweeps northwestward to the sources
of the Mississippi. Louisiana includes the entire valley of the Mississippi
and the Ohio, besides the whole of Texas. The Spanish province of Florida
comprises the peninsula and the country east of the Bay of Mobile, drained
by streams flowing into the Gulf; while Carolina, Virginia, and the other
English provinces, form a narrow strip between the Alleghanies and the
Atlantic.
The Mississippi is called "Missisipi, ou Rivière Colbert;" the Missouri,
"Grande Rivière des Emissourittes, ou Missourits;" the Illinois, "Rivière des
Ilinois, ou Macopins;" the Ohio, which La Salle had before called by its
present name, "Fleuve St. Louis, ou Chucagoa, ou Casquinampogamou;"
one of its principal branches is "Ohio, ou Olighin" (Alleghany); the
Arkansas, "Rivière des Acansea;" the Red River, "Rivière Seignelay," a
name which had once been given to the Illinois. Many smaller streams are
designated by names which have been entirely forgotten.
The nomenclature differs materially from that of Coronelli's map,
published four years later. Here the whole of the French territory is laid
down as "Canada, ou La Nouvelle France," of which "La Louisiane" forms
an integral part. The map of Homannus, like that of Franquelin, makes two
distinct provinces, of which one is styled "Canada" and the other "La
Louisiane," the latter including Michigan and the greater part of New York.
Franquelin gives the shape of Hudson's Bay, and of all the Great Lakes,
with remarkable accuracy. He makes the Mississippi bend much too far to
the West. The peculiar sinuosities of its course are indicated; and some of
its bends—as, for example, that at New Orleans—are easily recognized. Its
Page 345
mouths are represented with great minuteness; and it may be inferred from
the map that, since La Salle's time, they have advanced considerably into
the sea.
Perhaps the most interesting feature in Franquelin's map is his sketch of
La Salle's evanescent colony on the Illinois, engraved for this volume. He
reproduced the map in 1688, for presentation to the King, with the title
Carte de l'Amérique Septentrionale, depuis le 25 jusq'au 65 degré de
latitude et environ 140 et 235 degrés de longitude, etc. In this map,
Franquelin corrects various errors in that which preceded. One of these
corrections consists in the removal of a branch of the river Illinois which he
had marked on his first map,—as will be seen by referring to the portion of
it in this book,—but which does not in fact exist. On this second map, La
Salle's colony appears in much diminished proportions, his Indian
settlements having in good measure dispersed.
Two later maps of New France and Louisiana, both bearing Franquelin's
name, are preserved in the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine, as well as a
number of smaller maps and sketches, also by him. They all have more or
less of the features of the great map of 1684, which surpasses them all in
interest and completeness.
The remarkable manuscript map of the Upper Mississippi by Le Sueur
belongs to a period later than the close of this narrative.
These various maps, joined to contemporary documents, show that the
Valley of the Mississippi received, at an early date, the several names of
Manitoumie, Frontenacie, Colbertie, and La Louisiane. This last name,
which it long retained, is due to La Salle. The first use of it which I have
observed is in a conveyance of the Island of Belleisle made by him to his
lieutenant, La Forest, in 1679.
II.
THE ELDORADO OF MATHIEU SÂGEAN.
Father Hennepin had among his contemporaries two rivals in the
fabrication of new discoveries. The first was the noted La Hontan, whose
book, like his own, had a wide circulation and proved a great success. La
the map that, since La Salle's time, they have advanced considerably into
the sea.
Perhaps the most interesting feature in Franquelin's map is his sketch of
La Salle's evanescent colony on the Illinois, engraved for this volume. He
reproduced the map in 1688, for presentation to the King, with the title
Carte de l'Amérique Septentrionale, depuis le 25 jusq'au 65 degré de
latitude et environ 140 et 235 degrés de longitude, etc. In this map,
Franquelin corrects various errors in that which preceded. One of these
corrections consists in the removal of a branch of the river Illinois which he
had marked on his first map,—as will be seen by referring to the portion of
it in this book,—but which does not in fact exist. On this second map, La
Salle's colony appears in much diminished proportions, his Indian
settlements having in good measure dispersed.
Two later maps of New France and Louisiana, both bearing Franquelin's
name, are preserved in the Dépôt des Cartes de la Marine, as well as a
number of smaller maps and sketches, also by him. They all have more or
less of the features of the great map of 1684, which surpasses them all in
interest and completeness.
The remarkable manuscript map of the Upper Mississippi by Le Sueur
belongs to a period later than the close of this narrative.
These various maps, joined to contemporary documents, show that the
Valley of the Mississippi received, at an early date, the several names of
Manitoumie, Frontenacie, Colbertie, and La Louisiane. This last name,
which it long retained, is due to La Salle. The first use of it which I have
observed is in a conveyance of the Island of Belleisle made by him to his
lieutenant, La Forest, in 1679.
II.
THE ELDORADO OF MATHIEU SÂGEAN.
Father Hennepin had among his contemporaries two rivals in the
fabrication of new discoveries. The first was the noted La Hontan, whose
book, like his own, had a wide circulation and proved a great success. La
Page 346
Hontan had seen much, and portions of his story have a substantial value;
but his account of his pretended voyage up the "Long River" is a sheer
fabrication. His "Long River" corresponds in position with the St. Peter, but
it corresponds in nothing else; and the populous nations whom he found on
it—the Eokoros, the Esanapes, and the Gnacsitares, no less than their
neighbors the Mozeemlek and the Tahuglauk—are as real as the nations
visited by Captain Gulliver. But La Hontan did not, like Hennepin, add
slander and plagiarism to mendacity, or seek to appropriate to himself the
credit of genuine discoveries made by others.
Mathieu Sâgean is a personage less known than Hennepin or La Hontan;
for though he surpassed them both in fertility of invention, he was illiterate,
and never made a book. In 1701, being then a soldier in a company of
marines at Brest, he revealed a secret which he declared that he had locked
within his breast for twenty years, having been unwilling to impart it to the
Dutch and English, in whose service he had been during the whole period.
His story was written down from his dictation, and sent to the minister
Ponchartrain. It is preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and in 1863 it
was printed by Mr. Shea.
He was born, he declares, at La Chine in Canada, and engaged in the
service of La Salle about twenty years before the revelation of his secret;
that is, in 1681. Hence, he would have been, at the utmost, only fourteen
years old, as La Chine did not exist before 1667. He was with La Salle at
the building of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, and was left here as one of a
hundred men under command of Tonty. Tonty, it is to be observed, had but a
small fraction of this number; and Sâgean describes the fort in a manner
which shows that he never saw it. Being desirous of making some new
discovery, he obtained leave from Tonty, and set out with eleven other
Frenchmen and two Mohegan Indians. They ascended the Mississippi a
hundred and fifty leagues, carried their canoes by a cataract, went forty
leagues farther, and stopped a month to hunt. While thus employed, they
found another river, fourteen leagues distant, flowing south-southwest.
They carried their canoes thither, meeting on the way many lions, leopards,
and tigers, which did them no harm; then they embarked, paddled a hundred
and fifty leagues farther, and found themselves in the midst of the great
nation of the Acanibas, dwelling in many fortified towns, and governed by
King Hagaren, who claimed descent from Montezuma. The King, like his
but his account of his pretended voyage up the "Long River" is a sheer
fabrication. His "Long River" corresponds in position with the St. Peter, but
it corresponds in nothing else; and the populous nations whom he found on
it—the Eokoros, the Esanapes, and the Gnacsitares, no less than their
neighbors the Mozeemlek and the Tahuglauk—are as real as the nations
visited by Captain Gulliver. But La Hontan did not, like Hennepin, add
slander and plagiarism to mendacity, or seek to appropriate to himself the
credit of genuine discoveries made by others.
Mathieu Sâgean is a personage less known than Hennepin or La Hontan;
for though he surpassed them both in fertility of invention, he was illiterate,
and never made a book. In 1701, being then a soldier in a company of
marines at Brest, he revealed a secret which he declared that he had locked
within his breast for twenty years, having been unwilling to impart it to the
Dutch and English, in whose service he had been during the whole period.
His story was written down from his dictation, and sent to the minister
Ponchartrain. It is preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and in 1863 it
was printed by Mr. Shea.
He was born, he declares, at La Chine in Canada, and engaged in the
service of La Salle about twenty years before the revelation of his secret;
that is, in 1681. Hence, he would have been, at the utmost, only fourteen
years old, as La Chine did not exist before 1667. He was with La Salle at
the building of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, and was left here as one of a
hundred men under command of Tonty. Tonty, it is to be observed, had but a
small fraction of this number; and Sâgean describes the fort in a manner
which shows that he never saw it. Being desirous of making some new
discovery, he obtained leave from Tonty, and set out with eleven other
Frenchmen and two Mohegan Indians. They ascended the Mississippi a
hundred and fifty leagues, carried their canoes by a cataract, went forty
leagues farther, and stopped a month to hunt. While thus employed, they
found another river, fourteen leagues distant, flowing south-southwest.
They carried their canoes thither, meeting on the way many lions, leopards,
and tigers, which did them no harm; then they embarked, paddled a hundred
and fifty leagues farther, and found themselves in the midst of the great
nation of the Acanibas, dwelling in many fortified towns, and governed by
King Hagaren, who claimed descent from Montezuma. The King, like his
Page 347
subjects, was clothed with the skins of men. Nevertheless, he and they were
civilized and polished in their manners. They worshipped certain frightful
idols of gold in the royal palace. One of them represented the ancestor of
their monarch armed with lance, bow, and quiver, and in the act of
mounting his horse; while in his mouth he held a jewel as large as a goose's
egg, which shone like fire, and which, in the opinion of Sâgean, was a
carbuncle. Another of these images was that of a woman mounted on a
golden unicorn, with a horn more than a fathom long. After passing, pursues
the story, between these idols, which stand on platforms of gold, each thirty
feet square, one enters a magnificent vestibule, conducting to the apartment
of the King. At the four corners of this vestibule are stationed bands of
music, which, to the taste of Sâgean, was of very poor quality. The palace is
of vast extent, and the private apartment of the King is twenty-eight or
thirty feet square; the walls, to the height of eighteen feet, being of bricks of
solid gold, and the pavement of the same. Here the King dwells alone,
served only by his wives, of whom he takes a new one every day. The
Frenchmen alone had the privilege of entering, and were graciously
received.
These people carry on a great trade in gold with a nation, believed by
Sâgean to be the Japanese, as the journey to them lasts six months. He saw
the departure of one of the caravans, which consisted of more than three
thousand oxen, laden with gold, and an equal number of horsemen, armed
with lances, bows, and daggers. They receive iron and steel in exchange for
their gold. The King has an army of a hundred thousand men, of whom
three fourths are cavalry. They have golden trumpets, with which they make
very indifferent music; and also golden drums, which, as well as the
drummer, are carried on the backs of oxen. The troops are practised once a
week in shooting at a target with arrows; and the King rewards the victor
with one of his wives, or with some honorable employment.
These people are of a dark complexion and hideous to look upon,
because their faces are made long and narrow by pressing their heads
between two boards in infancy. The women, however, are as fair as in
Europe; though, in common with the men, their ears are enormously large.
All persons of distinction among the Acanibas wear their fingernails very
long. They are polygamists, and each man takes as many wives as he wants.
They are of a joyous disposition, moderate drinkers, but great smokers.
civilized and polished in their manners. They worshipped certain frightful
idols of gold in the royal palace. One of them represented the ancestor of
their monarch armed with lance, bow, and quiver, and in the act of
mounting his horse; while in his mouth he held a jewel as large as a goose's
egg, which shone like fire, and which, in the opinion of Sâgean, was a
carbuncle. Another of these images was that of a woman mounted on a
golden unicorn, with a horn more than a fathom long. After passing, pursues
the story, between these idols, which stand on platforms of gold, each thirty
feet square, one enters a magnificent vestibule, conducting to the apartment
of the King. At the four corners of this vestibule are stationed bands of
music, which, to the taste of Sâgean, was of very poor quality. The palace is
of vast extent, and the private apartment of the King is twenty-eight or
thirty feet square; the walls, to the height of eighteen feet, being of bricks of
solid gold, and the pavement of the same. Here the King dwells alone,
served only by his wives, of whom he takes a new one every day. The
Frenchmen alone had the privilege of entering, and were graciously
received.
These people carry on a great trade in gold with a nation, believed by
Sâgean to be the Japanese, as the journey to them lasts six months. He saw
the departure of one of the caravans, which consisted of more than three
thousand oxen, laden with gold, and an equal number of horsemen, armed
with lances, bows, and daggers. They receive iron and steel in exchange for
their gold. The King has an army of a hundred thousand men, of whom
three fourths are cavalry. They have golden trumpets, with which they make
very indifferent music; and also golden drums, which, as well as the
drummer, are carried on the backs of oxen. The troops are practised once a
week in shooting at a target with arrows; and the King rewards the victor
with one of his wives, or with some honorable employment.
These people are of a dark complexion and hideous to look upon,
because their faces are made long and narrow by pressing their heads
between two boards in infancy. The women, however, are as fair as in
Europe; though, in common with the men, their ears are enormously large.
All persons of distinction among the Acanibas wear their fingernails very
long. They are polygamists, and each man takes as many wives as he wants.
They are of a joyous disposition, moderate drinkers, but great smokers.
Page 348
They entertained Sâgean and his followers during five months with the fat
of the land; and any woman who refused a Frenchman was ordered to be
killed. Six girls were put to death with daggers for this breach of hospitality.
The King, being anxious to retain his visitors in his service, offered Sâgean
one of his daughters, aged fourteen years, in marriage; and when he saw
him resolved to depart, promised to keep her for him till he should return.
The climate is delightful, and summer reigns throughout the year. The
plains are full of birds and animals of all kinds, among which are many
parrots and monkeys, besides the wild cattle, with humps like camels,
which these people use as beasts of burden.
King Hagaren would not let the Frenchmen go till they had sworn by the
sky, which is the customary oath of the Acanibas, that they would return in
thirty-six moons, and bring him a supply of beads and other trinkets from
Canada. As gold was to be had for the asking, each of the eleven
Frenchmen took away with him sixty small bars, weighing about four
pounds each. The King ordered two hundred horsemen to escort them, and
carry the gold to their canoes; which they did, and then bade them farewell
with terrific howlings, meant, doubtless, to do them honor.
After many adventures, wherein nearly all his companions came to a
bloody end, Sâgean, and the few others who survived, had the ill luck to be
captured by English pirates, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence. He spent
many years among them in the East and West Indies, but would not reveal
the secret of his Eldorado to these heretical foreigners.
Such was the story, which so far imposed on the credulity of the minister
Ponchartrain as to persuade him that the matter was worth serious
examination. Accordingly, Sâgean was sent to Louisiana, then in its earliest
infancy as a French colony. Here he met various persons who had known
him in Canada, who denied that he had ever been on the Mississippi, and
contradicted his account of his parentage. Nevertheless, he held fast to his
story, and declared that the gold mines of the Acanibas could be reached
without difficulty by the river Missouri. But Sauvolle and Bienville, chiefs
of the colony, were obstinate in their unbelief; and Sâgean and his King
Hagaren lapsed alike into oblivion.
of the land; and any woman who refused a Frenchman was ordered to be
killed. Six girls were put to death with daggers for this breach of hospitality.
The King, being anxious to retain his visitors in his service, offered Sâgean
one of his daughters, aged fourteen years, in marriage; and when he saw
him resolved to depart, promised to keep her for him till he should return.
The climate is delightful, and summer reigns throughout the year. The
plains are full of birds and animals of all kinds, among which are many
parrots and monkeys, besides the wild cattle, with humps like camels,
which these people use as beasts of burden.
King Hagaren would not let the Frenchmen go till they had sworn by the
sky, which is the customary oath of the Acanibas, that they would return in
thirty-six moons, and bring him a supply of beads and other trinkets from
Canada. As gold was to be had for the asking, each of the eleven
Frenchmen took away with him sixty small bars, weighing about four
pounds each. The King ordered two hundred horsemen to escort them, and
carry the gold to their canoes; which they did, and then bade them farewell
with terrific howlings, meant, doubtless, to do them honor.
After many adventures, wherein nearly all his companions came to a
bloody end, Sâgean, and the few others who survived, had the ill luck to be
captured by English pirates, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence. He spent
many years among them in the East and West Indies, but would not reveal
the secret of his Eldorado to these heretical foreigners.
Such was the story, which so far imposed on the credulity of the minister
Ponchartrain as to persuade him that the matter was worth serious
examination. Accordingly, Sâgean was sent to Louisiana, then in its earliest
infancy as a French colony. Here he met various persons who had known
him in Canada, who denied that he had ever been on the Mississippi, and
contradicted his account of his parentage. Nevertheless, he held fast to his
story, and declared that the gold mines of the Acanibas could be reached
without difficulty by the river Missouri. But Sauvolle and Bienville, chiefs
of the colony, were obstinate in their unbelief; and Sâgean and his King
Hagaren lapsed alike into oblivion.
Page 349
Page 350
INDEX.
-A-
Abenakis, the, 285, 295, 316, 346.
Acanibas, the, great nation of,
description of, 487-489;
gold mines of, 489.
"Acansea" (Arkansas) River, the, 483.
Accau, Michel, 186, 187, 249, 251, 253, 261, 265, 266, 273.
African travel, history of, 198.
Agniers (Mohawks), the, 136.
Aigron, Captain,
on ill-terms with La Salle, 372, 382, 383.
Ailleboust, Madame d', 111.
"Aimable," La Salle's store-ship, 372, 373, 374, 375, 379, 380, 381, 405,
454, 468.
Aire, Beaujeu's lieutenant, 375.
Akanseas, nation of the, 300. See also Arkansas Indians, the.
Albanel,
prominent among the Jesuit explorers, 109;
his journey up the Saguenay to Hudson's Bay, 109.
-A-
Abenakis, the, 285, 295, 316, 346.
Acanibas, the, great nation of,
description of, 487-489;
gold mines of, 489.
"Acansea" (Arkansas) River, the, 483.
Accau, Michel, 186, 187, 249, 251, 253, 261, 265, 266, 273.
African travel, history of, 198.
Agniers (Mohawks), the, 136.
Aigron, Captain,
on ill-terms with La Salle, 372, 382, 383.
Ailleboust, Madame d', 111.
"Aimable," La Salle's store-ship, 372, 373, 374, 375, 379, 380, 381, 405,
454, 468.
Aire, Beaujeu's lieutenant, 375.
Akanseas, nation of the, 300. See also Arkansas Indians, the.
Albanel,
prominent among the Jesuit explorers, 109;
his journey up the Saguenay to Hudson's Bay, 109.
Page 351
Albany, 118, 200, 220.
Algonquin Indians, the,
Jean Nicollet among, 3;
at Ste. Marie du Saut, 39;
the Iroquois spread desolation among, 219.
Alkansas, nation of the, 300.
See also Arkansas Indians, the.
Alleghany Mountains, the, 84, 308, 309, 483.
Alleghany River, the, 307, 483, 483.
Allouez, Father Claude,
explores a part of Lake Superior, 6;
name of Lake Michigan, 42, 155;
sent to Green Bay to found a mission, 43;
joined by Dablon, 43;
among the Mascoutins and the Miamis, 44;
among the Foxes, 45;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
addresses the Indians at Saut Ste. Marie, 53;
population of the Illinois Valley, 169;
intrigues against La Salle, 175, 238;
at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 458;
his fear of La Salle, 459.
Allumette Island, 3.
Alton, city of, 68.
America,
debt due La Salle from, 432.
"Amerique Occidentale" (Mississippi Valley), 479.
Algonquin Indians, the,
Jean Nicollet among, 3;
at Ste. Marie du Saut, 39;
the Iroquois spread desolation among, 219.
Alkansas, nation of the, 300.
See also Arkansas Indians, the.
Alleghany Mountains, the, 84, 308, 309, 483.
Alleghany River, the, 307, 483, 483.
Allouez, Father Claude,
explores a part of Lake Superior, 6;
name of Lake Michigan, 42, 155;
sent to Green Bay to found a mission, 43;
joined by Dablon, 43;
among the Mascoutins and the Miamis, 44;
among the Foxes, 45;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
addresses the Indians at Saut Ste. Marie, 53;
population of the Illinois Valley, 169;
intrigues against La Salle, 175, 238;
at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 458;
his fear of La Salle, 459.
Allumette Island, 3.
Alton, city of, 68.
America,
debt due La Salle from, 432.
"Amerique Occidentale" (Mississippi Valley), 479.
Page 352
Amikoués, the, at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Andastes,
reduced to helpless insignificance by the Iroquois, 219.
André, Louis,
mission of the Manitoulin Island assigned to, 41;
makes a missionary tour among the Nipissings, 41;
his experiences among them, 42;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Anthony, St., of Padua,
the patron of La Salle's great enterprise, 152, 250, 259.
Anticosti, great island of,
granted to Joliet, 76.
Appalache, Bay of, 373.
Aquipaguetin, Chief, 254;
plots against Hennepin, 255, 261, 262, 264, 271, 272.
Andastes,
reduced to helpless insignificance by the Iroquois, 219.
André, Louis,
mission of the Manitoulin Island assigned to, 41;
makes a missionary tour among the Nipissings, 41;
his experiences among them, 42;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Anthony, St., of Padua,
the patron of La Salle's great enterprise, 152, 250, 259.
Anticosti, great island of,
granted to Joliet, 76.
Appalache, Bay of, 373.
Aquipaguetin, Chief, 254;
plots against Hennepin, 255, 261, 262, 264, 271, 272.
Page 353
Aramoni River, the, 221, 225, 239.
Arctic travel, history of, 198.
Arkansas Indians, the,
Joliet and Marquette among, 72, 184;
La Salle among, 299;
various names of, 300;
tallest and best-formed Indians in America, 300, 308;
villages of, 466.
Arkansas River, the, 71;
Joutel's arrival at, 453;
Joutel descends, 456, 478, 483.
Arnoul, Sieur, 383, 390.
Arouet, François Marie, see Voltaire.
Aspinwall, Col. Thomas, 471.
Assiniboins, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40, 261;
Du Lhut among, 276.
Assonis, the,
Joutel among, 451;
Tonty among, 452.
Atlantic coast, the, 480.
Atlantic Ocean, the, 74.
Auguel, Antoine, 186.
See also Du Gay, Picard.
Arctic travel, history of, 198.
Arkansas Indians, the,
Joliet and Marquette among, 72, 184;
La Salle among, 299;
various names of, 300;
tallest and best-formed Indians in America, 300, 308;
villages of, 466.
Arkansas River, the, 71;
Joutel's arrival at, 453;
Joutel descends, 456, 478, 483.
Arnoul, Sieur, 383, 390.
Arouet, François Marie, see Voltaire.
Aspinwall, Col. Thomas, 471.
Assiniboins, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40, 261;
Du Lhut among, 276.
Assonis, the,
Joutel among, 451;
Tonty among, 452.
Atlantic coast, the, 480.
Atlantic Ocean, the, 74.
Auguel, Antoine, 186.
See also Du Gay, Picard.
Page 354
Autray, Sieur d', 200.
-B-
Bancroft, 75.
Barbier, Sieur, 406;
marriage of, 408, 418;
fate of, 470.
Barcia, 244, 471.
Barrois, secretary of Count Frontenac, 293.
Barthelemy, 433, 451, 456.
Baugis, Chevalier de, 326, 327.
Bazire, 101.
Beauharnois, forest of, 14.
Beaujeu, Madame de,
devotion to the Jesuits, 361.
Beaujeu, Sieur de,
divides with La Salle the command of the new enterprise, 353;
lack of harmony between La Salle and, 354-361;
letters to Seignelay, 354-356;
letters to Cabart de Villermont, 357, 360;
sails from Rochelle, 366;
disputes with La Salle, 366;
the voyage, 368;
complaints of, 370;
La Salle waiting for, 374;
meeting with La Salle, 375;
-B-
Bancroft, 75.
Barbier, Sieur, 406;
marriage of, 408, 418;
fate of, 470.
Barcia, 244, 471.
Barrois, secretary of Count Frontenac, 293.
Barthelemy, 433, 451, 456.
Baugis, Chevalier de, 326, 327.
Bazire, 101.
Beauharnois, forest of, 14.
Beaujeu, Madame de,
devotion to the Jesuits, 361.
Beaujeu, Sieur de,
divides with La Salle the command of the new enterprise, 353;
lack of harmony between La Salle and, 354-361;
letters to Seignelay, 354-356;
letters to Cabart de Villermont, 357, 360;
sails from Rochelle, 366;
disputes with La Salle, 366;
the voyage, 368;
complaints of, 370;
La Salle waiting for, 374;
meeting with La Salle, 375;
Page 355
in Texas, 381;
makes friendly advances to La Salle, 385;
departure of, 387;
conduct of, 389;
coldly received by Seignelay, 389, 454.
"Beautiful River" (Ohio), the, 70.
Bégon, the intendant, 367, 368.
"Belle," La Salle's frigate, 372, 373, 374, 379, 383, 386, 389, 392, 401, 404,
406, 407, 416, 417, 468.
Bellefontaine, Tonty's lieutenant, 458, 460.
Belle Isle, 203.
Belleisle, Island of, 485.
Bellinzani, 129.
Bernon, Abbé,
on the character of La Salle, 342.
Bibliothèque Mazarine, the, 17.
Bienville, 489.
Big Vermilion River, the, 221, 239, 241.
Bissot, Claire,
her marriage to Louis Joliet, 76.
Black Rock, 149.
Bœufs, Rivière aux, 392.
makes friendly advances to La Salle, 385;
departure of, 387;
conduct of, 389;
coldly received by Seignelay, 389, 454.
"Beautiful River" (Ohio), the, 70.
Bégon, the intendant, 367, 368.
"Belle," La Salle's frigate, 372, 373, 374, 379, 383, 386, 389, 392, 401, 404,
406, 407, 416, 417, 468.
Bellefontaine, Tonty's lieutenant, 458, 460.
Belle Isle, 203.
Belleisle, Island of, 485.
Bellinzani, 129.
Bernon, Abbé,
on the character of La Salle, 342.
Bibliothèque Mazarine, the, 17.
Bienville, 489.
Big Vermilion River, the, 221, 239, 241.
Bissot, Claire,
her marriage to Louis Joliet, 76.
Black Rock, 149.
Bœufs, Rivière aux, 392.
Page 356
Bois Blanc, Island of, 153.
Boisrondet, Sieur de, 218, 223, 227, 233, 236, 457.
Boisseau, 101.
Bolton, Captain,
reaches the Mississippi, 5.
Boston, 5;
rumored that the Dutch fleet had captured, 88.
Boughton Hill, 21.
Bourbon, Louis Armand de, see, Conti, Prince de.
Bourdon, the engineer, 111.
Bourdon, Jean, 200.
See also Dautray.
Bourdon, Madame, superior of the Sainte Famille, 111.
Bowman, W. E., 317.
Branssac,
loans merchandise to La Salle, 49, 434.
Brazos River, the, 424.
Breman,
fate of, 471, 472.
Brest, 486.
Brinvilliers,
burned alive, 179.
Boisrondet, Sieur de, 218, 223, 227, 233, 236, 457.
Boisseau, 101.
Bolton, Captain,
reaches the Mississippi, 5.
Boston, 5;
rumored that the Dutch fleet had captured, 88.
Boughton Hill, 21.
Bourbon, Louis Armand de, see, Conti, Prince de.
Bourdon, the engineer, 111.
Bourdon, Jean, 200.
See also Dautray.
Bourdon, Madame, superior of the Sainte Famille, 111.
Bowman, W. E., 317.
Branssac,
loans merchandise to La Salle, 49, 434.
Brazos River, the, 424.
Breman,
fate of, 471, 472.
Brest, 486.
Brinvilliers,
burned alive, 179.
Page 357
British territories, the, 309.
Brodhead, 136.
Bruyas, the Jesuit, 115;
among the Onondagas and the Mohawks, 115, 135;
the "Racines Agnières" of, 136.
Buade, Lake, 257, 262, 481.
Buade, Louis de, see Frontenac, Count.
Buade, Rivière (Mississippi), 481.
Buffalo, the, 205, 398.
Buffalo Rock, 169, 314;
occupied by the Miami village, 314;
described by Charlevoix, 314.
Buisset, Luc, the Récollet, 121;
at Fort Frontenac, 132, 135, 137, 280.
Bull River, 272.
Burnt Wood River, the, 277.
-C-
Caddoes, the, 452;
villages of, 465.
Cadodaquis, the, 452.
California, Gulf of, 15, 31, 41, 63, 74, 84, 480.
Brodhead, 136.
Bruyas, the Jesuit, 115;
among the Onondagas and the Mohawks, 115, 135;
the "Racines Agnières" of, 136.
Buade, Lake, 257, 262, 481.
Buade, Louis de, see Frontenac, Count.
Buade, Rivière (Mississippi), 481.
Buffalo, the, 205, 398.
Buffalo Rock, 169, 314;
occupied by the Miami village, 314;
described by Charlevoix, 314.
Buisset, Luc, the Récollet, 121;
at Fort Frontenac, 132, 135, 137, 280.
Bull River, 272.
Burnt Wood River, the, 277.
-C-
Caddoes, the, 452;
villages of, 465.
Cadodaquis, the, 452.
California, Gulf of, 15, 31, 41, 63, 74, 84, 480.
Page 358
California, State of, 480.
Camanches, the, 414.
Cambray, Archbishop of, 16.
Canada, 10;
Frontenac's treaty with the Indians confers an inestimable blessing on
all, 95;
no longer merely a mission, 104, 483.
Canadian Parliament, Library of, the, 13.
Cananistigoyan, 275.
Carignan, regiment of, 12, 91.
Carolina, 483.
Carver, 62, 267.
"Casquinampogamou" (St. Louis) River, the, 483.
Casson, Dollier de, 15;
among the Nipissings, 16;
leads an expedition of conversion, 16;
combines his expedition with that of La Salle, 17;
journey of, 19, 20;
belles paroles of La Salle, 25;
discoveries of La Salle, 29, 475.
Cataraqui Bridge, the, 90.
Cataraqui River, the, 87;
Frontenac at, 90;
fort built on the banks of, 92.
Camanches, the, 414.
Cambray, Archbishop of, 16.
Canada, 10;
Frontenac's treaty with the Indians confers an inestimable blessing on
all, 95;
no longer merely a mission, 104, 483.
Canadian Parliament, Library of, the, 13.
Cananistigoyan, 275.
Carignan, regiment of, 12, 91.
Carolina, 483.
Carver, 62, 267.
"Casquinampogamou" (St. Louis) River, the, 483.
Casson, Dollier de, 15;
among the Nipissings, 16;
leads an expedition of conversion, 16;
combines his expedition with that of La Salle, 17;
journey of, 19, 20;
belles paroles of La Salle, 25;
discoveries of La Salle, 29, 475.
Cataraqui Bridge, the, 90.
Cataraqui River, the, 87;
Frontenac at, 90;
fort built on the banks of, 92.
Page 359
Cavelier, nephew of La Salle, 420, 435, 438, 446, 449, 451, 458, 463.
Cavelier, Henri, uncle of La Salle, 7, 363.
Cavelier, Jean, father of La Salle, 7.
Cavelier, Abbé Jean, brother of La Salle, 9;
at Montreal, 98;
La Salle defamed to, 113;
causes La Salle no little annoyance, 114, 333, 353, 367, 369, 370, 371,
372, 374, 376, 388, 394, 396, 402, 405, 406, 412, 415, 416, 417, 420,
421, 423;
unreliable in his writings, 433, 435, 436;
doubt and anxiety, 437, 438, 446;
plans to escape, 447;
the murder of Duhaut, 449;
sets out for home, 450, 451;
among the Assonis, 452, 453;
on the Arkansas, 455;
at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 457;
visit to Father Allouez, 459;
conceals La Salle's death, 460;
reaches Montreal, 462;
embarks for France, 462;
his report to Seignelay, 462, 463;
his memorial to the King, 463, 464.
Cavelier, Madeleine, 28, 34.
Cavelier, René Robert, see La Salle, Sieur de.
Cayuga Creek, 145, 146.
Cayugas, the,
Frontenac's address to, 91.
Cavelier, Henri, uncle of La Salle, 7, 363.
Cavelier, Jean, father of La Salle, 7.
Cavelier, Abbé Jean, brother of La Salle, 9;
at Montreal, 98;
La Salle defamed to, 113;
causes La Salle no little annoyance, 114, 333, 353, 367, 369, 370, 371,
372, 374, 376, 388, 394, 396, 402, 405, 406, 412, 415, 416, 417, 420,
421, 423;
unreliable in his writings, 433, 435, 436;
doubt and anxiety, 437, 438, 446;
plans to escape, 447;
the murder of Duhaut, 449;
sets out for home, 450, 451;
among the Assonis, 452, 453;
on the Arkansas, 455;
at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 457;
visit to Father Allouez, 459;
conceals La Salle's death, 460;
reaches Montreal, 462;
embarks for France, 462;
his report to Seignelay, 462, 463;
his memorial to the King, 463, 464.
Cavelier, Madeleine, 28, 34.
Cavelier, René Robert, see La Salle, Sieur de.
Cayuga Creek, 145, 146.
Cayugas, the,
Frontenac's address to, 91.
Page 360
Cenis, the,
La Salle among, 413;
villages of, 415;
Duhaut's journey to, 438;
Joutel among, 440-445;
customs of, 443;
joined by Hiens on a war-expedition, 450.
Champigny, Intendant of Canada, 434.
Champlain, Lake, 483.
Champlain, Samuel de,
dreams of the South Sea, 14;
map of, 139;
his enthusiasm compared with that of La Salle, 431;
first to map out the Great Lakes, 476.
Chaouanons (Shawanoes), the, 307, 317.
Charlevoix, 50;
death of Marquette, 82; 103;
the names of the Illinois River, 167;
the loss of the "Griffin," 182;
the Illinois Indians, 223;
doubted veracity of Hennepin, 244;
the Iroquois virgin, Tegahkouita, 275;
the Arkansas nation, 300;
visits the Natchez Indians, 304;
describes "Starved Rock" and Buffalo Rock, 314;
speaks of "Le Rocher," 314;
character of La Salle, 433, 454;
the remains of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 468.
Charon, creditor of La Salle, 150.
Charron, Madame, 111.
La Salle among, 413;
villages of, 415;
Duhaut's journey to, 438;
Joutel among, 440-445;
customs of, 443;
joined by Hiens on a war-expedition, 450.
Champigny, Intendant of Canada, 434.
Champlain, Lake, 483.
Champlain, Samuel de,
dreams of the South Sea, 14;
map of, 139;
his enthusiasm compared with that of La Salle, 431;
first to map out the Great Lakes, 476.
Chaouanons (Shawanoes), the, 307, 317.
Charlevoix, 50;
death of Marquette, 82; 103;
the names of the Illinois River, 167;
the loss of the "Griffin," 182;
the Illinois Indians, 223;
doubted veracity of Hennepin, 244;
the Iroquois virgin, Tegahkouita, 275;
the Arkansas nation, 300;
visits the Natchez Indians, 304;
describes "Starved Rock" and Buffalo Rock, 314;
speaks of "Le Rocher," 314;
character of La Salle, 433, 454;
the remains of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 468.
Charon, creditor of La Salle, 150.
Charron, Madame, 111.
Page 361
Chartier, Martin, 337.
Chassagoac, chief of the Illinois,
meeting with La Salle, 192.
Chassagouasse, Chief, 192.
Chateauguay, forest of, 14.
"Chaudière, Lac de la" (Lake St. Clair), 476.
Chaumonot, the Jesuit,
founds the association of the Sainte Famille, 111.
Chefdeville, M. de, 406, 407, 418, 463.
Cheruel, 167.
Chicago, 50, 236, 460, 462, 477.
Chicago Portage, the, 320.
Chicago River, the, 31;
Marquette on, 78, 296.
Chickasaw Bluffs, the, 311.
Chickasaw Indians, the, 184, 296, 307, 320, 468.
Chikachas (Chickasaws), the, 307.
China, 6, 14, 29.
China, Sea of, 38, 83.
Chippewa Creek, 139, 145.
Chassagoac, chief of the Illinois,
meeting with La Salle, 192.
Chassagouasse, Chief, 192.
Chateauguay, forest of, 14.
"Chaudière, Lac de la" (Lake St. Clair), 476.
Chaumonot, the Jesuit,
founds the association of the Sainte Famille, 111.
Chefdeville, M. de, 406, 407, 418, 463.
Cheruel, 167.
Chicago, 50, 236, 460, 462, 477.
Chicago Portage, the, 320.
Chicago River, the, 31;
Marquette on, 78, 296.
Chickasaw Bluffs, the, 311.
Chickasaw Indians, the, 184, 296, 307, 320, 468.
Chikachas (Chickasaws), the, 307.
China, 6, 14, 29.
China, Sea of, 38, 83.
Chippewa Creek, 139, 145.
Page 362
Chippeway River, the, 272.
"Chucagoa" (St. Louis) River, the, 483.
Chukagoua (Ohio) River, the, 307.
Clark, James, 169, 170;
the site of the Great Illinois Town, 239.
Coahuila, 469.
Colbert, the minister,
Joliet's discovery of the Mississippi announced to, 34;
Frontenac's despatch, recommending La Salle, 99;
La Salle defamed to, 119;
a memorial of La Salle laid before, 122, 344, 345, 480.
Colbert River (Mississippi), the,
35, 244, 307, 346, 376, 477, 479, 482.
"Colbertie" (Mississippi Valley), 479.
Collin, 187.
Colorado River, the, 411, 415.
Comet of 1680, the Great, 213.
"Conception, Rivière de la" (Mississippi River), 477.
Conti, Fort, 128;
location of, 129, 148.
Conti, Lac de (Lake Erie), 129.
"Chucagoa" (St. Louis) River, the, 483.
Chukagoua (Ohio) River, the, 307.
Clark, James, 169, 170;
the site of the Great Illinois Town, 239.
Coahuila, 469.
Colbert, the minister,
Joliet's discovery of the Mississippi announced to, 34;
Frontenac's despatch, recommending La Salle, 99;
La Salle defamed to, 119;
a memorial of La Salle laid before, 122, 344, 345, 480.
Colbert River (Mississippi), the,
35, 244, 307, 346, 376, 477, 479, 482.
"Colbertie" (Mississippi Valley), 479.
Collin, 187.
Colorado River, the, 411, 415.
Comet of 1680, the Great, 213.
"Conception, Rivière de la" (Mississippi River), 477.
Conti, Fort, 128;
location of, 129, 148.
Conti, Lac de (Lake Erie), 129.
Page 363
Conti, Prince de (second),
patron of La Salle, 106;
letter from La Salle, 118.
Copper mines of Lake Superior, 23;
Joliet attempts to discover, 23;
the Jesuits labor to explore, 38;
Indian legends concerning, 39;
Saint-Lusson sets out to discover, 49.
Coroas, the,
visited by the French, 305, 310.
Coronelli, map made by, 221, 483.
Corpus Christi Bay, 375.
Cosme, St., 69, 314, 454;
commendation of Tonty, 467.
Courcelle, Governor, 11, 15, 17, 35;
quarrel with Talon, 56;
schemes to protect French trade in Canada, 85.
Couture,
the assassination of La Salle, 433;
welcomes Joutel, 453, 455, 456, 461, 464.
Creeks, the, 304.
Crees, the,
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Crèvecœur, Fort, 34;
built by La Salle, 180;
La Salle at, 180-188;
patron of La Salle, 106;
letter from La Salle, 118.
Copper mines of Lake Superior, 23;
Joliet attempts to discover, 23;
the Jesuits labor to explore, 38;
Indian legends concerning, 39;
Saint-Lusson sets out to discover, 49.
Coroas, the,
visited by the French, 305, 310.
Coronelli, map made by, 221, 483.
Corpus Christi Bay, 375.
Cosme, St., 69, 314, 454;
commendation of Tonty, 467.
Courcelle, Governor, 11, 15, 17, 35;
quarrel with Talon, 56;
schemes to protect French trade in Canada, 85.
Couture,
the assassination of La Salle, 433;
welcomes Joutel, 453, 455, 456, 461, 464.
Creeks, the, 304.
Crees, the,
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Crèvecœur, Fort, 34;
built by La Salle, 180;
La Salle at, 180-188;
Page 364
destroyed by the mutineers, 199;
La Salle finds the ruins of, 211.
Crow Indians, the,
make war upon the dead, 207.
Cuba, 372, 389.
Cussy, De, governor of La Tortue, 367, 368.
-D-
Dablon, Father Claude the Jesuit,
at Ste. Marie du Saut, 27, 51;
reports the discovery of copper, 38;
the location of the Illinois Indians, 41;
the name of Lake Michigan, 42;
joins Father Allouez at the Green Bay Mission, 43;
among the Mascoutins and the Miamis, 44;
the Cross among the Foxes, 45;
the authority and state of the Miami chief, 50;
Allouez's harangue at Saut Ste. Marie, 55;
rumors of the Dutch fleet, 88, 112.
Dacotah (Sioux) Indians, the, 260.
Dauphin, Fort, 128;
location of, 129.
Dauphin, Lac (Lake Michigan), 155.
Daupin, François, 203.
Dautray, 187, 199, 210, 306.
De Launay, see Launay, De.
La Salle finds the ruins of, 211.
Crow Indians, the,
make war upon the dead, 207.
Cuba, 372, 389.
Cussy, De, governor of La Tortue, 367, 368.
-D-
Dablon, Father Claude the Jesuit,
at Ste. Marie du Saut, 27, 51;
reports the discovery of copper, 38;
the location of the Illinois Indians, 41;
the name of Lake Michigan, 42;
joins Father Allouez at the Green Bay Mission, 43;
among the Mascoutins and the Miamis, 44;
the Cross among the Foxes, 45;
the authority and state of the Miami chief, 50;
Allouez's harangue at Saut Ste. Marie, 55;
rumors of the Dutch fleet, 88, 112.
Dacotah (Sioux) Indians, the, 260.
Dauphin, Fort, 128;
location of, 129.
Dauphin, Lac (Lake Michigan), 155.
Daupin, François, 203.
Dautray, 187, 199, 210, 306.
De Launay, see Launay, De.
Page 365
De Leon, see Leon, Alonzo de.
De Leon (San Antonio), the, 469.
Del Norte, the, 469.
De Marle, see Marle, De.
Denonville, Marquis de, 21, 121, 275, 454;
in the Iroquois War, 460;
announces war against Spain, 464;
commendation of Tonty, 467.
Des Groseilliers, Médard Chouart,
reaches the Mississippi, 5.
Deslauriers, 118.
Desloges, 384.
Des Moines, 65.
Des Moines River, the, 477, 478.
De Soto, Hernando,
buried in the Mississippi, 3.
Des Plaines River, the, 79, 477, 479.
Detroit, 26.
Detroit River, the, 31, 197, 279.
Detroit, the Strait of,
first recorded passage of white men through, 26;
De Leon (San Antonio), the, 469.
Del Norte, the, 469.
De Marle, see Marle, De.
Denonville, Marquis de, 21, 121, 275, 454;
in the Iroquois War, 460;
announces war against Spain, 464;
commendation of Tonty, 467.
Des Groseilliers, Médard Chouart,
reaches the Mississippi, 5.
Deslauriers, 118.
Desloges, 384.
Des Moines, 65.
Des Moines River, the, 477, 478.
De Soto, Hernando,
buried in the Mississippi, 3.
Des Plaines River, the, 79, 477, 479.
Detroit, 26.
Detroit River, the, 31, 197, 279.
Detroit, the Strait of,
first recorded passage of white men through, 26;
Page 366
the "Griffin" in, 151;
Du Lhut ordered to fortify; 275, 475.
Divine, the Rivière de la, 167, 479.
Dollier, see Casson, Dollier de.
Douay, Anastase, 69, 155;
joins La Salle's new enterprise, 353, 372;
in Texas, 388;
at Fort St. Louis, 399, 405, 406, 412, 413, 414, 415, 416, 417, 418, 420,
421, 422, 428;
the assassination of La Salle, 432;
unreliable in his writings, 433, 435;
doubt and anxiety, 437, 446;
the murder of Duhaut, 448, 449;
sets out for home, 451, 458;
visit to Father Allouez, 459;
character of, 462.
Druilletes, Gabriel,
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
teaches Marquette the Montagnais language, 59.
Duchesneau, the intendant, 69, 78, 101, 102, 125, 126, 138, 156, 164, 197,
217, 218, 219, 235, 274, 275, 480.
Du Gay, Picard, 186, 187, 250, 251, 253;
among the Sioux, 259, 261, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273.
Duhaut, the brothers, 368, 400.
Duhaut, the elder,
return of, 401;
at Fort St. Louis, 405;
plots against La Salle, 410, 420, 424;
quarrel with Moranget, 425;
Du Lhut ordered to fortify; 275, 475.
Divine, the Rivière de la, 167, 479.
Dollier, see Casson, Dollier de.
Douay, Anastase, 69, 155;
joins La Salle's new enterprise, 353, 372;
in Texas, 388;
at Fort St. Louis, 399, 405, 406, 412, 413, 414, 415, 416, 417, 418, 420,
421, 422, 428;
the assassination of La Salle, 432;
unreliable in his writings, 433, 435;
doubt and anxiety, 437, 446;
the murder of Duhaut, 448, 449;
sets out for home, 451, 458;
visit to Father Allouez, 459;
character of, 462.
Druilletes, Gabriel,
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
teaches Marquette the Montagnais language, 59.
Duchesneau, the intendant, 69, 78, 101, 102, 125, 126, 138, 156, 164, 197,
217, 218, 219, 235, 274, 275, 480.
Du Gay, Picard, 186, 187, 250, 251, 253;
among the Sioux, 259, 261, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273.
Duhaut, the brothers, 368, 400.
Duhaut, the elder,
return of, 401;
at Fort St. Louis, 405;
plots against La Salle, 410, 420, 424;
quarrel with Moranget, 425;
Page 367
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
assassinates La Salle, 429;
triumph of, 435;
journey to the Cenis villages, 438;
resolves to return to Fort St. Louis, 446;
quarrel with Hiens, 446;
plans to go to Canada, 448;
murder of, 448.
Du Lhut, Daniel Greysolon, 182;
meeting with Hennepin, 273;
sketch of, 274;
exploits of, 275, 276;
route of, 276;
explorations of, 276-278;
among the Assiniboins and the Sioux, 276;
joined by Hennepin, 278;
reaches the Green Bay Mission, 279, 322;
in the Iroquois War, 460, 481, 482.
Dumesnil, La Salle's servant, 415.
Dumont,
La Salle borrows money from, 127.
Duplessis,
attempts to murder La Salle, 166.
Dupont, Nicolas, 99.
Du Pratz,
customs of the Natchez, 304.
Durango, 350.
Durantaye, 275;
in the Iroquois War, 460.
assassinates La Salle, 429;
triumph of, 435;
journey to the Cenis villages, 438;
resolves to return to Fort St. Louis, 446;
quarrel with Hiens, 446;
plans to go to Canada, 448;
murder of, 448.
Du Lhut, Daniel Greysolon, 182;
meeting with Hennepin, 273;
sketch of, 274;
exploits of, 275, 276;
route of, 276;
explorations of, 276-278;
among the Assiniboins and the Sioux, 276;
joined by Hennepin, 278;
reaches the Green Bay Mission, 279, 322;
in the Iroquois War, 460, 481, 482.
Dumesnil, La Salle's servant, 415.
Dumont,
La Salle borrows money from, 127.
Duplessis,
attempts to murder La Salle, 166.
Dupont, Nicolas, 99.
Du Pratz,
customs of the Natchez, 304.
Durango, 350.
Durantaye, 275;
in the Iroquois War, 460.
Page 368
Dutch, the,
trade with the Indians, 219;
encourage the Iroquois to fight, 324.
Dutch fleet, the,
rumored to have captured Boston, 88.
-E-
East Indies, the, 489.
Eastman, Mrs., legend of Winona, 271.
"Emissourites, Rivière des" (Missouri), 70.
English, the,
hold out great inducements to Joliet to join them, 76;
French company formed to compete at Hudson's Bay with, 76;
trade with the Indians, 219;
encourage the Iroquois to fight, 324.
"English Jem," 421.
Eokoros, the, 486.
Erie, Lake, 23, 25, 26, 29, 31, 96, 124, 141, 146, 151, 196, 197, 275, 279,
309, 333, 475, 476, 477, 479, 483.
Eries, the,
exterminated by the Iroquois, 219.
Esanapes, the, 486.
Esmanville, the priest, 375, 379.
trade with the Indians, 219;
encourage the Iroquois to fight, 324.
Dutch fleet, the,
rumored to have captured Boston, 88.
-E-
East Indies, the, 489.
Eastman, Mrs., legend of Winona, 271.
"Emissourites, Rivière des" (Missouri), 70.
English, the,
hold out great inducements to Joliet to join them, 76;
French company formed to compete at Hudson's Bay with, 76;
trade with the Indians, 219;
encourage the Iroquois to fight, 324.
"English Jem," 421.
Eokoros, the, 486.
Erie, Lake, 23, 25, 26, 29, 31, 96, 124, 141, 146, 151, 196, 197, 275, 279,
309, 333, 475, 476, 477, 479, 483.
Eries, the,
exterminated by the Iroquois, 219.
Esanapes, the, 486.
Esmanville, the priest, 375, 379.
Page 369
Espiritu Santo Bay, 394, 471.
Estrées, Count d', 344.
-F-
Faillon, Abbé,
connection of La Salle with the Jesuits, 8;
the seigniory of La Salle, 12, 13;
detailed plan of Montreal, 13;
La Salle's discoveries, 29;
La Salle in need of money, 49;
throws much light on the life of, 58, 98;
on the establishment of the association of the Sainte Famille, 112;
plan of Fort Frontenac, 121.
Fauvel-Cavelier, Mme., 463.
Fénelon, Abbé, 16;
attempts to mediate between Frontenac and Perrot, 97;
preaches against Frontenac at Montreal, 98.
Ferland,
throws much light on the life of Joliet, 58.
Fire Nation, the, 44.
Five Nations, the, 11.
Florida, 483.
Florida Indians, the,
lodges of, 442.
Folles-Avoines, Nation des, 61.
Estrées, Count d', 344.
-F-
Faillon, Abbé,
connection of La Salle with the Jesuits, 8;
the seigniory of La Salle, 12, 13;
detailed plan of Montreal, 13;
La Salle's discoveries, 29;
La Salle in need of money, 49;
throws much light on the life of, 58, 98;
on the establishment of the association of the Sainte Famille, 112;
plan of Fort Frontenac, 121.
Fauvel-Cavelier, Mme., 463.
Fénelon, Abbé, 16;
attempts to mediate between Frontenac and Perrot, 97;
preaches against Frontenac at Montreal, 98.
Ferland,
throws much light on the life of Joliet, 58.
Fire Nation, the, 44.
Five Nations, the, 11.
Florida, 483.
Florida Indians, the,
lodges of, 442.
Folles-Avoines, Nation des, 61.
Page 370
Forked River (Mississippi), the, 5.
Fox River, the, 4, 43, 50, 62, 477.
Foxes, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 43;
Father Allouez among, 45;
incensed against the French, 45;
the Cross among, 45, 287.
France,
takes possession of the West, 52;
receives on parchment a stupendous accession, 308.
Francheville, Pierre, 58.
Francis, St., 249.
Franciscans, the, 133.
Franquelin, Jean Baptiste Louis,
manuscript map made by, 169, 221, 309, 316, 317, 347, 390, 481, 482,
483, 484, 485.
Fremin, the Jesuit, 21.
French, the,
Hurons the allies of, 4;
in western New York, 19-23;
the Iroquois felt the power of, 42;
the Foxes incensed against, 45;
the Jesuits seek to embroil the Iroquois with, 115;
seeking to secure a monopoly of the furs of the north and west, 219;
in Texas, 348;
reoccupy Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 468.
Fox River, the, 4, 43, 50, 62, 477.
Foxes, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 43;
Father Allouez among, 45;
incensed against the French, 45;
the Cross among, 45, 287.
France,
takes possession of the West, 52;
receives on parchment a stupendous accession, 308.
Francheville, Pierre, 58.
Francis, St., 249.
Franciscans, the, 133.
Franquelin, Jean Baptiste Louis,
manuscript map made by, 169, 221, 309, 316, 317, 347, 390, 481, 482,
483, 484, 485.
Fremin, the Jesuit, 21.
French, the,
Hurons the allies of, 4;
in western New York, 19-23;
the Iroquois felt the power of, 42;
the Foxes incensed against, 45;
the Jesuits seek to embroil the Iroquois with, 115;
seeking to secure a monopoly of the furs of the north and west, 219;
in Texas, 348;
reoccupy Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 468.
Page 371
French River, 28, 462.
Frontenac, Count, La Salle,
addresses a memorial to, 32;
announces Joliet's discovery of the Mississippi to Colbert, 34;
speaks slightingly of Joliet, 34;
succeeds Courcelle as governor, 56, 57, 60, 67;
letter from Joliet to, 76;
favorably disposed to La Salle, 85;
comes to Canada a ruined man, 85;
schemes of, 86;
at Montreal, 87;
his journey to Lake Ontario, 88;
faculty for managing the Indians, 89;
reaches Lake Ontario, 89;
at Cataraqui, 90;
addresses the Indians, 91;
admirable dealing with the Indians, 92, 93;
his enterprise a complete success, 95;
confers an inestimable benefit on all Canada, 95;
his plan to command the Upper Lakes, 96;
quarrel with Perrot, 96;
arrests Perrot, 96;
has Montreal well in hand, 96;
the Abbé Fénelon attempts to mediate between Perrot and, 97;
the Abbé Fénelon preaches against, 98;
championed by La Salle, 99;
recommends La Salle to Colbert, 99;
expects to share in profits of La Salle's new post, 101;
hatred of the Jesuits 102;
protects the Récollets, 109;
intrigues of the Jesuits, 118, 125, 201, 232, 250, 238, 274;
entertains Father Hennepin, 280, 292;
recalled to France, 318;
obligations of La Salle to, 434;
commendation of Tonty, 467, 479, 480, 481;
Frontenac, Fort, 34;
Frontenac, Count, La Salle,
addresses a memorial to, 32;
announces Joliet's discovery of the Mississippi to Colbert, 34;
speaks slightingly of Joliet, 34;
succeeds Courcelle as governor, 56, 57, 60, 67;
letter from Joliet to, 76;
favorably disposed to La Salle, 85;
comes to Canada a ruined man, 85;
schemes of, 86;
at Montreal, 87;
his journey to Lake Ontario, 88;
faculty for managing the Indians, 89;
reaches Lake Ontario, 89;
at Cataraqui, 90;
addresses the Indians, 91;
admirable dealing with the Indians, 92, 93;
his enterprise a complete success, 95;
confers an inestimable benefit on all Canada, 95;
his plan to command the Upper Lakes, 96;
quarrel with Perrot, 96;
arrests Perrot, 96;
has Montreal well in hand, 96;
the Abbé Fénelon attempts to mediate between Perrot and, 97;
the Abbé Fénelon preaches against, 98;
championed by La Salle, 99;
recommends La Salle to Colbert, 99;
expects to share in profits of La Salle's new post, 101;
hatred of the Jesuits 102;
protects the Récollets, 109;
intrigues of the Jesuits, 118, 125, 201, 232, 250, 238, 274;
entertains Father Hennepin, 280, 292;
recalled to France, 318;
obligations of La Salle to, 434;
commendation of Tonty, 467, 479, 480, 481;
Frontenac, Fort, 34;
Page 372
granted to La Salle, 100;
rebuilt by La Salle, 101, 112;
La Salle at, 120;
plan of, 121;
not established for commercial gain alone, 122, 148, 203, 292;
La Barre takes possession of, 325;
restored to La Salle by the King, 351, 476.
Frontenac (Ontario), Lake, 128, 476, 477, 479.
Frontenac, Madame de, 167.
"Frontenacie, La," 481.
Fur-trade, the,
the Jesuits accused of taking part in, 109, 110;
the Jesuits seek to establish a monopoly in, 114.
-G-
Gabriel, Father, 158, 159, 227, 237.
Gaeta, 128.
Galinée, Father, 17;
recounts the journey of La Salle and the Sulpitians, 19, 20, 26;
cruelty of the Senecas, 22;
the work of the Jesuits, 28;
makes the earliest map of the Upper Lakes, 28, 106, 140, 475.
Galve, Viceroy, 469.
Galveston Bay, 374, 376, 385.
Garakontié, Chief, 91.
rebuilt by La Salle, 101, 112;
La Salle at, 120;
plan of, 121;
not established for commercial gain alone, 122, 148, 203, 292;
La Barre takes possession of, 325;
restored to La Salle by the King, 351, 476.
Frontenac (Ontario), Lake, 128, 476, 477, 479.
Frontenac, Madame de, 167.
"Frontenacie, La," 481.
Fur-trade, the,
the Jesuits accused of taking part in, 109, 110;
the Jesuits seek to establish a monopoly in, 114.
-G-
Gabriel, Father, 158, 159, 227, 237.
Gaeta, 128.
Galinée, Father, 17;
recounts the journey of La Salle and the Sulpitians, 19, 20, 26;
cruelty of the Senecas, 22;
the work of the Jesuits, 28;
makes the earliest map of the Upper Lakes, 28, 106, 140, 475.
Galve, Viceroy, 469.
Galveston Bay, 374, 376, 385.
Garakontié, Chief, 91.
Page 373
Garnier, Julien, 59;
among the Senecas, 141.
Gayen, 384.
Geest, Catherine,
mother of La Salle, 7;
La Salle's farewell to, 364.
Geest, Nicolas, 7.
Gendron, 139.
Genesee,
the Falls of the, 476.
Genesee River, the, 140, 142, 279.
Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, 27, 203.
Giton,
La Salle borrows money from, 150.
Gnacsitares, the, 486.
Gould, Dr. B. A.,
on the "Great Comet of 1680," 213.
Grandfontaine, Chevalier de, 56.
Grand Gulf, 300.
Grand River, 23, 25.
Gravier, 244, 297;
the Arkansas nation, 300.
among the Senecas, 141.
Gayen, 384.
Geest, Catherine,
mother of La Salle, 7;
La Salle's farewell to, 364.
Geest, Nicolas, 7.
Gendron, 139.
Genesee,
the Falls of the, 476.
Genesee River, the, 140, 142, 279.
Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, 27, 203.
Giton,
La Salle borrows money from, 150.
Gnacsitares, the, 486.
Gould, Dr. B. A.,
on the "Great Comet of 1680," 213.
Grandfontaine, Chevalier de, 56.
Grand Gulf, 300.
Grand River, 23, 25.
Gravier, 244, 297;
the Arkansas nation, 300.
Page 374
Great Lakes, the, 4;
Joliet makes a map of the region of, 32;
early unpublished maps of, 475-485;
Champlain makes the first attempt to map out, 476.
Great Manitoulin Island, the, 41.
"Great Mountain," the Indian name for the governor of Canada, 156.
Green Bay of Lake Michigan, the, 4, 31, 42, 43, 75;
La Salle at, 155; 236.
Green Bay Mission, the,
Father Allouez sent to found, 43;
Marquette at, 62;
Father Hennepin and Du Lhut reach, 279.
"Griffin," the,
building of, 144-148;
finished, 149;
voyage of, 151-153;
at St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 154;
set sail for Niagara laden with furs, 156;
La Salle's forebodings concerning, 163;
loss of, 181, 322.
Grollet, 445, 446, 448, 470, 471;
sent to Spain, 472.
Guadalupe, the, 469.
Gulliver, Captain, 486.
-H-
Hagaren, King of the Acanibas, 487-489.
Joliet makes a map of the region of, 32;
early unpublished maps of, 475-485;
Champlain makes the first attempt to map out, 476.
Great Manitoulin Island, the, 41.
"Great Mountain," the Indian name for the governor of Canada, 156.
Green Bay of Lake Michigan, the, 4, 31, 42, 43, 75;
La Salle at, 155; 236.
Green Bay Mission, the,
Father Allouez sent to found, 43;
Marquette at, 62;
Father Hennepin and Du Lhut reach, 279.
"Griffin," the,
building of, 144-148;
finished, 149;
voyage of, 151-153;
at St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 154;
set sail for Niagara laden with furs, 156;
La Salle's forebodings concerning, 163;
loss of, 181, 322.
Grollet, 445, 446, 448, 470, 471;
sent to Spain, 472.
Guadalupe, the, 469.
Gulliver, Captain, 486.
-H-
Hagaren, King of the Acanibas, 487-489.
Page 375
Hamilton, town of, 23.
Harrisse, Henry, 76, 481, 482.
Haukiki (Marest) River, the, 167.
Hennepin, Louis,
connection of La Salle with the Jesuits, 8;
at Fort Frontenac, 121;
meets La Salle on his return to Canada, 130;
receives permission to join La Salle, 131;
his journey to Fort Frontenac, 132;
sets out with La Motte for Niagara, 132;
portrait of, 133;
his past life, 133;
sails for Canada, 134;
relations with La Salle, 134, 135;
work among the Indians, 135;
the most impudent of liars, 136;
daring of, 137;
embarks on the journey, 137;
reaches the Niagara, 138;
account of the falls and river of Niagara, 139;
among the Senecas, 140, 141;
at the Niagara Portage, 145-147;
the launch of the "Griffin," 148, 149;
on board the "Griffin," 151;
St. Anthony of Padua the patron saint of La Salle's great enterprise, 152;
the departure of the "Griffin" for Niagara, 157;
La Salle's encounter with the Outagamies, 161;
La Salle rejoined by Tonty, 163;
La Salle's forebodings concerning the "Griffin," 163;
population of the Illinois Valley, 169;
among the Illinois, 173, 174;
the story of Monso, 177;
La Salle's men desert him, 178;
Harrisse, Henry, 76, 481, 482.
Haukiki (Marest) River, the, 167.
Hennepin, Louis,
connection of La Salle with the Jesuits, 8;
at Fort Frontenac, 121;
meets La Salle on his return to Canada, 130;
receives permission to join La Salle, 131;
his journey to Fort Frontenac, 132;
sets out with La Motte for Niagara, 132;
portrait of, 133;
his past life, 133;
sails for Canada, 134;
relations with La Salle, 134, 135;
work among the Indians, 135;
the most impudent of liars, 136;
daring of, 137;
embarks on the journey, 137;
reaches the Niagara, 138;
account of the falls and river of Niagara, 139;
among the Senecas, 140, 141;
at the Niagara Portage, 145-147;
the launch of the "Griffin," 148, 149;
on board the "Griffin," 151;
St. Anthony of Padua the patron saint of La Salle's great enterprise, 152;
the departure of the "Griffin" for Niagara, 157;
La Salle's encounter with the Outagamies, 161;
La Salle rejoined by Tonty, 163;
La Salle's forebodings concerning the "Griffin," 163;
population of the Illinois Valley, 169;
among the Illinois, 173, 174;
the story of Monso, 177;
La Salle's men desert him, 178;
Page 376
at Fort Crèvecœur, 181;
sent to the Mississippi, 185;
the journey from Fort Crèvecœur, 201;
the mutineers at Fort Crèvecœur, 218, 234;
sets out to explore the Illinois River, 242;
his claims to the discovery of the Mississippi, 243;
doubted veracity of, 244;
captured by the Sioux, 245;
proved an impostor, 245;
steals passages from Membré and Le Clerc, 247;
his journey northward, 249;
suspected of sorcery, 253;
plots against, 255;
a hard journey, 257;
among the Sioux, 259-282;
adopted as a son by the Sioux, 261;
sets out for the Wisconsin, 266;
notice of the Falls of St. Anthony, 267;
rejoins the Indians, 273;
meeting with Du Lhut, 273;
joins Du Lhut, 278;
reaches the Green Bay Mission, 279;
reaches Fort Frontenac, 280;
goes to Montreal, 280;
entertained by Frontenac, 280;
returns to Europe, 280;
dies in obscurity, 281;
Louis XIV. orders the arrest of, 282;
various editions of the travels of, 282;
finds fault with Tonty, 467, 479, 481;
rivals of, 485, 486.
Hiens, the German, 411, 421, 425;
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
quarrel with Duhaut and Liotot, 446;
murders Duhaut, 448;
joins the Cenis on a war expedition, 450, 465;
fate of, 472.
sent to the Mississippi, 185;
the journey from Fort Crèvecœur, 201;
the mutineers at Fort Crèvecœur, 218, 234;
sets out to explore the Illinois River, 242;
his claims to the discovery of the Mississippi, 243;
doubted veracity of, 244;
captured by the Sioux, 245;
proved an impostor, 245;
steals passages from Membré and Le Clerc, 247;
his journey northward, 249;
suspected of sorcery, 253;
plots against, 255;
a hard journey, 257;
among the Sioux, 259-282;
adopted as a son by the Sioux, 261;
sets out for the Wisconsin, 266;
notice of the Falls of St. Anthony, 267;
rejoins the Indians, 273;
meeting with Du Lhut, 273;
joins Du Lhut, 278;
reaches the Green Bay Mission, 279;
reaches Fort Frontenac, 280;
goes to Montreal, 280;
entertained by Frontenac, 280;
returns to Europe, 280;
dies in obscurity, 281;
Louis XIV. orders the arrest of, 282;
various editions of the travels of, 282;
finds fault with Tonty, 467, 479, 481;
rivals of, 485, 486.
Hiens, the German, 411, 421, 425;
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
quarrel with Duhaut and Liotot, 446;
murders Duhaut, 448;
joins the Cenis on a war expedition, 450, 465;
fate of, 472.
Page 377
Hillaret Moïse, 147, 178, 187, 193, 217, 218.
Hitt, Col. D. F., 317.
Hohays, the, 261.
Homannus,
map made by, 483.
Hondo (Rio Frio), the, 469.
Horse Shoe Fall, the, 139.
Hôtel-Dieu at Montreal, the, 13, 98.
Hudson's Bay,
Joliet's voyage to, 76;
Albanel's journey to, 109, 346, 483.
Hudson's Strait, 480.
Humber River, the, 138, 203.
Hunaut, 187, 210, 287.
Hundred Associates, Company of the, 57.
Huron Indians, the,
quarrel with the Winnebagoes, 4;
allies of the French, 4;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
Marquette among, 40;
terrified by the Sioux, 41;
destroyed by the Iroquois, 219.
Hitt, Col. D. F., 317.
Hohays, the, 261.
Homannus,
map made by, 483.
Hondo (Rio Frio), the, 469.
Horse Shoe Fall, the, 139.
Hôtel-Dieu at Montreal, the, 13, 98.
Hudson's Bay,
Joliet's voyage to, 76;
Albanel's journey to, 109, 346, 483.
Hudson's Strait, 480.
Humber River, the, 138, 203.
Hunaut, 187, 210, 287.
Hundred Associates, Company of the, 57.
Huron Indians, the,
quarrel with the Winnebagoes, 4;
allies of the French, 4;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
Marquette among, 40;
terrified by the Sioux, 41;
destroyed by the Iroquois, 219.
Page 378
Huron, Lake, 26, 27, 31;
the Jesuits on, 37, 41;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52;
La Salle on, 152, 475, 476, 479.
Huron Mission, the, 27.
Huron River, the, 196.
"Hyacinth, confection of," 159.
-I-
Iberville, the founder of Louisiana, 455;
joined by Tonty, 467, 472, 473.
Ignatius, Saint, 78.
Illinois, Great Town of the, 170;
deserted, 191;
La Salle at, 205;
description of, 221;
Tonty in, 223;
abandoned to the Iroquois, 230;
site of, 239.
Illinois Indians, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 40, 41, 60;
Joliet and Marquette among, 66, 77, 78, 154, 155, 161;
La Salle among, 171-173;
hospitality of, 173;
deep-rooted jealousy of the Osages, 174, 203;
war with the Iroquois, 210, 220;
the Miamis join the Iroquois against, 220;
rankling jealousy between the Miamis and, 220;
the Jesuits on, 37, 41;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52;
La Salle on, 152, 475, 476, 479.
Huron Mission, the, 27.
Huron River, the, 196.
"Hyacinth, confection of," 159.
-I-
Iberville, the founder of Louisiana, 455;
joined by Tonty, 467, 472, 473.
Ignatius, Saint, 78.
Illinois, Great Town of the, 170;
deserted, 191;
La Salle at, 205;
description of, 221;
Tonty in, 223;
abandoned to the Iroquois, 230;
site of, 239.
Illinois Indians, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 40, 41, 60;
Joliet and Marquette among, 66, 77, 78, 154, 155, 161;
La Salle among, 171-173;
hospitality of, 173;
deep-rooted jealousy of the Osages, 174, 203;
war with the Iroquois, 210, 220;
the Miamis join the Iroquois against, 220;
rankling jealousy between the Miamis and, 220;
Page 379
an aggregation of kindred tribes, 223;
characteristics of, 223;
Tonty intercedes for, 228;
treaty made with the Iroquois, 231;
attacked by the Iroquois, 235;
become allies of La Salle, 287, 307;
at "Starved Rock," 314;
join La Salle's colony, 315, 316;
very capricious and uncertain, 322, 477.
Illinois, Lake of the (Lake Michigan), 42, 75, 155, 477, 479.
Illinois River, the, 31, 33, 34;
discovered by La Salle, 35;
Joliet and Marquette on, 74, 132;
La Salle on, 168;
various names of, 16, 204;
ravaged granaries of, 213, 220;
Father Hennepin sets out to explore, 242, 245, 296;
La Salle's projected colony on the banks of, 313, 315, 316, 405, 406;
Joutel on, 457, 477, 478, 481, 483.
Illinois, State of,
first civilized occupation of, 181.
Illinois, Valley of the, population of, 169.
Immaculate Conception, the,
doctrine of, a favorite tenet of the Jesuits, 61.
Immaculate Conception, Mission of the,
Marquette sets out to found, 77.
Incarnation, Marie de l', 111.
Indians, the,
Father Jogues and Raymbault preach among, 5;
characteristics of, 223;
Tonty intercedes for, 228;
treaty made with the Iroquois, 231;
attacked by the Iroquois, 235;
become allies of La Salle, 287, 307;
at "Starved Rock," 314;
join La Salle's colony, 315, 316;
very capricious and uncertain, 322, 477.
Illinois, Lake of the (Lake Michigan), 42, 75, 155, 477, 479.
Illinois River, the, 31, 33, 34;
discovered by La Salle, 35;
Joliet and Marquette on, 74, 132;
La Salle on, 168;
various names of, 16, 204;
ravaged granaries of, 213, 220;
Father Hennepin sets out to explore, 242, 245, 296;
La Salle's projected colony on the banks of, 313, 315, 316, 405, 406;
Joutel on, 457, 477, 478, 481, 483.
Illinois, State of,
first civilized occupation of, 181.
Illinois, Valley of the, population of, 169.
Immaculate Conception, the,
doctrine of, a favorite tenet of the Jesuits, 61.
Immaculate Conception, Mission of the,
Marquette sets out to found, 77.
Incarnation, Marie de l', 111.
Indians, the,
Father Jogues and Raymbault preach among, 5;
Page 380
ferocity of, 11;
manitous of, 26, 44, 68;
their game of la crosse, 50;
the tribes meet at Saut Ste. Marie to confer with Saint-Lusson, 51-56;
reception to Joliet and Marquette, 63;
lodges of, 75;
reception to Frontenac, 90;
Frontenac's admirable dealing with, 92, 93;
Alphabetical list of tribes referred to:—
Abenakis,
Acanibas,
Agniers,
Akanseas,
Algonquins,
Alkansas,
Amikoués,
Andastes,
Arkansas,
Assiniboins,
Assonis,
Caddoes,
Cadodaquis,
Camanches,
Cenis,
Chaouanons,
Chickasaws,
Chikachas,
Coroas,
Creeks,
Crees,
Crows,
Dacotah,
Eries,
Fire Nation,
Five Nations,
Floridas,
Foxes,
manitous of, 26, 44, 68;
their game of la crosse, 50;
the tribes meet at Saut Ste. Marie to confer with Saint-Lusson, 51-56;
reception to Joliet and Marquette, 63;
lodges of, 75;
reception to Frontenac, 90;
Frontenac's admirable dealing with, 92, 93;
Alphabetical list of tribes referred to:—
Abenakis,
Acanibas,
Agniers,
Akanseas,
Algonquins,
Alkansas,
Amikoués,
Andastes,
Arkansas,
Assiniboins,
Assonis,
Caddoes,
Cadodaquis,
Camanches,
Cenis,
Chaouanons,
Chickasaws,
Chikachas,
Coroas,
Creeks,
Crees,
Crows,
Dacotah,
Eries,
Fire Nation,
Five Nations,
Floridas,
Foxes,
Page 381
Hohays,
Hurons,
Illinois,
Iroquois,
Issanti,
Issanyati,
Issati,
Kahokias,
Kanzas,
Kappas,
Kaskaskias,
Kickapoos,
Kilatica,
Kious,
Kiskakon Ottawas,
Knisteneaux,
Koroas,
Malhoumines,
Malouminek,
Mandans,
Maroas,
Mascoutins,
Meddewakantonwan,
Menomonies,
Miamis,
Mitchigamias,
Mohawks,
Mohegans,
Moingona,
Monsonis,
Motantees,
Nadouessioux,
Natchez,
Nation des Folles-Avoines,
Nation of the Prairie,
Neutrals,
Nipissings,
Hurons,
Illinois,
Iroquois,
Issanti,
Issanyati,
Issati,
Kahokias,
Kanzas,
Kappas,
Kaskaskias,
Kickapoos,
Kilatica,
Kious,
Kiskakon Ottawas,
Knisteneaux,
Koroas,
Malhoumines,
Malouminek,
Mandans,
Maroas,
Mascoutins,
Meddewakantonwan,
Menomonies,
Miamis,
Mitchigamias,
Mohawks,
Mohegans,
Moingona,
Monsonis,
Motantees,
Nadouessioux,
Natchez,
Nation des Folles-Avoines,
Nation of the Prairie,
Neutrals,
Nipissings,
Page 382
Ojibwas,
Omahas,
Oneidas,
Onondagas,
Osages,
Osotouoy,
Ottawas,
Ouabona,
Ouiatenons,
Oumalouminek,
Oumas,
Outagamies,
Pah-Utahs,
Pawnees,
Peanqhichia,
Peorias,
Pepikokia,
Piankishaws,
Pottawattamies,
Quapaws,
Quinipissas,
Sacs,
Sauteurs,
Sauthouis,
Senecas,
Shawanoes,
Sioux,
Sokokis,
Taensas,
Tamaroas,
Tangibao,
Terliquiquimechi,
Tetons,
Texas,
Tintonwans,
Tongengas,
Topingas,
Omahas,
Oneidas,
Onondagas,
Osages,
Osotouoy,
Ottawas,
Ouabona,
Ouiatenons,
Oumalouminek,
Oumas,
Outagamies,
Pah-Utahs,
Pawnees,
Peanqhichia,
Peorias,
Pepikokia,
Piankishaws,
Pottawattamies,
Quapaws,
Quinipissas,
Sacs,
Sauteurs,
Sauthouis,
Senecas,
Shawanoes,
Sioux,
Sokokis,
Taensas,
Tamaroas,
Tangibao,
Terliquiquimechi,
Tetons,
Texas,
Tintonwans,
Tongengas,
Topingas,
Page 383
Torimans,
Wapoos,
Weas,
Wild-rice,
Winnebagoes,
Yankton Sioux.
Irondequoit Bay, 20.
Iroquois Indians, the, 11;
alone remain, 37;
felt the power of the French, 42;
the "Beautiful River," 70;
Onondaga the political centre of, 87;
the Jesuits seek to embroil them with the French, 115;
ferocious character of, 207;
war with the Illinois, 210;
ferocious triumphs of, 219;
break into war, 219;
trade with the Dutch and the English, 219;
jealous of La Salle, 219;
joined by the Miamis against the Illinois, 220;
attack on the Illinois village, 225;
grant a truce to Tonty, 230;
take possession of the Illinois village, 230;
make a treaty with the Illinois, 231;
treachery of, 231;
Tonty departs from, 233;
attack on the dead, 234;
attack on the Illinois, 235, 320;
encouraged to fight by the Dutch and English traders, 324;
attack Fort St. Louis, 327.
Iroquois War, the,
havoc and desolation of, 5, 219;
a war of commercial advantage, 219;
the French in, 460.
Wapoos,
Weas,
Wild-rice,
Winnebagoes,
Yankton Sioux.
Irondequoit Bay, 20.
Iroquois Indians, the, 11;
alone remain, 37;
felt the power of the French, 42;
the "Beautiful River," 70;
Onondaga the political centre of, 87;
the Jesuits seek to embroil them with the French, 115;
ferocious character of, 207;
war with the Illinois, 210;
ferocious triumphs of, 219;
break into war, 219;
trade with the Dutch and the English, 219;
jealous of La Salle, 219;
joined by the Miamis against the Illinois, 220;
attack on the Illinois village, 225;
grant a truce to Tonty, 230;
take possession of the Illinois village, 230;
make a treaty with the Illinois, 231;
treachery of, 231;
Tonty departs from, 233;
attack on the dead, 234;
attack on the Illinois, 235, 320;
encouraged to fight by the Dutch and English traders, 324;
attack Fort St. Louis, 327.
Iroquois War, the,
havoc and desolation of, 5, 219;
a war of commercial advantage, 219;
the French in, 460.
Page 384
Isle of Pines, the, 372.
Issanti, the, 260.
Issanyati, the, 260.
Issati, the, 260.
"Issatis," the, 481.
-J-
Jacques, companion of Marquette, 78, 80.
Jansenists, the, 110.
Japan, 6, 14.
Japanese, the, 487.
Jesuitism,
no diminution in the vital force of, 103
Jesuits, the,
their thoughts dwell on the Mississippi, 6;
La Salle's connection with, 8;
La Salle parts with, 9;
influence exercised by, 16;
want no help from the Sulpitians, 27;
a change of spirit, 36, 37;
their best hopes in the North and West, 37;
on the Lakes, 37;
labor to explore the copper mines of Lake Superior, 38;
a mixture of fanaticism, 38;
claimed a monopoly of conversion, 38;
Issanti, the, 260.
Issanyati, the, 260.
Issati, the, 260.
"Issatis," the, 481.
-J-
Jacques, companion of Marquette, 78, 80.
Jansenists, the, 110.
Japan, 6, 14.
Japanese, the, 487.
Jesuitism,
no diminution in the vital force of, 103
Jesuits, the,
their thoughts dwell on the Mississippi, 6;
La Salle's connection with, 8;
La Salle parts with, 9;
influence exercised by, 16;
want no help from the Sulpitians, 27;
a change of spirit, 36, 37;
their best hopes in the North and West, 37;
on the Lakes, 37;
labor to explore the copper mines of Lake Superior, 38;
a mixture of fanaticism, 38;
claimed a monopoly of conversion, 38;
Page 385
make a map of Lake Superior, 38;
the missionary stations, 46;
trading with the Indians, 47;
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception a favorite tenet of, 61;
greatly opposed to the establishment of forts and trading-posts
in the upper country, 88;
opposition to Frontenac and La Salle, 102;
Frontenac's hatred of, 102;
turn their eyes towards the Valley of the Mississippi, 103;
no longer supreme in Canada, 104;
La Salle their most dangerous rival for the control of the West, 104;
masters at Quebec, 108;
accused of selling brandy to the Indians, 109;
accused of carrying on a fur-trade, 109, 230;
comparison between the Récollets and Sulpitians and, 112;
seek to establish a monopoly in the fur-trade, 114;
intrigues against La Salle, 115;
seek to embroil the Iroquois with the French, 115;
exculpated by La Salle from the attempt to poison him, 116;
induce men to desert from La Salle, 118;
have a mission among the Mohawks, 118;
plan against La Salle, 459;
maps made by, 478.
Jesus, Order of, 37.
Jesus, Society of, see Society of Jesus.
Jogues, Father Isaac,
preaches among the Indians, 5, 59.
Joliet, Louis,
destined to hold a conspicuous place in history of western discovery, 23;
early life of, 23;
sent to discover the copper mines of Lake Superior, 23, 58;
his failure, 23;
meeting with La Salle and the Sulpitians, 23;
the missionary stations, 46;
trading with the Indians, 47;
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception a favorite tenet of, 61;
greatly opposed to the establishment of forts and trading-posts
in the upper country, 88;
opposition to Frontenac and La Salle, 102;
Frontenac's hatred of, 102;
turn their eyes towards the Valley of the Mississippi, 103;
no longer supreme in Canada, 104;
La Salle their most dangerous rival for the control of the West, 104;
masters at Quebec, 108;
accused of selling brandy to the Indians, 109;
accused of carrying on a fur-trade, 109, 230;
comparison between the Récollets and Sulpitians and, 112;
seek to establish a monopoly in the fur-trade, 114;
intrigues against La Salle, 115;
seek to embroil the Iroquois with the French, 115;
exculpated by La Salle from the attempt to poison him, 116;
induce men to desert from La Salle, 118;
have a mission among the Mohawks, 118;
plan against La Salle, 459;
maps made by, 478.
Jesus, Order of, 37.
Jesus, Society of, see Society of Jesus.
Jogues, Father Isaac,
preaches among the Indians, 5, 59.
Joliet, Louis,
destined to hold a conspicuous place in history of western discovery, 23;
early life of, 23;
sent to discover the copper mines of Lake Superior, 23, 58;
his failure, 23;
meeting with La Salle and the Sulpitians, 23;
Page 386
passage through the Strait of Detroit, 27;
makes maps of the region of the Mississippi and the Great Lakes, 32;
claims the discovery of the Mississippi, 33;
Frontenac speaks slightingly of, 34;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
sent by Talon to discover the Mississippi, 56;
early history of, 57;
characteristics of, 58;
Shea first to discover history of, 58;
Ferland, Faillon, and Margry throw much light on the life of, 58;
Marquette chosen to accompany him on his search for the Mississippi,
59;
the departure, 60;
the Mississippi at last, 64;
on the Mississippi, 65;
meeting with the Illinois, 66;
at the mouth of the Missouri, 69;
on the lower Mississippi, 71;
among the Arkansas Indians, 72;
determines that the Mississippi discharges into the Gulf of Mexico, 74;
resolves to return to Canada, 74;
serious accident to, 75;
letter to Frontenac, 76;
smaller map of his discoveries, 76;
marriage to Claire Bissot, 76;
journey to Hudson's Bay, 76;
the English hold out great inducements to, 76;
receives grants of land, 76;
engages in fisheries, 76;
makes a chart of the St. Lawrence, 77;
Sir William Phips makes a descent on the establishment of, 77;
explores the coast of Labrador, 77;
made royal pilot for the St. Lawrence by Frontenac, 77;
appointed hydrographer at Quebec, 77;
death of, 77;
said to be an impostor, 118;
refused permission to plant a trading station in the Valley of the
makes maps of the region of the Mississippi and the Great Lakes, 32;
claims the discovery of the Mississippi, 33;
Frontenac speaks slightingly of, 34;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
sent by Talon to discover the Mississippi, 56;
early history of, 57;
characteristics of, 58;
Shea first to discover history of, 58;
Ferland, Faillon, and Margry throw much light on the life of, 58;
Marquette chosen to accompany him on his search for the Mississippi,
59;
the departure, 60;
the Mississippi at last, 64;
on the Mississippi, 65;
meeting with the Illinois, 66;
at the mouth of the Missouri, 69;
on the lower Mississippi, 71;
among the Arkansas Indians, 72;
determines that the Mississippi discharges into the Gulf of Mexico, 74;
resolves to return to Canada, 74;
serious accident to, 75;
letter to Frontenac, 76;
smaller map of his discoveries, 76;
marriage to Claire Bissot, 76;
journey to Hudson's Bay, 76;
the English hold out great inducements to, 76;
receives grants of land, 76;
engages in fisheries, 76;
makes a chart of the St. Lawrence, 77;
Sir William Phips makes a descent on the establishment of, 77;
explores the coast of Labrador, 77;
made royal pilot for the St. Lawrence by Frontenac, 77;
appointed hydrographer at Quebec, 77;
death of, 77;
said to be an impostor, 118;
refused permission to plant a trading station in the Valley of the
Page 387
Mississippi, 126, 477;
maps made by, 479, 480, 481, 482.
Joliet, town of, 193.
"Joly," the vessel, 353, 366, 367, 372, 373, 374, 375, 377, 381, 383, 385.
Jolycœur (Nicolas Perrot), 116.
Joutel, Henri, 69, 314, 363, 367, 368, 372, 374, 375, 377, 379, 380, 382,
388, 389, 392, 393, 395, 396, 397, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 406, 407,
409, 410, 411, 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422, 428;
sketches the portrait of La Salle, 430;
the assassination of La Salle, 432, 433;
danger of, 436;
friendship of L'Archevêque for, 436;
doubt and anxiety, 437, 438;
among the Cenis Indians, 440-445;
plans to escape, 445-447;
the murder of Duhaut, 448, 449;
sets out for home, 450;
his party, 451;
among the Assonis, 451-453;
arrival at the Arkansas, 453;
friendly reception, 455;
descends the Arkansas, 456;
on the Illinois, 457;
at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 457;
visit to Father Allouez, 459;
reaches Montreal, 462;
embarks for France, 462;
character of, 462.
-K-
Kahokias, the, 223.
maps made by, 479, 480, 481, 482.
Joliet, town of, 193.
"Joly," the vessel, 353, 366, 367, 372, 373, 374, 375, 377, 381, 383, 385.
Jolycœur (Nicolas Perrot), 116.
Joutel, Henri, 69, 314, 363, 367, 368, 372, 374, 375, 377, 379, 380, 382,
388, 389, 392, 393, 395, 396, 397, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 406, 407,
409, 410, 411, 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422, 428;
sketches the portrait of La Salle, 430;
the assassination of La Salle, 432, 433;
danger of, 436;
friendship of L'Archevêque for, 436;
doubt and anxiety, 437, 438;
among the Cenis Indians, 440-445;
plans to escape, 445-447;
the murder of Duhaut, 448, 449;
sets out for home, 450;
his party, 451;
among the Assonis, 451-453;
arrival at the Arkansas, 453;
friendly reception, 455;
descends the Arkansas, 456;
on the Illinois, 457;
at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 457;
visit to Father Allouez, 459;
reaches Montreal, 462;
embarks for France, 462;
character of, 462.
-K-
Kahokias, the, 223.
Page 388
Kalm, 244.
Kamalastigouia, 275.
Kankakee,
the sources of, 167, 204, 288, 316.
Kansa (Kanzas), the, 478.
Kanzas, the, 478.
Kappa band, the, of the Arkansas, 299.
"Kaskaskia,"
Illinois village of, 74;
the mission at, 79.
Kaskaskias, the, 223, 477.
Kiakiki River, the, 167.
Kickapoos, the,
location of 43;
join the Mascoutins and Miamis, 62;
murder Father Ribourde, 233.
Kilatica, the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
King Philip's War, 285.
Kingston, 87, 90.
Kious (Sioux), the, 307.
Kiskakon Ottawas, the, 81, 237.
Kamalastigouia, 275.
Kankakee,
the sources of, 167, 204, 288, 316.
Kansa (Kanzas), the, 478.
Kanzas, the, 478.
Kappa band, the, of the Arkansas, 299.
"Kaskaskia,"
Illinois village of, 74;
the mission at, 79.
Kaskaskias, the, 223, 477.
Kiakiki River, the, 167.
Kickapoos, the,
location of 43;
join the Mascoutins and Miamis, 62;
murder Father Ribourde, 233.
Kilatica, the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
King Philip's War, 285.
Kingston, 87, 90.
Kious (Sioux), the, 307.
Kiskakon Ottawas, the, 81, 237.
Page 389
Knisteneaux, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40.
Koroas, the, 308.
-L-
La Barre, Le Febvre de, 182;
succeeds Frontenac as governor, 318;
weakness and avarice of, 318;
royal instructions to, 319;
letters from La Salle, 319-322;
defames La Salle to Seignelay, 322-324;
plots against La Salle, 325;
takes possession of Fort Frontenac and Fort St. Louis, 325-327;
ordered by the King to make restitution, 351, 482.
Labrador, coasts of, 58;
explored by Joliet, 77.
La Chapelle, 193;
takes false reports of La Salle to Fort Crèvecœur, 217.
La Chesnaye, 102, 326.
La Chine,
the seigniory of La Salle at, 12;
La Salle lays the rude beginnings of a settlement at, 13;
La Salle and the Sulpitians set out from, 19;
origin of the name, 29, 88, 486.
La Chine Rapids, the, 75.
La Crosse, Indian game of, 50.
La Divine River, the (Des Plaines River), 477, 481.
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40.
Koroas, the, 308.
-L-
La Barre, Le Febvre de, 182;
succeeds Frontenac as governor, 318;
weakness and avarice of, 318;
royal instructions to, 319;
letters from La Salle, 319-322;
defames La Salle to Seignelay, 322-324;
plots against La Salle, 325;
takes possession of Fort Frontenac and Fort St. Louis, 325-327;
ordered by the King to make restitution, 351, 482.
Labrador, coasts of, 58;
explored by Joliet, 77.
La Chapelle, 193;
takes false reports of La Salle to Fort Crèvecœur, 217.
La Chesnaye, 102, 326.
La Chine,
the seigniory of La Salle at, 12;
La Salle lays the rude beginnings of a settlement at, 13;
La Salle and the Sulpitians set out from, 19;
origin of the name, 29, 88, 486.
La Chine Rapids, the, 75.
La Crosse, Indian game of, 50.
La Divine River, the (Des Plaines River), 477, 481.
Page 390
La Forest, La Salle's lieutenant, 101, 143, 203, 204, 208, 215, 236, 286,
287, 292, 326, 333, 351, 352, 467, 485.
La Forge, 147, 218.
La Harpe, 255.
La Hontan, 145, 153;
loss of the "Griffin," 182, 275, 276, 485, 486.
Lakes, Upper, 24, 27;
Galinée, makes the earliest map of, 28, 38;
Jesuit missions on, 39;
Marquette on, 59, 85;
Frontenac's plan to command, 96;
first vessel on, 145;
La Salle on, 151-163.
Lalemant, 139.
La Metairie, Jacques de, 308.
La Motte, see Lussière, La Motte de.
Lanquetot, see Liotot.
Laon, 59.
La Pointe, Jesuit mission of St. Esprit at, 40.
La Potherie, 49;
reception of Saint-Lusson by the Miamis, 50;
Henri de Tonty's iron hand, 129;
loss of the "Griffin," 182;
the Iroquois attack on the Illinois, 235.
L'Archevêque, 421, 425;
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
287, 292, 326, 333, 351, 352, 467, 485.
La Forge, 147, 218.
La Harpe, 255.
La Hontan, 145, 153;
loss of the "Griffin," 182, 275, 276, 485, 486.
Lakes, Upper, 24, 27;
Galinée, makes the earliest map of, 28, 38;
Jesuit missions on, 39;
Marquette on, 59, 85;
Frontenac's plan to command, 96;
first vessel on, 145;
La Salle on, 151-163.
Lalemant, 139.
La Metairie, Jacques de, 308.
La Motte, see Lussière, La Motte de.
Lanquetot, see Liotot.
Laon, 59.
La Pointe, Jesuit mission of St. Esprit at, 40.
La Potherie, 49;
reception of Saint-Lusson by the Miamis, 50;
Henri de Tonty's iron hand, 129;
loss of the "Griffin," 182;
the Iroquois attack on the Illinois, 235.
L'Archevêque, 421, 425;
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
Page 391
the assassination of La Salle, 429;
friendship for Joutel, 436;
danger of, 449, 470, 471;
sent to Spain, 472.
La Sablonnière, Marquis de, 380, 388, 407, 409, 418.
La Salle, Sieur de,
birth of, 7;
origin of his name, 7;
connection with the Jesuits, 8;
characteristics of, 9;
parts with the Jesuits, 9;
sails for Canada, 10;
at Montreal, 10;
schemes of, 11;
his seigniory at La Chine, 12;
begins to study Indian languages, 14;
plans of discovery, 14, 15;
sells his seigniory, 16;
joins his expedition to that of the seminary priests, 17;
sets out from La Chine, 19;
journey of, 19, 20;
hospitality of the Senecas, 21;
fears for his safety, 22;
meeting with Joliet, 23;
belles paroles of, 25;
parts with the Sulpitians, 25;
obscurity of his subsequent work, 28;
goes to Onondaga, 29;
deserted by his men, 30;
meeting with Perrot, 30;
reported movements of, 31;
Talon claims to have sent him to explore, 31;
affirms that he discovered the Ohio, 32;
discovery of the Mississippi, 33;
discovered the Illinois River, 35;
friendship for Joutel, 436;
danger of, 449, 470, 471;
sent to Spain, 472.
La Sablonnière, Marquis de, 380, 388, 407, 409, 418.
La Salle, Sieur de,
birth of, 7;
origin of his name, 7;
connection with the Jesuits, 8;
characteristics of, 9;
parts with the Jesuits, 9;
sails for Canada, 10;
at Montreal, 10;
schemes of, 11;
his seigniory at La Chine, 12;
begins to study Indian languages, 14;
plans of discovery, 14, 15;
sells his seigniory, 16;
joins his expedition to that of the seminary priests, 17;
sets out from La Chine, 19;
journey of, 19, 20;
hospitality of the Senecas, 21;
fears for his safety, 22;
meeting with Joliet, 23;
belles paroles of, 25;
parts with the Sulpitians, 25;
obscurity of his subsequent work, 28;
goes to Onondaga, 29;
deserted by his men, 30;
meeting with Perrot, 30;
reported movements of, 31;
Talon claims to have sent him to explore, 31;
affirms that he discovered the Ohio, 32;
discovery of the Mississippi, 33;
discovered the Illinois River, 35;
Page 392
pays the expenses of his expeditions, 49;
in great need of money, 49;
borrows merchandise from the Seminary, 49;
contrasted with Marquette, 83;
called a visionary, 83;
projects of, 84;
Frontenac favorably disposed towards, 85;
faculty for managing the Indians, 89;
at Montreal, 97;
champions Frontenac, 99;
goes to France, 99;
recommended to Colbert by Frontenac, 99;
petitions for a patent of nobility and a grant of Fort Frontenac, 100;
his petition granted, 100;
returns to Canada, 101;
oppressed by the merchants of Canada, 101;
Le Ber becomes the bitter enemy of, 101;
aims at the control of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, 102;
opposed by the Jesuits, 102;
the most dangerous rival of the Jesuits for the control of the West, 104;
the Prince de Conti the patron of, 106;
the Abbé Renaudot's memoir of, 106, 107;
account of, 107;
not well inclined towards the Récollets, 108;
plots against, 113;
caused no little annoyance by his brother, 114;
Jesuit intrigues against, 115;
attempt to poison, 116;
exculpates the Jesuits, 116;
letter to the Prince de Conti, 118;
the Jesuits induce men to desert from, 118;
defamed to Colbert, 119;
at Fort Frontenac, 120;
sails again for France, 122;
his memorial laid before Colbert, 122;
urges the planting of colonies in the West, 123;
receives a patent from Louis XIV., 124;
in great need of money, 49;
borrows merchandise from the Seminary, 49;
contrasted with Marquette, 83;
called a visionary, 83;
projects of, 84;
Frontenac favorably disposed towards, 85;
faculty for managing the Indians, 89;
at Montreal, 97;
champions Frontenac, 99;
goes to France, 99;
recommended to Colbert by Frontenac, 99;
petitions for a patent of nobility and a grant of Fort Frontenac, 100;
his petition granted, 100;
returns to Canada, 101;
oppressed by the merchants of Canada, 101;
Le Ber becomes the bitter enemy of, 101;
aims at the control of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, 102;
opposed by the Jesuits, 102;
the most dangerous rival of the Jesuits for the control of the West, 104;
the Prince de Conti the patron of, 106;
the Abbé Renaudot's memoir of, 106, 107;
account of, 107;
not well inclined towards the Récollets, 108;
plots against, 113;
caused no little annoyance by his brother, 114;
Jesuit intrigues against, 115;
attempt to poison, 116;
exculpates the Jesuits, 116;
letter to the Prince de Conti, 118;
the Jesuits induce men to desert from, 118;
defamed to Colbert, 119;
at Fort Frontenac, 120;
sails again for France, 122;
his memorial laid before Colbert, 122;
urges the planting of colonies in the West, 123;
receives a patent from Louis XIV., 124;
Page 393
forbidden to trade with the Ottawas, 125;
given the monopoly of buffalo-hides, 126;
makes plans to carry out his designs, 126;
assistance received from his friends, 127;
invaluable aid received from Henri de Tonty, 127;
joined by La Motte de Lussière, 129;
sails for Canada, 129;
makes a league with the Canadian merchants, 129;
met by Father Hennepin on his return to Canada, 130;
joined by Father Hennepin, 131;
relations with Father Hennepin, 134, 135;
sets out to join La Motte, 141;
almost wrecked, 142;
treachery of his pilot, 142;
pacifies the Senecas, 142;
delayed by jealousies, 143;
returns to Fort Frontenac, 143;
unfortunate in the choice of subordinates, 143;
builds a vessel above the Niagara cataract, 144;
jealousy and discontent, 147;
lays foundation for blockhouses at Niagara, 148;
the launch of the "Griffin," 149;
his property attached by his creditors, 150;
on Lake Huron, 152;
commends his great enterprise to St. Anthony of Padua, 152;
at St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 153;
rivals and enemies, 154;
on Lake Michigan, 155;
at Green Bay, 155;
finds the Pottawattamies friendly, 155;
sends the "Griffin" back to Niagara laden with furs, 156;
trades with the Ottawas, 156;
hardships, 158;
encounter with the Outagamies, 160, 161;
rejoined by Tonty, 162;
forebodings concerning the "Griffin," 163;
on the St. Joseph, 164;
given the monopoly of buffalo-hides, 126;
makes plans to carry out his designs, 126;
assistance received from his friends, 127;
invaluable aid received from Henri de Tonty, 127;
joined by La Motte de Lussière, 129;
sails for Canada, 129;
makes a league with the Canadian merchants, 129;
met by Father Hennepin on his return to Canada, 130;
joined by Father Hennepin, 131;
relations with Father Hennepin, 134, 135;
sets out to join La Motte, 141;
almost wrecked, 142;
treachery of his pilot, 142;
pacifies the Senecas, 142;
delayed by jealousies, 143;
returns to Fort Frontenac, 143;
unfortunate in the choice of subordinates, 143;
builds a vessel above the Niagara cataract, 144;
jealousy and discontent, 147;
lays foundation for blockhouses at Niagara, 148;
the launch of the "Griffin," 149;
his property attached by his creditors, 150;
on Lake Huron, 152;
commends his great enterprise to St. Anthony of Padua, 152;
at St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 153;
rivals and enemies, 154;
on Lake Michigan, 155;
at Green Bay, 155;
finds the Pottawattamies friendly, 155;
sends the "Griffin" back to Niagara laden with furs, 156;
trades with the Ottawas, 156;
hardships, 158;
encounter with the Outagamies, 160, 161;
rejoined by Tonty, 162;
forebodings concerning the "Griffin," 163;
on the St. Joseph, 164;
Page 394
lost in the forest, 165;
on the Illinois, 166;
Duplessis attempts to murder, 166;
the Illinois town, 169, 170;
hunger relieved, 171;
Illinois hospitality, 173;
still followed by the intrigues of his enemies, 175;
harangues the Indians, 177;
deserted by his men, 178;
another attempt to poison, 178;
builds Fort Crèvecœur, 180;
loss of the "Griffin," 181;
anxieties of, 183;
a happy artifice, 184;
builds another vessel, 185;
sends Hennepin to the Mississippi, 185;
parting with Tonty, 188;
hardihood of, 189-201;
his winter journey to Fort Frontenac, 189;
the deserted town of the Illinois, 191;
meeting with Chief Chassagoac, 192;
"Starved Rock," 192;
Lake Michigan, 193;
the wilderness, 193, 194;
Indian alarms, 195;
reaches Niagara, 197;
man and nature in arms against, 198;
mutineers at Fort Crèvecœur, 199;
chastisement of the mutineers, 201;
strength in the face of adversity, 202;
his best hope in Tonty, 202;
sets out to succor Tonty, 203;
kills buffalo, 205;
a night of horror, 207;
fears for Tonty, 209;
finds the ruins of Fort Crèvecœur, 211;
beholds the Mississippi, 212;
on the Illinois, 166;
Duplessis attempts to murder, 166;
the Illinois town, 169, 170;
hunger relieved, 171;
Illinois hospitality, 173;
still followed by the intrigues of his enemies, 175;
harangues the Indians, 177;
deserted by his men, 178;
another attempt to poison, 178;
builds Fort Crèvecœur, 180;
loss of the "Griffin," 181;
anxieties of, 183;
a happy artifice, 184;
builds another vessel, 185;
sends Hennepin to the Mississippi, 185;
parting with Tonty, 188;
hardihood of, 189-201;
his winter journey to Fort Frontenac, 189;
the deserted town of the Illinois, 191;
meeting with Chief Chassagoac, 192;
"Starved Rock," 192;
Lake Michigan, 193;
the wilderness, 193, 194;
Indian alarms, 195;
reaches Niagara, 197;
man and nature in arms against, 198;
mutineers at Fort Crèvecœur, 199;
chastisement of the mutineers, 201;
strength in the face of adversity, 202;
his best hope in Tonty, 202;
sets out to succor Tonty, 203;
kills buffalo, 205;
a night of horror, 207;
fears for Tonty, 209;
finds the ruins of Fort Crèvecœur, 211;
beholds the Mississippi, 212;
Page 395
beholds the "Great Comet of 1680," 213;
returns to Fort Miami, 215;
jealousy of the Iroquois of, 219, 238;
route of, 276;
Margry brings to light the letters of, 281;
begins anew, 283;
plans for a defensive league, 284;
Indian friends, 285;
hears good news of Tonty, 287;
Illinois allies, 287;
calls the Indians to a grand council, 289;
his power of oratory, 289;
his harangue, 289;
the reply of the chiefs, 291;
finds Tonty, 292;
parts with a portion of his monopolies, 293;
at Toronto, 293;
reaches Lake Huron, 294;
at Fort Miami, 294;
on the Mississippi, 297;
among the Arkansas Indians, 299;
takes formal possession of the Arkansas country, 300;
visited by the chief of the Taensas, 302;
visits the Coroas, 305;
hostility, 305;
the mouth of the Mississippi, 306;
takes possession of the Great West for France, 306;
bestows the name of "Louisiana" on the new domain, 309;
attacked by the Quinipissas, 310;
revisits the Coroas, 310;
seized by a dangerous illness, 310;
rejoins Tonty at Michilimackinac, 311;
his projected colony on the banks of the Illinois, 313;
intrenches himself at "Starved Rock," 313;
gathers his Indian allies at Fort St. Louis, 315;
his colony on the Illinois, 316;
success of his colony, 318;
returns to Fort Miami, 215;
jealousy of the Iroquois of, 219, 238;
route of, 276;
Margry brings to light the letters of, 281;
begins anew, 283;
plans for a defensive league, 284;
Indian friends, 285;
hears good news of Tonty, 287;
Illinois allies, 287;
calls the Indians to a grand council, 289;
his power of oratory, 289;
his harangue, 289;
the reply of the chiefs, 291;
finds Tonty, 292;
parts with a portion of his monopolies, 293;
at Toronto, 293;
reaches Lake Huron, 294;
at Fort Miami, 294;
on the Mississippi, 297;
among the Arkansas Indians, 299;
takes formal possession of the Arkansas country, 300;
visited by the chief of the Taensas, 302;
visits the Coroas, 305;
hostility, 305;
the mouth of the Mississippi, 306;
takes possession of the Great West for France, 306;
bestows the name of "Louisiana" on the new domain, 309;
attacked by the Quinipissas, 310;
revisits the Coroas, 310;
seized by a dangerous illness, 310;
rejoins Tonty at Michilimackinac, 311;
his projected colony on the banks of the Illinois, 313;
intrenches himself at "Starved Rock," 313;
gathers his Indian allies at Fort St. Louis, 315;
his colony on the Illinois, 316;
success of his colony, 318;
Page 396
letters to La Barre, 319-322;
defamed by La Barre to Seignelay, 322-324;
La Barre plots against, 325;
La Barre takes possession of Fort Frontenac and Fort St. Louis, 325-
327;
sails for France, 327;
painted by himself, 328-342;
difficulty of knowing him, 328;
his detractors, 329;
his letters, 329-331;
vexations of his position, 331;
his unfitness for trade, 332;
risks of correspondence, 332;
his reported marriage, 334;
alleged ostentation, 335;
motives of actions, 335;
charges of harshness, 336;
intrigues against him, 337;
unpopular manners, 337, 338;
a strange confession, 339;
his strength and his weakness, 340, 341;
contrasts of his character, 341, 342;
at court, 343;
received by the King, 344;
new proposals of, 345-347;
small knowledge of Mexican geography, 348;
plans of, 349;
his petitions granted, 350;
Forts Frontenac and St. Louis restored by the King to, 351;
preparations for his new enterprise, 353;
divides his command with Beaujeu, 353;
lack of harmony between Beaujeu and, 354-361;
indiscretion of, 361;
overwrought brain of, 362;
farewell to his mother, 364;
sails from Rochelle, 366;
disputes with Beaujeu, 366;
defamed by La Barre to Seignelay, 322-324;
La Barre plots against, 325;
La Barre takes possession of Fort Frontenac and Fort St. Louis, 325-
327;
sails for France, 327;
painted by himself, 328-342;
difficulty of knowing him, 328;
his detractors, 329;
his letters, 329-331;
vexations of his position, 331;
his unfitness for trade, 332;
risks of correspondence, 332;
his reported marriage, 334;
alleged ostentation, 335;
motives of actions, 335;
charges of harshness, 336;
intrigues against him, 337;
unpopular manners, 337, 338;
a strange confession, 339;
his strength and his weakness, 340, 341;
contrasts of his character, 341, 342;
at court, 343;
received by the King, 344;
new proposals of, 345-347;
small knowledge of Mexican geography, 348;
plans of, 349;
his petitions granted, 350;
Forts Frontenac and St. Louis restored by the King to, 351;
preparations for his new enterprise, 353;
divides his command with Beaujeu, 353;
lack of harmony between Beaujeu and, 354-361;
indiscretion of, 361;
overwrought brain of, 362;
farewell to his mother, 364;
sails from Rochelle, 366;
disputes with Beaujeu, 366;
Page 397
the voyage, 368;
his illness, 368;
Beaujeu's complaints of, 370;
resumes his journey, 372;
enters the Gulf of Mexico, 373;
waiting for Beaujeu, 374;
coasts the shores of Texas, 374;
meeting with Beaujeu, 375;
perplexity of, 375-377;
lands in Texas, 379;
attacked by the Indians, 380;
wreck of the "Aimable," 381;
forlorn position of, 383;
Indian neighbors, 384;
Beaujeu makes friendly advances to, 385;
departure of Beaujeu, 387;
at Matagorda Bay, 391;
misery and dejection, 393;
the new Fort St. Louis, 394;
explorations of, 395;
adventures of, 402;
again falls ill, 404;
departure for Canada, 405;
wreck of the "Belle," 407;
Maxime Le Clerc makes charges against, 410;
Duhaut plots against, 410;
return to Fort St. Louis, 411;
account of his adventures, 411-413;
among the Cenis Indians, 413;
attacked with hernia, 417;
Twelfth Night at Fort St. Louis, 417;
his last farewell, 418;
followers of, 420;
prairie travelling, 423;
Liotot swears vengeance against, 424;
the murder of Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
his premonition of disaster, 428;
his illness, 368;
Beaujeu's complaints of, 370;
resumes his journey, 372;
enters the Gulf of Mexico, 373;
waiting for Beaujeu, 374;
coasts the shores of Texas, 374;
meeting with Beaujeu, 375;
perplexity of, 375-377;
lands in Texas, 379;
attacked by the Indians, 380;
wreck of the "Aimable," 381;
forlorn position of, 383;
Indian neighbors, 384;
Beaujeu makes friendly advances to, 385;
departure of Beaujeu, 387;
at Matagorda Bay, 391;
misery and dejection, 393;
the new Fort St. Louis, 394;
explorations of, 395;
adventures of, 402;
again falls ill, 404;
departure for Canada, 405;
wreck of the "Belle," 407;
Maxime Le Clerc makes charges against, 410;
Duhaut plots against, 410;
return to Fort St. Louis, 411;
account of his adventures, 411-413;
among the Cenis Indians, 413;
attacked with hernia, 417;
Twelfth Night at Fort St. Louis, 417;
his last farewell, 418;
followers of, 420;
prairie travelling, 423;
Liotot swears vengeance against, 424;
the murder of Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
his premonition of disaster, 428;
Page 398
murdered by Duhaut, 429;
character of, 430;
his enthusiasm compared with that of Champlain, 431;
his defects, 431;
America owes him an enduring memory, 432;
the marvels of his patient fortitude, 432;
evidences of his assassination, 432;
undeniable rigor of his command, 433;
locality of his assassination, 434;
his debts, 434;
Tonty's plan to assist, 453-455;
fear of Father Allouez for, 459;
Jesuit plans against, 459, 477, 479, 480, 481, 482, 483, 483, 485, 486.
La Salle, village of, 146, 167.
La Taupine (Pierre Moreau), 78.
La Tortue, 367.
Launay, De, 453, 455.
Laurent, 199, 218.
Lavaca River, the, 392, 395, 396.
La Vache River, the, 392.
Laval-Montmorency, François Xavier de,
first bishop of Quebec, 110;
accused of harshness and intolerance, 110;
encourages the establishment of the association of the Sainte Famille,
111.
La Violette, 187.
character of, 430;
his enthusiasm compared with that of Champlain, 431;
his defects, 431;
America owes him an enduring memory, 432;
the marvels of his patient fortitude, 432;
evidences of his assassination, 432;
undeniable rigor of his command, 433;
locality of his assassination, 434;
his debts, 434;
Tonty's plan to assist, 453-455;
fear of Father Allouez for, 459;
Jesuit plans against, 459, 477, 479, 480, 481, 482, 483, 483, 485, 486.
La Salle, village of, 146, 167.
La Taupine (Pierre Moreau), 78.
La Tortue, 367.
Launay, De, 453, 455.
Laurent, 199, 218.
Lavaca River, the, 392, 395, 396.
La Vache River, the, 392.
Laval-Montmorency, François Xavier de,
first bishop of Quebec, 110;
accused of harshness and intolerance, 110;
encourages the establishment of the association of the Sainte Famille,
111.
La Violette, 187.
Page 399
La Voisin,
burned alive at Paris, 179.
Le Baillif, M., 34.
Le Ber, Jacques, 97;
becomes La Salle's bitter enemy, 101, 326.
Leblanc, 193;
takes false reports of La Salle to Fort Crèvecœur, 217, 218.
Le Clerc, Father Chrétien, 169, 175, 192, 198, 217, 234, 238;
his account of the Récollet missions among the Indians, 246;
Hennepin steals passages from, 247;
character of Du Lhut, 276;
energy of La Salle, 292, 296;
Le Clerc, Maxime,
joins La Salle's new enterprise, 353;
in Texas, 400;
adventure with a boar, 410;
makes charges against La Salle, 410, 418.
Le Fèvre, Father, 131.
Le Gros, Simon, 388, 394, 398.
Le Meilleur, 218.
Le Moyne, 102.
Lenox, Mr.,
the Journal of Marquette, 75;
death of Marquette, 81, 169.
Leon, Alonzo de, 469, 471.
burned alive at Paris, 179.
Le Baillif, M., 34.
Le Ber, Jacques, 97;
becomes La Salle's bitter enemy, 101, 326.
Leblanc, 193;
takes false reports of La Salle to Fort Crèvecœur, 217, 218.
Le Clerc, Father Chrétien, 169, 175, 192, 198, 217, 234, 238;
his account of the Récollet missions among the Indians, 246;
Hennepin steals passages from, 247;
character of Du Lhut, 276;
energy of La Salle, 292, 296;
Le Clerc, Maxime,
joins La Salle's new enterprise, 353;
in Texas, 400;
adventure with a boar, 410;
makes charges against La Salle, 410, 418.
Le Fèvre, Father, 131.
Le Gros, Simon, 388, 394, 398.
Le Meilleur, 218.
Le Moyne, 102.
Lenox, Mr.,
the Journal of Marquette, 75;
death of Marquette, 81, 169.
Leon, Alonzo de, 469, 471.
Page 400
Le Petit,
customs of the Natchez, 304.
L'Espérance, 216, 218, 223.
Le Sueur,
map made by, 225, 485.
Le Tardieu, Charles, 99.
Lewiston,
mountain ridge of, 138, 143;
rapids at, 144.
Liotot,
La Salle's surgeon, 420;
swears vengeance against La Salle, 424, 425;
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
the assassination of La Salle, 429, 430;
resolves to return to Fort St. Louis, 446;
quarrels with Hiens, 446;
murder of, 449.
Long Point, 25;
the Sulpitians spend the winter at, 25.
"Long River," the, 485.
Long Saut, the, 89.
Louis XIV.
becomes the sovereign of the Great West, 308;
misery and dejection at Matagorda Bay, 393, 403, 406, 413, 414, 415,
416, 417.
Louis XIV., of France, 26, 52, 115;
grants a patent to La Salle, 124;
customs of the Natchez, 304.
L'Espérance, 216, 218, 223.
Le Sueur,
map made by, 225, 485.
Le Tardieu, Charles, 99.
Lewiston,
mountain ridge of, 138, 143;
rapids at, 144.
Liotot,
La Salle's surgeon, 420;
swears vengeance against La Salle, 424, 425;
murders Moranget, Saget, and Nika, 426;
the assassination of La Salle, 429, 430;
resolves to return to Fort St. Louis, 446;
quarrels with Hiens, 446;
murder of, 449.
Long Point, 25;
the Sulpitians spend the winter at, 25.
"Long River," the, 485.
Long Saut, the, 89.
Louis XIV.
becomes the sovereign of the Great West, 308;
misery and dejection at Matagorda Bay, 393, 403, 406, 413, 414, 415,
416, 417.
Louis XIV., of France, 26, 52, 115;
grants a patent to La Salle, 124;
Page 401
orders the arrest of Hennepin, 282;
proclaimed by La Salle the sovereign of the Great West, 306;
receives La Salle, 344;
irritated against the Spaniards, 344;
grants La Salle's petitions, 350;
abandons the colonists, 463;
Cavelier's memorial to, 463.
Louisiana, country of, 307;
name bestowed by La Salle, 309;
vast extent of, 309;
boundaries of, 309;
Iberville the founder of, 455, 483, 483, 485, 489.
Louisville, 29, 32.
Louvigny, Sieur de, 274, 349.
"Lover's leap," the, 271.
Loyola, Disciples of,
losing ground in Canada, 104.
Lussière, La Motte de,
joins La Salle, 129, 132;
embarks on the journey, 137;
reaches the Niagara, 138;
begins to build fortifications, 140;
jealousy of the Senecas, 140;
seeks to conciliate the Senecas, 140, 141;
fidelity to La Salle doubtful, 143.
-M-
Machaut-Rougemont, 365.
proclaimed by La Salle the sovereign of the Great West, 306;
receives La Salle, 344;
irritated against the Spaniards, 344;
grants La Salle's petitions, 350;
abandons the colonists, 463;
Cavelier's memorial to, 463.
Louisiana, country of, 307;
name bestowed by La Salle, 309;
vast extent of, 309;
boundaries of, 309;
Iberville the founder of, 455, 483, 483, 485, 489.
Louisville, 29, 32.
Louvigny, Sieur de, 274, 349.
"Lover's leap," the, 271.
Loyola, Disciples of,
losing ground in Canada, 104.
Lussière, La Motte de,
joins La Salle, 129, 132;
embarks on the journey, 137;
reaches the Niagara, 138;
begins to build fortifications, 140;
jealousy of the Senecas, 140;
seeks to conciliate the Senecas, 140, 141;
fidelity to La Salle doubtful, 143.
-M-
Machaut-Rougemont, 365.
Page 402
Mackinaw, La Salle at, 325.
Mackinaw, Island of, 153.
Macopins, Rivière des (Illinois River), 167, 483.
Madeira, 366.
Maha (Omahas), the, 478.
"Maiden's Rock," the, 271.
"Malheurs, La Rivière des," 402.
Malhoumines, the, 61.
Malouminek, the, 61.
Manabozho, the Algonquin deity, 267.
Mance, Mlle., 112.
Mandans, the,
winter lodges of, 442.
Manitoulin Island,
Mission of, 41;
assigned to André, 41.
Manitoulin Islands,
Saint-Lusson winters at, 50;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52, 153, 203.
Manitoulins, the, 27.
Manitoumie (Mississippi Valley), 485.
Mackinaw, Island of, 153.
Macopins, Rivière des (Illinois River), 167, 483.
Madeira, 366.
Maha (Omahas), the, 478.
"Maiden's Rock," the, 271.
"Malheurs, La Rivière des," 402.
Malhoumines, the, 61.
Malouminek, the, 61.
Manabozho, the Algonquin deity, 267.
Mance, Mlle., 112.
Mandans, the,
winter lodges of, 442.
Manitoulin Island,
Mission of, 41;
assigned to André, 41.
Manitoulin Islands,
Saint-Lusson winters at, 50;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52, 153, 203.
Manitoulins, the, 27.
Manitoumie (Mississippi Valley), 485.
Page 403
Manitous, 26, 44, 68.
Maps,
Champlain's map (the first) of the Great Lakes, 476;
Coronelli's map, 221, 483;
manuscript map of Franquelin, 169, 221, 316, 317, 347, 390, 481, 482,
483, 485;
map of Galinée, 475;
map of Lake Superior, 476;
map of the Great Lakes, 476;
map of Marquette, 477;
maps of the Jesuits, 478;
small maps of Joliet, 479, 480;
Raudin's map, 481;
rude map of Father Raffeix, 481;
Franquelin's map of Louisiana, 482;
the great map of Franquelin, 482;
map of Le Sueur, 481, 485;
map of Homannus, 483.
Maps,
Champlain's map (the first) of the Great Lakes, 476;
Coronelli's map, 221, 483;
manuscript map of Franquelin, 169, 221, 316, 317, 347, 390, 481, 482,
483, 485;
map of Galinée, 475;
map of Lake Superior, 476;
map of the Great Lakes, 476;
map of Marquette, 477;
maps of the Jesuits, 478;
small maps of Joliet, 479, 480;
Raudin's map, 481;
rude map of Father Raffeix, 481;
Franquelin's map of Louisiana, 482;
the great map of Franquelin, 482;
map of Le Sueur, 481, 485;
map of Homannus, 483.
Page 404
Margry,
birth of La Salle, 7;
La Salle's connection with the Jesuits, 8;
La Salle sells his seigniory, 16;
La Salle's claims to the discovery of the Mississippi, 34, 35;
throws much light on the life of Joliet, 58, 77;
La Salle's marriage prevented by his brother, 114;
La Salle at Fort Frontenac, 121;
assistance given to La Salle, 127;
Henri de Tonty, 128, 130, 132;
La Motte at Niagara, 140;
La Salle pacifies the Senecas, 142;
La Salle at Niagara, 148;
La Salle attached by his creditors, 150;
the names of the Illinois, 167;
intrigues against La Salle, 175;
brings to light the letters of La Salle, 281, 296, 342;
letters of Beaujeu to Seignelay and to Cabart de Villermont, 365;
La Salle's disputes with Beaujeu, 366;
illness of La Salle, 368;
La Salle resumes his voyage, 372;
La Salle lands in Texas, 379;
Beaujeu makes friendly advances to La Salle, 386, 387;
misery and dejection at Matagorda Bay, 393;
life at Fort St. Louis, 400;
the murder of Duhaut and Liotot, 449;
Allouez's fear of La Salle, 459.
Marle, Sieur de, 421;
murders Moranget, 427;
sets out for home, 451;
drowned, 453.
Maroas, the, 477.
Marquette, Jacques, the Jesuit,
at Ste. Marie du Saut, 27;
birth of La Salle, 7;
La Salle's connection with the Jesuits, 8;
La Salle sells his seigniory, 16;
La Salle's claims to the discovery of the Mississippi, 34, 35;
throws much light on the life of Joliet, 58, 77;
La Salle's marriage prevented by his brother, 114;
La Salle at Fort Frontenac, 121;
assistance given to La Salle, 127;
Henri de Tonty, 128, 130, 132;
La Motte at Niagara, 140;
La Salle pacifies the Senecas, 142;
La Salle at Niagara, 148;
La Salle attached by his creditors, 150;
the names of the Illinois, 167;
intrigues against La Salle, 175;
brings to light the letters of La Salle, 281, 296, 342;
letters of Beaujeu to Seignelay and to Cabart de Villermont, 365;
La Salle's disputes with Beaujeu, 366;
illness of La Salle, 368;
La Salle resumes his voyage, 372;
La Salle lands in Texas, 379;
Beaujeu makes friendly advances to La Salle, 386, 387;
misery and dejection at Matagorda Bay, 393;
life at Fort St. Louis, 400;
the murder of Duhaut and Liotot, 449;
Allouez's fear of La Salle, 459.
Marle, Sieur de, 421;
murders Moranget, 427;
sets out for home, 451;
drowned, 453.
Maroas, the, 477.
Marquette, Jacques, the Jesuit,
at Ste. Marie du Saut, 27;
Page 405
voyage of, 32;
discovery of the Mississippi, 33;
among the Hurons and the Ottawas, 40;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
the mission of Michilimackinac assigned to, 41, 51;
chosen to accompany Joliet in his search for the Mississippi, 59;
early life of, 59;
on the Upper Lakes, 59;
great talents as a linguist, 59;
traits of character, 59;
journal of his voyage to the Mississippi, 60;
especially devoted to the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, 61;
at the Green Bay Mission, 62;
among the Mascoutins and Miamis, 62;
on the Wisconsin River, 63;
the Mississippi at last, 64;
on the Mississippi, 65;
map drawn by, 65;
meeting with the Illinois, 66;
affrighted by the Indian manitous, 68;
at the mouth of the Missouri, 69;
on the lower Mississippi, 71;
among the Arkansas Indians, 72;
determines that the Mississippi discharges into the Gulf of Mexico, 74;
resolves to return to Canada, 74;
illness of, 74;
remains at Green Bay, 75;
journal of, 75;
true map of, 75;
sets out to found the mission of the Immaculate Conception, 77;
gives the name of "Immaculate Conception" to the Mississippi, 77;
on the Chicago River, 78;
return of his illness, 78;
founds the mission at the village "Kaskaskia," 79;
peaceful death of, 80;
burial of, 81;
his bones removed to St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 81;
discovery of the Mississippi, 33;
among the Hurons and the Ottawas, 40;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
the mission of Michilimackinac assigned to, 41, 51;
chosen to accompany Joliet in his search for the Mississippi, 59;
early life of, 59;
on the Upper Lakes, 59;
great talents as a linguist, 59;
traits of character, 59;
journal of his voyage to the Mississippi, 60;
especially devoted to the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, 61;
at the Green Bay Mission, 62;
among the Mascoutins and Miamis, 62;
on the Wisconsin River, 63;
the Mississippi at last, 64;
on the Mississippi, 65;
map drawn by, 65;
meeting with the Illinois, 66;
affrighted by the Indian manitous, 68;
at the mouth of the Missouri, 69;
on the lower Mississippi, 71;
among the Arkansas Indians, 72;
determines that the Mississippi discharges into the Gulf of Mexico, 74;
resolves to return to Canada, 74;
illness of, 74;
remains at Green Bay, 75;
journal of, 75;
true map of, 75;
sets out to found the mission of the Immaculate Conception, 77;
gives the name of "Immaculate Conception" to the Mississippi, 77;
on the Chicago River, 78;
return of his illness, 78;
founds the mission at the village "Kaskaskia," 79;
peaceful death of, 80;
burial of, 81;
his bones removed to St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 81;
Page 406
miracle at the burial of, 81;
tradition of the death of, 82;
contrasted with La Salle, 83, 169, 223;
route of, 276;
pictured rock of, 457;
maps made by, 477, 478, 480, 481.
Marshall, O. H., 140, 146.
Martin, 75;
death of Marquette, 81.
Martin, Father Felix, connection of La Salle with the Jesuits, 8.
Martinique, 385, 386, 387.
Mascoutins, the,
location of, 43;
Fathers Allouez and Dablon among, 44;
joined by the Kickapoos, 62;
visited by Marquette, 62;
La Salle falls in with, 195.
Matagorda Bay, 376, 379, 383, 391, 471.
See also St. Louis, Bay of.
Matagorda Island, 375, 379.
Mather, Increase, 213.
Mazarin, Cardinal, 129.
Meddewakantonwan, the, 260.
Medrano, Sebastian Fernandez de, 244.
tradition of the death of, 82;
contrasted with La Salle, 83, 169, 223;
route of, 276;
pictured rock of, 457;
maps made by, 477, 478, 480, 481.
Marshall, O. H., 140, 146.
Martin, 75;
death of Marquette, 81.
Martin, Father Felix, connection of La Salle with the Jesuits, 8.
Martinique, 385, 386, 387.
Mascoutins, the,
location of, 43;
Fathers Allouez and Dablon among, 44;
joined by the Kickapoos, 62;
visited by Marquette, 62;
La Salle falls in with, 195.
Matagorda Bay, 376, 379, 383, 391, 471.
See also St. Louis, Bay of.
Matagorda Island, 375, 379.
Mather, Increase, 213.
Mazarin, Cardinal, 129.
Meddewakantonwan, the, 260.
Medrano, Sebastian Fernandez de, 244.
Page 407
Membré, Father Zenobe, 150, 155, 169, 185, 191, 192, 198, 201, 204, 216;
the mutineers at Fort Crèvecœur, 217, 218;
intrigues of La Salle's enemies, 220, 223, 224;
the Iroquois attack on the Illinois village, 225, 227, 230, 231, 233;
the Iroquois attack on the dead, 234, 238;
his journal on his descent of the Mississippi with La Salle, 246;
Hennepin steals passages from, 247;
meeting with La Salle, 292;
sets out from Fort Miami, 296;
among the Arkansas Indians, 299;
visits the Taensas, 301;
attends La Salle during his illness, 311;
joins La Salle's new enterprise, 353;
on the "Joly," 372;
in Texas, 388;
adventure with a buffalo, 409, 417, 418;
fate of, 470.
Ménard, the Jesuit,
attempts to plant a mission on southern shore of Lake Superior, 6.
Menomonie River, the, 51.
Menomonies, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 42;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
village of, 61.
"Mer Douce des Hurons" (Lake Huron), 476.
"Mer du Nord," the, 480.
"Messasipi" (Mississippi River), the, 480.
Messier, 199, 218.
the mutineers at Fort Crèvecœur, 217, 218;
intrigues of La Salle's enemies, 220, 223, 224;
the Iroquois attack on the Illinois village, 225, 227, 230, 231, 233;
the Iroquois attack on the dead, 234, 238;
his journal on his descent of the Mississippi with La Salle, 246;
Hennepin steals passages from, 247;
meeting with La Salle, 292;
sets out from Fort Miami, 296;
among the Arkansas Indians, 299;
visits the Taensas, 301;
attends La Salle during his illness, 311;
joins La Salle's new enterprise, 353;
on the "Joly," 372;
in Texas, 388;
adventure with a buffalo, 409, 417, 418;
fate of, 470.
Ménard, the Jesuit,
attempts to plant a mission on southern shore of Lake Superior, 6.
Menomonie River, the, 51.
Menomonies, the,
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 42;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
village of, 61.
"Mer Douce des Hurons" (Lake Huron), 476.
"Mer du Nord," the, 480.
"Messasipi" (Mississippi River), the, 480.
Messier, 199, 218.
Page 408
"Messipi" River, the, 6.
Meules, De, the Intendant of Canada, 319, 351.
Mexico, 5, 6, 32, 117, 125, 126, 129, 346, 348;
Spaniards in, 349; 464, 480.
Mexico, Gulf of, 31, 32, 38, 48, 63, 70, 74, 84, 245, 306, 309, 311, 312,
344, 345, 358, 371, 373, 394;
claimed by Spain, 468, 471, 477, 478, 479, 481, 482, 483.
Mexican mines, the, 349.
Miami, Fort, 162, 163;
La Salle returns to, 215, 283, 284, 286, 288, 292, 294, 296, 311.
Miami River, the, 32.
Miamis, the,
location of, 43, 44;
Fathers Allouez and Dablon among, 44;
receive Saint-Lusson, 50;
authority and state of the chief of, 50;
joined by the Kickapoos, 62;
visited by Marquette, 62;
join the Iroquois against the Illinois, 220;
rankling jealousy between the Illinois and, 220, 223, 251, 286;
village of, 288;
called by La Salle to a grand council, 289;
at Buffalo Rock, 314;
join La Salle's colony, 316;
afraid of the Iroquois, 320.
Miamis, Le Fort des (Buffalo Rock), 314.
Miamis River (St. Joseph), 162.
Meules, De, the Intendant of Canada, 319, 351.
Mexico, 5, 6, 32, 117, 125, 126, 129, 346, 348;
Spaniards in, 349; 464, 480.
Mexico, Gulf of, 31, 32, 38, 48, 63, 70, 74, 84, 245, 306, 309, 311, 312,
344, 345, 358, 371, 373, 394;
claimed by Spain, 468, 471, 477, 478, 479, 481, 482, 483.
Mexican mines, the, 349.
Miami, Fort, 162, 163;
La Salle returns to, 215, 283, 284, 286, 288, 292, 294, 296, 311.
Miami River, the, 32.
Miamis, the,
location of, 43, 44;
Fathers Allouez and Dablon among, 44;
receive Saint-Lusson, 50;
authority and state of the chief of, 50;
joined by the Kickapoos, 62;
visited by Marquette, 62;
join the Iroquois against the Illinois, 220;
rankling jealousy between the Illinois and, 220, 223, 251, 286;
village of, 288;
called by La Salle to a grand council, 289;
at Buffalo Rock, 314;
join La Salle's colony, 316;
afraid of the Iroquois, 320.
Miamis, Le Fort des (Buffalo Rock), 314.
Miamis River (St. Joseph), 162.
Page 409
Michigan, Lake, 4, 31;
the Jesuits on, 37;
the name of, 42, 61, 75, 77, 132;
La Salle on, 155, 162, 193, 236, 309, 475, 477, 479.
Michigan,
shores of, 31;
forest wastes of, 153;
peninsula of, 475, 476, 483.
Michilimackinac,
mission of, 41;
assigned to Marquette, 41, 279, 311.
Michilimackinac, Straits of, 31, 41, 42, 59, 61, 80, 110, 197, 203, 236, 288,
392.
Migeon, 150.
Mignan, islands of, granted to Joliet, 76.
Mille Lac, 257, 265, 277.
Milot, Jean, 16.
Milwaukee, 159.
Minet, La Salle's engineer, 373, 378, 379, 383, 387, 390.
Minneapolis, city of, 267.
Minong, Isle, 38.
"Miskous" (Wisconsin), the, 480.
Missions, early,
decline in the religious exaltation of, 103.
the Jesuits on, 37;
the name of, 42, 61, 75, 77, 132;
La Salle on, 155, 162, 193, 236, 309, 475, 477, 479.
Michigan,
shores of, 31;
forest wastes of, 153;
peninsula of, 475, 476, 483.
Michilimackinac,
mission of, 41;
assigned to Marquette, 41, 279, 311.
Michilimackinac, Straits of, 31, 41, 42, 59, 61, 80, 110, 197, 203, 236, 288,
392.
Migeon, 150.
Mignan, islands of, granted to Joliet, 76.
Mille Lac, 257, 265, 277.
Milot, Jean, 16.
Milwaukee, 159.
Minet, La Salle's engineer, 373, 378, 379, 383, 387, 390.
Minneapolis, city of, 267.
Minong, Isle, 38.
"Miskous" (Wisconsin), the, 480.
Missions, early,
decline in the religious exaltation of, 103.
Page 410
Mississaquenk, 54.
Mississippi River, the,
discovered by the Spaniards, 3;
De Soto buried in, 3;
Jean Nicollet reaches, 3;
Colonel Wood reaches, 5;
Captain Bolton reaches, 5;
Radisson and Des Groseilliers reach, 5;
the thoughts of the Jesuits dwell on, 6;
speculations concerning, 6; 30, 31;
Joliet makes a map of the region of, 32, 45, 46;
Talon resolves to find, 56;
Joliet selected to find, 56;
Marquette chosen to accompany Joliet, 59;
the discovery by Joliet and Marquette, 64;
its outlet into the Gulf of Mexico determined by Joliet and Marquette,
74;
Marquette gives the name of "Immaculate Conception" to, 77;
La Salle's plans to control, 84;
Hennepin sent to, 185;
La Salle beholds, 212;
claims of Hennepin to the discovery of, 243;
Membré's journal on his descent of, 246;
La Salle on, 297, 307, 310, 311, 312, 345, 346, 352, 371, 373, 374, 376,
389, 390, 391, 403, 404, 405, 457, 459, 466;
early unpublished maps of, 475-486.
Mississippi, Valley of the,
La Salle aims at the control of, 102;
the Jesuits turn their eyes towards, 103; 479;
various names given to, 485.
Missouri River, the, 6;
Joliet and Marquette at the mouth of, 69, 297, 457, 477, 478, 479, 483,
489.
Mississippi River, the,
discovered by the Spaniards, 3;
De Soto buried in, 3;
Jean Nicollet reaches, 3;
Colonel Wood reaches, 5;
Captain Bolton reaches, 5;
Radisson and Des Groseilliers reach, 5;
the thoughts of the Jesuits dwell on, 6;
speculations concerning, 6; 30, 31;
Joliet makes a map of the region of, 32, 45, 46;
Talon resolves to find, 56;
Joliet selected to find, 56;
Marquette chosen to accompany Joliet, 59;
the discovery by Joliet and Marquette, 64;
its outlet into the Gulf of Mexico determined by Joliet and Marquette,
74;
Marquette gives the name of "Immaculate Conception" to, 77;
La Salle's plans to control, 84;
Hennepin sent to, 185;
La Salle beholds, 212;
claims of Hennepin to the discovery of, 243;
Membré's journal on his descent of, 246;
La Salle on, 297, 307, 310, 311, 312, 345, 346, 352, 371, 373, 374, 376,
389, 390, 391, 403, 404, 405, 457, 459, 466;
early unpublished maps of, 475-486.
Mississippi, Valley of the,
La Salle aims at the control of, 102;
the Jesuits turn their eyes towards, 103; 479;
various names given to, 485.
Missouri River, the, 6;
Joliet and Marquette at the mouth of, 69, 297, 457, 477, 478, 479, 483,
489.
Page 411
Missouris, the, 279, 320.
"Mitchigamea," village of, 72.
Mitchigamias, the, 308.
"Mitchiganong, Lac" (Lake Michigan), 477.
Mobile Bay, 129, 385, 386, 387, 389, 481, 482, 483.
Mobile, city of, 309, 467.
Mohawk River, the, 483.
Mohawks, the, 91;
Bruyas among, 115;
Jesuit mission among, 118;
Father Hennepin among, 135, 136, 483.
Mohegan Indians, the, 285, 295, 486.
Moingona, the, 223.
Moingouena (Peoria), 65.
Monso, the Mascoutin chief,
plots against La Salle, 174, 177, 192.
Monsonis, the, at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Montagnais, the, 59.
Montezuma, 487.
Montreal,
La Salle at, 10;
"Mitchigamea," village of, 72.
Mitchigamias, the, 308.
"Mitchiganong, Lac" (Lake Michigan), 477.
Mobile Bay, 129, 385, 386, 387, 389, 481, 482, 483.
Mobile, city of, 309, 467.
Mohawk River, the, 483.
Mohawks, the, 91;
Bruyas among, 115;
Jesuit mission among, 118;
Father Hennepin among, 135, 136, 483.
Mohegan Indians, the, 285, 295, 486.
Moingona, the, 223.
Moingouena (Peoria), 65.
Monso, the Mascoutin chief,
plots against La Salle, 174, 177, 192.
Monsonis, the, at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Montagnais, the, 59.
Montezuma, 487.
Montreal,
La Salle at, 10;
Page 412
the most dangerous place in Canada, 10;
detailed plan of, 13;
Frontenac at, 87;
Frontenac has it well in hand, 96;
Joutel and Cavelier reach, 462, 475.
Montreal, Historical Society of, 17.
Moranget,
La Salle's nephew, 379, 384, 385, 405, 412, 415, 420, 424;
quarrel with Duhaut, 425;
murder of, 426, 433.
Moreau, Pierre, 78.
Morel, M., 360.
Morice, Marguerite, 7.
Motantees (?), the, 307.
Moyse, Maître, 147, 217.
Mozeemlek, the, 486.
Mustang Island, 375.
-N-
Nadouessious (Sioux), the, 307.
Nadouessioux, the country of, 307.
Natchez, the,
village of, 303;
detailed plan of, 13;
Frontenac at, 87;
Frontenac has it well in hand, 96;
Joutel and Cavelier reach, 462, 475.
Montreal, Historical Society of, 17.
Moranget,
La Salle's nephew, 379, 384, 385, 405, 412, 415, 420, 424;
quarrel with Duhaut, 425;
murder of, 426, 433.
Moreau, Pierre, 78.
Morel, M., 360.
Morice, Marguerite, 7.
Motantees (?), the, 307.
Moyse, Maître, 147, 217.
Mozeemlek, the, 486.
Mustang Island, 375.
-N-
Nadouessious (Sioux), the, 307.
Nadouessioux, the country of, 307.
Natchez, the,
village of, 303;
Page 413
differ from other Indians, 304;
customs of, 304, 308.
Natchez, city of, 304.
Neches River, the, 415, 470.
Neenah (Fox) River, the, 44.
Neutrals, the,
exterminated by the Iroquois, 219.
New Biscay, province of, 346, 348, 352, 383, 403.
New England, 5, 346.
New England Indians, the, 285.
New France, 483, 485.
New Leon, province of, 468.
New Mexico, 5, 350;
Spanish colonists of, 414.
New Orleans, 483.
New York,
the French in western, 19-23, 288, 483.
Niagara,
name of, 139;
the key to the four great lakes above, 140, 197, 198, 279.
Niagara Falls, 23;
Father Hennepin's account of, 139;
Hennepin's exaggerations respecting, 248, 476.
customs of, 304, 308.
Natchez, city of, 304.
Neches River, the, 415, 470.
Neenah (Fox) River, the, 44.
Neutrals, the,
exterminated by the Iroquois, 219.
New Biscay, province of, 346, 348, 352, 383, 403.
New England, 5, 346.
New England Indians, the, 285.
New France, 483, 485.
New Leon, province of, 468.
New Mexico, 5, 350;
Spanish colonists of, 414.
New Orleans, 483.
New York,
the French in western, 19-23, 288, 483.
Niagara,
name of, 139;
the key to the four great lakes above, 140, 197, 198, 279.
Niagara Falls, 23;
Father Hennepin's account of, 139;
Hennepin's exaggerations respecting, 248, 476.
Page 414
Niagara, Fort, 129, 138, 148.
Niagara Portage, the, 144, 145.
Niagara River, the, 23, 96;
Father Hennepin's account of, 139, 475.
Nicanopé, 175, 177, 178, 192.
Nicollet, Jean,
reaches the Mississippi, 3;
among the Indians, 3;
sent to make peace between the Winnebagoes and the Hurons, 4;
descends the Wisconsin, 5.
Nika,
La Salle's favorite Shawanoe hunter, 412, 421, 425;
murder of, 426.
Nipissing, Lake, 28.
Nipissings, the,
Jean Nicollet among, 3;
Dollier de Casson among, 16;
André makes a missionary tour among, 41;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Noiseux, M., Grand Vicar of Quebec, 82.
North Sea, the, 38.
Nueces, the upper, 469.
-O-
Niagara Portage, the, 144, 145.
Niagara River, the, 23, 96;
Father Hennepin's account of, 139, 475.
Nicanopé, 175, 177, 178, 192.
Nicollet, Jean,
reaches the Mississippi, 3;
among the Indians, 3;
sent to make peace between the Winnebagoes and the Hurons, 4;
descends the Wisconsin, 5.
Nika,
La Salle's favorite Shawanoe hunter, 412, 421, 425;
murder of, 426.
Nipissing, Lake, 28.
Nipissings, the,
Jean Nicollet among, 3;
Dollier de Casson among, 16;
André makes a missionary tour among, 41;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Noiseux, M., Grand Vicar of Quebec, 82.
North Sea, the, 38.
Nueces, the upper, 469.
-O-
Page 415
Oanktayhee, principal deity of the Sioux, 267.
O'Callaghan, Dr., 139.
Ohio River, the, 15, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 29, 32;
La Salle affirms that he discovered, 32;
the "Beautiful River," 70, 297, 307, 457, 477, 478, 479, 480, 483.
Ohio, Valley of the,
La Salle aims at the control of, 102.
Ojibwas, the, at Ste. Marie du Saut, 39.
Olighin (Alleghany) River, the, 307.
"Olighin" (Alleghany) River, the, 483.
Omahas, the, 478.
Omawha, Chief, 175.
Oneida Indians, the, 18, 91, 135.
Ongiara (Niagara), 139.
Onguiaahra (Niagara), 139.
Onis, Luis de, 373.
Onondaga,
La Salle goes to, 29;
the political centre of the Iroquois, 87;
Hennepin reaches, 135.
Onondaga Indians, the, 91;
Bruyas among, 115.
O'Callaghan, Dr., 139.
Ohio River, the, 15, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 29, 32;
La Salle affirms that he discovered, 32;
the "Beautiful River," 70, 297, 307, 457, 477, 478, 479, 480, 483.
Ohio, Valley of the,
La Salle aims at the control of, 102.
Ojibwas, the, at Ste. Marie du Saut, 39.
Olighin (Alleghany) River, the, 307.
"Olighin" (Alleghany) River, the, 483.
Omahas, the, 478.
Omawha, Chief, 175.
Oneida Indians, the, 18, 91, 135.
Ongiara (Niagara), 139.
Onguiaahra (Niagara), 139.
Onis, Luis de, 373.
Onondaga,
La Salle goes to, 29;
the political centre of the Iroquois, 87;
Hennepin reaches, 135.
Onondaga Indians, the, 91;
Bruyas among, 115.
Page 416
"Onontio," the governor of Canada, 54.
Ontario, Lake, 16;
discovered, 20, 23, 58, 85, 87;
Frontenac reaches, 89, 96, 99, 128, 135, 147, 200, 279, 475, 476, 479.
Ontonagan River, the, 39.
Orange, settlement of (Albany), 136.
Oris, 384.
Osages, the, 174;
deep-rooted jealousy of the Illinois for, 174, 184, 477.
"Osages, Rivière des" (Missouri), 70.
Osotouoy, the, 300.
Otinawatawa, 22, 23.
Ottawa, town of, 75, 169, 193.
Ottawa River, the, 27, 30, 462, 476.
Ottawas, the, 27;
Marquette among, 40;
terrified by the Sioux, 41;
La Salle forbidden to trade with, 125;
La Salle trades with, 156, 182.
"Ouabache" (Wabash), River, the, 70, 297.
Ouabona, the, join La Salle's colony, 316.
"Ouabouskiaou" (Ohio) River, the, 70, 477.
Ontario, Lake, 16;
discovered, 20, 23, 58, 85, 87;
Frontenac reaches, 89, 96, 99, 128, 135, 147, 200, 279, 475, 476, 479.
Ontonagan River, the, 39.
Orange, settlement of (Albany), 136.
Oris, 384.
Osages, the, 174;
deep-rooted jealousy of the Illinois for, 174, 184, 477.
"Osages, Rivière des" (Missouri), 70.
Osotouoy, the, 300.
Otinawatawa, 22, 23.
Ottawa, town of, 75, 169, 193.
Ottawa River, the, 27, 30, 462, 476.
Ottawas, the, 27;
Marquette among, 40;
terrified by the Sioux, 41;
La Salle forbidden to trade with, 125;
La Salle trades with, 156, 182.
"Ouabache" (Wabash), River, the, 70, 297.
Ouabona, the, join La Salle's colony, 316.
"Ouabouskiaou" (Ohio) River, the, 70, 477.
Page 417
"Ouaboustikou" (Ohio), the, 480.
Ouasicoudé, principal chief of the Sioux, 264;
friendship for Hennepin, 266, 277.
Ouchage (Osages), the, 477.
Ouiatnoens (Weas), the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
Oumalouminek, the, 61.
Oumas, the, 305.
Oumessourit (Missouris), the, 478.
"Oumessourits, Rivière des" (Missouri), 70.
Outagamies (Foxes), the,
location of, 43.
Outagamies, the,
encounter with La Salle, 160, 161, 287.
Outrelaise, Mademoiselle d', 167.
Outrelaise, the Rivière del', 167.
-P-
Pacific coast, the, 480.
Pacific Ocean, 84.
Paget, 366.
Ouasicoudé, principal chief of the Sioux, 264;
friendship for Hennepin, 266, 277.
Ouchage (Osages), the, 477.
Ouiatnoens (Weas), the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
Oumalouminek, the, 61.
Oumas, the, 305.
Oumessourit (Missouris), the, 478.
"Oumessourits, Rivière des" (Missouri), 70.
Outagamies (Foxes), the,
location of, 43.
Outagamies, the,
encounter with La Salle, 160, 161, 287.
Outrelaise, Mademoiselle d', 167.
Outrelaise, the Rivière del', 167.
-P-
Pacific coast, the, 480.
Pacific Ocean, 84.
Paget, 366.
Page 418
Pahoutet (Pah-Utahs?), the, 478.
Pah-Utahs (?), the, 478.
Palluau, Count of, see Frontenac, Count.
Palms, the River of, 307.
Paniassa (Pawnees), the, 478.
Panuco, Spanish town of, 350.
Paraguay, the old and the new, 102, 103, 104, 117.
Parassy, M. de, 356.
Patron, 274.
Paul, Dr. John, 317.
Pawnees, the, 478.
Peanqhichia (Piankishaw), the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
"Pekitanouï" River (Missouri), the, 69, 477.
Pelée, Point, 26, 197.
Pelican Island, 379.
Peloquin, 150.
Pen, Sieur,
obligations of La Salle to, 434.
Peñalossa, Count, 350.
Pah-Utahs (?), the, 478.
Palluau, Count of, see Frontenac, Count.
Palms, the River of, 307.
Paniassa (Pawnees), the, 478.
Panuco, Spanish town of, 350.
Paraguay, the old and the new, 102, 103, 104, 117.
Parassy, M. de, 356.
Patron, 274.
Paul, Dr. John, 317.
Pawnees, the, 478.
Peanqhichia (Piankishaw), the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
"Pekitanouï" River (Missouri), the, 69, 477.
Pelée, Point, 26, 197.
Pelican Island, 379.
Peloquin, 150.
Pen, Sieur,
obligations of La Salle to, 434.
Peñalossa, Count, 350.
Page 419
Penicaut,
customs of the Natchez, 304.
Pennsylvania, State of, 346.
Penobscot River, the, 483.
Pensacola, 472.
Peoria, city of, 34, 171.
Peoria Indians, the,
villages of, 171, 223, 477.
Peoria Lake, 171, 190, 211, 296.
Peouaria (Peoria), 65.
Pepikokia, the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
Pepin, 276.
Pepin Lake, 256, 271, 272.
Péré, 58.
Perrot, the curé, 98.
Pérrot, Nicolas,
meeting with La Salle, 30;
accompanies Saint-Lusson in search of copper mines on Lake Superior,
49;
conspicuous among Canadian voyageurs, 49;
characteristics of, 50;
marvellous account of the authority and state of the Miami chief, 50;
customs of the Natchez, 304.
Pennsylvania, State of, 346.
Penobscot River, the, 483.
Pensacola, 472.
Peoria, city of, 34, 171.
Peoria Indians, the,
villages of, 171, 223, 477.
Peoria Lake, 171, 190, 211, 296.
Peouaria (Peoria), 65.
Pepikokia, the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
Pepin, 276.
Pepin Lake, 256, 271, 272.
Péré, 58.
Perrot, the curé, 98.
Pérrot, Nicolas,
meeting with La Salle, 30;
accompanies Saint-Lusson in search of copper mines on Lake Superior,
49;
conspicuous among Canadian voyageurs, 49;
characteristics of, 50;
marvellous account of the authority and state of the Miami chief, 50;
Page 420
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
local governor of Montreal, 87;
quarrel with Frontenac, 96;
arrested by Frontenac, 96;
the Abbé Fénelon attempts to mediate between Frontenac and, 97;
attempts to poison La Salle, 116.
Peru, 350.
Petit Goave, 367, 372.
Philip, King, 288.
Philip II. of Spain, 373.
Phips, Sir William,
makes a descent on Joliet's establishment, 77.
Piankishaws, the, 223;
join La Salle's colony, 316.
"Picard, Le" (Du Gay), 186.
Pierre, companion of Marquette, 78, 80.
Pierron, the Jesuit, 115;
among the Senecas, 115.
Pierson, the Jesuit, 279.
Pimitoui River, the, 171.
Platte, the, 207.
Plet, François, 127, 293, 463.
Poisoning, the epoch of, 179.
local governor of Montreal, 87;
quarrel with Frontenac, 96;
arrested by Frontenac, 96;
the Abbé Fénelon attempts to mediate between Frontenac and, 97;
attempts to poison La Salle, 116.
Peru, 350.
Petit Goave, 367, 372.
Philip, King, 288.
Philip II. of Spain, 373.
Phips, Sir William,
makes a descent on Joliet's establishment, 77.
Piankishaws, the, 223;
join La Salle's colony, 316.
"Picard, Le" (Du Gay), 186.
Pierre, companion of Marquette, 78, 80.
Pierron, the Jesuit, 115;
among the Senecas, 115.
Pierson, the Jesuit, 279.
Pimitoui River, the, 171.
Platte, the, 207.
Plet, François, 127, 293, 463.
Poisoning, the epoch of, 179.
Page 421
Ponchartrain, the minister, 133, 276, 455, 467, 486, 489.
Pontiac, assassination of, 314.
Port de Paix, 367, 368.
Pottawattamies, the,
in grievous need of spiritual succor, 24;
the Sulpitians determine to visit, 24;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 42, 50, 77;
friendly to La Salle, 155, 182, 236, 237, 238;
Tonty among, 287;
at "Starved Rock," 314.
"Poualacs," the, 481.
Prairie du Chien, Fort, 64.
Prairie, Nation of the, 44.
Provence, 441.
Prudhomme, Fort, 297;
La Salle ill at, 311.
Prudhomme, Pierre, 297, 298.
Puants, les (Winnebagoes), 42.
Puants, La Baye des (Green Bay), 31, 42.
-Q-
Quapaws, the, 300.
Pontiac, assassination of, 314.
Port de Paix, 367, 368.
Pottawattamies, the,
in grievous need of spiritual succor, 24;
the Sulpitians determine to visit, 24;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
location of, 42, 50, 77;
friendly to La Salle, 155, 182, 236, 237, 238;
Tonty among, 287;
at "Starved Rock," 314.
"Poualacs," the, 481.
Prairie du Chien, Fort, 64.
Prairie, Nation of the, 44.
Provence, 441.
Prudhomme, Fort, 297;
La Salle ill at, 311.
Prudhomme, Pierre, 297, 298.
Puants, les (Winnebagoes), 42.
Puants, La Baye des (Green Bay), 31, 42.
-Q-
Quapaws, the, 300.
Page 422
Quebec, 15;
the Jesuits masters at, 108, 311, 460, 462, 482.
Queenstown Heights, 138.
Queylus, Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, 11, 16.
Quinipissas, the, 305;
attack La Salle, 310.
Quinté, Jesuit Mission at, 16.
Quinté, Bay of, 87, 142, 200.
-R-
Radisson, Pierre Esprit, reaches the Mississippi, 5.
Raffeix, Father Pierre, the Jesuit,
manuscript map of, 75;
among the Senecas, 141, 276, 481.
Raoul, 126.
Rasle, 170.
Raudin,
Frontenac's engineer, 92, 167, 481.
Raymbault, ——,
preaches among the Indians, 5.
Récollet Missions,
Le Clerc's account of, 246.
the Jesuits masters at, 108, 311, 460, 462, 482.
Queenstown Heights, 138.
Queylus, Superior of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, 11, 16.
Quinipissas, the, 305;
attack La Salle, 310.
Quinté, Jesuit Mission at, 16.
Quinté, Bay of, 87, 142, 200.
-R-
Radisson, Pierre Esprit, reaches the Mississippi, 5.
Raffeix, Father Pierre, the Jesuit,
manuscript map of, 75;
among the Senecas, 141, 276, 481.
Raoul, 126.
Rasle, 170.
Raudin,
Frontenac's engineer, 92, 167, 481.
Raymbault, ——,
preaches among the Indians, 5.
Récollet Missions,
Le Clerc's account of, 246.
Page 423
Récollets, the,
La Salle not well inclined towards, 108;
protected by Frontenac, 109;
comparison between the Sulpitians and the Jesuits and, 112, 218.
Red River, 305, 347, 348, 451, 465, 466, 471, 483.
Renaudot, Abbé,
memoir of La Salle, 106, 107;
assists La Salle, 127, 133, 339, 360, 361.
Renault, Étienne, 223, 237.
Rhode Island, State of, 288.
Ribourde, Gabriel,
at Fort Frontenac, 132, 137;
at Niagara, 150;
at Fort Crèvecœur, 185, 187, 192, 216, 224, 229;
murder of, 233.
Riggs, Rev. Stephen R.,
divisions of the Sioux, 261.
Rio Bravo,
French colony proposed at the mouth of, 350.
Rio Frio, the, 469.
Rio Grande River, the, 309, 376, 403, 465, 469.
Rios, Domingo Teran de los, 471.
Robertson, 103.
Rochefort, 352, 366, 393.
La Salle not well inclined towards, 108;
protected by Frontenac, 109;
comparison between the Sulpitians and the Jesuits and, 112, 218.
Red River, 305, 347, 348, 451, 465, 466, 471, 483.
Renaudot, Abbé,
memoir of La Salle, 106, 107;
assists La Salle, 127, 133, 339, 360, 361.
Renault, Étienne, 223, 237.
Rhode Island, State of, 288.
Ribourde, Gabriel,
at Fort Frontenac, 132, 137;
at Niagara, 150;
at Fort Crèvecœur, 185, 187, 192, 216, 224, 229;
murder of, 233.
Riggs, Rev. Stephen R.,
divisions of the Sioux, 261.
Rio Bravo,
French colony proposed at the mouth of, 350.
Rio Frio, the, 469.
Rio Grande River, the, 309, 376, 403, 465, 469.
Rios, Domingo Teran de los, 471.
Robertson, 103.
Rochefort, 352, 366, 393.
Page 424
Rochelle, 129, 364, 393, 462.
"Rocher, Le," 314;
Charlevoix speaks of, 314.
Rochester, 140.
Rocky Mountains, the, 260, 308, 309.
Rouen, 7.
Royale, Isle, 38.
"Ruined Castles," the, 68, 457.
Rum River, 265.
Ruter, 445, 446, 447, 448;
murders Liotot, 449, 470, 472.
-S-
Sabine River, the, 415, 451, 465.
Saco Indians, the, 227.
Sacs, the,
location of, 43;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Sâgean, Mathieu,
the Eldorado of, 485-489;
sketch of, 486;
Saget, La Salle's servant, 425;
murder of, 426.
"Rocher, Le," 314;
Charlevoix speaks of, 314.
Rochester, 140.
Rocky Mountains, the, 260, 308, 309.
Rouen, 7.
Royale, Isle, 38.
"Ruined Castles," the, 68, 457.
Rum River, 265.
Ruter, 445, 446, 447, 448;
murders Liotot, 449, 470, 472.
-S-
Sabine River, the, 415, 451, 465.
Saco Indians, the, 227.
Sacs, the,
location of, 43;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Sâgean, Mathieu,
the Eldorado of, 485-489;
sketch of, 486;
Saget, La Salle's servant, 425;
murder of, 426.
Page 425
Saguenay River, the, 76;
Albanel's journey up, 109.
St. Anthony, city of, 267.
St. Anthony,
the falls of, 267;
Hennepin's notice of, 267, 478, 482.
St. Antoine Cape, 372.
St. Bernard's Bay, 394, 469.
St. Clair, Lake, 476.
St. Claire, Lake, 152.
St. Croix River, the, 277.
St. Domingo, 347, 350, 367, 370, 393, 418, 468.
St. Esprit, Bay of (Mobile Bay), 129, 386, 389, 481.
St. Esprit,
Jesuit mission of, 40;
Indians at, 40.
St. Francis, Order of, 133.
St. Francis River, the, 265.
"St. François," the ketch, 368;
loss of, 369.
St. François Xavier,
council of congregated tribes held at, 43.
Albanel's journey up, 109.
St. Anthony, city of, 267.
St. Anthony,
the falls of, 267;
Hennepin's notice of, 267, 478, 482.
St. Antoine Cape, 372.
St. Bernard's Bay, 394, 469.
St. Clair, Lake, 476.
St. Claire, Lake, 152.
St. Croix River, the, 277.
St. Domingo, 347, 350, 367, 370, 393, 418, 468.
St. Esprit, Bay of (Mobile Bay), 129, 386, 389, 481.
St. Esprit,
Jesuit mission of, 40;
Indians at, 40.
St. Francis, Order of, 133.
St. Francis River, the, 265.
"St. François," the ketch, 368;
loss of, 369.
St. François Xavier,
council of congregated tribes held at, 43.
Page 426
St. Ignace, Point, 41, 59;
Jesuit chapel at, 82.
St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 81;
La Salle reaches, 153;
inhabitants of, 153.
"St. Joseph," the ship, 330.
St. Joseph, Lac (Lake Michigan), 155.
St. Joseph River, the, 44, 162, 163;
La Salle on, 164, 203;
La Forest on, 236, 283, 288.
Saint-Laurent, Marquis de, 367, 368.
St. Lawrence River, the, 3, 12, 13, 15, 34, 63, 89, 122, 197, 198, 219, 475,
480, 481, 483, 489.
Jesuit chapel at, 82.
St. Ignace of Michilimackinac, 81;
La Salle reaches, 153;
inhabitants of, 153.
"St. Joseph," the ship, 330.
St. Joseph, Lac (Lake Michigan), 155.
St. Joseph River, the, 44, 162, 163;
La Salle on, 164, 203;
La Forest on, 236, 283, 288.
Saint-Laurent, Marquis de, 367, 368.
St. Lawrence River, the, 3, 12, 13, 15, 34, 63, 89, 122, 197, 198, 219, 475,
480, 481, 483, 489.
Page 427
St. Louis, city of, 70.
St. Louis, Bay of (Matagorda Bay), 376, 379, 394, 466, 468, 469, 471.
St. Louis, Castle of, 87.
St. Louis, Fort, of the Illinois, 241;
location of, 314;
La Salle's Indian allies gather at, 315;
location of, 316;
total number of Indians around, 317;
the Indians protected at, 320;
La Barre takes possession of, 327;
attacked by the Iroquois, 327, 347;
restored to La Salle by the King, 351;
Tonty returns to, 454;
Joutel at, 457;
condition of, 458;
Joutel's return to, 460;
Tonty leaves, 465;
reoccupied by the French, 468, 486.
St. Louis, Fort, of Texas, 394, 395;
life at, 397;
La Salle returns to, 411, 415;
Twelfth Night at, 417;
Duhaut resolves to return to, 446;
abandoned by Louis XIV., 463;
the Spaniards at, 469;
desolation of, 469.
St. Louis, Lake of, 13, 14, 19.
St. Louis, Rock of, see "Starved Rock."
St. Louis River, the, 307, 483.
St. Louis, Bay of (Matagorda Bay), 376, 379, 394, 466, 468, 469, 471.
St. Louis, Castle of, 87.
St. Louis, Fort, of the Illinois, 241;
location of, 314;
La Salle's Indian allies gather at, 315;
location of, 316;
total number of Indians around, 317;
the Indians protected at, 320;
La Barre takes possession of, 327;
attacked by the Iroquois, 327, 347;
restored to La Salle by the King, 351;
Tonty returns to, 454;
Joutel at, 457;
condition of, 458;
Joutel's return to, 460;
Tonty leaves, 465;
reoccupied by the French, 468, 486.
St. Louis, Fort, of Texas, 394, 395;
life at, 397;
La Salle returns to, 411, 415;
Twelfth Night at, 417;
Duhaut resolves to return to, 446;
abandoned by Louis XIV., 463;
the Spaniards at, 469;
desolation of, 469.
St. Louis, Lake of, 13, 14, 19.
St. Louis, Rock of, see "Starved Rock."
St. Louis River, the, 307, 483.
Page 428
Saint-Lusson, Daumont de,
sent out by Talon to discover copper mines on Lake Superior, 49;
winters at the Manitoulin Islands, 50;
received by the Miamis, 50;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
takes possession of the West for France, 52;
proceeds to Lake Superior, 56;
returns to Quebec, 56.
St. Malo, 5.
St. Paul, site of, 257.
St. Peter, the Valley of the,
unprovoked massacre by the Sioux in, 254, 260.
St. Peter River, the, 486.
Saint-Simon, 343.
St. Simon, mission of, 41, 42.
St. Sulpice,
Seminary of, 10;
buys back a part of La Salle's seigniory, 16;
plan an expedition of discovery, 16.
Ste. Barbe, mines of, 348.
Sainte Claire, 152.
Sainte-Famille, the, association of,
a sort of female inquisition, 111;
founded by Chaumonot, 111;
encouraged by Laval, 111.
Ste. Marie, Falls of, 155.
sent out by Talon to discover copper mines on Lake Superior, 49;
winters at the Manitoulin Islands, 50;
received by the Miamis, 50;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51;
takes possession of the West for France, 52;
proceeds to Lake Superior, 56;
returns to Quebec, 56.
St. Malo, 5.
St. Paul, site of, 257.
St. Peter, the Valley of the,
unprovoked massacre by the Sioux in, 254, 260.
St. Peter River, the, 486.
Saint-Simon, 343.
St. Simon, mission of, 41, 42.
St. Sulpice,
Seminary of, 10;
buys back a part of La Salle's seigniory, 16;
plan an expedition of discovery, 16.
Ste. Barbe, mines of, 348.
Sainte Claire, 152.
Sainte-Famille, the, association of,
a sort of female inquisition, 111;
founded by Chaumonot, 111;
encouraged by Laval, 111.
Ste. Marie, Falls of, 155.
Page 429
Ste. Marie du Saut,
the Sulpitians arrive at, 27;
Jesuit mission at, 39;
a noted fishing-place, 39;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52.
San Antonio, the, 469.
Sanson, map of, 139.
Santa Barbara, 348.
Sargent, Winthrop, 182.
Sassory tribe, the, 423.
Sauteurs, the, 39;
the village of, 51.
Sauthouis, the, 300.
Saut Ste. Marie, the, 27;
a noted fishing-place, 42;
gathering of the tribes at, 51, 475.
Sauvolle, 489.
Schenectady, 483.
Schoolcraft, the Falls of St. Anthony, 267.
Scioto River, the, 32.
Scortas, the Huron, 238.
the Sulpitians arrive at, 27;
Jesuit mission at, 39;
a noted fishing-place, 39;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52.
San Antonio, the, 469.
Sanson, map of, 139.
Santa Barbara, 348.
Sargent, Winthrop, 182.
Sassory tribe, the, 423.
Sauteurs, the, 39;
the village of, 51.
Sauthouis, the, 300.
Saut Ste. Marie, the, 27;
a noted fishing-place, 42;
gathering of the tribes at, 51, 475.
Sauvolle, 489.
Schenectady, 483.
Schoolcraft, the Falls of St. Anthony, 267.
Scioto River, the, 32.
Scortas, the Huron, 238.
Page 430
Seignelay, Marquis de,
memorials presented to, 35, 120, 274, 342;
La Barre defames La Salle to, 322, 344;
object of La Salle's mission, 352;
letters of Beaujeu to, 354-356;
complaints of Beaujeu, 370;
complaint of Minet, 378;
receives Beaujeu coldly, 389;
Jesuit petitions to, 459;
Cavelier's report to, 462, 463.
Seignelay River (Red River), the, 167, 347, 348, 483.
Seneca Indians, the, 14, 19, 20;
villages of, 21;
their hospitality to La Salle, 21;
cruelty of, 22, 29, 91;
Pierron among, 115;
village of, 138;
jealous of La Motte, 140;
La Motte seeks to conciliate, 140, 141;
pacified by La Salle, 142;
the great town of, 279;
Denonville's attack on, 460.
Seneff, bloody fight of, 134.
Severn River, the, 203.
Sévigné, 343.
Sévigné, Madame de,
letters of, 179.
Shawanoes, the, 23, 225, 285, 307;
join La Salle's colony, 316, 320.
memorials presented to, 35, 120, 274, 342;
La Barre defames La Salle to, 322, 344;
object of La Salle's mission, 352;
letters of Beaujeu to, 354-356;
complaints of Beaujeu, 370;
complaint of Minet, 378;
receives Beaujeu coldly, 389;
Jesuit petitions to, 459;
Cavelier's report to, 462, 463.
Seignelay River (Red River), the, 167, 347, 348, 483.
Seneca Indians, the, 14, 19, 20;
villages of, 21;
their hospitality to La Salle, 21;
cruelty of, 22, 29, 91;
Pierron among, 115;
village of, 138;
jealous of La Motte, 140;
La Motte seeks to conciliate, 140, 141;
pacified by La Salle, 142;
the great town of, 279;
Denonville's attack on, 460.
Seneff, bloody fight of, 134.
Severn River, the, 203.
Sévigné, 343.
Sévigné, Madame de,
letters of, 179.
Shawanoes, the, 23, 225, 285, 307;
join La Salle's colony, 316, 320.
Page 431
Shea, J. G.,
first to discover the history of Joliet, 58;
the journal of Marquette, 75;
death of Marquette, 81, 82, 115;
the "Racines Agnières" of Bruyas, 136;
the veracity of Hennepin, 244;
critical examination of Hennepin's works, 247;
Tonty and La Barre, 454;
story of Mathieu Sâgean, 486.
Silhouette, the minister, 34.
Simcoe, Lake, 203, 293.
Simon, St., memoirs of, 167.
Simonnet, 126.
Sioux Indians, the, 6;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
break into open war, 41;
the Jesuits trade with, 110, 182, 207, 228;
capture Father Hennepin, 245, 250;
suspect Father Hennepin of sorcery, 253;
unprovoked massacres in the valley of the St. Peter, 254;
Hennepin among, 259-282;
divisions of, 260;
meaning of the word, 260;
total number of, 261;
use of the sweating-bath among, 263;
Du Lhut among, 276, 307, 480.
Sipou (Ohio) River, the, 307.
"Sleeping Bear," the,
promontory of, 81.
first to discover the history of Joliet, 58;
the journal of Marquette, 75;
death of Marquette, 81, 82, 115;
the "Racines Agnières" of Bruyas, 136;
the veracity of Hennepin, 244;
critical examination of Hennepin's works, 247;
Tonty and La Barre, 454;
story of Mathieu Sâgean, 486.
Silhouette, the minister, 34.
Simcoe, Lake, 203, 293.
Simon, St., memoirs of, 167.
Simonnet, 126.
Sioux Indians, the, 6;
at the Jesuit mission of St. Esprit, 40;
break into open war, 41;
the Jesuits trade with, 110, 182, 207, 228;
capture Father Hennepin, 245, 250;
suspect Father Hennepin of sorcery, 253;
unprovoked massacres in the valley of the St. Peter, 254;
Hennepin among, 259-282;
divisions of, 260;
meaning of the word, 260;
total number of, 261;
use of the sweating-bath among, 263;
Du Lhut among, 276, 307, 480.
Sipou (Ohio) River, the, 307.
"Sleeping Bear," the,
promontory of, 81.
Page 432
Smith, Buckingham, 471.
Society of Jesus, the,
a powerful attraction for La Salle, 8;
an image of regulated power, 8.
Sokokis Indians, the, 227.
Soto, De, Hernando, see, De Soto, Hernando.
South Bend, village of, 164.
Southey, the poet, 182.
South Sea, the, 6, 14, 38, 46, 52, 63, 70.
Spain,
war declared against, 464;
claims the Gulf of Mexico, 468.
Spaniards, the,
discover the Mississippi, 3;
Talon's plans to keep them in check, 48;
Louis XIV. irritated against, 344;
in Mexico, 349;
at Fort St. Louis of Texas, 469.
Spanish Inquisition, the, 350.
Spanish missions, the, 414, 471.
Sparks,
exposes the plagiarism of Hennepin, 247, 468.
"Starved Rock," 169;
attracts the attention of La Salle, 192;
Tonty sent to examine, 192, 205, 217, 221, 239;
Society of Jesus, the,
a powerful attraction for La Salle, 8;
an image of regulated power, 8.
Sokokis Indians, the, 227.
Soto, De, Hernando, see, De Soto, Hernando.
South Bend, village of, 164.
Southey, the poet, 182.
South Sea, the, 6, 14, 38, 46, 52, 63, 70.
Spain,
war declared against, 464;
claims the Gulf of Mexico, 468.
Spaniards, the,
discover the Mississippi, 3;
Talon's plans to keep them in check, 48;
Louis XIV. irritated against, 344;
in Mexico, 349;
at Fort St. Louis of Texas, 469.
Spanish Inquisition, the, 350.
Spanish missions, the, 414, 471.
Sparks,
exposes the plagiarism of Hennepin, 247, 468.
"Starved Rock," 169;
attracts the attention of La Salle, 192;
Tonty sent to examine, 192, 205, 217, 221, 239;
Page 433
description of, 313;
La Salle and Tonty intrench themselves at, 313;
described by Charlevoix, 314;
origin of the name, 314.
"Sturgeon Cove," 77.
Sulpice, St., 9.
Sulpitians, the,
plan an expedition of discovery, 16;
join forces with La Salle, 17;
set out from La Chine, 19;
journey of, 19, 20;
meeting with Joliet, 23;
determine to visit the Pottawattamies, 24;
La Salle parts with, 25;
spends the winter at Long Point, 25
resume their voyage, 26;
the storm, 26;
decide to return to Montreal, 26;
pass through the Strait of Detroit, 26;
arrive at Ste. Marie du Saut, 27;
the Jesuits want no help from, 27;
comparison between the Récollets and, 112.
Superior, Lake, 5;
Ménard attempts to plant a mission on southern shore of, 6;
Allouez explores a part of, 6;
Joliet attempts to discover the copper mines of, 23, 27;
the Jesuits on, 37;
the Jesuits make a map of, 38;
Saint-Lusson sets out to find the copper mines of, 49;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52, 273, 276, 475;
map of, 476, 477, 479, 481.
Susquehanna River, the, 483.
La Salle and Tonty intrench themselves at, 313;
described by Charlevoix, 314;
origin of the name, 314.
"Sturgeon Cove," 77.
Sulpice, St., 9.
Sulpitians, the,
plan an expedition of discovery, 16;
join forces with La Salle, 17;
set out from La Chine, 19;
journey of, 19, 20;
meeting with Joliet, 23;
determine to visit the Pottawattamies, 24;
La Salle parts with, 25;
spends the winter at Long Point, 25
resume their voyage, 26;
the storm, 26;
decide to return to Montreal, 26;
pass through the Strait of Detroit, 26;
arrive at Ste. Marie du Saut, 27;
the Jesuits want no help from, 27;
comparison between the Récollets and, 112.
Superior, Lake, 5;
Ménard attempts to plant a mission on southern shore of, 6;
Allouez explores a part of, 6;
Joliet attempts to discover the copper mines of, 23, 27;
the Jesuits on, 37;
the Jesuits make a map of, 38;
Saint-Lusson sets out to find the copper mines of, 49;
Saint-Lusson takes possession for France of, 52, 273, 276, 475;
map of, 476, 477, 479, 481.
Susquehanna River, the, 483.
Page 434
Sweating-baths, Indian, 262.
-T-
Table Rock, 139.
Tadoussac, 59.
Taensas, the,
great town of, 301;
visited by Membrè and Tonty, 301;
differ from other Indians, 304.
Tahuglauk, the, 486.
Taiaiagon, Indian town of, 138.
Tailhan, Father, 35, 49.
Talon, 15.
Talon,
among the Texan colonists, 471.
Talon, Jean, Intendant of Canada,
sends Joliet to discover the copper-mines of Lake Superior, 23;
claims to have sent La Salle to explore, 31;
full of projects for the colony, 48;
his singular economy of the King's purse, 48;
sends Saint-Lusson to discover copper mines on Lake Superior, 49;
resolves to find the Mississippi, 56;
makes choice of Joliet, 56;
quarrels with Courcelle, 56;
returns to France, 57, 60, 109.
-T-
Table Rock, 139.
Tadoussac, 59.
Taensas, the,
great town of, 301;
visited by Membrè and Tonty, 301;
differ from other Indians, 304.
Tahuglauk, the, 486.
Taiaiagon, Indian town of, 138.
Tailhan, Father, 35, 49.
Talon, 15.
Talon,
among the Texan colonists, 471.
Talon, Jean, Intendant of Canada,
sends Joliet to discover the copper-mines of Lake Superior, 23;
claims to have sent La Salle to explore, 31;
full of projects for the colony, 48;
his singular economy of the King's purse, 48;
sends Saint-Lusson to discover copper mines on Lake Superior, 49;
resolves to find the Mississippi, 56;
makes choice of Joliet, 56;
quarrels with Courcelle, 56;
returns to France, 57, 60, 109.
Page 435
Talon, Jean Baptiste, 472.
Talon, Pierre, 472.
Tamaroas, the, 223, 235, 286, 297.
Tangibao, the, 305.
Tears, the Lake of, 256.
Tegahkouita, Catharine, the Iroquois saint, 275, 276.
"Teiocha-rontiong, Lac" (Lake Erie), 476.
Teissier, a pilot, 407, 421, 425, 451, 458.
Tejas (Texas), 470.
Terliquiquimechi, the, 348.
Tetons, the, 260.
Texan colony, the,
fate of, 464-473.
Texan expedition, La Salle's, 391-419, 434.
Texan Indians, the, 470.
Texas,
fertile plains of, 308;
French in, 348;
shores of, 374;
La Salle lands in, 379;
application of the name, 470, 483.
Theakiki, the, 167.
Talon, Pierre, 472.
Tamaroas, the, 223, 235, 286, 297.
Tangibao, the, 305.
Tears, the Lake of, 256.
Tegahkouita, Catharine, the Iroquois saint, 275, 276.
"Teiocha-rontiong, Lac" (Lake Erie), 476.
Teissier, a pilot, 407, 421, 425, 451, 458.
Tejas (Texas), 470.
Terliquiquimechi, the, 348.
Tetons, the, 260.
Texan colony, the,
fate of, 464-473.
Texan expedition, La Salle's, 391-419, 434.
Texan Indians, the, 470.
Texas,
fertile plains of, 308;
French in, 348;
shores of, 374;
La Salle lands in, 379;
application of the name, 470, 483.
Theakiki, the, 167.
Page 436
Thevenot,
on the journal of Marquette, 75;
map made by, 478.
Third Chickasaw Bluffs, the, 297.
Thomassy, 115, 175, 296, 298, 302, 308.
Thouret, 201, 238, 333, 342.
Thousand Islands, the, 89.
Three Rivers, 3, 86, 90.
Thunder Bay, 275.
Tilly, Sieur de, 99.
"Tintons," the, 481.
Tintonwans, the, 260.
Tongengas, the, 300.
Tonty, Alphonse de, 467.
Tonty, Henri de, 127;
renders assistance to La Salle, 128;
in Canada, 129;
La Motte at Niagara, 140;
sets out to join La Motte, 141;
almost wrecked, 142;
at the Niagara Portage, 144-147;
the building of the "Griffin," 144-148;
the launch, 149, 154, 155;
rejoins La Salle, 162;
on the journal of Marquette, 75;
map made by, 478.
Third Chickasaw Bluffs, the, 297.
Thomassy, 115, 175, 296, 298, 302, 308.
Thouret, 201, 238, 333, 342.
Thousand Islands, the, 89.
Three Rivers, 3, 86, 90.
Thunder Bay, 275.
Tilly, Sieur de, 99.
"Tintons," the, 481.
Tintonwans, the, 260.
Tongengas, the, 300.
Tonty, Alphonse de, 467.
Tonty, Henri de, 127;
renders assistance to La Salle, 128;
in Canada, 129;
La Motte at Niagara, 140;
sets out to join La Motte, 141;
almost wrecked, 142;
at the Niagara Portage, 144-147;
the building of the "Griffin," 144-148;
the launch, 149, 154, 155;
rejoins La Salle, 162;
Page 437
among the Illinois, 172;
the attempt to poison La Salle, 179;
Hennepin sent to the Mississippi, 187;
La Salle's parting with, 188;
sent to examine "Starved Rock," 192, 194;
deserted by his men, 199, 217;
the journey from Fort Crèvecœur, 201;
La Salle's best hope in, 202;
La Salle sets out to succor, 203;
La Salle has fears for the safety of, 209;
sets out to examine "Starved Rock," 217;
in the Illinois village, 223;
attacked by the Iroquois, 225;
intercedes for the Illinois, 228;
peril of, 229;
a truce granted to, 229;
departs from the Iroquois, 233;
falls ill, 236;
friends in need, 237;
La Salle hears good news of, 287;
meeting with La Salle, 292;
sets out from Fort Miami, 296;
among the Arkansas Indians, 300;
visits the Taensas, 301;
illness of La Salle, 310;
sent to Michilimackinac, 311;
intrenches himself at "Starved Rock," 313;
left in charge of Fort St. Louis, 326, 334, 337;
attempts to attack the Spaniards of Mexico, 349, 355, 361, 421, 425;
the assassination of La Salle, 430, 433;
the murder of Duhaut, 448;
among the Assonis, 452;
plans to assist La Salle, 453-455;
his journey, seeking news of La Salle, 454, 455, 458;
in the Iroquois War, 460;
Cavelier conceals La Salle's death from, 461;
learns of La Salle's death, 464;
the attempt to poison La Salle, 179;
Hennepin sent to the Mississippi, 187;
La Salle's parting with, 188;
sent to examine "Starved Rock," 192, 194;
deserted by his men, 199, 217;
the journey from Fort Crèvecœur, 201;
La Salle's best hope in, 202;
La Salle sets out to succor, 203;
La Salle has fears for the safety of, 209;
sets out to examine "Starved Rock," 217;
in the Illinois village, 223;
attacked by the Iroquois, 225;
intercedes for the Illinois, 228;
peril of, 229;
a truce granted to, 229;
departs from the Iroquois, 233;
falls ill, 236;
friends in need, 237;
La Salle hears good news of, 287;
meeting with La Salle, 292;
sets out from Fort Miami, 296;
among the Arkansas Indians, 300;
visits the Taensas, 301;
illness of La Salle, 310;
sent to Michilimackinac, 311;
intrenches himself at "Starved Rock," 313;
left in charge of Fort St. Louis, 326, 334, 337;
attempts to attack the Spaniards of Mexico, 349, 355, 361, 421, 425;
the assassination of La Salle, 430, 433;
the murder of Duhaut, 448;
among the Assonis, 452;
plans to assist La Salle, 453-455;
his journey, seeking news of La Salle, 454, 455, 458;
in the Iroquois War, 460;
Cavelier conceals La Salle's death from, 461;
learns of La Salle's death, 464;
Page 438
revives La Salle's scheme of Mexican invasion, 465;
sets out from Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 465;
deserted by his men, 465;
courage of, 465;
difficulties and hardships, 466;
attacked by fever, 467;
misrepresented, 467;
praises of, 467;
joins Iberville in Lower Louisiana, 467, 486.
Topingas, the, 300.
Torimans, the, 300.
Toronto, 27, 138.
Toronto Portage, the, 293.
Toulon, 463.
"Tracy, Lac" (Lake Superior), 476.
Trinity River, the, 413, 424, 434, 439, 465.
Tronson, Abbé, 344, 463.
"Tsiketo, Lac" (Lake St. Clair), 220.
Turenne, 17.
Two Mountains, Lake of, 82.
-U-
Upper Lakes, the, see Lakes, Upper.
sets out from Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, 465;
deserted by his men, 465;
courage of, 465;
difficulties and hardships, 466;
attacked by fever, 467;
misrepresented, 467;
praises of, 467;
joins Iberville in Lower Louisiana, 467, 486.
Topingas, the, 300.
Torimans, the, 300.
Toronto, 27, 138.
Toronto Portage, the, 293.
Toulon, 463.
"Tracy, Lac" (Lake Superior), 476.
Trinity River, the, 413, 424, 434, 439, 465.
Tronson, Abbé, 344, 463.
"Tsiketo, Lac" (Lake St. Clair), 220.
Turenne, 17.
Two Mountains, Lake of, 82.
-U-
Upper Lakes, the, see Lakes, Upper.
Page 439
Ursulines, the, 95.
Utica, village of, 79, 169, 170, 220, 239.
-V-
Vaudreuil, 276.
Vera Cruz, 468, 472.
Vermilion River, the, 221, 225, 226.
See also Big Vermilion River, the.
"Vermilion Sea" (Gulf of California), the, 15, 38, 74, 480.
"Vermilion Woods," the, 241.
Verreau, H., 98.
Vicksburg, 300.
Victor, town of, 21, 140.
"Vieux, Fort Le," 314.
Villermont, Cabart de,
letters of Beaujeu to, 357-360;
letter of Tonty to, 454.
Virginia, 288, 346, 483.
"Virginia, Sea of," 6, 74.
Voltaire, 7.
Utica, village of, 79, 169, 170, 220, 239.
-V-
Vaudreuil, 276.
Vera Cruz, 468, 472.
Vermilion River, the, 221, 225, 226.
See also Big Vermilion River, the.
"Vermilion Sea" (Gulf of California), the, 15, 38, 74, 480.
"Vermilion Woods," the, 241.
Verreau, H., 98.
Vicksburg, 300.
Victor, town of, 21, 140.
"Vieux, Fort Le," 314.
Villermont, Cabart de,
letters of Beaujeu to, 357-360;
letter of Tonty to, 454.
Virginia, 288, 346, 483.
"Virginia, Sea of," 6, 74.
Voltaire, 7.
Page 440
-W-
Watteau, Melithon, 150.
Weas, the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
West Indies, the, 181, 404, 446, 489.
Wild Rice Indians (Menomonies), the, 61.
William, Fort, 275.
William III. of England, 282.
Winnebago Lake, 43, 44, 62.
Winnebagoes, the,
Jean Nicollet sent to, 4;
quarrel with the Hurons, 4;
location of, 42;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Winona, legend of, 271.
Winthrop, 213.
Wisconsin, shores of, 157.
Wisconsin River, the, 5, 63, 245, 265, 266, 272, 278, 477, 478, 480.
Wood, Colonel,
reaches the Mississippi, 5.
-Y-
Watteau, Melithon, 150.
Weas, the,
join La Salle's colony, 316.
West Indies, the, 181, 404, 446, 489.
Wild Rice Indians (Menomonies), the, 61.
William, Fort, 275.
William III. of England, 282.
Winnebago Lake, 43, 44, 62.
Winnebagoes, the,
Jean Nicollet sent to, 4;
quarrel with the Hurons, 4;
location of, 42;
at Saut Ste. Marie, 51.
Winona, legend of, 271.
Winthrop, 213.
Wisconsin, shores of, 157.
Wisconsin River, the, 5, 63, 245, 265, 266, 272, 278, 477, 478, 480.
Wood, Colonel,
reaches the Mississippi, 5.
-Y-
Page 441
Yanktons, the, 260.
Yoakum, 470.
You, 210.
-Z-
Zenobe (Membré), Father, 181.
Yoakum, 470.
You, 210.
-Z-
Zenobe (Membré), Father, 181.
Page 442
FRANCIS PARKMAN'S WORKS.
NEW LIBRARY EDITION.
Printed from entirely new plates, in clear and beautiful type, upon a
choice laid paper. Illustrated with twenty-six photogravure plates executed
by Goupil from historical portraits, and from original drawings and
paintings by Howard Pyle, De Cost Smith, Thule de Thulstrup, Frederic
Remington, Orson Lowell, Adrien Moreau, and other artists.
Thirteen volumes, medium octavo, cloth, gilt top, price, $26.00; half calf,
extra, gilt top, $58.50; half crushed Levant morocco, extra, gilt top,
$78.00; half morocco, gilt top, $58.50. Any work separately in cloth,
$2.00 per volume.
LIST OF VOLUMES.
PIONEERS OF FRANCE IN THE NEW WORLD 1 vol.
THE JESUITS IN NORTH AMERICA 1 vol.
LA SALLE AND THE DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT
WEST 1 vol.
THE OLD RÉGIME IN CANADA 1 vol.
COUNT FRONTENAC AND NEW FRANCE UNDER
LOUIS XIV. 1 vol.
2
A HALF CENTURY OF CONFLICT vols.
2
MONTCALM AND WOLFE vols.
THE CONSPIRACY OF PONTIAC AND THE INDIAN 2
WAR AFTER THE CONQUEST OF CANADA vols.
THE OREGON TRAIL 1 vol.
LIFE OF PARKMAN. By Charles Haight Farnham 1 vol.
NEW LIBRARY EDITION.
Printed from entirely new plates, in clear and beautiful type, upon a
choice laid paper. Illustrated with twenty-six photogravure plates executed
by Goupil from historical portraits, and from original drawings and
paintings by Howard Pyle, De Cost Smith, Thule de Thulstrup, Frederic
Remington, Orson Lowell, Adrien Moreau, and other artists.
Thirteen volumes, medium octavo, cloth, gilt top, price, $26.00; half calf,
extra, gilt top, $58.50; half crushed Levant morocco, extra, gilt top,
$78.00; half morocco, gilt top, $58.50. Any work separately in cloth,
$2.00 per volume.
LIST OF VOLUMES.
PIONEERS OF FRANCE IN THE NEW WORLD 1 vol.
THE JESUITS IN NORTH AMERICA 1 vol.
LA SALLE AND THE DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT
WEST 1 vol.
THE OLD RÉGIME IN CANADA 1 vol.
COUNT FRONTENAC AND NEW FRANCE UNDER
LOUIS XIV. 1 vol.
2
A HALF CENTURY OF CONFLICT vols.
2
MONTCALM AND WOLFE vols.
THE CONSPIRACY OF PONTIAC AND THE INDIAN 2
WAR AFTER THE CONQUEST OF CANADA vols.
THE OREGON TRAIL 1 vol.
LIFE OF PARKMAN. By Charles Haight Farnham 1 vol.
Page 443
ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Portrait of Francis Parkman.
2. Jacques Cartier. From the painting at St. Malo.
3. Madame de la Peltrie. From the painting in the Convent des Ursulines.
4. Father Jogues Haranguing the Mohawks. From the picture by Thule de
Thulstrup.
5. Father Hennepin Celebrating Mass. From the picture by Howard Pyle.
6. La Salle Presenting a Petition to Louis XIV. From the painting by
Adrien Moreau.
7. Jean Baptiste Colbert. From a painting by Claude Lefèvbre at
Versailles.
8. Jean Guyon before Bouillé. From a picture by Orson Lowell.
9. Madame de Frontenac. From the painting at Versailles.
10. Entry of Sir William Phips into the Quebec Basin. From a picture by
L. Rossi.
11. The Sacs and Foxes. From the picture by Charles Bodmer.
12. The Return from Deerfield. From the painting by Howard Pyle.
13. Sir William Pepperrell. From the painting by Smibert.
14. Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor of Canada. From the painting by
Tonnières in the Musée de Grenoble.
15. Marquis de Montcalm. From the original painting in the possession of
the present Marquis de Montcalm.
16. Marquis de Vaudreuil. From the painting in the possession of the
Countess de Clermont Tonnerre.
17. General Wolfe. From the original painting by Highmore.
18. The Fall of Montcalm. From the painting by Howard Pyle.
19. View of the Taking of Quebec. From the early engraving of a drawing
made on the spot by Captain Hervey Smyth, Wolfe's aid-de-camp.
20. Col. Henry Bouquet. From the original painting by Benjamin West.
21. The Death of Pontiac. From the picture by De Cost Smith.
22. Sir William Johnson. From a Mezzotint engraving.
23. Half Sliding, Half Plunging. From a drawing by Frederic Remington.
24. The Thunder Fighters. From the picture by Frederic Remington.
25. Francis Parkman. From a miniature taken about 1844.
26. Francis Parkman. From a photograph taken in 1882.
1. Portrait of Francis Parkman.
2. Jacques Cartier. From the painting at St. Malo.
3. Madame de la Peltrie. From the painting in the Convent des Ursulines.
4. Father Jogues Haranguing the Mohawks. From the picture by Thule de
Thulstrup.
5. Father Hennepin Celebrating Mass. From the picture by Howard Pyle.
6. La Salle Presenting a Petition to Louis XIV. From the painting by
Adrien Moreau.
7. Jean Baptiste Colbert. From a painting by Claude Lefèvbre at
Versailles.
8. Jean Guyon before Bouillé. From a picture by Orson Lowell.
9. Madame de Frontenac. From the painting at Versailles.
10. Entry of Sir William Phips into the Quebec Basin. From a picture by
L. Rossi.
11. The Sacs and Foxes. From the picture by Charles Bodmer.
12. The Return from Deerfield. From the painting by Howard Pyle.
13. Sir William Pepperrell. From the painting by Smibert.
14. Marquis de Beauharnois, Governor of Canada. From the painting by
Tonnières in the Musée de Grenoble.
15. Marquis de Montcalm. From the original painting in the possession of
the present Marquis de Montcalm.
16. Marquis de Vaudreuil. From the painting in the possession of the
Countess de Clermont Tonnerre.
17. General Wolfe. From the original painting by Highmore.
18. The Fall of Montcalm. From the painting by Howard Pyle.
19. View of the Taking of Quebec. From the early engraving of a drawing
made on the spot by Captain Hervey Smyth, Wolfe's aid-de-camp.
20. Col. Henry Bouquet. From the original painting by Benjamin West.
21. The Death of Pontiac. From the picture by De Cost Smith.
22. Sir William Johnson. From a Mezzotint engraving.
23. Half Sliding, Half Plunging. From a drawing by Frederic Remington.
24. The Thunder Fighters. From the picture by Frederic Remington.
25. Francis Parkman. From a miniature taken about 1844.
26. Francis Parkman. From a photograph taken in 1882.
Page 444
It is hardly necessary to quote here from the innumerable tributes to so
famous an American author as Francis Parkman. Among writers who have
bestowed the highest praise upon his writings are such names as James
Russell Lowell, Dr. John Fisk, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard
University, George William Curtis, Edward Eggleston, W. D. Howells,
James Schouler, and Dr. Conan Doyle, as well as many prominent critics in
the United States, in Canada, and in England.
In two respects Francis Parkman was exceptionally fortunate. He chose a
theme of the closest interest to his countrymen,—the colonization of the
American Continent and the wars for its possession,—and he lived through
fifty years of toil to complete his great historical series.
The text of the New Library Edition is that of the latest issue of each
work prepared for the press by the distinguished author. He carefully
revised and added to several of his works, not through change of views, but
in the light of new documentary evidence which his patient research and
untiring zeal extracted from the hidden archives of the past. Thus he
rewrote and enlarged "The Conspiracy of Pontiac"; the new edition of "La
Salle and the Discovery of the Great West" (1878), and the 1885 edition of
"Pioneers of France" included very important additions; and a short time
before his death he added to "The Old Régime" fifty pages, under the title
of "The Feudal Chiefs of Acadia." The New Library Edition therefore
includes each work in its final state as perfected by the historian. The
indexes have been entirely remade.
LITTLE, BROWN, & CO., Publishers,
254 Washington Street. Boston.
famous an American author as Francis Parkman. Among writers who have
bestowed the highest praise upon his writings are such names as James
Russell Lowell, Dr. John Fisk, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard
University, George William Curtis, Edward Eggleston, W. D. Howells,
James Schouler, and Dr. Conan Doyle, as well as many prominent critics in
the United States, in Canada, and in England.
In two respects Francis Parkman was exceptionally fortunate. He chose a
theme of the closest interest to his countrymen,—the colonization of the
American Continent and the wars for its possession,—and he lived through
fifty years of toil to complete his great historical series.
The text of the New Library Edition is that of the latest issue of each
work prepared for the press by the distinguished author. He carefully
revised and added to several of his works, not through change of views, but
in the light of new documentary evidence which his patient research and
untiring zeal extracted from the hidden archives of the past. Thus he
rewrote and enlarged "The Conspiracy of Pontiac"; the new edition of "La
Salle and the Discovery of the Great West" (1878), and the 1885 edition of
"Pioneers of France" included very important additions; and a short time
before his death he added to "The Old Régime" fifty pages, under the title
of "The Feudal Chiefs of Acadia." The New Library Edition therefore
includes each work in its final state as perfected by the historian. The
indexes have been entirely remade.
LITTLE, BROWN, & CO., Publishers,
254 Washington Street. Boston.
Page 445
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ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA, PART III: LA SALLE, DISCOVERY
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