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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The "Characters" of Jean de
La Bruyère
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: The "Characters" of Jean de La Bruyère
Author: Jean de La Bruyère
Translator: Henri Van Laun
Release date: August 19, 2014 [eBook #46633]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/46633
Credits: Produced by Gary Rees, Turgut Dincer and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
"CHARACTERS" OF JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE ***
La Bruyère
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: The "Characters" of Jean de La Bruyère
Author: Jean de La Bruyère
Translator: Henri Van Laun
Release date: August 19, 2014 [eBook #46633]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/46633
Credits: Produced by Gary Rees, Turgut Dincer and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
"CHARACTERS" OF JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE ***
Page 4
Transcriberʼs note:
Due to the error in the numbering of the chapters in the original (no chapter number II and
no chapter number for chapter “OF FASHION”), chapters have been renumbered as
follows:
I->I, III->II, IV->III, V->IV, VI->V, VII->VI, VIII->VII, IX-VIII, X->IX, XI->X, XII->XI, XIII->XII,
(OF FASHION)->XIII, XV->XIV, XVI->XV, XVII->XVI.
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
THE “CHARACTERS”
OF
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE
PUBLISHERʼS NOTE.
Three hundred copies of this book printed for England, and two
hundred, with an American imprint, for sale in that country. No more will
be printed.
No. 13
Due to the error in the numbering of the chapters in the original (no chapter number II and
no chapter number for chapter “OF FASHION”), chapters have been renumbered as
follows:
I->I, III->II, IV->III, V->IV, VI->V, VII->VI, VIII->VII, IX-VIII, X->IX, XI->X, XII->XI, XIII->XII,
(OF FASHION)->XIII, XV->XIV, XVI->XV, XVII->XVI.
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
THE “CHARACTERS”
OF
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE
PUBLISHERʼS NOTE.
Three hundred copies of this book printed for England, and two
hundred, with an American imprint, for sale in that country. No more will
be printed.
No. 13
Page 5
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE
THE “CHARACTERS”
OF
THE “CHARACTERS”
OF
Page 6
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE
NEWLY RENDERED INTO ENGLISH
By HENRI VAN LAUN
With an Introduction, a Biographical Memoir and Notes
ILLUSTRATED WITH TWENTY-FOUR ETCHINGS
By B. DAMMAN and V. FOULQUIER
LONDON
JOHN C. NIMMO
14, KING WILLIAM STREET, STRAND, W.C.
1885
NEWLY RENDERED INTO ENGLISH
By HENRI VAN LAUN
With an Introduction, a Biographical Memoir and Notes
ILLUSTRATED WITH TWENTY-FOUR ETCHINGS
By B. DAMMAN and V. FOULQUIER
LONDON
JOHN C. NIMMO
14, KING WILLIAM STREET, STRAND, W.C.
1885
Page 7
CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION 11
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR 26
PREFACE i
OF WORKS OF THE MIND 7
OF PERSONAL MERIT 39
OF WOMEN 58
OF THE AFFECTIONS 86
OF SOCIETY AND OF CONVERSATION 100
OF THE GIFTS OF FORTUNE 132
OF THE TOWN 164
OF THE COURT 183
OF THE GREAT 221
OF THE SOVEREIGN AND THE STATE 245
OF MANKIND 271
OF OPINIONS 328
OF FASHION 377
OF CERTAIN CUSTOMS 403
OF THE PULPIT 442
OF FREETHINKERS 459
PAGE
INTRODUCTION 11
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR 26
PREFACE i
OF WORKS OF THE MIND 7
OF PERSONAL MERIT 39
OF WOMEN 58
OF THE AFFECTIONS 86
OF SOCIETY AND OF CONVERSATION 100
OF THE GIFTS OF FORTUNE 132
OF THE TOWN 164
OF THE COURT 183
OF THE GREAT 221
OF THE SOVEREIGN AND THE STATE 245
OF MANKIND 271
OF OPINIONS 328
OF FASHION 377
OF CERTAIN CUSTOMS 403
OF THE PULPIT 442
OF FREETHINKERS 459
Page 8
LIST OF EMBELLISHMENTS.
Etchings—Portraits.
PAGE
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE Frontispiece
MONTAIGNE 23
DESCARTES 151
LE BRUN 236
LOUIS XIV. 270
WILLIAM III. 374
BOSSUET 453
Etchings—Vignettes.
PAGE
THE AUTHOR i
STUDY 7
TIRED OUT 39
THE TOILETTE 58
AFFECTION 86
SOCIETY 100
RUSTIC COURTSHIP 132
THE TUILERIES 164
THE COURT 183
THE GREAT 221
10THE PRICE OF GLORY 245
THE CONSULTATION 271
Etchings—Portraits.
PAGE
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE Frontispiece
MONTAIGNE 23
DESCARTES 151
LE BRUN 236
LOUIS XIV. 270
WILLIAM III. 374
BOSSUET 453
Etchings—Vignettes.
PAGE
THE AUTHOR i
STUDY 7
TIRED OUT 39
THE TOILETTE 58
AFFECTION 86
SOCIETY 100
RUSTIC COURTSHIP 132
THE TUILERIES 164
THE COURT 183
THE GREAT 221
10THE PRICE OF GLORY 245
THE CONSULTATION 271
Page 9
DIFFERENT OPINIONS 328
THE BIRD-FANCIER 377
NOBLE AND CITIZEN 403
MONK PREACHING 442
BELIEF 459
THE BIRD-FANCIER 377
NOBLE AND CITIZEN 403
MONK PREACHING 442
BELIEF 459
Page 10
INTRODUCTION.
T is a common practice for translators to state to the public that
the author they are going to introduce, and whom they
sometimes traduce, is one of the greatest men of the age, and
that already for a long time a general desire has been felt to
make the acquaintance of such a master-mind. It would be an
insult to French scholars to speak thus of La Bruyère, for the merits of his
“Characters” are known; but, for the benefit of those who are not so well
acquainted with our author, I may state that he is neither so terse,
epigrammatic, sublime, nor profound as either Pascal or La Rochefoucauld
are, but that he is infinitely more readable, as he is always trying to please
his readers, and now and then sacrifices even a certain depth of thought to
attain his object.
La Bruyère takes good care to tell us that he has not imitated any one;
Pascal “makes metaphysics subservient to religion, explains the nature of
the soul, its passions and vices; treats of the great and serious motives
which lead to virtue, and endeavours to make a man a Christian;” La
Rochefoucauldʼs “mind, instructed by his knowledge of society, and with a
delicacy equal to his penetration, observed that self-love in man was the
cause of all his errors, and attacked it without intermission, wherever it was
found; and this one thought, multiplied as it were in a thousand different
ways by a choice of words and a variety of expression, has always the
charm of novelty.”1 Our author, on the contrary, openly declares: “I did not
wish to write any maxims, for they are like moral laws, and I acknowledge
that I possess neither sufficient authority nor genius for a legislator.”2
What is the plan and idea of the book of “Characters?” Let La Bruyère
himself answer this: “Of the sixteen chapters which compose it, there are
fifteen wholly employed in detecting the fallacy and ridicule to be found in
T is a common practice for translators to state to the public that
the author they are going to introduce, and whom they
sometimes traduce, is one of the greatest men of the age, and
that already for a long time a general desire has been felt to
make the acquaintance of such a master-mind. It would be an
insult to French scholars to speak thus of La Bruyère, for the merits of his
“Characters” are known; but, for the benefit of those who are not so well
acquainted with our author, I may state that he is neither so terse,
epigrammatic, sublime, nor profound as either Pascal or La Rochefoucauld
are, but that he is infinitely more readable, as he is always trying to please
his readers, and now and then sacrifices even a certain depth of thought to
attain his object.
La Bruyère takes good care to tell us that he has not imitated any one;
Pascal “makes metaphysics subservient to religion, explains the nature of
the soul, its passions and vices; treats of the great and serious motives
which lead to virtue, and endeavours to make a man a Christian;” La
Rochefoucauldʼs “mind, instructed by his knowledge of society, and with a
delicacy equal to his penetration, observed that self-love in man was the
cause of all his errors, and attacked it without intermission, wherever it was
found; and this one thought, multiplied as it were in a thousand different
ways by a choice of words and a variety of expression, has always the
charm of novelty.”1 Our author, on the contrary, openly declares: “I did not
wish to write any maxims, for they are like moral laws, and I acknowledge
that I possess neither sufficient authority nor genius for a legislator.”2
What is the plan and idea of the book of “Characters?” Let La Bruyère
himself answer this: “Of the sixteen chapters which compose it, there are
fifteen wholly employed in detecting the fallacy and ridicule to be found in
Page 11
the objects of human passions and inclinations, and in demolishing such
obstacles as at first weaken, and afterwards extinguish, any knowledge of
God in mankind; therefore, these chapters are merely preparatory to the
sixteenth and last, wherein atheism is attacked, and perhaps routed, wherein
the proofs of a God, such at least as weak man is capable of receiving, are
produced; wherein the providence of God is defended against the insults
and complaints of freethinkers.”3
La Bruyère is not a speculative moralist, but an observer of the manners
of men, or, as he likes to call himself a philosopher, and above all a
Christian philosopher, such as a friend of Bossuet ought to be. He was the
first to make morality attractive, and to paint characters in a literary and
delicate manner; he does not dogmatise, and above all shows neither
personal hatred nor venom; in other words, to use his own expressions, he
“gives back to the public what it lent”4 him.
Underneath the literary man people often look for the man, with all his
passion, his likes and dislikes; hence the many “Keys” of the “Characters,”
published during the authorʼs lifetime and after his death, in which all kinds
of allusions were attempted, and all sorts of hypothetical explanations
ventured on.
Of the concocters of the “Keys” La Bruyère speaks as follows:
“They make it their business, if possible, to discover to which of their
friends or enemies these portraits can apply; they neglect everything that
seems like a sound remark or a serious reflection, though almost the whole
book consists of them; they dwell upon nothing but the portraits or
characters, and after having explained them in their own way, and after they
imagine they have found out the originals, they publish to the world long
lists, or, as they call them, ‘Keys,’ but which are indeed ‘false keys,’ and as
useless to them as they are injurious to the persons whose names are
deciphered, and to the writer who is the cause of it, though an involuntary
one.”5
And yet some of these “Keys” have been of great use to modern
commentators, and served to elucidate several traits in the “Characters”
which otherwise would not have been discovered.
It would be ridiculous to deny that La Bruyère never had any particular
personage in view in delineating a certain character, but, as he himself says:
“If I might be allowed to be a little vain, I should be apt to believe that my
“Characters” have pretty well portrayed men in general, since they resemble
obstacles as at first weaken, and afterwards extinguish, any knowledge of
God in mankind; therefore, these chapters are merely preparatory to the
sixteenth and last, wherein atheism is attacked, and perhaps routed, wherein
the proofs of a God, such at least as weak man is capable of receiving, are
produced; wherein the providence of God is defended against the insults
and complaints of freethinkers.”3
La Bruyère is not a speculative moralist, but an observer of the manners
of men, or, as he likes to call himself a philosopher, and above all a
Christian philosopher, such as a friend of Bossuet ought to be. He was the
first to make morality attractive, and to paint characters in a literary and
delicate manner; he does not dogmatise, and above all shows neither
personal hatred nor venom; in other words, to use his own expressions, he
“gives back to the public what it lent”4 him.
Underneath the literary man people often look for the man, with all his
passion, his likes and dislikes; hence the many “Keys” of the “Characters,”
published during the authorʼs lifetime and after his death, in which all kinds
of allusions were attempted, and all sorts of hypothetical explanations
ventured on.
Of the concocters of the “Keys” La Bruyère speaks as follows:
“They make it their business, if possible, to discover to which of their
friends or enemies these portraits can apply; they neglect everything that
seems like a sound remark or a serious reflection, though almost the whole
book consists of them; they dwell upon nothing but the portraits or
characters, and after having explained them in their own way, and after they
imagine they have found out the originals, they publish to the world long
lists, or, as they call them, ‘Keys,’ but which are indeed ‘false keys,’ and as
useless to them as they are injurious to the persons whose names are
deciphered, and to the writer who is the cause of it, though an involuntary
one.”5
And yet some of these “Keys” have been of great use to modern
commentators, and served to elucidate several traits in the “Characters”
which otherwise would not have been discovered.
It would be ridiculous to deny that La Bruyère never had any particular
personage in view in delineating a certain character, but, as he himself says:
“If I might be allowed to be a little vain, I should be apt to believe that my
“Characters” have pretty well portrayed men in general, since they resemble
Page 12
so many in particular; and since every one thinks he finds there his
neighbour or his countryman. I did indeed paint after the life, but did not
always mean to paint, in my book of “Characters,” one individual or
another. I did not hire myself out to the public to draw only such portraits as
should be true and like the originals, for fear that sometimes they would be
thought incredible, and appear feigned or imaginary ones. Becoming yet
more difficult I went farther, and took one lineament from one person and
one from another, and from these several lineaments, which might be found
in one and the same person, I drew some likely portraits, studying not so
much to please the reader by describing the characters of certain people, or,
as the malcontents would say, by satirising them, as to lay before him what
faults he ought to avoid, and what examples to follow.”6
Our author, therefore, did not wish to depict individuals, but men in
general; for man is the same in all seasons and at all times, and is swayed
by the same motives and passions, though they exercise a different
influence in various ages, produce different results amongst many races,
and do not even act in precisely the same manner in divers centuries,
climates, and under heterogeneous circumstances. He had no intention of
presenting a series of historical events,7 but of depicting Frenchmen at the
end of the seventeenth century as they lived, breathed, and moved; not
animated by violent likes and dislikes, as those of the Ligue or the Fronde
were, nor filled by the importance of their own overweening individualities.
When we read him, we behold in our mindʼs eye the subdued subjects of
Louis XIV., slavishly obeying the “Roi Soleil,” admitting the King can do
no wrong, becoming devout to please His Majesty and Madame de
Maintenon, inaugurating the reign of courtly hypocrisy, embracing the
principle of one religion in one state, and seeing the royal sun gradually
decline, and the star of William III. in its ascendancy.
The notes of the present edition are necessary, I imagine, to assist in
illustrating the life of a past age, for “no usages or customs are perennial,
but they vary with the times.... Nothing can be more opposed to our
manners than all these things; but the distance of time makes us relish
them.” The “Characters” themselves, as well as the notes, represent a
“history of ... times,” when the usual custom was “the selling of offices; that
is to say, the power of protecting innocence, punishing guilt, and doing
justice to the world, bought with ready money like a farm.” They will also
make my readers acquainted with “a great city,” which at the end of the
neighbour or his countryman. I did indeed paint after the life, but did not
always mean to paint, in my book of “Characters,” one individual or
another. I did not hire myself out to the public to draw only such portraits as
should be true and like the originals, for fear that sometimes they would be
thought incredible, and appear feigned or imaginary ones. Becoming yet
more difficult I went farther, and took one lineament from one person and
one from another, and from these several lineaments, which might be found
in one and the same person, I drew some likely portraits, studying not so
much to please the reader by describing the characters of certain people, or,
as the malcontents would say, by satirising them, as to lay before him what
faults he ought to avoid, and what examples to follow.”6
Our author, therefore, did not wish to depict individuals, but men in
general; for man is the same in all seasons and at all times, and is swayed
by the same motives and passions, though they exercise a different
influence in various ages, produce different results amongst many races,
and do not even act in precisely the same manner in divers centuries,
climates, and under heterogeneous circumstances. He had no intention of
presenting a series of historical events,7 but of depicting Frenchmen at the
end of the seventeenth century as they lived, breathed, and moved; not
animated by violent likes and dislikes, as those of the Ligue or the Fronde
were, nor filled by the importance of their own overweening individualities.
When we read him, we behold in our mindʼs eye the subdued subjects of
Louis XIV., slavishly obeying the “Roi Soleil,” admitting the King can do
no wrong, becoming devout to please His Majesty and Madame de
Maintenon, inaugurating the reign of courtly hypocrisy, embracing the
principle of one religion in one state, and seeing the royal sun gradually
decline, and the star of William III. in its ascendancy.
The notes of the present edition are necessary, I imagine, to assist in
illustrating the life of a past age, for “no usages or customs are perennial,
but they vary with the times.... Nothing can be more opposed to our
manners than all these things; but the distance of time makes us relish
them.” The “Characters” themselves, as well as the notes, represent a
“history of ... times,” when the usual custom was “the selling of offices; that
is to say, the power of protecting innocence, punishing guilt, and doing
justice to the world, bought with ready money like a farm.” They will also
make my readers acquainted with “a great city,” which at the end of the
Page 13
seventeenth century was “without any public places, baths, fountains,
amphitheatres, galleries, porticoes, or public walks, and this the capital of a
powerful kingdom; they will be told of persons whose whole life was spent
in going from one house to another; of decent women who kept neither
shops nor inns, yet had their houses open for those who would pay for their
admission,8 and where they could choose between dice, cards, and other
games, where feasting was going on, and which were very convenient for
all kinds of intercourse. They will be informed that people crowded the
street only to be thought in a hurry; that there was no conversation nor
cordiality, but that they were confused, and, as it were, alarmed by the rattle
of coaches which they had to avoid, and which drove through the streets as
if for a prize at some race. People will learn, without being greatly
astonished, that in times of public peace and tranquillity, the inhabitants
went to church and visited ladies and their friends, whilst wearing offensive
weapons; and that there was hardly any one who did not have dangling at
his side wherewith to kill another person with one thrust.”9
La Bruyère, though a shrewd observer, has the daring of an innovator,
but always remains very guarded in his language. When now and then his
feelings get the better of him, he expresses his opinions like a man, and
attacks the vices of his age with a boldness which none of his
contemporaries has surpassed. Nearly the whole of his chapter “Of the Gifts
of Fortune” is an attack on the financiers; in the chapter “Of the Great,” he
certainly does not flatter the courtiers, whilst he himself never pretends to
be anything else but “a plebeian,”10 and almost always sides with his own
class. If he flatters the king, it is because he thinks him necessary to the
state, and, perhaps, also because he wishes to have a defender against the
many enemies his book had raised up. He was, moreover, very cautious,
and in the endless alterations he made in the various editions of the
“Characters,”11 published during his lifetime, he but seldom envenomed the
barb he had shot, or boasted of it if he did so.12 Though he touched on all
the passions of men, he did not set one class against another, a task which
was left to the so-called philosophical authors of the eighteenth century.
The style of La Bruyère has been praised by competent judges for its
conciseness and picturesqueness; he always employs the right word in the
right place, is correct in his expressions, varied in his thoughts, highly
imaginative, and, therefore, maybe called a perfect literary artist.13 A few
amphitheatres, galleries, porticoes, or public walks, and this the capital of a
powerful kingdom; they will be told of persons whose whole life was spent
in going from one house to another; of decent women who kept neither
shops nor inns, yet had their houses open for those who would pay for their
admission,8 and where they could choose between dice, cards, and other
games, where feasting was going on, and which were very convenient for
all kinds of intercourse. They will be informed that people crowded the
street only to be thought in a hurry; that there was no conversation nor
cordiality, but that they were confused, and, as it were, alarmed by the rattle
of coaches which they had to avoid, and which drove through the streets as
if for a prize at some race. People will learn, without being greatly
astonished, that in times of public peace and tranquillity, the inhabitants
went to church and visited ladies and their friends, whilst wearing offensive
weapons; and that there was hardly any one who did not have dangling at
his side wherewith to kill another person with one thrust.”9
La Bruyère, though a shrewd observer, has the daring of an innovator,
but always remains very guarded in his language. When now and then his
feelings get the better of him, he expresses his opinions like a man, and
attacks the vices of his age with a boldness which none of his
contemporaries has surpassed. Nearly the whole of his chapter “Of the Gifts
of Fortune” is an attack on the financiers; in the chapter “Of the Great,” he
certainly does not flatter the courtiers, whilst he himself never pretends to
be anything else but “a plebeian,”10 and almost always sides with his own
class. If he flatters the king, it is because he thinks him necessary to the
state, and, perhaps, also because he wishes to have a defender against the
many enemies his book had raised up. He was, moreover, very cautious,
and in the endless alterations he made in the various editions of the
“Characters,”11 published during his lifetime, he but seldom envenomed the
barb he had shot, or boasted of it if he did so.12 Though he touched on all
the passions of men, he did not set one class against another, a task which
was left to the so-called philosophical authors of the eighteenth century.
The style of La Bruyère has been praised by competent judges for its
conciseness and picturesqueness; he always employs the right word in the
right place, is correct in his expressions, varied in his thoughts, highly
imaginative, and, therefore, maybe called a perfect literary artist.13 A few
Page 14
words and expressions, which I have noticed, have become antiquated, or
have changed their meaning, but the “Characters” will still, I think, be read
for many ages, be found very entertaining, and, what cannot be said of the
works of every classical French author, will be better liked the more they
are read. If sometimes one of the characters is portrayed with too many
details, it is because it is taken not from one man, but composed of a series
of shrewd and clever observations made on different personages; and hence
our author calls them “Characters,” and not “portraits.”
Since La Bruyèreʼs death many editions of the “Characters” have
appeared; I have collated and compared the best of them, amongst which
those edited by Mons. G. Servois and Mons. A. Chassang have laid me
under great obligations. I am indebted to these two editions for many of the
notes, and for a few to those of MM. Destailleur and Hémardinquer.
Several imitations of the “Characters” have also been published,
amongst others a Petit la Bruyère, ou Caractères et mœurs des enfants de ce
siècle, and a Le la Bruyère des domestiques, précédé de considérations sur
Pétat de domesticité en général, both by that voluminous author, Madame
de Genlis, a Le la Bruyère des jeunes gens, and a similar work for jeunes
demoiselles, which attract the attention by the oddity of their titles.
La Bruyèreʼs “Characters” have also been translated several times into
English.
1. A translation seems to have been published in London as early as
1698.14
2. The “Characters of Theophrastus,” translated from M. Bruyèreʼs
French version by Eustace Budgell, Esq., London, 1699; and another
edition of the same work published in 1702.15
3. The “Characters of Theophrastus,” together with the Characters of the
Age, by La Bruyère, with a prefatory discourse and key: London, 1700.16
4. The “Characters, or the Manners of the Age,” by Monsieur de la
Bruyère of the French Academy, made English by several hands, with the
“Characters of Theophrastus,” translated from the Greek, and a prefatory
discourse to them, by Monsieur de la Bruyère, the third edition, corrected
throughout, and enlarged, with the Key inserted in the margin: London,
Leach, 1702.
5. The Works of Monsieur de la Bruyère, containing: I. The Moral
Characters of Theophrastus; II. The Characters, or the Manners of the
Present Age; III. M. Bruyèreʼs Speech upon his Admission into the French
have changed their meaning, but the “Characters” will still, I think, be read
for many ages, be found very entertaining, and, what cannot be said of the
works of every classical French author, will be better liked the more they
are read. If sometimes one of the characters is portrayed with too many
details, it is because it is taken not from one man, but composed of a series
of shrewd and clever observations made on different personages; and hence
our author calls them “Characters,” and not “portraits.”
Since La Bruyèreʼs death many editions of the “Characters” have
appeared; I have collated and compared the best of them, amongst which
those edited by Mons. G. Servois and Mons. A. Chassang have laid me
under great obligations. I am indebted to these two editions for many of the
notes, and for a few to those of MM. Destailleur and Hémardinquer.
Several imitations of the “Characters” have also been published,
amongst others a Petit la Bruyère, ou Caractères et mœurs des enfants de ce
siècle, and a Le la Bruyère des domestiques, précédé de considérations sur
Pétat de domesticité en général, both by that voluminous author, Madame
de Genlis, a Le la Bruyère des jeunes gens, and a similar work for jeunes
demoiselles, which attract the attention by the oddity of their titles.
La Bruyèreʼs “Characters” have also been translated several times into
English.
1. A translation seems to have been published in London as early as
1698.14
2. The “Characters of Theophrastus,” translated from M. Bruyèreʼs
French version by Eustace Budgell, Esq., London, 1699; and another
edition of the same work published in 1702.15
3. The “Characters of Theophrastus,” together with the Characters of the
Age, by La Bruyère, with a prefatory discourse and key: London, 1700.16
4. The “Characters, or the Manners of the Age,” by Monsieur de la
Bruyère of the French Academy, made English by several hands, with the
“Characters of Theophrastus,” translated from the Greek, and a prefatory
discourse to them, by Monsieur de la Bruyère, the third edition, corrected
throughout, and enlarged, with the Key inserted in the margin: London,
Leach, 1702.
5. The Works of Monsieur de la Bruyère, containing: I. The Moral
Characters of Theophrastus; II. The Characters, or the Manners of the
Present Age; III. M. Bruyèreʼs Speech upon his Admission into the French
Page 15
Academy; IV. An Account of the Life and Writings of M. Bruyère, by
Monsieur Coste, with an original Chapter of the Manner of Living with
Great Men, written after the method of M. Bruyère, by N. Rowe, Esq. This
translation seems to have been very successful, for the sixth edition, the
only one I have seen, was published in two volumes in 1713: London, E.
Curll.
6. The Moral Characters of Theophrastus, by H. Gaily: London, 1725.
7. The Works of M. de la Bruyère, in two volumes, to which is added
the Characters of Theophrastus, also The Manner of Living with Great
Men, written after the manner of Bruyère, by N. Rowe, Esq.: London, J.
Bell, 1776.
I have consulted the edition mentioned in No. 2, and printed in 1702, in
which the attacks of La Bruyère on William III. in the Chapter “Of
Opinions,” §§ 118 and 119, are omitted; the sixth edition of the
“Characters,” given in No. 5, and published in 1713; and the edition
referred to in No. 7.
In the “Advertisement concerning the new edition” of 1713, printed
with the “Characters,” it is stated, “We procured the last English edition to
be compared verbatim with the last Paris edition (which is the ninth), and ...
all the Supplemental Reflections ... we got translated, and added to this
present edition; and that it might be as complete as possible, we have not
scrupled to translate even those parts which at first sight may perhaps
disoblige some who have a just veneration for the memory of our Glorious
Deliverer, the late King William.” La Bruyèreʼs speech upon his admission
into the French Academy was in this edition “made English by M. Ozell.”
In the edition of 1776, the “parts” reflecting on William III. are again
omitted. It greatly differs from the one of 1713, and is dedicated to the
Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Lincoln, Auditor of the Exchequer, Knight
of the most noble order of the Garter, &c. &c.
Many faults may be found in the old translations, but I have
endeavoured to amend them; and I never scrupled to adopt any expressions,
turn of thought, or even page of any or every translation of my
predecessors, whenever I found I could not improve upon them.
Translations of the “Characters” have appeared in several other
languages; four of these were published in German, the last one printed in
1872, whilst already the final chapter of La Bruyèreʼs book “Of
Freethinkers” had come out in a German dress in 1739; moreover, La
Monsieur Coste, with an original Chapter of the Manner of Living with
Great Men, written after the method of M. Bruyère, by N. Rowe, Esq. This
translation seems to have been very successful, for the sixth edition, the
only one I have seen, was published in two volumes in 1713: London, E.
Curll.
6. The Moral Characters of Theophrastus, by H. Gaily: London, 1725.
7. The Works of M. de la Bruyère, in two volumes, to which is added
the Characters of Theophrastus, also The Manner of Living with Great
Men, written after the manner of Bruyère, by N. Rowe, Esq.: London, J.
Bell, 1776.
I have consulted the edition mentioned in No. 2, and printed in 1702, in
which the attacks of La Bruyère on William III. in the Chapter “Of
Opinions,” §§ 118 and 119, are omitted; the sixth edition of the
“Characters,” given in No. 5, and published in 1713; and the edition
referred to in No. 7.
In the “Advertisement concerning the new edition” of 1713, printed
with the “Characters,” it is stated, “We procured the last English edition to
be compared verbatim with the last Paris edition (which is the ninth), and ...
all the Supplemental Reflections ... we got translated, and added to this
present edition; and that it might be as complete as possible, we have not
scrupled to translate even those parts which at first sight may perhaps
disoblige some who have a just veneration for the memory of our Glorious
Deliverer, the late King William.” La Bruyèreʼs speech upon his admission
into the French Academy was in this edition “made English by M. Ozell.”
In the edition of 1776, the “parts” reflecting on William III. are again
omitted. It greatly differs from the one of 1713, and is dedicated to the
Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Lincoln, Auditor of the Exchequer, Knight
of the most noble order of the Garter, &c. &c.
Many faults may be found in the old translations, but I have
endeavoured to amend them; and I never scrupled to adopt any expressions,
turn of thought, or even page of any or every translation of my
predecessors, whenever I found I could not improve upon them.
Translations of the “Characters” have appeared in several other
languages; four of these were published in German, the last one printed in
1872, whilst already the final chapter of La Bruyèreʼs book “Of
Freethinkers” had come out in a German dress in 1739; moreover, La
Page 16
Bruyèreʼs book has been translated twice into Italian, once into Spanish,
and once into Russian.
The imitations of the “Characters” into English are—
1. “The English Theophrastus, or the Manners of the Age, being the
modern Characters of the Court, the Town, and the City,” by Boyer:
London, 1692 and 1702.
2. The Chapter “Of the Manner of Living with Great Men,” written after
the method of M. Bruyère, by N. Rowe, mentioned already.
3. Imitations of the Characters of Theophrastus: London, 1774.
I imagine that the author of the “English Theophrastus” was M. Abel
Boyer, the compiler of the well-known dictionary, born at Castres in 1664,
who fled to England at the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and died at
Chelsea in 1729.
The direct influence of La Bruyèreʼs writings on English literature is not
easily to be traced. Swift may, possibly, have studied him, though he never
mentions him,17 and so may, perhaps, Anthony Cooper, third earl of
Shaftesbury,18 “who spoke French so fluently, and with so perfect an
accent, that in France he was often mistaken for a native.”19 I venture to
think that Addison and Steele were also acquainted with our Frenchman;20
but the English author who in expression, turn of thought, art of delineating
character, and in his mixture of seriousness and familiarity, is most like him,
is a doctor of divinity, R. South, Prebendary of Westminster, and Canon of
Christ Church, and yet he wrote before La Bruyère, and therefore cannot
have imitated him.21
I am not aware La Bruyère knew English, though his successor at the
French Academy states that he spoke several foreign languages;22 he was
well acquainted with German, Italian, and I think also Spanish; nor do I
know if any of Dr. Southʼs sermons were published separately before La
Bruyère wrote, and if he, therefore, could have seen them. I should imagine
he never read any of them.
Six portraits, which adorn these volumes, have been specially etched for
this edition by M. B. Damman, whilst the portrait of La Bruyère, and the
vignettes at the head of each chapter, have been drawn and etched by M. V.
Foulquier.
In the biographical memoir of La Bruyère, I have only stated what is
known of him, which is very little.
and once into Russian.
The imitations of the “Characters” into English are—
1. “The English Theophrastus, or the Manners of the Age, being the
modern Characters of the Court, the Town, and the City,” by Boyer:
London, 1692 and 1702.
2. The Chapter “Of the Manner of Living with Great Men,” written after
the method of M. Bruyère, by N. Rowe, mentioned already.
3. Imitations of the Characters of Theophrastus: London, 1774.
I imagine that the author of the “English Theophrastus” was M. Abel
Boyer, the compiler of the well-known dictionary, born at Castres in 1664,
who fled to England at the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and died at
Chelsea in 1729.
The direct influence of La Bruyèreʼs writings on English literature is not
easily to be traced. Swift may, possibly, have studied him, though he never
mentions him,17 and so may, perhaps, Anthony Cooper, third earl of
Shaftesbury,18 “who spoke French so fluently, and with so perfect an
accent, that in France he was often mistaken for a native.”19 I venture to
think that Addison and Steele were also acquainted with our Frenchman;20
but the English author who in expression, turn of thought, art of delineating
character, and in his mixture of seriousness and familiarity, is most like him,
is a doctor of divinity, R. South, Prebendary of Westminster, and Canon of
Christ Church, and yet he wrote before La Bruyère, and therefore cannot
have imitated him.21
I am not aware La Bruyère knew English, though his successor at the
French Academy states that he spoke several foreign languages;22 he was
well acquainted with German, Italian, and I think also Spanish; nor do I
know if any of Dr. Southʼs sermons were published separately before La
Bruyère wrote, and if he, therefore, could have seen them. I should imagine
he never read any of them.
Six portraits, which adorn these volumes, have been specially etched for
this edition by M. B. Damman, whilst the portrait of La Bruyère, and the
vignettes at the head of each chapter, have been drawn and etched by M. V.
Foulquier.
In the biographical memoir of La Bruyère, I have only stated what is
known of him, which is very little.
Page 17
HENRI VAN LAUN.
Page 18
A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE.
OR a long time it has generally been taken for granted that our
author first saw the light at Dourdan, a small town in the
department of Seine-et-Oise, but it has only lately been
discovered that he was born in Paris in the month of August
1645. His father, Louis de la Bruyère, was contrôleur des rentes de la ville,
a sort of town-tax collector, whilst his mother, Elizabeth Hamonin,
belonged to a respectable family of Parisian burgesses. His grandfather and
great-grandfather on the fatherʼs side, declared partisans of the Ligue, were
both exiled from France when Henri IV. came to the throne. Perhaps,
therefore, the feelings our author entertained for the people may be
explained by atavism. A younger brother of his father and our authorʼs
godfather, a very wealthy man, and most likely a money-lender, as well as
interested in the farming of certain taxes, seems to have produced no
favourable impression on his god-son, for the latter always attacks the
farmers of the revenue.
Jean de la Bruyère was educated at the Oratorians in Paris, and two
years before his father died, in the month of June 1664, took his degree of
licentiate at law at the University of Orléans. He became an advocate, but in
1673, when twenty-eight years old, he forsook the bar, and bought for about
24,000 livres the post of trésorier des finances in the Caen district, in
Normandy. There were fifteen trésoriers at Caen, of whom only some were
obliged to reside there, but all became ennobled by virtue of their office,
and received as non-residents a yearly salary of about 2500 livres. La
Bruyère had bought this treasurership of a certain Joseph Metezeau, said to
have been a relative by marriage of Bossuet, but this is not at all proved;
and in 1686, about two years before he was going to publish the
“Characters,” and when already he had been for some time one of the
OF
JEAN DE LA BRUYÈRE.
OR a long time it has generally been taken for granted that our
author first saw the light at Dourdan, a small town in the
department of Seine-et-Oise, but it has only lately been
discovered that he was born in Paris in the month of August
1645. His father, Louis de la Bruyère, was contrôleur des rentes de la ville,
a sort of town-tax collector, whilst his mother, Elizabeth Hamonin,
belonged to a respectable family of Parisian burgesses. His grandfather and
great-grandfather on the fatherʼs side, declared partisans of the Ligue, were
both exiled from France when Henri IV. came to the throne. Perhaps,
therefore, the feelings our author entertained for the people may be
explained by atavism. A younger brother of his father and our authorʼs
godfather, a very wealthy man, and most likely a money-lender, as well as
interested in the farming of certain taxes, seems to have produced no
favourable impression on his god-son, for the latter always attacks the
farmers of the revenue.
Jean de la Bruyère was educated at the Oratorians in Paris, and two
years before his father died, in the month of June 1664, took his degree of
licentiate at law at the University of Orléans. He became an advocate, but in
1673, when twenty-eight years old, he forsook the bar, and bought for about
24,000 livres the post of trésorier des finances in the Caen district, in
Normandy. There were fifteen trésoriers at Caen, of whom only some were
obliged to reside there, but all became ennobled by virtue of their office,
and received as non-residents a yearly salary of about 2500 livres. La
Bruyère had bought this treasurership of a certain Joseph Metezeau, said to
have been a relative by marriage of Bossuet, but this is not at all proved;
and in 1686, about two years before he was going to publish the
“Characters,” and when already he had been for some time one of the
Page 19
teachers of the Duke de Bourbon, a grandson of the Prince Louis de Condé,
he sold again his post for 18,000 livres to Charles-François de la Bonde,
Seigneur dʼIberville.
On the recommendation of Bossuet, La Bruyère, in 1684, had been
appointed teacher of history to the Duke de Bourbon; and remained with the
Condés for twelve years, until the day of his death. He instructed his pupil
not only in history, but also in geography, literature, and philosophy; yet his
lessons appear to have produced no great impression, and moreover, they
did not last very long, for the youthful duke married in 1685 a daughter of
Madame de Montespan and Louis XIV.,23 and La Bruyère received then the
appointment of écuyer gentilhomme to Henri Jules, Duke of Bourbon, the
father of his former pupil.
Why La Bruyère ever accepted the post of teacher, and afterwards of
“gentleman in waiting,” cannot be elucidated at the present time; he may
have suffered reverses of fortune, which compelled him to gain a
livelihood, but in any case he made the best use of his residence with a
noble family, by studying the personages whose vices and ridicules he so
admirably portrayed. Living with the Condés at their hotel at Paris, at their
country seats at Chantilly and Saint Maur, or when they were visiting the
Court, at Versailles, Marly, Fontainebleau, or Chambord, amidst the noble
and high-born of the land, without being considered one of them, he had the
best opportunity of penetrating the characters of those men who strutted
about in gaudy trappings, and lorded it over the common herd, whilst
soliciting offices or dignities; and for observing that these men were neither
superior in feelings nor intellect to the “common people.”24
All his reflections and observations he arranged under a certain number
of headings, called the whole of them “Characters,” and read some passages
to a few of his friends, who seem not to have been greatly smitten by them.
But this did not discourage La Bruyère; he translated into French the
“Characters” of Theophrastus, a Greek philosopher of the peripatetic
school, the successor of Aristotle as the head of the Academy, who seems to
have lived until about the year 285 B.C., wrote a prefatory discourse to
them, in which he displayed more satirical power than in any of his other
works,25 and resolved to publish his translation, and to print as a kind of
appendix his own “Characters” at the end of it. One day,26 whilst La
Bruyère was sitting in the shop of a certain bookseller, named Michallet,
which he visited almost daily, and was playing with the shopkeeperʼs little
he sold again his post for 18,000 livres to Charles-François de la Bonde,
Seigneur dʼIberville.
On the recommendation of Bossuet, La Bruyère, in 1684, had been
appointed teacher of history to the Duke de Bourbon; and remained with the
Condés for twelve years, until the day of his death. He instructed his pupil
not only in history, but also in geography, literature, and philosophy; yet his
lessons appear to have produced no great impression, and moreover, they
did not last very long, for the youthful duke married in 1685 a daughter of
Madame de Montespan and Louis XIV.,23 and La Bruyère received then the
appointment of écuyer gentilhomme to Henri Jules, Duke of Bourbon, the
father of his former pupil.
Why La Bruyère ever accepted the post of teacher, and afterwards of
“gentleman in waiting,” cannot be elucidated at the present time; he may
have suffered reverses of fortune, which compelled him to gain a
livelihood, but in any case he made the best use of his residence with a
noble family, by studying the personages whose vices and ridicules he so
admirably portrayed. Living with the Condés at their hotel at Paris, at their
country seats at Chantilly and Saint Maur, or when they were visiting the
Court, at Versailles, Marly, Fontainebleau, or Chambord, amidst the noble
and high-born of the land, without being considered one of them, he had the
best opportunity of penetrating the characters of those men who strutted
about in gaudy trappings, and lorded it over the common herd, whilst
soliciting offices or dignities; and for observing that these men were neither
superior in feelings nor intellect to the “common people.”24
All his reflections and observations he arranged under a certain number
of headings, called the whole of them “Characters,” and read some passages
to a few of his friends, who seem not to have been greatly smitten by them.
But this did not discourage La Bruyère; he translated into French the
“Characters” of Theophrastus, a Greek philosopher of the peripatetic
school, the successor of Aristotle as the head of the Academy, who seems to
have lived until about the year 285 B.C., wrote a prefatory discourse to
them, in which he displayed more satirical power than in any of his other
works,25 and resolved to publish his translation, and to print as a kind of
appendix his own “Characters” at the end of it. One day,26 whilst La
Bruyère was sitting in the shop of a certain bookseller, named Michallet,
which he visited almost daily, and was playing with the shopkeeperʼs little
Page 20
daughter, he took the manuscript of the “Characters” out of his pocket, and
told Michallet he might print it if he liked, and keep the profits, if there
were any, as a dowry for his child. The bookseller hesitated for some time,
but finally published it, and the sale of it was so large that he brought out
one edition after another as quick as he could.
It is certain that the publication of the “Characters” in 1688 made its
author many enemies, but he calmly pursued the even tenor of his way, and
increased the number of his paragraphs during the remaining portion of his
life.27
In 1691 he endeavoured to be elected a member of the French Academy,
and to become the successor of Benserade,28 but failed, thanks to the
number of his enemies, amongst whom probably Fontenelle and Thomas
Corneille, the nephew and brother of the great poet Pierre Corneille, were
the most active; yet in 1693 he was elected without having made the usual
visits to the Academicians to solicit their votes,29 though his friends,
Racine, Boileau, the secretary of state, de Pontchartrain,30 and others, used
all their influence to ensure his nomination.
The speech he delivered at his reception seems not to have given
general satisfaction, for La Bruyère defended the partisans of the classical
and attacked those of the modern school, proclaimed Boileau a judicious
critic, and hardly admitted Corneille to be the equal of Racine. This speech,
preceded by a very satirical preface,31 in which he ridiculed his enemies
under the name of “Theobalds,” was published with the eighth edition of
the “Characters.”
But if he had bitter enemies he had also warm friends, amongst whom,
besides the illustrious men I have already named, must be reckoned:
Phélypeaux, the son of de Pontchartrain; the Marquis de Termes; Bossuet,
and his nephew the Abbé Bossuet; Fénelon; de Malesieu; Renaudot; de
Valincourt; Regnier-Desmarais; La Loubère, and Bouhier, nearly all present
or future members of the French Academy; the poet Santeuil, and the
historian Caton de Court.
We hardly know anything for certain of the character of La Bruyère
except by the glimpses we get now and then in his book, or by what is told
of him in some of the letters and writings of his friends and enemies. He
was unmarried, and seems to have been a man of a modest disposition, fond
of his books and his friends, polite in his manners, and willing to oblige. I
told Michallet he might print it if he liked, and keep the profits, if there
were any, as a dowry for his child. The bookseller hesitated for some time,
but finally published it, and the sale of it was so large that he brought out
one edition after another as quick as he could.
It is certain that the publication of the “Characters” in 1688 made its
author many enemies, but he calmly pursued the even tenor of his way, and
increased the number of his paragraphs during the remaining portion of his
life.27
In 1691 he endeavoured to be elected a member of the French Academy,
and to become the successor of Benserade,28 but failed, thanks to the
number of his enemies, amongst whom probably Fontenelle and Thomas
Corneille, the nephew and brother of the great poet Pierre Corneille, were
the most active; yet in 1693 he was elected without having made the usual
visits to the Academicians to solicit their votes,29 though his friends,
Racine, Boileau, the secretary of state, de Pontchartrain,30 and others, used
all their influence to ensure his nomination.
The speech he delivered at his reception seems not to have given
general satisfaction, for La Bruyère defended the partisans of the classical
and attacked those of the modern school, proclaimed Boileau a judicious
critic, and hardly admitted Corneille to be the equal of Racine. This speech,
preceded by a very satirical preface,31 in which he ridiculed his enemies
under the name of “Theobalds,” was published with the eighth edition of
the “Characters.”
But if he had bitter enemies he had also warm friends, amongst whom,
besides the illustrious men I have already named, must be reckoned:
Phélypeaux, the son of de Pontchartrain; the Marquis de Termes; Bossuet,
and his nephew the Abbé Bossuet; Fénelon; de Malesieu; Renaudot; de
Valincourt; Regnier-Desmarais; La Loubère, and Bouhier, nearly all present
or future members of the French Academy; the poet Santeuil, and the
historian Caton de Court.
We hardly know anything for certain of the character of La Bruyère
except by the glimpses we get now and then in his book, or by what is told
of him in some of the letters and writings of his friends and enemies. He
was unmarried, and seems to have been a man of a modest disposition, fond
of his books and his friends, polite in his manners, and willing to oblige. I
Page 21
imagine he must have felt it sometimes hard to be dependent on so
fantastic, suspicious, half-demented a man as was the father of his former
pupil, above all, after the death of the great Condé, which took place on the
8th of December 1686,32 and also to have disliked being made now and
then the butt of courtiers33 his mental inferiors, but aristocratic superiors;
hence he was often silent for fear of being laughed at.34
He was scarcely fifty when, according to some reports, he became
suddenly deaf; a few days afterwards, during the night of the 10th of May
1696, he died of an attack of apoplexy at the hotel of the Condés at
Versailles.
In 1699 were published some Dialogues sur le Quiétisme, attributed to
La Bruyère; but as the editor, the Abbé du Pin, admitted he had partly
altered them, as well as added some of his own, it is difficult to judge what
was the original share of our author in their composition.
Only twenty-one authenticated letters of La Bruyère are in existence, of
which seventeen are in the collection of the Duke dʼAumale, at
Twickenham.
fantastic, suspicious, half-demented a man as was the father of his former
pupil, above all, after the death of the great Condé, which took place on the
8th of December 1686,32 and also to have disliked being made now and
then the butt of courtiers33 his mental inferiors, but aristocratic superiors;
hence he was often silent for fear of being laughed at.34
He was scarcely fifty when, according to some reports, he became
suddenly deaf; a few days afterwards, during the night of the 10th of May
1696, he died of an attack of apoplexy at the hotel of the Condés at
Versailles.
In 1699 were published some Dialogues sur le Quiétisme, attributed to
La Bruyère; but as the editor, the Abbé du Pin, admitted he had partly
altered them, as well as added some of his own, it is difficult to judge what
was the original share of our author in their composition.
Only twenty-one authenticated letters of La Bruyère are in existence, of
which seventeen are in the collection of the Duke dʼAumale, at
Twickenham.
Page 22
PREFACE.
“Admonere voluimus, non mordere; prodesse, non lædere;
consulere moribus hominum, non officere.”35
T HE subject-matter of this work being borrowed from the public, I now
give back to it what it lent me; it is but right that having finished the
whole work throughout with the utmost regard to truth I am capable
of, and which it deserves from me, I should make restitution of it. The
world may view at leisure its picture drawn from life, and may correct any
of the faults I have touched upon, if conscious of them. This is the only goal
a man ought to propose to himself in writing, though he must not in the
least expect to be successful; however, as long as men are not disgusted
with vice we should also never tire of admonishing them; they would
perhaps grow worse were it not for censure or reproof, and hence the need
of preaching and writing. Neither orators nor authors can conceal the joy
they feel on being applauded, whereas they ought to blush if they aim at
nothing more than praise in their speeches or writings; besides, the surest
and least doubtful approbation is a change and regeneration in the morals of
their readers and hearers. We should neither write nor speak but to instruct;
“Admonere voluimus, non mordere; prodesse, non lædere;
consulere moribus hominum, non officere.”35
T HE subject-matter of this work being borrowed from the public, I now
give back to it what it lent me; it is but right that having finished the
whole work throughout with the utmost regard to truth I am capable
of, and which it deserves from me, I should make restitution of it. The
world may view at leisure its picture drawn from life, and may correct any
of the faults I have touched upon, if conscious of them. This is the only goal
a man ought to propose to himself in writing, though he must not in the
least expect to be successful; however, as long as men are not disgusted
with vice we should also never tire of admonishing them; they would
perhaps grow worse were it not for censure or reproof, and hence the need
of preaching and writing. Neither orators nor authors can conceal the joy
they feel on being applauded, whereas they ought to blush if they aim at
nothing more than praise in their speeches or writings; besides, the surest
and least doubtful approbation is a change and regeneration in the morals of
their readers and hearers. We should neither write nor speak but to instruct;
Page 23
yet, if we happen to please, we should not be sorry for it, since by those
means we render those instructive truths more palatable and acceptable.
When, therefore, any thoughts or reflections have slipped into a book which
are neither so spirited, well written, nor vivid as others, though they seem to
have been inserted for the sake of variety, as a relaxation to the mind, or to
draw its attention to what is to follow, the reader should reject and the
author delete them, unless they are attractive, familiar, instructive, and
adapted to the capacity of ordinary people, whom we must by no means
neglect.
This is one way of settling things; there is another which my own
interest trusts may be adopted; and that is, not to lose sight of my title, and
always to bear in mind, as often as this book is read, that I describe “The
Characters or Manners of the Age;” for though I frequently take them from
the court of France and from men of my own nation, yet they cannot be
confined to any one court or country, without greatly impairing the compass
and utility of my book, and departing from the design of the work, which is
to paint mankind in general, as well as from the reasons for the order of my
chapters, and even from a certain gradual connection between the
reflections in each of those chapters. After this so necessary precaution, the
consequences of which are obvious enough, I think I may protest against all
resentment, complaint, malicious interpretation, false application and
censure, against insipid railers and cantankerous readers. People ought to
know how to read and then hold their tongues, unless able to relate what
they have read, and neither more nor less than what they have read, which
they sometimes can do; but this is not sufficient—they must also be willing
to do it. Without these conditions, which a careful and scrupulous author
has a right to demand from some people, as the sole reward of his labour, I
question whether he ought to continue writing, if at least he prefers his
private satisfaction to the public good and to his zeal for truth. I confess,
moreover, that since the year MDCLXXXX, and before publishing the fifth
edition, I was divided between an impatience to cast my book into a fuller
and better shape by adding new Characters, and a fear lest some people
should say: “Will there never be an end to these Characters, and shall we
never see anything else from this author?” On the one hand several persons
of sound common-sense told me: “The subject-matter is solid, useful,
pleasant, inexhaustible; may you live for a long time, and treat it without
interruption as long as you live! what can you do better? The follies of
means we render those instructive truths more palatable and acceptable.
When, therefore, any thoughts or reflections have slipped into a book which
are neither so spirited, well written, nor vivid as others, though they seem to
have been inserted for the sake of variety, as a relaxation to the mind, or to
draw its attention to what is to follow, the reader should reject and the
author delete them, unless they are attractive, familiar, instructive, and
adapted to the capacity of ordinary people, whom we must by no means
neglect.
This is one way of settling things; there is another which my own
interest trusts may be adopted; and that is, not to lose sight of my title, and
always to bear in mind, as often as this book is read, that I describe “The
Characters or Manners of the Age;” for though I frequently take them from
the court of France and from men of my own nation, yet they cannot be
confined to any one court or country, without greatly impairing the compass
and utility of my book, and departing from the design of the work, which is
to paint mankind in general, as well as from the reasons for the order of my
chapters, and even from a certain gradual connection between the
reflections in each of those chapters. After this so necessary precaution, the
consequences of which are obvious enough, I think I may protest against all
resentment, complaint, malicious interpretation, false application and
censure, against insipid railers and cantankerous readers. People ought to
know how to read and then hold their tongues, unless able to relate what
they have read, and neither more nor less than what they have read, which
they sometimes can do; but this is not sufficient—they must also be willing
to do it. Without these conditions, which a careful and scrupulous author
has a right to demand from some people, as the sole reward of his labour, I
question whether he ought to continue writing, if at least he prefers his
private satisfaction to the public good and to his zeal for truth. I confess,
moreover, that since the year MDCLXXXX, and before publishing the fifth
edition, I was divided between an impatience to cast my book into a fuller
and better shape by adding new Characters, and a fear lest some people
should say: “Will there never be an end to these Characters, and shall we
never see anything else from this author?” On the one hand several persons
of sound common-sense told me: “The subject-matter is solid, useful,
pleasant, inexhaustible; may you live for a long time, and treat it without
interruption as long as you live! what can you do better? The follies of
Page 24
mankind will ensure you a volume every year.” Others, again, with a good
deal of reason, made me dread the fickleness of the multitude and the
instability of the public, with whom, however, I have good cause to be
satisfied; they were always suggesting to me that for the last thirty years,
few persons read except for the pleasure of reading, and not to improve
themselves, and that, to amuse mankind, fresh chapters and a new title were
needed; that this sluggishness had filled the shops and crowded the world
with dull and tedious books, written in a bad style and without any
intelligence, order, or the least correctness, against all morality or decency,
written in a hurry, and read in the same way, and then only for the sake of
novelty; and that if I could do nothing else but enlarge a sensible book, it
would be much better for me to take a rest. I adopted something of both
those advices, though they were at variance with one another, and observed
an impartiality which clashed with neither. I did not hesitate to add some
fresh remarks to those which already had doubled the bulk of the first
edition of my book;36 but, in order not to oblige the public to read again
what had been printed before, to get at new material, and to let them
immediately find out what they only desired to read, I took care to
distinguish those second additions by a peculiar mark ((¶));37 I also thought
it would not be useless to distinguish the first augmentations by another and
simpler mark (¶), to show the progress of my “Characters,” as well as to
guide the reader in the choice he might be willing to make. And lest he be
afraid I should never have done with those additions, I added to all this care
a sincere promise to venture on nothing more of the kind. If any one
accuses me of breaking my word, because I inserted in the three last
editions38 a goodly number of new remarks, he may perceive at least that by
adding new ones to old, and by completely suppressing those differences
pointed out in the margin, I did not so much endeavour to entertain the
world with novelties, as perhaps to leave to posterity a book of morals more
complete, more finished, and more regular. To conclude, I did not wish to
write any maxims, for they are like moral laws, and I acknowledge that I
possess neither sufficient authority nor genius for a legislator. I also know I
have transgressed the ordinary standard of maxims, which, like oracles,
should be short and concise.39 Some of my remarks are so, others are more
diffuse; we do not always think of things in the same way, and we describe
them in as different a manner by a sentence, an argument, a metaphor, or
some other figure; by a parallel or a simple comparison; by a story, by a
deal of reason, made me dread the fickleness of the multitude and the
instability of the public, with whom, however, I have good cause to be
satisfied; they were always suggesting to me that for the last thirty years,
few persons read except for the pleasure of reading, and not to improve
themselves, and that, to amuse mankind, fresh chapters and a new title were
needed; that this sluggishness had filled the shops and crowded the world
with dull and tedious books, written in a bad style and without any
intelligence, order, or the least correctness, against all morality or decency,
written in a hurry, and read in the same way, and then only for the sake of
novelty; and that if I could do nothing else but enlarge a sensible book, it
would be much better for me to take a rest. I adopted something of both
those advices, though they were at variance with one another, and observed
an impartiality which clashed with neither. I did not hesitate to add some
fresh remarks to those which already had doubled the bulk of the first
edition of my book;36 but, in order not to oblige the public to read again
what had been printed before, to get at new material, and to let them
immediately find out what they only desired to read, I took care to
distinguish those second additions by a peculiar mark ((¶));37 I also thought
it would not be useless to distinguish the first augmentations by another and
simpler mark (¶), to show the progress of my “Characters,” as well as to
guide the reader in the choice he might be willing to make. And lest he be
afraid I should never have done with those additions, I added to all this care
a sincere promise to venture on nothing more of the kind. If any one
accuses me of breaking my word, because I inserted in the three last
editions38 a goodly number of new remarks, he may perceive at least that by
adding new ones to old, and by completely suppressing those differences
pointed out in the margin, I did not so much endeavour to entertain the
world with novelties, as perhaps to leave to posterity a book of morals more
complete, more finished, and more regular. To conclude, I did not wish to
write any maxims, for they are like moral laws, and I acknowledge that I
possess neither sufficient authority nor genius for a legislator. I also know I
have transgressed the ordinary standard of maxims, which, like oracles,
should be short and concise.39 Some of my remarks are so, others are more
diffuse; we do not always think of things in the same way, and we describe
them in as different a manner by a sentence, an argument, a metaphor, or
some other figure; by a parallel or a simple comparison; by a story, by a
Page 25
single feature, by a description, or a picture; which is the cause of the length
or brevity of my reflections. Finally, those who write maxims would be
thought infallible; I, on the contrary, allow any one to say that my remarks
are not always correct, provided he himself will make better ones.
or brevity of my reflections. Finally, those who write maxims would be
thought infallible; I, on the contrary, allow any one to say that my remarks
are not always correct, provided he himself will make better ones.
Page 26
I.
OF WORKS OF THE MIND.
(1.)
A FTER above seven thousand years,40 during which there have
been men who have thought we come too late to say anything that
has not been said already, the finest and most beautiful ideas on
morals and manners have been swept away before our times, and nothing is
left for us but to glean after the ancients and the ablest41 amongst the
moderns.
(2.) We should only endeavour to think and speak correctly ourselves,
without wishing to bring others over to our taste and opinions;42 this would
be too great an undertaking.
(3.) To make a book is as much a trade as to make a clock; something
more than intelligence is required to become an author. A certain magistrate
was going to be raised by his merit to the highest legal dignity; he was a
man of subtle mind and of experience, but must needs print a treatise of
morality, which was quickly bought up on account of its absurdity.43
(4.) It is not so easy to obtain a reputation by a perfect work as to
enhance the value of an indifferent one by a reputation already acquired.
OF WORKS OF THE MIND.
(1.)
A FTER above seven thousand years,40 during which there have
been men who have thought we come too late to say anything that
has not been said already, the finest and most beautiful ideas on
morals and manners have been swept away before our times, and nothing is
left for us but to glean after the ancients and the ablest41 amongst the
moderns.
(2.) We should only endeavour to think and speak correctly ourselves,
without wishing to bring others over to our taste and opinions;42 this would
be too great an undertaking.
(3.) To make a book is as much a trade as to make a clock; something
more than intelligence is required to become an author. A certain magistrate
was going to be raised by his merit to the highest legal dignity; he was a
man of subtle mind and of experience, but must needs print a treatise of
morality, which was quickly bought up on account of its absurdity.43
(4.) It is not so easy to obtain a reputation by a perfect work as to
enhance the value of an indifferent one by a reputation already acquired.
Page 27
(5.) A satirical work or a book of anecdotes44 handed about privately in
manuscript from one to another, passes for a masterpiece, even when it is
but middling; the printing ruins its reputation.
(6.) Take away from most of our works on morality the “Advertisement
to the reader,” the “Epistle dedicatory,” the “Preface,” the “Table of
contents,” and the “Permission to print,” and there will scarcely be pages
enough left to deserve the name of a book.
(7.) In certain things mediocrity is unbearable, as in poetry, music,
painting, and eloquence. How we are tortured when we hear a dull
soliloquy delivered in a pompous tone, or indifferent verses read with all
the emphasis of a wretched poet!
(8.) Some poets in their tragedies employ a goodly number of big
sounding verses, which seem strong, elevated, and filled with lofty
sentiments.45 They are listened to anxiously, with eyes raised and gaping
mouths, and are thought to please the public; and where they are understood
the least, are admired the most; people have no time to breathe, they have
hardly time to exclaim and to applaud. Formerly, when I was quite young, I
imagined those passages were clear and intelligible to the actors, the pit,
and the galleries; that the authors themselves understood them, and that I
must have been very dull not to understand what it was all about. But now I
am undeceived.
(9.) Up to the present time there exists hardly any literary masterpiece
which is the joint labour of several men.46 Homer wrote the Iliad,47 Virgil
the Æneid, Livy the Decades, and the Roman orator48 his Orations.
(10.) There is in art an acme of perfection, as there is in Nature one of
goodness and completeness. Any one who feels this and loves art possesses
a perfect taste; but he who is not sensible of it, and loves what is below or
above that point, is wanting in taste. Thus there exists a good and a bad
taste, and we are right in discussing the difference between them.
(11.) Men have generally more vivacity than judgment; or, to speak
more accurately, few men exist whose intelligence is combined with a
correct taste and a judicious criticism.
(12.) The lives of heroes have enriched history, and history has adorned
the actions of heroes; and thus I cannot say whether the historians are more
indebted to those who provided them with such noble materials, or those
great men to their historians.
manuscript from one to another, passes for a masterpiece, even when it is
but middling; the printing ruins its reputation.
(6.) Take away from most of our works on morality the “Advertisement
to the reader,” the “Epistle dedicatory,” the “Preface,” the “Table of
contents,” and the “Permission to print,” and there will scarcely be pages
enough left to deserve the name of a book.
(7.) In certain things mediocrity is unbearable, as in poetry, music,
painting, and eloquence. How we are tortured when we hear a dull
soliloquy delivered in a pompous tone, or indifferent verses read with all
the emphasis of a wretched poet!
(8.) Some poets in their tragedies employ a goodly number of big
sounding verses, which seem strong, elevated, and filled with lofty
sentiments.45 They are listened to anxiously, with eyes raised and gaping
mouths, and are thought to please the public; and where they are understood
the least, are admired the most; people have no time to breathe, they have
hardly time to exclaim and to applaud. Formerly, when I was quite young, I
imagined those passages were clear and intelligible to the actors, the pit,
and the galleries; that the authors themselves understood them, and that I
must have been very dull not to understand what it was all about. But now I
am undeceived.
(9.) Up to the present time there exists hardly any literary masterpiece
which is the joint labour of several men.46 Homer wrote the Iliad,47 Virgil
the Æneid, Livy the Decades, and the Roman orator48 his Orations.
(10.) There is in art an acme of perfection, as there is in Nature one of
goodness and completeness. Any one who feels this and loves art possesses
a perfect taste; but he who is not sensible of it, and loves what is below or
above that point, is wanting in taste. Thus there exists a good and a bad
taste, and we are right in discussing the difference between them.
(11.) Men have generally more vivacity than judgment; or, to speak
more accurately, few men exist whose intelligence is combined with a
correct taste and a judicious criticism.
(12.) The lives of heroes have enriched history, and history has adorned
the actions of heroes; and thus I cannot say whether the historians are more
indebted to those who provided them with such noble materials, or those
great men to their historians.
Page 28
(13.) A heap of epithets is but a sorry commendation. Actions alone, and
the manner of relating them, speak a manʼs praise.
(14.) The whole genius of an author consists in giving accurate
definitions and in painting well. Only Moses,49 Homer, Plato, Virgil,
Horace, excel all other writers in their expressions and their imagery: to
express truth is to write naturally, forcibly, and delicately.
(15.) People have been obliged to do with style what they have done
with architecture; they wholly abandoned the Gothic style, which the
barbarians introduced in their palaces and temples,50 and brought back the
Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders. That which was only seen amongst the
ruins of ancient Rome and time-honoured Greece has become modernised,
and now shines forth in our porticoes and colonnades. So, in writing, we
can never arrive at perfection, and, if possible, surpass the ancients, but by
imitating them.
How many centuries have elapsed before men were able to come back
to the taste of the ancients in arts and sciences, and, finally, took up again a
simple and natural style.
A man51 feeds on the ancients and intelligent moderns; he squeezes and
drains them as much as possible; he stuffs his works with them; and when at
last he becomes an author and thinks he can walk alone, he lifts up his voice
against them, and ill-treats them, like those lusty children, grown strong
through the healthy milk on which they have been fed, and who beat their
nurses.
An author of modern times usually proves the ancients inferior to us in
two ways: by reason and examples. The reason is his own opinion, and the
examples are his own writings.52
He confesses that the ancients, though they are unequal and incorrect,
have a great many beautiful passages; he quotes them, and they are so fine,
that his criticism is read only for their sake.
Some able men declare in favour of the ancients against the moderns;
but we doubt them, as they seem to be judges in their own cause, for their
works are so exactly written after the model of antiquity, that we cannot
accept their authority.53
(16.) We ought to like to read our works to those who know how to
correct and appreciate them.
the manner of relating them, speak a manʼs praise.
(14.) The whole genius of an author consists in giving accurate
definitions and in painting well. Only Moses,49 Homer, Plato, Virgil,
Horace, excel all other writers in their expressions and their imagery: to
express truth is to write naturally, forcibly, and delicately.
(15.) People have been obliged to do with style what they have done
with architecture; they wholly abandoned the Gothic style, which the
barbarians introduced in their palaces and temples,50 and brought back the
Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders. That which was only seen amongst the
ruins of ancient Rome and time-honoured Greece has become modernised,
and now shines forth in our porticoes and colonnades. So, in writing, we
can never arrive at perfection, and, if possible, surpass the ancients, but by
imitating them.
How many centuries have elapsed before men were able to come back
to the taste of the ancients in arts and sciences, and, finally, took up again a
simple and natural style.
A man51 feeds on the ancients and intelligent moderns; he squeezes and
drains them as much as possible; he stuffs his works with them; and when at
last he becomes an author and thinks he can walk alone, he lifts up his voice
against them, and ill-treats them, like those lusty children, grown strong
through the healthy milk on which they have been fed, and who beat their
nurses.
An author of modern times usually proves the ancients inferior to us in
two ways: by reason and examples. The reason is his own opinion, and the
examples are his own writings.52
He confesses that the ancients, though they are unequal and incorrect,
have a great many beautiful passages; he quotes them, and they are so fine,
that his criticism is read only for their sake.
Some able men declare in favour of the ancients against the moderns;
but we doubt them, as they seem to be judges in their own cause, for their
works are so exactly written after the model of antiquity, that we cannot
accept their authority.53
(16.) We ought to like to read our works to those who know how to
correct and appreciate them.
Page 29
He who will not listen to any advice, nor be corrected in his writings, is
a rank pedant.
An author ought to receive with the same moderation all praises and all
criticisms on his productions.
(17.) Amongst all the various expressions which can render our
thoughts, there is but one which is correct. We are not always so fortunate
as to hit upon it in writing or speaking, but, nevertheless, such a one
undoubtedly exists, and all others are weak, and do not satisfy a man of
culture who wishes to make himself understood.
A good author, who writes carefully, often finds that the expression he
has been looking for for some time, and which he did not know, proves,
when found at last, to be the most simple, the most natural, and the one
which was most likely to present itself to him spontaneously at first.
Fanciful authors often touch up their works. As their temper is not
always the same, and as it varies on every occasion, they soon grow
indifferent about those very expressions and terms they liked so much at
first.
(18.) The same common-sense which makes an author write good
things, makes him dread they are not good enough to deserve reading.
A shallow mind thinks his writings divine; a man of sense imagines he
writes tolerably well.
(19.) Aristus says, “I was prevailed upon to read my works to Zoilus,54
and I did so. At first he liked them, before he had leisure to disapprove of
them; he commended them coldly in my presence, and since then, has not
said one word in their favour to any one. I excuse him, and desire no more
from any author; I even pity him for listening to so many fine things which
were not his own.”
Those men who through their rank are exempt from an authorʼs
jealousy, have either other passions or necessities to distract them, and to
make them indifferent towards other menʼs conceptions. Almost no one,
whether through disposition, inclination, or fortune, is willing to relish the
delight that a perfect piece of work can give.
(20.) The pleasure of criticism takes away from us the pleasure of being
deeply moved by very fine things.
(21.) Many people perceive the merit of a manuscript which is read to
them, but will not declare themselves in its favour until they see what
success it has in the world when printed, or what intelligent men will say
a rank pedant.
An author ought to receive with the same moderation all praises and all
criticisms on his productions.
(17.) Amongst all the various expressions which can render our
thoughts, there is but one which is correct. We are not always so fortunate
as to hit upon it in writing or speaking, but, nevertheless, such a one
undoubtedly exists, and all others are weak, and do not satisfy a man of
culture who wishes to make himself understood.
A good author, who writes carefully, often finds that the expression he
has been looking for for some time, and which he did not know, proves,
when found at last, to be the most simple, the most natural, and the one
which was most likely to present itself to him spontaneously at first.
Fanciful authors often touch up their works. As their temper is not
always the same, and as it varies on every occasion, they soon grow
indifferent about those very expressions and terms they liked so much at
first.
(18.) The same common-sense which makes an author write good
things, makes him dread they are not good enough to deserve reading.
A shallow mind thinks his writings divine; a man of sense imagines he
writes tolerably well.
(19.) Aristus says, “I was prevailed upon to read my works to Zoilus,54
and I did so. At first he liked them, before he had leisure to disapprove of
them; he commended them coldly in my presence, and since then, has not
said one word in their favour to any one. I excuse him, and desire no more
from any author; I even pity him for listening to so many fine things which
were not his own.”
Those men who through their rank are exempt from an authorʼs
jealousy, have either other passions or necessities to distract them, and to
make them indifferent towards other menʼs conceptions. Almost no one,
whether through disposition, inclination, or fortune, is willing to relish the
delight that a perfect piece of work can give.
(20.) The pleasure of criticism takes away from us the pleasure of being
deeply moved by very fine things.
(21.) Many people perceive the merit of a manuscript which is read to
them, but will not declare themselves in its favour until they see what
success it has in the world when printed, or what intelligent men will say
Page 30
about it. They do not like to risk their opinion, and they want to be carried
away by the crowd, and dragged along by the multitude. Then they say that
they were amongst the first who approved of that work, and the general
public shares their opinion.55
Such men lose the best opportunities of convincing us that they are
intelligent, clever, and first-rate critics, and can really discover what is good
and what is better. A fine work falls into their hands; it is an authorʼs first
book, before he has got any great name; there is nothing to prepossess any
one in his favour, and by applauding his writings one does not court or
flatter the great. Zelotes,56 you are not required to cry out: “This is a
masterpiece; human intelligence never went farther; the human speech
cannot soar higher; henceforward we will judge of no oneʼs taste but by
what he thinks of this book.” Such exaggerated and offensive expressions
are only employed by postulants for pensions or benefices, and are even
injurious to what is really commendable and what one wishes to praise.
Why not merely say—“Thatʼs a good book?” It is true you say it when the
whole of France has approved of it, and foreigners as well as your own
countrymen, when it is printed all over Europe, and has been translated into
several languages, but then it is too late.
(22.) Some people, after having read a book, quote certain passages
which they do not thoroughly understand, and moreover completely change
their character by what they put in of their own. Those passages, so
mutilated and disfigured that they are nothing else but their own
expressions and thoughts, they expose to censure, maintain them to be bad,
and the world agrees with them; but the passage such critics think they
quote, and in reality do not, is not a bit the worse for it.57
(23.) “What is your opinion about Hermodorusʼ book?”—“That it is
wretchedly written,” replies Anthymus.—“Wretchedly written! what do you
mean, sir?”—“Just what I say,” he continues; “it is not a book, at least it
does not deserve to be talked about”—“Have you read it?”—“No,” replies
Anthymus. Why does he not add that Fulvia and Melania have condemned
it without reading, and that he is a friend of those two ladies?
(24.) Arsène,58 from the height of his own wisdom, contemplates men,
and from the eminence he beholds them seems frightened as it were at their
littleness. Commended, extolled, and raised to the skies by certain persons
who have reciprocally promised to admire one another, he fancies, though
he has some merit, that he has as much as any man can have, which he
away by the crowd, and dragged along by the multitude. Then they say that
they were amongst the first who approved of that work, and the general
public shares their opinion.55
Such men lose the best opportunities of convincing us that they are
intelligent, clever, and first-rate critics, and can really discover what is good
and what is better. A fine work falls into their hands; it is an authorʼs first
book, before he has got any great name; there is nothing to prepossess any
one in his favour, and by applauding his writings one does not court or
flatter the great. Zelotes,56 you are not required to cry out: “This is a
masterpiece; human intelligence never went farther; the human speech
cannot soar higher; henceforward we will judge of no oneʼs taste but by
what he thinks of this book.” Such exaggerated and offensive expressions
are only employed by postulants for pensions or benefices, and are even
injurious to what is really commendable and what one wishes to praise.
Why not merely say—“Thatʼs a good book?” It is true you say it when the
whole of France has approved of it, and foreigners as well as your own
countrymen, when it is printed all over Europe, and has been translated into
several languages, but then it is too late.
(22.) Some people, after having read a book, quote certain passages
which they do not thoroughly understand, and moreover completely change
their character by what they put in of their own. Those passages, so
mutilated and disfigured that they are nothing else but their own
expressions and thoughts, they expose to censure, maintain them to be bad,
and the world agrees with them; but the passage such critics think they
quote, and in reality do not, is not a bit the worse for it.57
(23.) “What is your opinion about Hermodorusʼ book?”—“That it is
wretchedly written,” replies Anthymus.—“Wretchedly written! what do you
mean, sir?”—“Just what I say,” he continues; “it is not a book, at least it
does not deserve to be talked about”—“Have you read it?”—“No,” replies
Anthymus. Why does he not add that Fulvia and Melania have condemned
it without reading, and that he is a friend of those two ladies?
(24.) Arsène,58 from the height of his own wisdom, contemplates men,
and from the eminence he beholds them seems frightened as it were at their
littleness. Commended, extolled, and raised to the skies by certain persons
who have reciprocally promised to admire one another, he fancies, though
he has some merit, that he has as much as any man can have, which he
Page 31
never will; his mind being occupied and filled with sublime ideas, he
scarcely finds time to pronounce certain oracles; raised by his character
above human judgments, he leaves to vulgar souls the merit of leading a
regular and uniform life, being answerable for his variations to none but to
a circle of friends who worship them. They alone know how to judge, to
think, to write, and they only ought to write; there is no literary work,
though ever so well received by the world and universally liked by men of
culture, which he does approve of, nay, which he would condescend to read;
he is incapable of being corrected by this picture, which will not even be
read by him.
(25.) Theocrines59 knows a good many useless things; he is singular in
his sentiments, and less profound than methodical; he only exercises his
memory, is absent-minded, scornful, and seems continually laughing to
himself at those whom he thinks his inferiors. By chance I one day read him
something of mine: he heard it out, and then spoke about some of his own
writings. “But what said he of yours?” youʼll ask me. “I have told you
already; he spoke to me only of his own.”
(26.) The most accomplished literary work would be reduced to nothing
by carping criticism, if the author would listen to all critics and allow every
one to erase the passage which pleases him the least.
(27.) Experience tells us, that if there are ten persons who would strike a
thought or an expression out of a book, we could easily find a like number
who would insist upon its being put back again. The latter will exclaim:
“Why should such a thought be suppressed? it is new, fine, and wonderfully
well expressed.” The former, on the contrary, will maintain, “that they
would have omitted such an idea, or have expressed it in another way.” “In
your work,” say the first, “there is a very happy phrase which depicts most
naturally what you meant to say.” The second maintain “that a certain word
is venturesome, and moreover does not give the precise meaning you
perhaps desired to give.” It is about the same thought and the same word
those people argue; and yet they are all critics, or pass for such. What then
can an author do but venture, in such a perplexity, to follow the advice of
those who approve of the passage.
(28.) A serious-minded author is not obliged to trouble his head about
all the foolish sayings, the obscene remarks, and bad words that are uttered,
or about the stupid constructions which some men put on certain passages
of his writings; much less ought he to suppress them. He is convinced that
scarcely finds time to pronounce certain oracles; raised by his character
above human judgments, he leaves to vulgar souls the merit of leading a
regular and uniform life, being answerable for his variations to none but to
a circle of friends who worship them. They alone know how to judge, to
think, to write, and they only ought to write; there is no literary work,
though ever so well received by the world and universally liked by men of
culture, which he does approve of, nay, which he would condescend to read;
he is incapable of being corrected by this picture, which will not even be
read by him.
(25.) Theocrines59 knows a good many useless things; he is singular in
his sentiments, and less profound than methodical; he only exercises his
memory, is absent-minded, scornful, and seems continually laughing to
himself at those whom he thinks his inferiors. By chance I one day read him
something of mine: he heard it out, and then spoke about some of his own
writings. “But what said he of yours?” youʼll ask me. “I have told you
already; he spoke to me only of his own.”
(26.) The most accomplished literary work would be reduced to nothing
by carping criticism, if the author would listen to all critics and allow every
one to erase the passage which pleases him the least.
(27.) Experience tells us, that if there are ten persons who would strike a
thought or an expression out of a book, we could easily find a like number
who would insist upon its being put back again. The latter will exclaim:
“Why should such a thought be suppressed? it is new, fine, and wonderfully
well expressed.” The former, on the contrary, will maintain, “that they
would have omitted such an idea, or have expressed it in another way.” “In
your work,” say the first, “there is a very happy phrase which depicts most
naturally what you meant to say.” The second maintain “that a certain word
is venturesome, and moreover does not give the precise meaning you
perhaps desired to give.” It is about the same thought and the same word
those people argue; and yet they are all critics, or pass for such. What then
can an author do but venture, in such a perplexity, to follow the advice of
those who approve of the passage.
(28.) A serious-minded author is not obliged to trouble his head about
all the foolish sayings, the obscene remarks, and bad words that are uttered,
or about the stupid constructions which some men put on certain passages
of his writings; much less ought he to suppress them. He is convinced that
Page 32
let a man be never so careful in his writings, the insipid jokes of wretched
buffoons are an unavoidable evil, since they often only turn the best things
into ridicule.
(29.) If certain men of quick and resolute mind are to be believed, words
would even be superfluous to express feelings; signs would be sufficient to
address them, or we could make ourselves be understood without speaking.
However careful you may be to write closely and concisely, and whatever
reputation you may have as such, they will think you diffuse. You must
allow them to supply everything and write for them alone. They understand
a whole phrase by reading the first word, and an entire chapter by a single
phrase. It is sufficient for them to have heard only a bit of your work, they
know it all and understand the whole. A great many riddles would be
amusing reading to them; they regret that the wretched style which delights
them becomes rare, and that so few authors employ it. Comparisons of a
river flowing rapidly, though calmly and uniformly, or of a conflagration
which, fanned by the winds, spreads afar in a forest, where it devours oaks
and pine-trees, gives to them not the smallest idea of eloquence. Show them
some fireworks60 to astonish them, or a flash of lightning to dazzle them,
and they will dispense with anything fine or beautiful.
(30.) What a prodigious difference is there between a fine work and one
that is perfect or regular. I am not aware whether a single one of the latter
kind still exists. It is perhaps less difficult for uncommon minds to hit upon
the grand and the sublime than to avoid all kinds of errors. The Cid, at its
first appearance, was universally admired; it rose in spite of power and
politics, which attempted in vain to crush it. People of rank and the general
public, though always divided in their opinions and feelings, were in favour
of it; they learned it by heart so as to anticipate the actors who were
performing it. The Cid, in short, is one of the finest poems ever written, and
one of the best criticisms on any subject is that on the Cid.61
(31.) When, after having read a work, loftier thoughts arise in your mind
and noble and heartfelt feelings animate you, do not look for any other rule
to judge it by; it is fine and written in a masterly manner.62
(32.) Capys,63 who sets up for a judge of style and fancies he writes like
Bouhours64 and Rabutin,65 disagrees with public opinion, and is the only
person who says that Damis66 is not a good author. Damis is of the same
buffoons are an unavoidable evil, since they often only turn the best things
into ridicule.
(29.) If certain men of quick and resolute mind are to be believed, words
would even be superfluous to express feelings; signs would be sufficient to
address them, or we could make ourselves be understood without speaking.
However careful you may be to write closely and concisely, and whatever
reputation you may have as such, they will think you diffuse. You must
allow them to supply everything and write for them alone. They understand
a whole phrase by reading the first word, and an entire chapter by a single
phrase. It is sufficient for them to have heard only a bit of your work, they
know it all and understand the whole. A great many riddles would be
amusing reading to them; they regret that the wretched style which delights
them becomes rare, and that so few authors employ it. Comparisons of a
river flowing rapidly, though calmly and uniformly, or of a conflagration
which, fanned by the winds, spreads afar in a forest, where it devours oaks
and pine-trees, gives to them not the smallest idea of eloquence. Show them
some fireworks60 to astonish them, or a flash of lightning to dazzle them,
and they will dispense with anything fine or beautiful.
(30.) What a prodigious difference is there between a fine work and one
that is perfect or regular. I am not aware whether a single one of the latter
kind still exists. It is perhaps less difficult for uncommon minds to hit upon
the grand and the sublime than to avoid all kinds of errors. The Cid, at its
first appearance, was universally admired; it rose in spite of power and
politics, which attempted in vain to crush it. People of rank and the general
public, though always divided in their opinions and feelings, were in favour
of it; they learned it by heart so as to anticipate the actors who were
performing it. The Cid, in short, is one of the finest poems ever written, and
one of the best criticisms on any subject is that on the Cid.61
(31.) When, after having read a work, loftier thoughts arise in your mind
and noble and heartfelt feelings animate you, do not look for any other rule
to judge it by; it is fine and written in a masterly manner.62
(32.) Capys,63 who sets up for a judge of style and fancies he writes like
Bouhours64 and Rabutin,65 disagrees with public opinion, and is the only
person who says that Damis66 is not a good author. Damis is of the same
Page 33
opinion as a large number of people, and says artlessly, as well as the
public, that Capys is a dull writer.
(33.) It is the business of a newsmonger to inform us when any book is
published; if it is printed by Cramoisy,67 and with what type; if it is well
bound, and on what paper, and at what price it is sold; he ought even to
know what the booksellerʼs sign is; but it is foolish in him to pretend to
criticise it.
The highest point a newsmonger can reach is to reason in a vague
manner on politics.
A newsmonger lies down at night quietly, after having received some
information, but it is spoiled overnight, and he is obliged to throw it away
when he wakes in the morning.68
(34.) A philosopher69 wastes his life in observing men, and wears
himself out in exposing vice and folly. If he shapes his thoughts into words,
it is not so much from his vanity as an author as to place entirely in its
proper light some truth he has discovered, that it may make the desired
impression. Yet some readers think they repay him with interest if they say,
with a magisterial air, “that they have read his book, and that there is some
sense in it;” but he does not mind their praise, for he has not laboured and
passed many sleepless nights to obtain it: he has higher aims, and acts from
nobler motives: he demands from mankind greater and more uncommon
results than empty praise, and even than rewards; he expects them to lead
better lives.
(35.) A fool reads a book and does not understand it; a man of ordinary
mind reads it and fancies he perfectly understands it; a man of intelligence
sometimes does not wholly understand it; he perceives what is really
obscure and what is really clear, whilst witlings70 imagine those passages
obscure which are not so, and think they do not understand what is really
intelligible.
(36.) In vain an author endeavours to obtain admiration by his works. A
fool may sometimes admire him, but then he is only a fool; an intelligent
man has within him the germs of all truth and of all sentiments; nothing is
new to him; he admires few things, but he finds that many things deserve
some praise.
(37.) I question if it be possible to write more clever letters in a more
agreeable manner and in a better style than those of Balzac71 or Voiture;72
public, that Capys is a dull writer.
(33.) It is the business of a newsmonger to inform us when any book is
published; if it is printed by Cramoisy,67 and with what type; if it is well
bound, and on what paper, and at what price it is sold; he ought even to
know what the booksellerʼs sign is; but it is foolish in him to pretend to
criticise it.
The highest point a newsmonger can reach is to reason in a vague
manner on politics.
A newsmonger lies down at night quietly, after having received some
information, but it is spoiled overnight, and he is obliged to throw it away
when he wakes in the morning.68
(34.) A philosopher69 wastes his life in observing men, and wears
himself out in exposing vice and folly. If he shapes his thoughts into words,
it is not so much from his vanity as an author as to place entirely in its
proper light some truth he has discovered, that it may make the desired
impression. Yet some readers think they repay him with interest if they say,
with a magisterial air, “that they have read his book, and that there is some
sense in it;” but he does not mind their praise, for he has not laboured and
passed many sleepless nights to obtain it: he has higher aims, and acts from
nobler motives: he demands from mankind greater and more uncommon
results than empty praise, and even than rewards; he expects them to lead
better lives.
(35.) A fool reads a book and does not understand it; a man of ordinary
mind reads it and fancies he perfectly understands it; a man of intelligence
sometimes does not wholly understand it; he perceives what is really
obscure and what is really clear, whilst witlings70 imagine those passages
obscure which are not so, and think they do not understand what is really
intelligible.
(36.) In vain an author endeavours to obtain admiration by his works. A
fool may sometimes admire him, but then he is only a fool; an intelligent
man has within him the germs of all truth and of all sentiments; nothing is
new to him; he admires few things, but he finds that many things deserve
some praise.
(37.) I question if it be possible to write more clever letters in a more
agreeable manner and in a better style than those of Balzac71 or Voiture;72
Page 34
but they are void of those sentiments which have swayed us since their time
and originated with the ladies. That sex excels ours in this kind of writing;
from their pens flow naturally those turns and expressions which often are
with us the effects of tedious labour and troublesome research; they are
fortunate in the selection of their wordings, which they employ so cleverly,
that though they are not new, they have all the charm of novelty, and seem
only designed for the use they put them to; they alone can express an entire
sentiment in a single word, and render a delicate thought as delicately; their
arguments are connected in an inimitable manner, follow one another
naturally, and are only linked together by the sense. If the ladies wrote
always correctly, I might affirm that perhaps the letters of some of them
would be among the best in our language.73
(38.) Terentius74 wanted nothing but to be less cold. What purity! what
preciseness! what polish! what elegance! what characters! Molière wanted
nothing but to avoid the vulgar tongue and barbarisms and to write
elegantly.75 What fire! what artlessness! what original and good jokes! how
well he imitates manners! what imagery! and how he lashes what is
ridiculous! But what an author might have been formed of these two comic
writers!
(39.) I have read Malherbe and Théophile.76 They both understood
nature, with this difference: the first, in a nervous and uniform style,
displays at one and the same time whatever is beautiful, noble, ingenuous
and simple, and depicts or describes it; the other, without choice or
accuracy, with a loose and uneven pen, some times overloads his
descriptions, goes into too many details, and analyses too much; sometimes
he imagines certain things,77 exaggerates, outstrips what is true in nature,
and becomes a romancer.
(40.) In both Ronsard78 and Balzac, each in their kind, are found a
sufficient number of good and bad things to form after them very great men
either in verse or prose.
(41.) Marot,79 by his phraseology and style, seems to have written after
Ronsard wrote; there is very little difference, except in a few words,
between the style of the former and our present style.
(42.) Ronsard and his contemporaries have done more harm than good
to style; they delayed its progress towards perfection, and exposed it to the
danger of being always defective and of never becoming perfect again. It is
and originated with the ladies. That sex excels ours in this kind of writing;
from their pens flow naturally those turns and expressions which often are
with us the effects of tedious labour and troublesome research; they are
fortunate in the selection of their wordings, which they employ so cleverly,
that though they are not new, they have all the charm of novelty, and seem
only designed for the use they put them to; they alone can express an entire
sentiment in a single word, and render a delicate thought as delicately; their
arguments are connected in an inimitable manner, follow one another
naturally, and are only linked together by the sense. If the ladies wrote
always correctly, I might affirm that perhaps the letters of some of them
would be among the best in our language.73
(38.) Terentius74 wanted nothing but to be less cold. What purity! what
preciseness! what polish! what elegance! what characters! Molière wanted
nothing but to avoid the vulgar tongue and barbarisms and to write
elegantly.75 What fire! what artlessness! what original and good jokes! how
well he imitates manners! what imagery! and how he lashes what is
ridiculous! But what an author might have been formed of these two comic
writers!
(39.) I have read Malherbe and Théophile.76 They both understood
nature, with this difference: the first, in a nervous and uniform style,
displays at one and the same time whatever is beautiful, noble, ingenuous
and simple, and depicts or describes it; the other, without choice or
accuracy, with a loose and uneven pen, some times overloads his
descriptions, goes into too many details, and analyses too much; sometimes
he imagines certain things,77 exaggerates, outstrips what is true in nature,
and becomes a romancer.
(40.) In both Ronsard78 and Balzac, each in their kind, are found a
sufficient number of good and bad things to form after them very great men
either in verse or prose.
(41.) Marot,79 by his phraseology and style, seems to have written after
Ronsard wrote; there is very little difference, except in a few words,
between the style of the former and our present style.
(42.) Ronsard and his contemporaries have done more harm than good
to style; they delayed its progress towards perfection, and exposed it to the
danger of being always defective and of never becoming perfect again. It is
Page 35
astonishing that Marotʼs works, which are so natural and easy, have not
made of Ronsard, so full of rapture and enthusiasm, a greater poet than he
or Marot ever were; and that, on the contrary, Belleau, Jodelle, and du
Bartas80 were soon followed by a Racan81 and a Malherbe, and that the
French language was no sooner vitiated than it recovered.
MICHEL DE MONTAIGNE
(43.) Marot and Rabelais82 are inexcusable for scattering so much filth
in their writings: they both had genius and originality enough to be able to
do without it, even for those who seek rather what is comical than what is
made of Ronsard, so full of rapture and enthusiasm, a greater poet than he
or Marot ever were; and that, on the contrary, Belleau, Jodelle, and du
Bartas80 were soon followed by a Racan81 and a Malherbe, and that the
French language was no sooner vitiated than it recovered.
MICHEL DE MONTAIGNE
(43.) Marot and Rabelais82 are inexcusable for scattering so much filth
in their writings: they both had genius and originality enough to be able to
do without it, even for those who seek rather what is comical than what is
Page 36
admirable in an author. Rabelais above all is incomprehensible: his book is
a mystery, a mere chimera; it has a lovely womanʼs face, with the feet and
tail of a serpent or of some more hideous animal; it is a monstrous jumble
of delicate and ingenious morality and of filthy depravation. Where it is
bad, it excels by far the worst, and is fit only to delight the rabble; and
where it is good, it is exquisite and excellent, and may entertain the most
delicate.
(44.) Two writers have condemned Montaigne83 in their works. I am of
their opinion, and believe him not always free from blame; but it seems that
none of these two can see anything good in him. One of these thinks too
little to enjoy an author who thinks a great deal; the other thinks with too
much subtlety to be pleased with thoughts that are natural.84
(45.) A grave, solemn, and correct style will go a long way. Amyot and
Coëffeteau85 are read, but who else of their contemporaries? The
phraseology and the expression of Balzac have become less antiquated than
those of Voiture; but if the style, the intelligence, and originality of the latter
are not modern nor in anything resemble our present writers, it is because it
is easier not to pay any attention to him than to imitate him, and because the
few who follow him could never overtake him.
(46.) The H ... G ...86 is distinctly less than nothing, and there are a good
many works like it. There is as much trickery required to grow rich by a
stupid book as there is folly in buying it; a man would never know the
peopleʼs taste if he did not venture sometimes on some great piece of
silliness.
(47.) We perceive that an opera is an outline of a magnificent spectacle,
of which it serves to give an idea.
I cannot understand how the opera, with such perfect music and quite a
regal expenditure, has been able to tire me.87
There are some passages in an opera which make us long for others; it
sometimes happens we wish it was all over: this is the fault of the
decorations, or of a want of action or interest.
An opera is not even to this day a poem, for it contains nought but
verses; nor is it a spectacle, since machinery has disappeared through the
dexterous management of Amphion and his kindred;88 it is a concert of
voices assisted by instruments. We deceive ourselves and acquire a bad
taste when we state, as has been done, that machinery is only an amusement
a mystery, a mere chimera; it has a lovely womanʼs face, with the feet and
tail of a serpent or of some more hideous animal; it is a monstrous jumble
of delicate and ingenious morality and of filthy depravation. Where it is
bad, it excels by far the worst, and is fit only to delight the rabble; and
where it is good, it is exquisite and excellent, and may entertain the most
delicate.
(44.) Two writers have condemned Montaigne83 in their works. I am of
their opinion, and believe him not always free from blame; but it seems that
none of these two can see anything good in him. One of these thinks too
little to enjoy an author who thinks a great deal; the other thinks with too
much subtlety to be pleased with thoughts that are natural.84
(45.) A grave, solemn, and correct style will go a long way. Amyot and
Coëffeteau85 are read, but who else of their contemporaries? The
phraseology and the expression of Balzac have become less antiquated than
those of Voiture; but if the style, the intelligence, and originality of the latter
are not modern nor in anything resemble our present writers, it is because it
is easier not to pay any attention to him than to imitate him, and because the
few who follow him could never overtake him.
(46.) The H ... G ...86 is distinctly less than nothing, and there are a good
many works like it. There is as much trickery required to grow rich by a
stupid book as there is folly in buying it; a man would never know the
peopleʼs taste if he did not venture sometimes on some great piece of
silliness.
(47.) We perceive that an opera is an outline of a magnificent spectacle,
of which it serves to give an idea.
I cannot understand how the opera, with such perfect music and quite a
regal expenditure, has been able to tire me.87
There are some passages in an opera which make us long for others; it
sometimes happens we wish it was all over: this is the fault of the
decorations, or of a want of action or interest.
An opera is not even to this day a poem, for it contains nought but
verses; nor is it a spectacle, since machinery has disappeared through the
dexterous management of Amphion and his kindred;88 it is a concert of
voices assisted by instruments. We deceive ourselves and acquire a bad
taste when we state, as has been done, that machinery is only an amusement
Page 37
fit for children and suitable for puppet-shows.89 Machines increase and
embellish poetical fiction and maintain among the spectators that gentle
illusion in which the entire pleasure of a theatre consists, to which it also
adds a feeling of wonder. There is no need of flights, or cars, or changes
when Bérénice or Pénélope90 are represented, but they are necessary in an
opera, as the characteristic of such a spectacle is to enchant the mind as well
as the ear and the eye.
(48.) Some busybodies91 have erected a theatre and machinery,
composed ballets, verses, and music; theirs is the whole spectacle, even to
the room where the performance was held, from the roof to the very
foundation of the four walls. Who has any doubt that the hunt on the
water,92 the delights of “La Table,”93 the marvels of the Labyrinth94 were
also invented by them? I think so, at least, by the agitation they are in and
by the self-satisfied air with which they applaud their success. Unless I am
deceived, they have not contributed anything to a festival so splendid, so
magnificent, and so long kept up, and which one person planned and paid
for; so that I admire two things: the ease and quietness of him who directed
everything, and the fuss and gesticulations of those who did nothing.95
(49.) The critics, or those who, thinking themselves so, decide
deliberately and decisively about all public representations, group and
divide themselves into different parties, each of whom admires a certain
poem or a certain music and damns all others, urged on by a wholly
different motive than public interest or justice. The ardour with which they
defend their prejudices damages the opposite party as well as their own set.
These men discourage poets and musicians by a thousand contradictions,
and delay the progress of arts and sciences, by depriving them of the
advantages to be obtained by that emulation and freedom which many
excellent masters, each in their own way and according to their own genius,
might display in the execution of some very fine works.96
(50.) What is the reason that we laugh so freely in a theatre but are
ashamed to weep? Is it less natural to be melted by what excites pity than to
burst into laughter at what is comical? Is it the alteration of our features that
checks us? It is more visible in immoderate laughter than in the most
passionate grief; and we avert our faces when we laugh or weep in the
presence of people of rank, or of all those whom we respect. Is it because
we are reluctant to let it be seen we are tender-hearted, or to show any
embellish poetical fiction and maintain among the spectators that gentle
illusion in which the entire pleasure of a theatre consists, to which it also
adds a feeling of wonder. There is no need of flights, or cars, or changes
when Bérénice or Pénélope90 are represented, but they are necessary in an
opera, as the characteristic of such a spectacle is to enchant the mind as well
as the ear and the eye.
(48.) Some busybodies91 have erected a theatre and machinery,
composed ballets, verses, and music; theirs is the whole spectacle, even to
the room where the performance was held, from the roof to the very
foundation of the four walls. Who has any doubt that the hunt on the
water,92 the delights of “La Table,”93 the marvels of the Labyrinth94 were
also invented by them? I think so, at least, by the agitation they are in and
by the self-satisfied air with which they applaud their success. Unless I am
deceived, they have not contributed anything to a festival so splendid, so
magnificent, and so long kept up, and which one person planned and paid
for; so that I admire two things: the ease and quietness of him who directed
everything, and the fuss and gesticulations of those who did nothing.95
(49.) The critics, or those who, thinking themselves so, decide
deliberately and decisively about all public representations, group and
divide themselves into different parties, each of whom admires a certain
poem or a certain music and damns all others, urged on by a wholly
different motive than public interest or justice. The ardour with which they
defend their prejudices damages the opposite party as well as their own set.
These men discourage poets and musicians by a thousand contradictions,
and delay the progress of arts and sciences, by depriving them of the
advantages to be obtained by that emulation and freedom which many
excellent masters, each in their own way and according to their own genius,
might display in the execution of some very fine works.96
(50.) What is the reason that we laugh so freely in a theatre but are
ashamed to weep? Is it less natural to be melted by what excites pity than to
burst into laughter at what is comical? Is it the alteration of our features that
checks us? It is more visible in immoderate laughter than in the most
passionate grief; and we avert our faces when we laugh or weep in the
presence of people of rank, or of all those whom we respect. Is it because
we are reluctant to let it be seen we are tender-hearted, or to show any
Page 38
emotion, especially at an imaginary subject, and by which it seems we are
imposed upon? But without quoting those austere men, or those who do not
care for the opinions of the world,97 who think that excessive laughter or
tears betray weakness, and who forbid both, what is it that we look for in
tragedy? Is it to laugh? Is truth not depicted there as vividly as in comedy?
And have we not to feel that those things are realities in either case before
we are moved? Or is it so easily to be pleased, and is no verisimilitude
needed? It is not thought odd to hear a whole theatre ring with laughter at
some passage of a comedy, but, on the contrary, it implies that it was funny,
and very naturally performed; therefore the extreme restraint every one puts
on himself not to shed tears and the affected laughter with which one tries
to disguise them, clearly prove that the natural result of lofty tragedy should
be to make us all weep without concealment and publicly, and without any
other hindrance than wiping our eyes; moreover, after we have agreed to
indulge in our passion, it will be found there is often less room to fear we
should weep in a theatre than that we should be tired out there.
(51.) Tragedy, from its very beginning, oppresses the spectatorʼs
feelings, and, whilst being acted, scarcely allows him liberty to breathe and
leisure to recover, or if it leaves him some respite, it is only to be plunged
again into fresh abysses and new alarms. Through pity he is led to terror, or
reciprocally through terror to pity; it leads him through tears, sobs,
uncertainty, expectation, fear, surprises and horror to a catastrophe. It
should not, therefore, be a collection of pretty sentiments, tender
declarations, gallant conversations, agreeable pictures, soft words, or
something comical enough to produce laughter, followed, in truth, by a final
scene in which the “mutineers” do not listen to reason,98 and in which for
decencyʼs sake there is at last some blood spilled, and some unfortunate
manʼs life taken.99
(52.) It is not sufficient for the manners of the stage not to be bad; they
should be decent and instructive. Some comical subjects are so low, so
mean, or even so dull and so insignificant, that a poet should not be
permitted to write about them, nor could an audience by any possibility be
diverted by them. A peasant or an intoxicated man may furnish some scenes
for a farce writer; but they can scarcely be personages of true comedy; for
how can they be the basis of the main action of a comedy? Perhaps it may
be said that “such characters are natural.” Then, according to a similar rule,
the attention of an entire audience may be occupied by a lackey whistling,
imposed upon? But without quoting those austere men, or those who do not
care for the opinions of the world,97 who think that excessive laughter or
tears betray weakness, and who forbid both, what is it that we look for in
tragedy? Is it to laugh? Is truth not depicted there as vividly as in comedy?
And have we not to feel that those things are realities in either case before
we are moved? Or is it so easily to be pleased, and is no verisimilitude
needed? It is not thought odd to hear a whole theatre ring with laughter at
some passage of a comedy, but, on the contrary, it implies that it was funny,
and very naturally performed; therefore the extreme restraint every one puts
on himself not to shed tears and the affected laughter with which one tries
to disguise them, clearly prove that the natural result of lofty tragedy should
be to make us all weep without concealment and publicly, and without any
other hindrance than wiping our eyes; moreover, after we have agreed to
indulge in our passion, it will be found there is often less room to fear we
should weep in a theatre than that we should be tired out there.
(51.) Tragedy, from its very beginning, oppresses the spectatorʼs
feelings, and, whilst being acted, scarcely allows him liberty to breathe and
leisure to recover, or if it leaves him some respite, it is only to be plunged
again into fresh abysses and new alarms. Through pity he is led to terror, or
reciprocally through terror to pity; it leads him through tears, sobs,
uncertainty, expectation, fear, surprises and horror to a catastrophe. It
should not, therefore, be a collection of pretty sentiments, tender
declarations, gallant conversations, agreeable pictures, soft words, or
something comical enough to produce laughter, followed, in truth, by a final
scene in which the “mutineers” do not listen to reason,98 and in which for
decencyʼs sake there is at last some blood spilled, and some unfortunate
manʼs life taken.99
(52.) It is not sufficient for the manners of the stage not to be bad; they
should be decent and instructive. Some comical subjects are so low, so
mean, or even so dull and so insignificant, that a poet should not be
permitted to write about them, nor could an audience by any possibility be
diverted by them. A peasant or an intoxicated man may furnish some scenes
for a farce writer; but they can scarcely be personages of true comedy; for
how can they be the basis of the main action of a comedy? Perhaps it may
be said that “such characters are natural.” Then, according to a similar rule,
the attention of an entire audience may be occupied by a lackey whistling,
Page 39
or a sick person on his bed-chair, or by a drunken man snoring and being
sick; for can anything be more natural?100 An effeminate dandy rises late,
spends part of the day at his toilet, looks at himself in the glass, perfumes
himself, puts patches on his face, receives his letters and answers them. But
such a character brought on the stage, made to stop for any length of time,
during one or two acts, and depicted as natural and as like the original as
possible, will be as dull and as tedious as it well can be.101
(53.) Plays and novels, in my opinion, may be made as useful as they
are pernicious. They exhibit so many grand examples of constancy, virtue,
tenderness and disinterestedness; so many fine and perfect characters, that
when young people cast their eyes on what they see around them and find
nothing but unworthy objects, very much inferior to those they just
admired, it is not to be wondered at that they cannot have the least
inclination for them.
(54.) Corneille cannot be equalled where he is excellent; he shows then
original and inimitable characteristics, but he is unequal. His first plays102
are uninteresting and heavy, and did not lead us to expect that he would
afterwards soar to such a height, just as his last plays make us wonder at his
fall from such a pinnacle. In some of his best pieces there are unpardonable
errors in the characters of the drama103—a declamatory style which arrests
the action and delays it, and such negligence in his versification and in his
expressions that we can hardly understand how so great a man could be
guilty of them. His highest individual quality is his sublime genius, to
which he is beholden for some of the most beautiful verses ever read; for
the plots of his plays, in which he sometimes ventures to transgress the
rules of the ancients; and finally, for his catastrophes. In this he does not
always follow the taste of the Greeks and their grand simplicity; on the
contrary, he delights in crowding the stage with events, which he almost
always disentangles successfully; and is above all to be admired for his
great variety and the little similarity of his plots in the large number of
dramas he has written. It seems that Racineʼs plays are more like one
another, and that they lead up a little more to the same ending; but he is
uniform, lofty in style, and everywhere the same, as well in the plots and
incidents of his plays, which are sound, regular, rational and natural, as in
his versification, which is correct, rich in its rhythm, elegant, melodious,104
and harmonious. He is an exact imitator of the ancients, whom he carefully
sick; for can anything be more natural?100 An effeminate dandy rises late,
spends part of the day at his toilet, looks at himself in the glass, perfumes
himself, puts patches on his face, receives his letters and answers them. But
such a character brought on the stage, made to stop for any length of time,
during one or two acts, and depicted as natural and as like the original as
possible, will be as dull and as tedious as it well can be.101
(53.) Plays and novels, in my opinion, may be made as useful as they
are pernicious. They exhibit so many grand examples of constancy, virtue,
tenderness and disinterestedness; so many fine and perfect characters, that
when young people cast their eyes on what they see around them and find
nothing but unworthy objects, very much inferior to those they just
admired, it is not to be wondered at that they cannot have the least
inclination for them.
(54.) Corneille cannot be equalled where he is excellent; he shows then
original and inimitable characteristics, but he is unequal. His first plays102
are uninteresting and heavy, and did not lead us to expect that he would
afterwards soar to such a height, just as his last plays make us wonder at his
fall from such a pinnacle. In some of his best pieces there are unpardonable
errors in the characters of the drama103—a declamatory style which arrests
the action and delays it, and such negligence in his versification and in his
expressions that we can hardly understand how so great a man could be
guilty of them. His highest individual quality is his sublime genius, to
which he is beholden for some of the most beautiful verses ever read; for
the plots of his plays, in which he sometimes ventures to transgress the
rules of the ancients; and finally, for his catastrophes. In this he does not
always follow the taste of the Greeks and their grand simplicity; on the
contrary, he delights in crowding the stage with events, which he almost
always disentangles successfully; and is above all to be admired for his
great variety and the little similarity of his plots in the large number of
dramas he has written. It seems that Racineʼs plays are more like one
another, and that they lead up a little more to the same ending; but he is
uniform, lofty in style, and everywhere the same, as well in the plots and
incidents of his plays, which are sound, regular, rational and natural, as in
his versification, which is correct, rich in its rhythm, elegant, melodious,104
and harmonious. He is an exact imitator of the ancients, whom he carefully
Page 40
follows in their distinctness and simplicity of action, and like Corneille, not
lacking the sublime and marvellous, the moving and the pathetic. Where
can we find greater tenderness diffused than in Le Cid, Polyeucte, and Les
Horaces?105 What grandeur do we not observe in Mithridates, lʼorus, and
Burrhus!106 Both poets were well acquainted with terror and pity, those
favourite passions of the ancients, which the dramatic authors were fond of
producing on the stage; as Orestes in the Andromaque of Racine, Phèdre of
the same author, as well as Œdipus and the Horatii of Corneille clearly
prove. If, however, it is allowable to draw some comparison between them,
and distinguish what are the peculiarities of each of them, as is generally
discovered in their writings, I should probablyŒ say: Corneille enthralls us
by his characters and ideas; Racineʼs coincide with ours; the one represents
men as they ought to be, the other as they are. There is in the first more of
what we admire and what we ought even to imitate; and in the second more
of what we perceive in others or feel within ourselves. Corneille elevates,
surprises, controls and instructs us; Racine pleases, affects, moves and
penetrates us. The former employs the most beautiful, the most noble, and
the most commanding arguments; the latter depicts the most praiseworthy
and the most refined passions. One is full of maxims, rules, and precepts;
the other of taste and feeling. Our mind is kept more occupied by
Corneilleʼs tragedies, but by Racineʼs we are more softened and moved.
Corneille is more moral, Racine more natural.107 The one seems to imitate
Sophocles, the other Euripides.108
(55.) What the people call eloquence is the facility some persons have
of speaking alone and for a long time, aided by extravagant gestures, a loud
voice, and powerful lungs. Pedants also will not recognise eloquence except
in public orations, and can see no distinction between it and a heap of
figures, the use of big words and flowing periods.
It seems that logic is the art of making some truth prevail, and that
eloquence is a gift of the soul which renders us master of the hearts and
minds of other men, so that we suggest to them, or persuade them, to do
whatever we please.
Eloquence may be found in conversations and in all kind of writings; it
is rarely found when looked for, and sometimes discovered where it is least
expected.
Eloquence is to the sublime what the whole is to its part.
lacking the sublime and marvellous, the moving and the pathetic. Where
can we find greater tenderness diffused than in Le Cid, Polyeucte, and Les
Horaces?105 What grandeur do we not observe in Mithridates, lʼorus, and
Burrhus!106 Both poets were well acquainted with terror and pity, those
favourite passions of the ancients, which the dramatic authors were fond of
producing on the stage; as Orestes in the Andromaque of Racine, Phèdre of
the same author, as well as Œdipus and the Horatii of Corneille clearly
prove. If, however, it is allowable to draw some comparison between them,
and distinguish what are the peculiarities of each of them, as is generally
discovered in their writings, I should probablyŒ say: Corneille enthralls us
by his characters and ideas; Racineʼs coincide with ours; the one represents
men as they ought to be, the other as they are. There is in the first more of
what we admire and what we ought even to imitate; and in the second more
of what we perceive in others or feel within ourselves. Corneille elevates,
surprises, controls and instructs us; Racine pleases, affects, moves and
penetrates us. The former employs the most beautiful, the most noble, and
the most commanding arguments; the latter depicts the most praiseworthy
and the most refined passions. One is full of maxims, rules, and precepts;
the other of taste and feeling. Our mind is kept more occupied by
Corneilleʼs tragedies, but by Racineʼs we are more softened and moved.
Corneille is more moral, Racine more natural.107 The one seems to imitate
Sophocles, the other Euripides.108
(55.) What the people call eloquence is the facility some persons have
of speaking alone and for a long time, aided by extravagant gestures, a loud
voice, and powerful lungs. Pedants also will not recognise eloquence except
in public orations, and can see no distinction between it and a heap of
figures, the use of big words and flowing periods.
It seems that logic is the art of making some truth prevail, and that
eloquence is a gift of the soul which renders us master of the hearts and
minds of other men, so that we suggest to them, or persuade them, to do
whatever we please.
Eloquence may be found in conversations and in all kind of writings; it
is rarely found when looked for, and sometimes discovered where it is least
expected.
Eloquence is to the sublime what the whole is to its part.
Page 41
What is the sublime? It does not appear to have been defined. Is it a
figure of speech? Does it spring from figures, or at least from some figures
of speech?109 Does the sublime enter into all kinds of writings, or are grand
subjects only fit for it?110 Can an eclogue display anything but fine
simplicity, and familiar letters as well as conversation anything but great
delicacy? Are simplicity and delicacy not the sublime of those works of
which they are the perfection? What is this sublime? Where does it begin?
111
Synonyms are several words or various phrases which are the precise
equivalents of each other. An antithesis is an opposition of two truths which
throw light on one another. A metaphor or a comparison borrows from a
foreign matter a sensible and natural image of a truth.112 A hyperbole
exaggerates truth to enable the mind to understand it better. The sublime
paints nothing but the truth, and that only in noble subjects; it depicts all its
causes and effects; it is the most meritorious expression or image of this
truth. Ordinary minds cannot find the only right expression, and, therefore,
use synonyms. Young men are dazzled by the lustre of an antithesis, and
employ it. Sensible people, who delight in exact imagery, of course, are led
away by comparisons and metaphors. Sharp people, full of fire, and carried
away by a lively imagination beyond all bounds and accuracy, cannot be
satiated with hyperboles. As for the sublime, even among the greatest
geniuses, only the highest can reach it.
(56.) Every author who wishes to write clearly should put himself in the
place of his readers, examine his own work as something new to him, which
he reads for the first time, is not at all concerned in, and which has been
submitted to his criticism; and then be convinced that no one will
understand what is written merely because the author understands it
himself, but because it is really intelligible.
(57.) People write only to be understood, but they should, at least, in
their writings produce very beautiful things. They ought to have a pure
style, and, in truth, employ a suitable phraseology; moreover, their phrases
should express noble, intense, and solid thoughts, and contain a very fine
meaning. A pure and clear style is thrown away on a dry, barren subject,
without either spirit, use, or novelty. What avails it to any reader to
understand easily and without any difficulty some frivolous and puerile
subject, not seldom dull and common, when he is less in doubt about the
meaning of the author than tired with his work?
figure of speech? Does it spring from figures, or at least from some figures
of speech?109 Does the sublime enter into all kinds of writings, or are grand
subjects only fit for it?110 Can an eclogue display anything but fine
simplicity, and familiar letters as well as conversation anything but great
delicacy? Are simplicity and delicacy not the sublime of those works of
which they are the perfection? What is this sublime? Where does it begin?
111
Synonyms are several words or various phrases which are the precise
equivalents of each other. An antithesis is an opposition of two truths which
throw light on one another. A metaphor or a comparison borrows from a
foreign matter a sensible and natural image of a truth.112 A hyperbole
exaggerates truth to enable the mind to understand it better. The sublime
paints nothing but the truth, and that only in noble subjects; it depicts all its
causes and effects; it is the most meritorious expression or image of this
truth. Ordinary minds cannot find the only right expression, and, therefore,
use synonyms. Young men are dazzled by the lustre of an antithesis, and
employ it. Sensible people, who delight in exact imagery, of course, are led
away by comparisons and metaphors. Sharp people, full of fire, and carried
away by a lively imagination beyond all bounds and accuracy, cannot be
satiated with hyperboles. As for the sublime, even among the greatest
geniuses, only the highest can reach it.
(56.) Every author who wishes to write clearly should put himself in the
place of his readers, examine his own work as something new to him, which
he reads for the first time, is not at all concerned in, and which has been
submitted to his criticism; and then be convinced that no one will
understand what is written merely because the author understands it
himself, but because it is really intelligible.
(57.) People write only to be understood, but they should, at least, in
their writings produce very beautiful things. They ought to have a pure
style, and, in truth, employ a suitable phraseology; moreover, their phrases
should express noble, intense, and solid thoughts, and contain a very fine
meaning. A pure and clear style is thrown away on a dry, barren subject,
without either spirit, use, or novelty. What avails it to any reader to
understand easily and without any difficulty some frivolous and puerile
subject, not seldom dull and common, when he is less in doubt about the
meaning of the author than tired with his work?
Page 42
If we aim at being profound in certain writings, if we affect a polite
turn, and sometimes too much delicacy, it is merely because we have a good
opinion of our readers.
(58.) The disadvantage of reading books written by people belonging to
a certain party or a certain set is that they do not always contain the truth.
Facts are disguised, the arguments on both sides are not brought forward in
all their strength, nor are they quite accurate; and what wears out the
greatest patience is that we must read a large number of harsh and
scurrilous reflections, tossed to and fro by serious-minded men, who
consider themselves personally insulted when any point of doctrine or any
doubtful matter is controverted. Such works possess this peculiarity, that
they neither deserve the prodigious success they have for a certain time, nor
the profound oblivion into which they fall afterwards, when the rage and
contention have ceased, and they become like almanacks out of date.113
(59.) It is the glory and the merit of some men to write well, and of
others not to write at all.
(60.) Some persons have been writing regularly for the last twenty
years; they have faithfully observed all rules of composition, enriched the
language with new words, thrown off the yoke of Latinism, and given to
style a pure French phraseology; they have almost recovered that harmony
which Malherbe and Balzac first discovered, and which since then so many
authors allowed to be lost; they have, in short, given to our style all the
clearness it is capable of, and this will gradually lead to it becoming easily
understood.114
(61.) There are some artists115 or men of ability whose intelligence is as
extensive as the art or science they profess; they repay with interest,
through their genius and inventive powers, what they borrowed from it and
from its first principles; they stray from art to ennoble it, and deviate from
its rules if they do not make use of them to attain the grand and the sublime;
they walk alone and unaccompanied, but they soar very high and are very
penetrating, always certain of the advantages sometimes to be obtained by
irregularity, and assured of their success. Careful, timorous, and sedate
minds not alone never obtain those advantages, but they do not admire them
nor even understand them, and are much less likely to imitate them; they
dwell peaceably within the compass of their sphere, go up to a certain point,
which is the limit of their capacity and knowledge, but penetrate no farther,
turn, and sometimes too much delicacy, it is merely because we have a good
opinion of our readers.
(58.) The disadvantage of reading books written by people belonging to
a certain party or a certain set is that they do not always contain the truth.
Facts are disguised, the arguments on both sides are not brought forward in
all their strength, nor are they quite accurate; and what wears out the
greatest patience is that we must read a large number of harsh and
scurrilous reflections, tossed to and fro by serious-minded men, who
consider themselves personally insulted when any point of doctrine or any
doubtful matter is controverted. Such works possess this peculiarity, that
they neither deserve the prodigious success they have for a certain time, nor
the profound oblivion into which they fall afterwards, when the rage and
contention have ceased, and they become like almanacks out of date.113
(59.) It is the glory and the merit of some men to write well, and of
others not to write at all.
(60.) Some persons have been writing regularly for the last twenty
years; they have faithfully observed all rules of composition, enriched the
language with new words, thrown off the yoke of Latinism, and given to
style a pure French phraseology; they have almost recovered that harmony
which Malherbe and Balzac first discovered, and which since then so many
authors allowed to be lost; they have, in short, given to our style all the
clearness it is capable of, and this will gradually lead to it becoming easily
understood.114
(61.) There are some artists115 or men of ability whose intelligence is as
extensive as the art or science they profess; they repay with interest,
through their genius and inventive powers, what they borrowed from it and
from its first principles; they stray from art to ennoble it, and deviate from
its rules if they do not make use of them to attain the grand and the sublime;
they walk alone and unaccompanied, but they soar very high and are very
penetrating, always certain of the advantages sometimes to be obtained by
irregularity, and assured of their success. Careful, timorous, and sedate
minds not alone never obtain those advantages, but they do not admire them
nor even understand them, and are much less likely to imitate them; they
dwell peaceably within the compass of their sphere, go up to a certain point,
which is the limit of their capacity and knowledge, but penetrate no farther,
Page 43
because they see nothing beyond it; they are at best but the first of a second
class and excel in mediocrity.
(62.) If I may venture to say so, there are certain inferior or second-rate
minds, who seem only fit to become the receptacle, register, or storehouse
of all the productions of other talents;116 they are plagiarists, translators,
compilers; they never think, but tell you what other authors have thought;
and as a selection of thoughts requires some inventive powers, theirs is ill-
made and inaccurate, which induces them rather to make it large than
excellent. They have no originality, and possess nothing of their own; they
only know what they have learned, and only learn what the rest of the world
does not wish to know; a useless and dry science, without any charm or
profit, unfit for conversation, nor suitable to intercourse, like a coin which
has no currency. We are astonished when we read them, as well as tired out
by their conversation or their works. The nobility and the common herd
mistake them for men of learning, but intelligent men rank them with
pedants.
(63.) Criticism is often not a science but a trade, requiring more health
than intelligence, more industry than capacity, more practice than genius. If
it is exercised by a person of less discernment than culture, and treats of
certain subjects, it will spoil the readerʼs judgment as well as that of the
author criticised.
(64.) I would advise an author who can only imitate,117 and who is
modest enough to tread in the footsteps of other men, to choose for his
models writings that are full of intelligence, imagination, or even learning:
if he does not come up to his originals, he may at least come somewhat near
them, and be read. He ought, on the contrary, to avoid, as a rock ahead, the
imitation of those authors who have a natural inclination for writing,
employ phrases and figures of speech which spring from the heart, and who
draw, if I may say so, from their inmost feelings all they express on paper.
They are dangerous models, and induce those who endeavour to follow
them to adopt a cold, vulgar, and ridiculous style. Indeed, I should laugh at
a man who would seriously imitate my tone of voice, or endeavour to be
like me in the face.
(65.) A man born a Christian and a Frenchman is constrained when he
uses satire, for he is forbidden to exercise it on great subjects; sometimes he
commences to write about them, but then turns to trifling topics, which he
enhances by the splendour of his genius and style.118
class and excel in mediocrity.
(62.) If I may venture to say so, there are certain inferior or second-rate
minds, who seem only fit to become the receptacle, register, or storehouse
of all the productions of other talents;116 they are plagiarists, translators,
compilers; they never think, but tell you what other authors have thought;
and as a selection of thoughts requires some inventive powers, theirs is ill-
made and inaccurate, which induces them rather to make it large than
excellent. They have no originality, and possess nothing of their own; they
only know what they have learned, and only learn what the rest of the world
does not wish to know; a useless and dry science, without any charm or
profit, unfit for conversation, nor suitable to intercourse, like a coin which
has no currency. We are astonished when we read them, as well as tired out
by their conversation or their works. The nobility and the common herd
mistake them for men of learning, but intelligent men rank them with
pedants.
(63.) Criticism is often not a science but a trade, requiring more health
than intelligence, more industry than capacity, more practice than genius. If
it is exercised by a person of less discernment than culture, and treats of
certain subjects, it will spoil the readerʼs judgment as well as that of the
author criticised.
(64.) I would advise an author who can only imitate,117 and who is
modest enough to tread in the footsteps of other men, to choose for his
models writings that are full of intelligence, imagination, or even learning:
if he does not come up to his originals, he may at least come somewhat near
them, and be read. He ought, on the contrary, to avoid, as a rock ahead, the
imitation of those authors who have a natural inclination for writing,
employ phrases and figures of speech which spring from the heart, and who
draw, if I may say so, from their inmost feelings all they express on paper.
They are dangerous models, and induce those who endeavour to follow
them to adopt a cold, vulgar, and ridiculous style. Indeed, I should laugh at
a man who would seriously imitate my tone of voice, or endeavour to be
like me in the face.
(65.) A man born a Christian and a Frenchman is constrained when he
uses satire, for he is forbidden to exercise it on great subjects; sometimes he
commences to write about them, but then turns to trifling topics, which he
enhances by the splendour of his genius and style.118
Page 44
(66.) The turgid and puerile style of Dorilas and Handburg119 should
always be avoided. In certain writings, on the contrary, a man sometimes
may be bold in his expressions, and use metaphorical phrases which depict
his subject vividly, whilst pitying those who do not feel the pleasure there is
in employing and understanding them.
(67.) He who only writes to suit the taste of the age, considers himself
more than his writings. We should always aim at perfection, and then
posterity will do us that justice which sometimes our contemporaries refuse
us.
(68.) We ought never to turn into ridicule a subject that does not lend
itself to it; it spoils our taste, vitiates our judgment as well as other menʼs;
but we should perceive ridicule where it does exist, show it up delicately,
and in a manner which both pleases and instructs.
(69.) “Horace or Boileau have said such a thing before you.”—“I take
your word for it, but I have used it as my own. May I not have the same
correct thought after them, as others may have after me?”
always be avoided. In certain writings, on the contrary, a man sometimes
may be bold in his expressions, and use metaphorical phrases which depict
his subject vividly, whilst pitying those who do not feel the pleasure there is
in employing and understanding them.
(67.) He who only writes to suit the taste of the age, considers himself
more than his writings. We should always aim at perfection, and then
posterity will do us that justice which sometimes our contemporaries refuse
us.
(68.) We ought never to turn into ridicule a subject that does not lend
itself to it; it spoils our taste, vitiates our judgment as well as other menʼs;
but we should perceive ridicule where it does exist, show it up delicately,
and in a manner which both pleases and instructs.
(69.) “Horace or Boileau have said such a thing before you.”—“I take
your word for it, but I have used it as my own. May I not have the same
correct thought after them, as others may have after me?”
Page 45
II.
OF PERSONAL MERIT.
(1.)
W HAT man is not convinced of his inefficiency, though endowed
with the rarest talents and the most extraordinary merit, when
he considers that at his death he leaves a world that will not feel
his loss, and where so many people are ready to supply his place?
(2.) All the worth of some people lies in their name; upon a closer
inspection it dwindles to nothing, but from a distance it deceives us.
(3.) Though I am convinced that those who are selected to fill various
offices, every man according to his talents and his profession, perform their
duties well, yet I venture to say that perhaps there are many men in this
world, known or unknown, who are not employed, and would perform
those duties also very well. I am inclined to think so from the marvellous
success of certain people, who through chance alone obtained a place, and
from whom until then no great things were expected.
How many admirable men, of very great talent, die without ever being
talked about! And how many are there living yet of whom one does not
speak, nor ever will speak!
OF PERSONAL MERIT.
(1.)
W HAT man is not convinced of his inefficiency, though endowed
with the rarest talents and the most extraordinary merit, when
he considers that at his death he leaves a world that will not feel
his loss, and where so many people are ready to supply his place?
(2.) All the worth of some people lies in their name; upon a closer
inspection it dwindles to nothing, but from a distance it deceives us.
(3.) Though I am convinced that those who are selected to fill various
offices, every man according to his talents and his profession, perform their
duties well, yet I venture to say that perhaps there are many men in this
world, known or unknown, who are not employed, and would perform
those duties also very well. I am inclined to think so from the marvellous
success of certain people, who through chance alone obtained a place, and
from whom until then no great things were expected.
How many admirable men, of very great talent, die without ever being
talked about! And how many are there living yet of whom one does not
speak, nor ever will speak!
Page 46
(4.) A man without eulogists and without a set of friends, who is
unconnected with any clique, stands alone, and has no other
recommendations but a good deal of merit, has very great difficulty in
emerging from his obscurity and in rising as high as a conceited noodle who
has a good deal of influence!
(5.) No one hardly ever thinks of the merit of others, unless it is pointed
out to him. Men are too engrossed by themselves to have the leisure of
penetrating or discerning character, so that a person of great merit and of
greater modesty may languish a long time in obscurity.
(6.) Genius and great talents are often wanting, but sometimes only
opportunities. Some people deserve praise for what they have done, and
others for what they would have done.
(7.) It is not so uncommon to meet with intelligence as with people who
make use of it, or who praise other personsʼ intelligence and employ it.
(8.) There are more tools than workmen, and of the latter more bad than
good ones. What would you think of a man who would use a plane to saw,
and his saw to plane?
(9.) There is no business in this world so troublesome as the pursuit of
fame: life is over before you have hardly begun your work.
(10.) What is to be done with Egesippus who solicits some
employment? Shall he have a post in the finances or in the army? It does
not matter much, and interest alone can decide it, for he is as able to handle
money or to make up accounts as to be a soldier. “He is fit for anything,”
say his friends, which always means that he has no more talent for one thing
than for another, or, in other words, that he is fit for nothing. Thus it is with
most men; in their youth they are only occupied with themselves, are
spoiled by idleness or pleasure, and then wrongly imagine, when more
advanced in years, that it is sufficient for them to be useless or poor for the
commonwealth to be obliged to give them a place or to relieve them. They
seldom profit by that important maxim, that men ought to employ the first
years of their lives in so qualifying themselves by their studies and labour,
that the commonwealth itself, needing their industry and their knowledge as
necessary materials for its building up, might be induced, for its own
benefit, to make their fortune or improve it.
It is our duty to labour in order to make ourselves worthy of filling
some office: the rest does not concern us, but is other peopleʼs business.
unconnected with any clique, stands alone, and has no other
recommendations but a good deal of merit, has very great difficulty in
emerging from his obscurity and in rising as high as a conceited noodle who
has a good deal of influence!
(5.) No one hardly ever thinks of the merit of others, unless it is pointed
out to him. Men are too engrossed by themselves to have the leisure of
penetrating or discerning character, so that a person of great merit and of
greater modesty may languish a long time in obscurity.
(6.) Genius and great talents are often wanting, but sometimes only
opportunities. Some people deserve praise for what they have done, and
others for what they would have done.
(7.) It is not so uncommon to meet with intelligence as with people who
make use of it, or who praise other personsʼ intelligence and employ it.
(8.) There are more tools than workmen, and of the latter more bad than
good ones. What would you think of a man who would use a plane to saw,
and his saw to plane?
(9.) There is no business in this world so troublesome as the pursuit of
fame: life is over before you have hardly begun your work.
(10.) What is to be done with Egesippus who solicits some
employment? Shall he have a post in the finances or in the army? It does
not matter much, and interest alone can decide it, for he is as able to handle
money or to make up accounts as to be a soldier. “He is fit for anything,”
say his friends, which always means that he has no more talent for one thing
than for another, or, in other words, that he is fit for nothing. Thus it is with
most men; in their youth they are only occupied with themselves, are
spoiled by idleness or pleasure, and then wrongly imagine, when more
advanced in years, that it is sufficient for them to be useless or poor for the
commonwealth to be obliged to give them a place or to relieve them. They
seldom profit by that important maxim, that men ought to employ the first
years of their lives in so qualifying themselves by their studies and labour,
that the commonwealth itself, needing their industry and their knowledge as
necessary materials for its building up, might be induced, for its own
benefit, to make their fortune or improve it.
It is our duty to labour in order to make ourselves worthy of filling
some office: the rest does not concern us, but is other peopleʼs business.
Page 47
(11.) To make the most of ourselves through things which do not depend
on others but on ourselves alone, or to abandon all ideas of making the most
of ourselves, is an inestimable maxim and of infinite advantage when
brought into practice, useful to the weak, the virtuous, and the intelligent,
whom it renders masters of their fortune or their ease; hurtful to the great,
as it would diminish the number of their attendants, or rather of their slaves,
would abate their pride, and partly their authority, and would almost reduce
them to the pleasures of the table and the splendour of their carriages; it
would deprive them of the pleasure they feel in being entreated, courted,
solicited; of allowing people to dance attendance on them, or of refusing
any request; of promising and not performing; it would thwart the
disposition they sometimes have of bringing fools forward and of
depressing merit when they chance to discern it; it would banish from
courts plots, parties, trickery, baseness, flattery, and deceit; it would make a
court, full of agitation, bustle, and intrigue, resemble a comedy, or even a
tragedy, where the wise are only spectators; it would restore dignity to the
several conditions of men, serenity to their looks, enlarge their liberty, and
awaken in them their natural talents as well as a habit for work and for
exercise; it would excite them to emulation, to a desire for renown, a love
for virtue; and instead of vile, restless, useless courtiers, often burdensome
to the commonwealth, would make them clever administrators, exemplary
heads of families, upright judges or good financiers, great commanders,
orators, or philosophers; and all the inconvenience any of them would suffer
through this would be, perhaps, to leave to their heirs less treasures, but
excellent examples.
(12.) In France a great deal of resolution, as well as a widely cultivated
intellect, are required to decline posts and offices, and thus consent to
remain in retirement and to do nothing. Almost no one has merit enough to
play this part in a dignified manner, or solidity enough to pass their leisure
hours without what is vulgarly called “business.” There is, however,
nothing wanting to the idleness of a philosopher but a better name, and that
meditation, conversation, and reading should be called “work.”
(13.) A man of merit, and in office, is never troublesome through vanity.
The post he fills does not elate him much, because he thinks that he
deserves a more important one, which he does not occupy, and this
mortifies him. He is more inclined to be restless than to be haughty or
disdainful; he is only uncomfortable to himself.
on others but on ourselves alone, or to abandon all ideas of making the most
of ourselves, is an inestimable maxim and of infinite advantage when
brought into practice, useful to the weak, the virtuous, and the intelligent,
whom it renders masters of their fortune or their ease; hurtful to the great,
as it would diminish the number of their attendants, or rather of their slaves,
would abate their pride, and partly their authority, and would almost reduce
them to the pleasures of the table and the splendour of their carriages; it
would deprive them of the pleasure they feel in being entreated, courted,
solicited; of allowing people to dance attendance on them, or of refusing
any request; of promising and not performing; it would thwart the
disposition they sometimes have of bringing fools forward and of
depressing merit when they chance to discern it; it would banish from
courts plots, parties, trickery, baseness, flattery, and deceit; it would make a
court, full of agitation, bustle, and intrigue, resemble a comedy, or even a
tragedy, where the wise are only spectators; it would restore dignity to the
several conditions of men, serenity to their looks, enlarge their liberty, and
awaken in them their natural talents as well as a habit for work and for
exercise; it would excite them to emulation, to a desire for renown, a love
for virtue; and instead of vile, restless, useless courtiers, often burdensome
to the commonwealth, would make them clever administrators, exemplary
heads of families, upright judges or good financiers, great commanders,
orators, or philosophers; and all the inconvenience any of them would suffer
through this would be, perhaps, to leave to their heirs less treasures, but
excellent examples.
(12.) In France a great deal of resolution, as well as a widely cultivated
intellect, are required to decline posts and offices, and thus consent to
remain in retirement and to do nothing. Almost no one has merit enough to
play this part in a dignified manner, or solidity enough to pass their leisure
hours without what is vulgarly called “business.” There is, however,
nothing wanting to the idleness of a philosopher but a better name, and that
meditation, conversation, and reading should be called “work.”
(13.) A man of merit, and in office, is never troublesome through vanity.
The post he fills does not elate him much, because he thinks that he
deserves a more important one, which he does not occupy, and this
mortifies him. He is more inclined to be restless than to be haughty or
disdainful; he is only uncomfortable to himself.
Page 48
(14.) It goes against the grain of a man of merit continually to dance
attendance, but for a reason quite the opposite of what some might imagine.
His very merits make him modest, so that he is far from thinking that he
gives the smallest pleasure by showing himself when the prince passes, by
placing himself just before him, and by letting him look at his face; he is
more apt to fear being importunate, and he needs many arguments based on
custom and duty to persuade himself to make his appearance; while, on the
contrary, a man who has a good opinion of himself, and who is usually
called a conceited man,120 likes to show himself, and pays his court with the
more confidence as it never enters into his head that the great people by
whom he is seen may think otherwise of him than he thinks of himself.
(15.) A gentleman121 repays himself for the zeal with which he performs
his duty by the pleasure he enjoys in acting thus, and does not regret the
praise, esteem, and gratitude which he sometimes does not receive.
(16.) If I dared to make a comparison between two conditions of life
vastly different, I would say that a courageous soldier applies himself to
perform his duty almost in the same manner as a tyler goes about his work;
neither the one nor the other seeks to expose his life, nor are diverted by
danger, for to them death is an accident of their callings, but never an
obstacle. Thus the first is scarcely more proud of having appeared in the
trenches, carried some advanced works or forced some intrenchment, than
the other of having climbed on some high roof, or on the top of a steeple.
Both have but endeavoured to act well, whilst an ostentatious man gives
himself endless trouble to have it said that he has acted well.
(17.) Modesty is to merit what shade is to figures in a picture; it gives it
strength and makes it stand out. A plain appearance is to ordinary men their
proper garb; it suits them and fits them, but it adorns those persons whose
lives have been distinguished by grand deeds; I compare them to a beauty
who is most charming in négligé.
Some men, satisfied with themselves because their actions or works
have been tolerably successful, and having heard that modesty becomes
great men, affect the simplicity and the natural air of truly modest people,
like those persons of middling size who stoop, when under a doorway, for
fear of hurting their heads.
(18.) Your son stammers; do not think of letting him make speeches;
your daughter, too, looks as if she were made for the world, so never
immure her among the vestals.122 Xanthus, your freedman, is feeble and
attendance, but for a reason quite the opposite of what some might imagine.
His very merits make him modest, so that he is far from thinking that he
gives the smallest pleasure by showing himself when the prince passes, by
placing himself just before him, and by letting him look at his face; he is
more apt to fear being importunate, and he needs many arguments based on
custom and duty to persuade himself to make his appearance; while, on the
contrary, a man who has a good opinion of himself, and who is usually
called a conceited man,120 likes to show himself, and pays his court with the
more confidence as it never enters into his head that the great people by
whom he is seen may think otherwise of him than he thinks of himself.
(15.) A gentleman121 repays himself for the zeal with which he performs
his duty by the pleasure he enjoys in acting thus, and does not regret the
praise, esteem, and gratitude which he sometimes does not receive.
(16.) If I dared to make a comparison between two conditions of life
vastly different, I would say that a courageous soldier applies himself to
perform his duty almost in the same manner as a tyler goes about his work;
neither the one nor the other seeks to expose his life, nor are diverted by
danger, for to them death is an accident of their callings, but never an
obstacle. Thus the first is scarcely more proud of having appeared in the
trenches, carried some advanced works or forced some intrenchment, than
the other of having climbed on some high roof, or on the top of a steeple.
Both have but endeavoured to act well, whilst an ostentatious man gives
himself endless trouble to have it said that he has acted well.
(17.) Modesty is to merit what shade is to figures in a picture; it gives it
strength and makes it stand out. A plain appearance is to ordinary men their
proper garb; it suits them and fits them, but it adorns those persons whose
lives have been distinguished by grand deeds; I compare them to a beauty
who is most charming in négligé.
Some men, satisfied with themselves because their actions or works
have been tolerably successful, and having heard that modesty becomes
great men, affect the simplicity and the natural air of truly modest people,
like those persons of middling size who stoop, when under a doorway, for
fear of hurting their heads.
(18.) Your son stammers; do not think of letting him make speeches;
your daughter, too, looks as if she were made for the world, so never
immure her among the vestals.122 Xanthus, your freedman, is feeble and
Page 49
timorous; therefore do not delay, but let him instantly leave the army and
the soldiers.123 You say you would promote him, heap wealth on him,
overwhelm him with lands, titles, and possessions: make the most of your
time, for in the present age they will do him far more credit than virtue.
“But this will cost me too much,” you reply. “Ah, Crassus, do you speak
seriously? Why, for you to enrich Xanthus, whom you love, is no more than
taking a drop of water from the Tiber; and thus you prevent the bad
consequences of his having entered a profession for which he was not fit.”
(19.) It is virtue alone which should guide us in the choice of our
friends, without any inquiry into their poverty or riches; and as we are
resolved not to abandon them in adversity, we may boldly and freely
cultivate their friendship even in their greatest prosperity.
(20.) If it be usual to be strongly impressed by things that are scarce,
why are we so little impressed by virtue?
(21.) If it be a happiness to be of noble parentage, it is no less so to
possess so much merit that nobody inquires whether we are noble or
plebeian.
(22.) From time to time have appeared in the world some extraordinary
and admirable men, refulgent by their virtues, and whose eminent qualities
have shone with prodigious brilliancy, like those uncommon stars of which
we do not know why they appear, and know still less what becomes of them
after they have disappeared. These men have neither ancestors nor
posterity; they alone are their whole race.
(23.) A sensible mind shows us our duty and the obligation we lie under
to perform it, and if attended with danger, to perform it in spite of danger; it
inspires us with courage or supplies the want of it.
(24.) He who excels in his art, so as to carry it to the utmost height of
perfection, goes in some measure beyond it, and becomes the equal of
whatever is most noble and most transcendental: thus V ... is an artist, C ... a
musician, and the author of Pyrame a poet; but Mignard is Mignard, Lulli is
Lulli, and Corneille is Corneille.124
(25). A man who is single and independent, and who has some
intelligence, may rise above his fortune, mix with the world, and be
considered the equal of the best society, which is not so easily done if
encumbered. Marriage seems to place everybody in their proper station of
life.
the soldiers.123 You say you would promote him, heap wealth on him,
overwhelm him with lands, titles, and possessions: make the most of your
time, for in the present age they will do him far more credit than virtue.
“But this will cost me too much,” you reply. “Ah, Crassus, do you speak
seriously? Why, for you to enrich Xanthus, whom you love, is no more than
taking a drop of water from the Tiber; and thus you prevent the bad
consequences of his having entered a profession for which he was not fit.”
(19.) It is virtue alone which should guide us in the choice of our
friends, without any inquiry into their poverty or riches; and as we are
resolved not to abandon them in adversity, we may boldly and freely
cultivate their friendship even in their greatest prosperity.
(20.) If it be usual to be strongly impressed by things that are scarce,
why are we so little impressed by virtue?
(21.) If it be a happiness to be of noble parentage, it is no less so to
possess so much merit that nobody inquires whether we are noble or
plebeian.
(22.) From time to time have appeared in the world some extraordinary
and admirable men, refulgent by their virtues, and whose eminent qualities
have shone with prodigious brilliancy, like those uncommon stars of which
we do not know why they appear, and know still less what becomes of them
after they have disappeared. These men have neither ancestors nor
posterity; they alone are their whole race.
(23.) A sensible mind shows us our duty and the obligation we lie under
to perform it, and if attended with danger, to perform it in spite of danger; it
inspires us with courage or supplies the want of it.
(24.) He who excels in his art, so as to carry it to the utmost height of
perfection, goes in some measure beyond it, and becomes the equal of
whatever is most noble and most transcendental: thus V ... is an artist, C ... a
musician, and the author of Pyrame a poet; but Mignard is Mignard, Lulli is
Lulli, and Corneille is Corneille.124
(25). A man who is single and independent, and who has some
intelligence, may rise above his fortune, mix with the world, and be
considered the equal of the best society, which is not so easily done if
encumbered. Marriage seems to place everybody in their proper station of
life.
Page 50
(26.) Next to personal merit, it must be owned that from eminent
dignities and lofty titles men derive the greatest distinction and lustre; and
thus a man who will never make an Erasmus125 is right when he thinks of
becoming a bishop.126 Some, to spread their fame, heap up dignities,
decorations,127 bishoprics, become cardinals, and may want the tiara; but
what need for Trophime128 to become a cardinal.
(27.) You tell me that Philemonʼs129 clothes blaze with gold, but that
metal also shone when they were in the tailorʼs shop. His clothes are made
of the finest materials; but are those same materials less fine in the
warehouse or in the whole piece? But then the embroidery and trimmings
make them still more magnificent. I praise, therefore, the skill of his tailor.
Ask him what oʼclock it is, and he pulls out a watch, a masterpiece of
workmanship; the handle of his sword is an onyx,130 and on his finger he
wears a large diamond which dazzles our eyes and has no flaw. He wants
none of all those curious nicknacks which are worn more for show than
service, and is as profuse131 with all kinds of ornaments as a young fellow
who has married a wealthy old lady. Well, at last you have excited my
curiosity: I should, at least, like to see all this finery: send me Philemonʼs
clothes and jewels; but I do not wish to see him.
You are mistaken, Philemon, if you think you will be esteemed a whit
the more for your showy coach, the large number of rogues who follow
you, and those six horses that draw you along; we mentally remove all
splendour which is not properly yours, to reach you personally, and find
you to be a mere conceited noodle.
Not but that a man is sometimes to be forgiven who, on account of his
splendid retinue, his rich clothes, and his magnificent carriage, thinks
himself of more noble descent and more intelligent than he really is; for he
sees this opinion expressed on the countenances and in the eyes of those
who speak to him.132
(28.) At court, and often in the city, a man in a long silken cassock or
one of very fine cloth,133 with a broad cincture tied high upon his stomach,
shoes of the finest morocco leather, and a little skull-cap of the same
material, with well-made and well-starched bands, his hair smoothed down,
and with a ruddy complexion; who, besides, remembers some metaphysical
distinctions, explains what is the lumen gloriæ, and what it is to behold God
face to face,134 is called a doctor.135 A man of humble mind, who is
dignities and lofty titles men derive the greatest distinction and lustre; and
thus a man who will never make an Erasmus125 is right when he thinks of
becoming a bishop.126 Some, to spread their fame, heap up dignities,
decorations,127 bishoprics, become cardinals, and may want the tiara; but
what need for Trophime128 to become a cardinal.
(27.) You tell me that Philemonʼs129 clothes blaze with gold, but that
metal also shone when they were in the tailorʼs shop. His clothes are made
of the finest materials; but are those same materials less fine in the
warehouse or in the whole piece? But then the embroidery and trimmings
make them still more magnificent. I praise, therefore, the skill of his tailor.
Ask him what oʼclock it is, and he pulls out a watch, a masterpiece of
workmanship; the handle of his sword is an onyx,130 and on his finger he
wears a large diamond which dazzles our eyes and has no flaw. He wants
none of all those curious nicknacks which are worn more for show than
service, and is as profuse131 with all kinds of ornaments as a young fellow
who has married a wealthy old lady. Well, at last you have excited my
curiosity: I should, at least, like to see all this finery: send me Philemonʼs
clothes and jewels; but I do not wish to see him.
You are mistaken, Philemon, if you think you will be esteemed a whit
the more for your showy coach, the large number of rogues who follow
you, and those six horses that draw you along; we mentally remove all
splendour which is not properly yours, to reach you personally, and find
you to be a mere conceited noodle.
Not but that a man is sometimes to be forgiven who, on account of his
splendid retinue, his rich clothes, and his magnificent carriage, thinks
himself of more noble descent and more intelligent than he really is; for he
sees this opinion expressed on the countenances and in the eyes of those
who speak to him.132
(28.) At court, and often in the city, a man in a long silken cassock or
one of very fine cloth,133 with a broad cincture tied high upon his stomach,
shoes of the finest morocco leather, and a little skull-cap of the same
material, with well-made and well-starched bands, his hair smoothed down,
and with a ruddy complexion; who, besides, remembers some metaphysical
distinctions, explains what is the lumen gloriæ, and what it is to behold God
face to face,134 is called a doctor.135 A man of humble mind, who is
Page 51
immured in his study, who has meditated, searched, compared, collated,
read or written all his lifetime, is a man of learning.136
(29.) With us a soldier is brave, a lawyer learned; we proceed no farther.
Among the Romans a lawyer was brave and a soldier learned; a Roman was
a soldier and a lawyer.
(30.) A hero seems to have but one profession, namely, to be a soldier,
whilst a great man is of all professions—a lawyer, a soldier, a politician or a
courtier; put them both together and they are not worth an honest man.137
(31.) In war it is very difficult to make a distinction between a hero and
a great man, for both possess military virtues. It seems, however, that the
first should be young, daring, unmoved amidst dangers and dauntless,
whilst the other should have extraordinary sense, great sagacity, lofty
capacities, and a long experience. Perhaps Alexander was but a hero, and
Cæsar a great man.138
(32.) Æmilius139 was born with those qualities which the greatest men
do not acquire without guidance, long study, and practice. He had nothing
to do in his early years but to show himself worthy of his innate talents, and
to give himself up to the bent of his genius. He has done and performed
deeds before he knew anything; or rather, he knew what was never taught
him. I dare say it: many victories were the sport of his childhood. A life
attended by great good fortune as well as by long experience, would have
gained renown by the mere actions of his youth.140 He embraced all
opportunities of conquest which presented themselves, whilst his courage
and his good fortune created those which did not exist; he was admired for
what he has done, as well as for what he could have done. He has been
looked upon as a man incapable of yielding to an enemy, or giving way to
numbers or difficulties; as a superior mind, never wanting in expediency or
knowledge, and seeing things which no one else could see; as one who was
sure to lead to victory when at the head of an army; and who singly was
more valuable than many battalions; as one who was great in prosperity,
greater when fortune was against him,—the being compelled to raise a
siege141 or to beat a retreat have gained him more honour than a victory,
and they rank before his gaining battles or taking of towns,—as one full of
glory and modesty. He has been heard to say, “I fled,” as calmly as he said,
“We beat the enemy;” he was a man devoted to the State,142 to his family, to
the head of that family;143 sincere towards God and men, as great an
read or written all his lifetime, is a man of learning.136
(29.) With us a soldier is brave, a lawyer learned; we proceed no farther.
Among the Romans a lawyer was brave and a soldier learned; a Roman was
a soldier and a lawyer.
(30.) A hero seems to have but one profession, namely, to be a soldier,
whilst a great man is of all professions—a lawyer, a soldier, a politician or a
courtier; put them both together and they are not worth an honest man.137
(31.) In war it is very difficult to make a distinction between a hero and
a great man, for both possess military virtues. It seems, however, that the
first should be young, daring, unmoved amidst dangers and dauntless,
whilst the other should have extraordinary sense, great sagacity, lofty
capacities, and a long experience. Perhaps Alexander was but a hero, and
Cæsar a great man.138
(32.) Æmilius139 was born with those qualities which the greatest men
do not acquire without guidance, long study, and practice. He had nothing
to do in his early years but to show himself worthy of his innate talents, and
to give himself up to the bent of his genius. He has done and performed
deeds before he knew anything; or rather, he knew what was never taught
him. I dare say it: many victories were the sport of his childhood. A life
attended by great good fortune as well as by long experience, would have
gained renown by the mere actions of his youth.140 He embraced all
opportunities of conquest which presented themselves, whilst his courage
and his good fortune created those which did not exist; he was admired for
what he has done, as well as for what he could have done. He has been
looked upon as a man incapable of yielding to an enemy, or giving way to
numbers or difficulties; as a superior mind, never wanting in expediency or
knowledge, and seeing things which no one else could see; as one who was
sure to lead to victory when at the head of an army; and who singly was
more valuable than many battalions; as one who was great in prosperity,
greater when fortune was against him,—the being compelled to raise a
siege141 or to beat a retreat have gained him more honour than a victory,
and they rank before his gaining battles or taking of towns,—as one full of
glory and modesty. He has been heard to say, “I fled,” as calmly as he said,
“We beat the enemy;” he was a man devoted to the State,142 to his family, to
the head of that family;143 sincere towards God and men, as great an
Page 52
admirer of merit as if he had not been so well acquainted with it himself; a
true, unaffected, and magnanimous man, in whom none but virtues of an
inferior kind were wanting.144
(33.) The offspring of the gods,145 if I may express myself so, are
beyond the laws of nature, and, as it were, an exception to them. They
expect almost nothing from time or age; for merit, in them, precedes
years.146 They are born well informed, and reach manhood before ordinary
men abandon infancy.
(34.) Short-sighted men, I mean those whose minds are limited and
never extend beyond their own little sphere, cannot understand that
universality of talent one sometimes observes in the same person. They
allow no one to possess solid qualities when he is agreeable; or, when they
think they have perceived in a person some bodily attractions, such as
agility, elasticity, and skill, they will not credit him with the possession of
those gifts of the mind, perspicacity, judgment, and wisdom; they will not
believe what is told in the history of Socrates, that he ever danced.
(35.) There exists scarcely any man so accomplished, or so necessary to
his own family, but he has some failing which will diminish their regret at
his loss.
(36.) An intelligent man, of a simple and straightforward character, may
fall into some snare, for he does not think that anybody would spread one
for him or select him in order to deceive him. This assurance makes him
less cautious, and he is caught by some rogues through this failing. But the
latter will not be so successful when they attempt it a second time; such a
man can only be deceived once.
If I am a just man, I will be careful not to offend any one, but above all
not to offend an intelligent man, if I have the smallest regard for my own
interests.
(37.) There exists nothing so subtle, so simple, and so imperceptible
which is not revealed to us by a something in its composition. A blockhead
cannot enter a room, nor leave it, nor sit down, nor rise, nor be silent, nor
stand on his legs like an intelligent man.
(38.) I made the acquaintance of Mopsus147 through a visit he made me
without knowing me previously; he asks people whom he does not know to
present him to others to whom he is equally unknown; he writes to ladies
whom he only knows by sight. He introduces himself into a company of
highly respectable people, though he is a perfect stranger to them, and
true, unaffected, and magnanimous man, in whom none but virtues of an
inferior kind were wanting.144
(33.) The offspring of the gods,145 if I may express myself so, are
beyond the laws of nature, and, as it were, an exception to them. They
expect almost nothing from time or age; for merit, in them, precedes
years.146 They are born well informed, and reach manhood before ordinary
men abandon infancy.
(34.) Short-sighted men, I mean those whose minds are limited and
never extend beyond their own little sphere, cannot understand that
universality of talent one sometimes observes in the same person. They
allow no one to possess solid qualities when he is agreeable; or, when they
think they have perceived in a person some bodily attractions, such as
agility, elasticity, and skill, they will not credit him with the possession of
those gifts of the mind, perspicacity, judgment, and wisdom; they will not
believe what is told in the history of Socrates, that he ever danced.
(35.) There exists scarcely any man so accomplished, or so necessary to
his own family, but he has some failing which will diminish their regret at
his loss.
(36.) An intelligent man, of a simple and straightforward character, may
fall into some snare, for he does not think that anybody would spread one
for him or select him in order to deceive him. This assurance makes him
less cautious, and he is caught by some rogues through this failing. But the
latter will not be so successful when they attempt it a second time; such a
man can only be deceived once.
If I am a just man, I will be careful not to offend any one, but above all
not to offend an intelligent man, if I have the smallest regard for my own
interests.
(37.) There exists nothing so subtle, so simple, and so imperceptible
which is not revealed to us by a something in its composition. A blockhead
cannot enter a room, nor leave it, nor sit down, nor rise, nor be silent, nor
stand on his legs like an intelligent man.
(38.) I made the acquaintance of Mopsus147 through a visit he made me
without knowing me previously; he asks people whom he does not know to
present him to others to whom he is equally unknown; he writes to ladies
whom he only knows by sight. He introduces himself into a company of
highly respectable people, though he is a perfect stranger to them, and
Page 53
without waiting till they address him, or feeling that he interrupts them, he
often speaks, and that in an absurd manner. Another time he enters a public
meeting, sits down anywhere, without paying any regard to others or to
himself; and if removed from a place destined for a Minister of State, he
goes and seats himself in the seat of a duke and peer of the realm; he is the
laughing-stock of the whole company, yet the only person who keeps his
countenance. He is like a dog that is driven out of the kingʼs chair and
jumps into the pulpit. He looks with indifference, without any
embarrassment or without any shame, upon the worldʼs opinion; he and a
blockhead have the same feelings of modesty.
(39.) Celsus148 is not of a very high birth, but he is allowed to visit the
greatest men in the land; he is not learned, but he is acquainted with some
learned men; he has not much merit, but he knows people who have a great
deal of it; he has no abilities, but he has a tongue that serves him to be
understood, and feet that carry him from one place to another. He is a man
made to run backwards and forwards, to listen to proposals and to talk
about them, to do this officially, to exceed the duties of his post, and even to
be disowned; to reconcile people who fall out the first time they see one
another; to succeed in one affair and fail in a thousand; to arrogate all the
honour of success to himself, and cast all the blame of a failure on others.
He knows all the scandal and the tittle-tattle of the town; he does nothing
but only repeats and hears what others do; he is a newsmonger, he is even
acquainted with family secrets, and busies himself about the greatest
mysteries; he tells you the reason why a certain person was banished and
another has been recalled; he knows why and wherefore two brothers have
quarrelled,149 and why two ministers have fallen out.150 Did he not predict
to the former the sad consequences of their misunderstanding? Did he not
tell the latter their union would not last long? Was he not present when
certain words were spoken? Did he not enter into some kind of negotiation?
Would they believe him? Did they mind what he said? To whom do you talk
about those things? Who has had a greater share in all court intrigues than
Celsus? And if it were not so, or if he had not dreamed or imagined it to be
so, would he think of making you believe it? Would he put on the grave and
mysterious look of a man newly returned from an embassy?
(40.) Menippus151 is a bird decked in various feathers which are not his.
He neither says nor feels anything, but repeats the feelings and sayings of
others; it is so natural for him to make use of other peopleʼs minds that he is
often speaks, and that in an absurd manner. Another time he enters a public
meeting, sits down anywhere, without paying any regard to others or to
himself; and if removed from a place destined for a Minister of State, he
goes and seats himself in the seat of a duke and peer of the realm; he is the
laughing-stock of the whole company, yet the only person who keeps his
countenance. He is like a dog that is driven out of the kingʼs chair and
jumps into the pulpit. He looks with indifference, without any
embarrassment or without any shame, upon the worldʼs opinion; he and a
blockhead have the same feelings of modesty.
(39.) Celsus148 is not of a very high birth, but he is allowed to visit the
greatest men in the land; he is not learned, but he is acquainted with some
learned men; he has not much merit, but he knows people who have a great
deal of it; he has no abilities, but he has a tongue that serves him to be
understood, and feet that carry him from one place to another. He is a man
made to run backwards and forwards, to listen to proposals and to talk
about them, to do this officially, to exceed the duties of his post, and even to
be disowned; to reconcile people who fall out the first time they see one
another; to succeed in one affair and fail in a thousand; to arrogate all the
honour of success to himself, and cast all the blame of a failure on others.
He knows all the scandal and the tittle-tattle of the town; he does nothing
but only repeats and hears what others do; he is a newsmonger, he is even
acquainted with family secrets, and busies himself about the greatest
mysteries; he tells you the reason why a certain person was banished and
another has been recalled; he knows why and wherefore two brothers have
quarrelled,149 and why two ministers have fallen out.150 Did he not predict
to the former the sad consequences of their misunderstanding? Did he not
tell the latter their union would not last long? Was he not present when
certain words were spoken? Did he not enter into some kind of negotiation?
Would they believe him? Did they mind what he said? To whom do you talk
about those things? Who has had a greater share in all court intrigues than
Celsus? And if it were not so, or if he had not dreamed or imagined it to be
so, would he think of making you believe it? Would he put on the grave and
mysterious look of a man newly returned from an embassy?
(40.) Menippus151 is a bird decked in various feathers which are not his.
He neither says nor feels anything, but repeats the feelings and sayings of
others; it is so natural for him to make use of other peopleʼs minds that he is
Page 54
the first deceived by it, and often believes he speaks his own mind or
expresses his own thoughts when he is but the echo of some man he just
parted with. He is bearable152 for a quarter of an hour, but a moment after
he flags, degenerates, loses the little polish his shallow memory gives him,
and shows he has nothing more left.153 He alone ignores how very far he is
from the sublime and the heroic; and having no idea of the extent of his
intelligence, ingenuously believes that he possesses as much as it is possible
for any man to have, and accordingly assumes the air and manners of one
who has nothing more to wish for nor to envy any one. He often
soliloquises, and so little conceals it, that the passers-by see him and think
he is always making up his mind, or is finally deciding some matter or
other. If you bow to him at a certain time, you perplex him as to whether he
has to return the bow or not; and, whilst he is deliberating, you are already
out of his sight. His vanity, which has made him a gentleman, has raised
him above himself, and made him what naturally he is not. When you
behold him, you can judge he has nothing to do but to survey himself, so
that he may perceive everything he wears suits him, and that his dress is not
incongruous; he fancies all menʼs eyes are upon him, and that people come
to look on him one after another.
(41.) A man who has a palace of his own, with apartments for the
summer and the winter season, and yet sleeps in an entresol in the
Louvre,154 does not act thus through modesty; another, who, to preserve his
elegant shape, abstains from wine and eats but one meal a day, is neither
sober nor temperate; whilst it may be said of a third, who, importuned by
some poor friend, finally renders him some assistance, that he buys his
tranquillity, but by no means that he is liberal. It is the motive alone that
gives merit to human actions, and disinterestedness perfects them.
(42.) False greatness is unsociable and inaccessible; as it is sensible of
its weakness, it conceals itself, or at least does not show itself openly, and
only allows just so much to be seen as will carry on the deceit, so as not to
appear what it really is, namely, undoubtedly mean. True greatness, on the
contrary, is free, gentle, familiar, and popular; it allows itself to be touched
and handled, loses nothing by being seen closely, and is the more admired
the better it is known. Out of kindness it stoops to inferiors, and recovers,
without effort, its true character; sometimes it unbends, becomes negligent,
lays aside all its superiority, yet never loses the power of resuming it and of
maintaining it; amidst laughter, gambols, and jocularity it preserves its
expresses his own thoughts when he is but the echo of some man he just
parted with. He is bearable152 for a quarter of an hour, but a moment after
he flags, degenerates, loses the little polish his shallow memory gives him,
and shows he has nothing more left.153 He alone ignores how very far he is
from the sublime and the heroic; and having no idea of the extent of his
intelligence, ingenuously believes that he possesses as much as it is possible
for any man to have, and accordingly assumes the air and manners of one
who has nothing more to wish for nor to envy any one. He often
soliloquises, and so little conceals it, that the passers-by see him and think
he is always making up his mind, or is finally deciding some matter or
other. If you bow to him at a certain time, you perplex him as to whether he
has to return the bow or not; and, whilst he is deliberating, you are already
out of his sight. His vanity, which has made him a gentleman, has raised
him above himself, and made him what naturally he is not. When you
behold him, you can judge he has nothing to do but to survey himself, so
that he may perceive everything he wears suits him, and that his dress is not
incongruous; he fancies all menʼs eyes are upon him, and that people come
to look on him one after another.
(41.) A man who has a palace of his own, with apartments for the
summer and the winter season, and yet sleeps in an entresol in the
Louvre,154 does not act thus through modesty; another, who, to preserve his
elegant shape, abstains from wine and eats but one meal a day, is neither
sober nor temperate; whilst it may be said of a third, who, importuned by
some poor friend, finally renders him some assistance, that he buys his
tranquillity, but by no means that he is liberal. It is the motive alone that
gives merit to human actions, and disinterestedness perfects them.
(42.) False greatness is unsociable and inaccessible; as it is sensible of
its weakness, it conceals itself, or at least does not show itself openly, and
only allows just so much to be seen as will carry on the deceit, so as not to
appear what it really is, namely, undoubtedly mean. True greatness, on the
contrary, is free, gentle, familiar, and popular; it allows itself to be touched
and handled, loses nothing by being seen closely, and is the more admired
the better it is known. Out of kindness it stoops to inferiors, and recovers,
without effort, its true character; sometimes it unbends, becomes negligent,
lays aside all its superiority, yet never loses the power of resuming it and of
maintaining it; amidst laughter, gambols, and jocularity it preserves its
Page 55
dignity, and we approach it freely, and yet with some diffidence. It is noble,
yet sympathetic, whilst inspiring respect and confidence, and makes us
view princes as of lofty, nay, of very lofty rank, without making us feel that
we are of inferior condition.155
(43.) A wise man is cured of ambition by ambition itself; his aim is so
exalted that riches, office, fortune, and favour cannot satisfy him. He sees
nothing good and sufficiently efficient in such a poor superiority to engage
his affections and to render it deserving of his cares and his desires; he has
to use some effort not to despise it too much. The only thing that might
tempt him is that kind of honour which should attend a wholly pure and
unaffected virtue; but men but rarely grant it, so he does without it.
(44.) A man is good who benefits others: if he suffers for the good he
does, he is still better; and if he suffers through those to whom he did good,
he has arrived at such a height of perfection that nothing but an increase of
his sufferings can add to it; if he dies through them, his virtue cannot stand
higher; it is heroic, it is complete.
yet sympathetic, whilst inspiring respect and confidence, and makes us
view princes as of lofty, nay, of very lofty rank, without making us feel that
we are of inferior condition.155
(43.) A wise man is cured of ambition by ambition itself; his aim is so
exalted that riches, office, fortune, and favour cannot satisfy him. He sees
nothing good and sufficiently efficient in such a poor superiority to engage
his affections and to render it deserving of his cares and his desires; he has
to use some effort not to despise it too much. The only thing that might
tempt him is that kind of honour which should attend a wholly pure and
unaffected virtue; but men but rarely grant it, so he does without it.
(44.) A man is good who benefits others: if he suffers for the good he
does, he is still better; and if he suffers through those to whom he did good,
he has arrived at such a height of perfection that nothing but an increase of
his sufferings can add to it; if he dies through them, his virtue cannot stand
higher; it is heroic, it is complete.
Page 56
III.
OF WOMEN.
(1.)
T HE male and female sex seldom agree about the merits of a
woman, as their interests vary too much. Women do not like those
same charms in one another which render them agreeable to men:
many ways and means which kindle in the latter the greatest passions, raise
among them aversion and antipathy.
(2.) There exists among some women an artificial grandeur depending
on a certain way of moving their eyes, tossing their heads, and on their
manner of walking, which does not go farther; it is like a dazzling wit
which is deceptive, and is only admired because it is superficial. In a few
others is to be found an ingenuous, natural greatness, not beholden to
gestures and motion, which springs from the heart, and is, as it were, the
result of their noble birth; their merit, as unruffled as it is efficient, is
accompanied by a thousand virtues, which, in spite of all their modesty,
break out and display themselves to all who can discern them.
(3.) I have heard some people say they should like to be a girl, and a
handsome girl, too, from thirteen to two-and-twenty, and after that age
again to become a man.
OF WOMEN.
(1.)
T HE male and female sex seldom agree about the merits of a
woman, as their interests vary too much. Women do not like those
same charms in one another which render them agreeable to men:
many ways and means which kindle in the latter the greatest passions, raise
among them aversion and antipathy.
(2.) There exists among some women an artificial grandeur depending
on a certain way of moving their eyes, tossing their heads, and on their
manner of walking, which does not go farther; it is like a dazzling wit
which is deceptive, and is only admired because it is superficial. In a few
others is to be found an ingenuous, natural greatness, not beholden to
gestures and motion, which springs from the heart, and is, as it were, the
result of their noble birth; their merit, as unruffled as it is efficient, is
accompanied by a thousand virtues, which, in spite of all their modesty,
break out and display themselves to all who can discern them.
(3.) I have heard some people say they should like to be a girl, and a
handsome girl, too, from thirteen to two-and-twenty, and after that age
again to become a man.
Page 57
(4.) Some young ladies are not sensible of the advantages of a happy
disposition, and how beneficial it would be to them to give themselves up to
it; they enfeeble these rare and fragile gifts which Heaven has given them
by affectation and by bad imitation; their very voice and gait are affected;
they fashion their looks, adorn themselves, consult their looking-glasses to
see whether they have sufficiently changed their own natural appearance,
and take some trouble to make themselves less agreeable.
(5.) For a woman to paint herself red or white is, I admit, a smaller
crime than to say one thing and think another; it is also something less
innocent than to disguise herself or to go masquerading, if she does not
pretend to pass for what she seems to be, but only thinks of concealing her
personality and of remaining unknown; it is an endeavour to deceive the
eyes, to wish to appear outwardly what she is not; it is a kind of “white lie.”
We should judge of a woman without taking into account her shoes and
head-dress, and, almost as we measure a fish, from head to tail.156
(6.) If it be the ambition of women only to appear handsome in their
own eyes and to please themselves, they are, no doubt, right in following
their own tastes and fancies as to how they should beautify themselves, as
well as in choosing their dress and ornaments; but if they desire to please
men, if it is for them they paint and besmear themselves, I can tell them that
all men, or nearly all, have agreed that white and red paint makes them look
hideous and frightful; that red paint alone ages and disguises them, and that
these men hate as much to see white lead on their countenances as to see
false teeth in their mouths or balls of wax to plump out their cheeks;157 that
they solemnly protest against all artifices women employ to make
themselves look ugly; that they are not responsible for it to Heaven, but, on
the contrary, that it seems the last and infallible means to reclaim men from
loving them.
If women were by nature what they make themselves by art; if they
were to lose suddenly all the freshness of their complexion, and their faces
to become as fiery and as leaden as they make them with the red and the
paint they besmear themselves with, they would consider themselves the
most wretched creatures on earth.
(7.) A coquette is a woman who never yields to the passion she has for
pleasing, nor to the good opinion she entertains of her own beauty; she
regards time and years only as things that wrinkle and disfigure other
women, and forgets that age is written on her face. The same dress, which
disposition, and how beneficial it would be to them to give themselves up to
it; they enfeeble these rare and fragile gifts which Heaven has given them
by affectation and by bad imitation; their very voice and gait are affected;
they fashion their looks, adorn themselves, consult their looking-glasses to
see whether they have sufficiently changed their own natural appearance,
and take some trouble to make themselves less agreeable.
(5.) For a woman to paint herself red or white is, I admit, a smaller
crime than to say one thing and think another; it is also something less
innocent than to disguise herself or to go masquerading, if she does not
pretend to pass for what she seems to be, but only thinks of concealing her
personality and of remaining unknown; it is an endeavour to deceive the
eyes, to wish to appear outwardly what she is not; it is a kind of “white lie.”
We should judge of a woman without taking into account her shoes and
head-dress, and, almost as we measure a fish, from head to tail.156
(6.) If it be the ambition of women only to appear handsome in their
own eyes and to please themselves, they are, no doubt, right in following
their own tastes and fancies as to how they should beautify themselves, as
well as in choosing their dress and ornaments; but if they desire to please
men, if it is for them they paint and besmear themselves, I can tell them that
all men, or nearly all, have agreed that white and red paint makes them look
hideous and frightful; that red paint alone ages and disguises them, and that
these men hate as much to see white lead on their countenances as to see
false teeth in their mouths or balls of wax to plump out their cheeks;157 that
they solemnly protest against all artifices women employ to make
themselves look ugly; that they are not responsible for it to Heaven, but, on
the contrary, that it seems the last and infallible means to reclaim men from
loving them.
If women were by nature what they make themselves by art; if they
were to lose suddenly all the freshness of their complexion, and their faces
to become as fiery and as leaden as they make them with the red and the
paint they besmear themselves with, they would consider themselves the
most wretched creatures on earth.
(7.) A coquette is a woman who never yields to the passion she has for
pleasing, nor to the good opinion she entertains of her own beauty; she
regards time and years only as things that wrinkle and disfigure other
women, and forgets that age is written on her face. The same dress, which
Page 58
formerly enhanced her beauty when she was young, now disfigures her, and
shows the more the defects of old age; winning manners and affectation
cling to her even in sorrow and sickness; she dies dressed in her best, and
adorned with gay-coloured ribbons.
(8.) Lise158 hears that people make fun of some coquette for pretending
to be young and for wearing dresses which no longer suit a woman of forty.
Lise is as old as that, but years for her have less than twelve months; nor do
they add to her age; she thinks so, and whilst she looks in the glass, lays the
red on her face and sticks on the patches, confesses there is a time of life
when it is not decent to affect a youthful appearance, and, indeed, that
Clarissa with her paint and patches is ridiculous.
(9.) Women make preparations to receive their lovers, but if they are
surprised by them, they forget in what sort of dress they are, and no longer
think of themselves. They are in no such confusion with people for whom
they do not care; they perceive that they are not well dressed, bedizen
themselves in their presence, or else disappear for a moment and return
beautifully arrayed.
(10.) A handsome face is the finest of all sights, and the sweetest music
is the sound of the voice of the woman we love.
(11.) Fascination is despotic; beauty is something more tangible and
independent of opinion.
(12.) A man can feel his heart touched by certain women of such perfect
beauty and such transcendent merit that he is satisfied with only seeing
them and conversing with them.
(13.) A handsome woman, who possesses also the qualities of a man of
culture, is the most agreeable acquaintance a man can have, for she unites
the merits of both sexes.
(14.) A young lady accidentally says many little things which are clearly
convincing, and greatly flatter those to whom they are addressed. Men say
almost nothing accidentally; their endearments are premeditated; they
speak, act, and are eager to please, but convince less.
(15.) Handsome women are more or less whimsical; those whims serve
as an antidote, so that their beauty may do less harm to men, who, without
such a remedy, would never be cured of their love.
(16.) Women become attached to men through the favours they grant
them, but men are cured of their love through those same favours.
shows the more the defects of old age; winning manners and affectation
cling to her even in sorrow and sickness; she dies dressed in her best, and
adorned with gay-coloured ribbons.
(8.) Lise158 hears that people make fun of some coquette for pretending
to be young and for wearing dresses which no longer suit a woman of forty.
Lise is as old as that, but years for her have less than twelve months; nor do
they add to her age; she thinks so, and whilst she looks in the glass, lays the
red on her face and sticks on the patches, confesses there is a time of life
when it is not decent to affect a youthful appearance, and, indeed, that
Clarissa with her paint and patches is ridiculous.
(9.) Women make preparations to receive their lovers, but if they are
surprised by them, they forget in what sort of dress they are, and no longer
think of themselves. They are in no such confusion with people for whom
they do not care; they perceive that they are not well dressed, bedizen
themselves in their presence, or else disappear for a moment and return
beautifully arrayed.
(10.) A handsome face is the finest of all sights, and the sweetest music
is the sound of the voice of the woman we love.
(11.) Fascination is despotic; beauty is something more tangible and
independent of opinion.
(12.) A man can feel his heart touched by certain women of such perfect
beauty and such transcendent merit that he is satisfied with only seeing
them and conversing with them.
(13.) A handsome woman, who possesses also the qualities of a man of
culture, is the most agreeable acquaintance a man can have, for she unites
the merits of both sexes.
(14.) A young lady accidentally says many little things which are clearly
convincing, and greatly flatter those to whom they are addressed. Men say
almost nothing accidentally; their endearments are premeditated; they
speak, act, and are eager to please, but convince less.
(15.) Handsome women are more or less whimsical; those whims serve
as an antidote, so that their beauty may do less harm to men, who, without
such a remedy, would never be cured of their love.
(16.) Women become attached to men through the favours they grant
them, but men are cured of their love through those same favours.
Page 59
(17.) When a woman no longer loves a man, she forgets the very
favours she has granted him.
(18.) A woman with one gallant thinks she is no coquette; she who has
several thinks herself but a coquette.
A woman avoids being a coquette if she steadfastly loves a certain
person, but she is not thought sane if she persists in a bad choice.
(19.) A former gallant is of so little consideration that he must give way
to a new husband; and the latter lasts so short a time that a fresh gallant
turns him out.
A former gallant either fears or despises a new rival, according to the
character of the lady to whom he pays his addresses.
Often a former gallant wants nothing but the name to be the husband of
the woman he loves; if it was not for this circumstance he would have been
dismissed a thousand times.
(20.) Gallantry in a woman seems to add to coquetry. A male coquette,
on the contrary, is something worse than a gallant. A male coquette and a
woman of gallantry are pretty much on a level.
(21.) Few intrigues are secret; many women are not better known by
their husbandsʼ names than they are by the names of their gallants.
(22.) A woman of gallantry strongly desires to be loved; it is enough for
a coquette to be thought amiable and to be considered handsome. This one
seeks to form an engagement; that one is satisfied with pleasing. The first
passes successively from one engagement to another; the second has at one
and the same time a great many amusements on her hands. Passion and
pleasure are predominant in the first; vanity and levity in the second.
Gallantry is a weakness of the heart, or perhaps a constitutional defect;
coquetry is an irregularity of the mind. A woman of gallantry is feared; a
coquette is hated. From two such characters might be formed a third worse
than any.
(23.) A weak woman is one who is blamed for a fault for which she
blames herself; whose feelings are struggling with reason, and who should
like to be cured of her folly, but is never cured, or not till very late in life.
(24.) An inconstant woman is one who is no longer in love; a giddy
woman is one who is already in love with another person; a flighty woman
neither knows if she loves or whom she loves; and an indifferent woman is
one who loves nobody.
favours she has granted him.
(18.) A woman with one gallant thinks she is no coquette; she who has
several thinks herself but a coquette.
A woman avoids being a coquette if she steadfastly loves a certain
person, but she is not thought sane if she persists in a bad choice.
(19.) A former gallant is of so little consideration that he must give way
to a new husband; and the latter lasts so short a time that a fresh gallant
turns him out.
A former gallant either fears or despises a new rival, according to the
character of the lady to whom he pays his addresses.
Often a former gallant wants nothing but the name to be the husband of
the woman he loves; if it was not for this circumstance he would have been
dismissed a thousand times.
(20.) Gallantry in a woman seems to add to coquetry. A male coquette,
on the contrary, is something worse than a gallant. A male coquette and a
woman of gallantry are pretty much on a level.
(21.) Few intrigues are secret; many women are not better known by
their husbandsʼ names than they are by the names of their gallants.
(22.) A woman of gallantry strongly desires to be loved; it is enough for
a coquette to be thought amiable and to be considered handsome. This one
seeks to form an engagement; that one is satisfied with pleasing. The first
passes successively from one engagement to another; the second has at one
and the same time a great many amusements on her hands. Passion and
pleasure are predominant in the first; vanity and levity in the second.
Gallantry is a weakness of the heart, or perhaps a constitutional defect;
coquetry is an irregularity of the mind. A woman of gallantry is feared; a
coquette is hated. From two such characters might be formed a third worse
than any.
(23.) A weak woman is one who is blamed for a fault for which she
blames herself; whose feelings are struggling with reason, and who should
like to be cured of her folly, but is never cured, or not till very late in life.
(24.) An inconstant woman is one who is no longer in love; a giddy
woman is one who is already in love with another person; a flighty woman
neither knows if she loves or whom she loves; and an indifferent woman is
one who loves nobody.
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(25.) Treachery, if I may say so, is a falsehood told by the whole body;
in a woman it is the art of arranging words or actions for the purpose of
deceiving us, and sometimes of making use of vows and promises which it
costs her no more to break than it did to make.
A faithless woman, if known to be such by the person concerned, is but
faithless; if she is believed faithful, she is treacherous.
The benefit we obtain from the perfidy of women is that it cures us of
jealousy.
(26.) Some women in their lifetime have a double engagement to keep,
which it is as difficult to violate as to conceal; in the one nothing is wanting
but a legal consecration, and in the other nothing but the heart.
(27.) If we were to judge of a certain woman by her beauty, her youth,
her pride, and her haughtiness, we could almost assert that none but a hero
would one day win her. She has chosen to fall in love with a little monster
deficient in intelligence.159
(28.) There are some women past their prime, who, on account of their
constitution or bad disposition, are naturally the resource of young men not
possessing sufficient wealth. I do not know who is more to be pitied, either
a woman in years who needs a young man, or a young man who needs an
old woman.160
(29.) A man who is looked upon with contempt at court, is received
amongst fashionable people161 in the city, where he triumphs over a
magistrate in all his finery,162 as well as over a citizen wearing a sword; he
beats them all out of the field and becomes master of the situation; he is
treated with consideration and is beloved; there is no resisting for long a
man wearing a gold-embroidered scarf163 and white plumes; a man who
talks to the king and visits the ministers. He kindles jealousy amongst men
as well as amongst women; he is admired and envied; but in Versailles, four
leagues from Paris, he is despised.164
(30.) A citizen is to a woman who has never left her native province
what a courtier is to a woman born and bred in town.
(31.) A man who is vain, indiscreet, a great talker and a mischievous
wag, who speaks arrogantly of himself and contemptuously of others, who
is boisterous, haughty, forward, without morality, honesty, or commonsense,
and who draws for facts on his imagination, wants nothing else, to be
adored by many women, but handsome features and a good shape.
in a woman it is the art of arranging words or actions for the purpose of
deceiving us, and sometimes of making use of vows and promises which it
costs her no more to break than it did to make.
A faithless woman, if known to be such by the person concerned, is but
faithless; if she is believed faithful, she is treacherous.
The benefit we obtain from the perfidy of women is that it cures us of
jealousy.
(26.) Some women in their lifetime have a double engagement to keep,
which it is as difficult to violate as to conceal; in the one nothing is wanting
but a legal consecration, and in the other nothing but the heart.
(27.) If we were to judge of a certain woman by her beauty, her youth,
her pride, and her haughtiness, we could almost assert that none but a hero
would one day win her. She has chosen to fall in love with a little monster
deficient in intelligence.159
(28.) There are some women past their prime, who, on account of their
constitution or bad disposition, are naturally the resource of young men not
possessing sufficient wealth. I do not know who is more to be pitied, either
a woman in years who needs a young man, or a young man who needs an
old woman.160
(29.) A man who is looked upon with contempt at court, is received
amongst fashionable people161 in the city, where he triumphs over a
magistrate in all his finery,162 as well as over a citizen wearing a sword; he
beats them all out of the field and becomes master of the situation; he is
treated with consideration and is beloved; there is no resisting for long a
man wearing a gold-embroidered scarf163 and white plumes; a man who
talks to the king and visits the ministers. He kindles jealousy amongst men
as well as amongst women; he is admired and envied; but in Versailles, four
leagues from Paris, he is despised.164
(30.) A citizen is to a woman who has never left her native province
what a courtier is to a woman born and bred in town.
(31.) A man who is vain, indiscreet, a great talker and a mischievous
wag, who speaks arrogantly of himself and contemptuously of others, who
is boisterous, haughty, forward, without morality, honesty, or commonsense,
and who draws for facts on his imagination, wants nothing else, to be
adored by many women, but handsome features and a good shape.
Page 61
(32.) Is it for the sake of secrecy, or from some eccentricity, that a
certain lady loves her footman and Dorinna her physician?165
(33.) Roscius treads the stage with admirable grace: yes, Lelia, so he
does; and I will allow you, too, that his limbs are well shaped, that he acts
well, and very long parts, and that to recite perfectly he wants nothing else,
as they say, but to open his mouth. But is he the only actor who is charming
in everything he does? or is his profession the noblest and most honourable
in the world? Moreover, Roscius cannot be yours; he is anotherʼs, or, if he
were not, he is pre-engaged. Claudia waits for him till he is satiated with
Messalina. Take Bathyllus, then, Lelia. Where will you find, I do not say
among the knights you despise, but among the very players, one to compare
with him in rising so high whilst dancing or in cutting capers? Or what do
you think of Cobus, the tumbler, who, throwing his feet forward, whirls
himself quite round in the air before he lights on the ground? But, perhaps,
you know that he is no longer young? As for Bathyllus, you will say, the
crowd round him is still too great, and he refuses more ladies than he
gratifies. Well, you can have Draco, the flute-player; none of all his
profession swells his cheeks with so much decency as he does whilst
playing on the hautboy or the flageolet; for he can play on a great number
of instruments; and he is so comical that he makes even children and young
women laugh. Who eats or drinks more at a meal than Draco? He makes the
whole company intoxicated, and is the last to remain comparatively sober.
You sigh, Lelia. Is it because Draco has already made his choice, or
because, unfortunately, you have been forestalled? Is he at last engaged to
Cesonia, who has so long pursued him, and who has sacrificed for him such
a large number of lovers, I might even say, the entire flower of Rome? to
Cesonia, herself belonging to a patrician family, so young, so handsome,
and of so noble a mien? I pity you, Lelia, if you have been infected with
this new fancy which possesses so many Roman ladies for what are called
public men, whose calling exposes them to the public gaze. What course
will you pursue, then, since the best of their kind are already engaged?
However, Brontes, the executioner,166 is still left; everybody speaks of his
strength and his skill; he is young, broad-shouldered and brawny, and,
moreover, a negro, a black man.167
(34.) A woman of fashion looks on a gardener as a gardener, and on a
mason as a mason; but other women, who live more secluded, look upon a
certain lady loves her footman and Dorinna her physician?165
(33.) Roscius treads the stage with admirable grace: yes, Lelia, so he
does; and I will allow you, too, that his limbs are well shaped, that he acts
well, and very long parts, and that to recite perfectly he wants nothing else,
as they say, but to open his mouth. But is he the only actor who is charming
in everything he does? or is his profession the noblest and most honourable
in the world? Moreover, Roscius cannot be yours; he is anotherʼs, or, if he
were not, he is pre-engaged. Claudia waits for him till he is satiated with
Messalina. Take Bathyllus, then, Lelia. Where will you find, I do not say
among the knights you despise, but among the very players, one to compare
with him in rising so high whilst dancing or in cutting capers? Or what do
you think of Cobus, the tumbler, who, throwing his feet forward, whirls
himself quite round in the air before he lights on the ground? But, perhaps,
you know that he is no longer young? As for Bathyllus, you will say, the
crowd round him is still too great, and he refuses more ladies than he
gratifies. Well, you can have Draco, the flute-player; none of all his
profession swells his cheeks with so much decency as he does whilst
playing on the hautboy or the flageolet; for he can play on a great number
of instruments; and he is so comical that he makes even children and young
women laugh. Who eats or drinks more at a meal than Draco? He makes the
whole company intoxicated, and is the last to remain comparatively sober.
You sigh, Lelia. Is it because Draco has already made his choice, or
because, unfortunately, you have been forestalled? Is he at last engaged to
Cesonia, who has so long pursued him, and who has sacrificed for him such
a large number of lovers, I might even say, the entire flower of Rome? to
Cesonia, herself belonging to a patrician family, so young, so handsome,
and of so noble a mien? I pity you, Lelia, if you have been infected with
this new fancy which possesses so many Roman ladies for what are called
public men, whose calling exposes them to the public gaze. What course
will you pursue, then, since the best of their kind are already engaged?
However, Brontes, the executioner,166 is still left; everybody speaks of his
strength and his skill; he is young, broad-shouldered and brawny, and,
moreover, a negro, a black man.167
(34.) A woman of fashion looks on a gardener as a gardener, and on a
mason as a mason; but other women, who live more secluded, look upon a
Page 62
mason and a gardener as men. Anything is a temptation to those who dread
it.168
(35.) Some ladies are169 liberal to the Church as well as to their lovers;
and being both gallant and charitable, are provided with seats and oratories
within the rails of the altar, where they can read their love-letters, and where
no one can see whether they are saying their prayers or not.
(36.) What kind of a woman is one who is “spiritually directed”? Is she
more obliging to her husband, kinder to her servants, more careful of her
family and her household, more zealous and sincere for her friends? is she
less swayed by whims, less governed by interest, and less fond of her ease?
I do not ask if she makes presents to her children who already are opulent,
but if, having wealth enough and to spare, she provides them with the
necessaries of life, and, at least, gives them what is their due? Is she more
exempt from egotism, does she dislike others less, and has she fewer
worldly affections? “No,” say you, “none of all those things.” I repeat my
question again: “What kind of a woman is one who is ‘spiritually
directed’?” “Oh! I understand you now; she is a woman who has a spiritual
director.”170
(37.) If a father-confessor and a spiritual director cannot agree about
their line of conduct, what third person shall a woman take to be arbitrator?
(38.) It is not essential that a woman should provide herself with a
spiritual director, but she should lead such a regular life as not to need one.
(39.) If a woman should tell her father-confessor, among her other
weaknesses, those which she has for her director, and the times she wastes
in his company, perhaps she might be enjoined as a penance to leave him.
(40.) Would I had the liberty of shouting, as loud as I could, to those
holy men who formerly suffered by women: “Flee from women; do not
become their spiritual directors, but let others take care of their salvation!”
(41.) It is too much for a husband to have a wife who is a coquette and
sanctimonious as well; she should select only one of those qualities.
(42.) I have deferred it for a long time, but after all I have suffered it
must come out at last; and I hope my frankness may be of some service to
those ladies who, not deeming one confessor sufficient to guide them, show
no discrimination in the choice of their directors. I cannot help admiring
and being amazed on beholding some people who shall be nameless; I open
my eyes wide when I see them; I gaze on them; they speak and I listen; then
I inquire, and am told certain things, which I do not forget. I cannot
it.168
(35.) Some ladies are169 liberal to the Church as well as to their lovers;
and being both gallant and charitable, are provided with seats and oratories
within the rails of the altar, where they can read their love-letters, and where
no one can see whether they are saying their prayers or not.
(36.) What kind of a woman is one who is “spiritually directed”? Is she
more obliging to her husband, kinder to her servants, more careful of her
family and her household, more zealous and sincere for her friends? is she
less swayed by whims, less governed by interest, and less fond of her ease?
I do not ask if she makes presents to her children who already are opulent,
but if, having wealth enough and to spare, she provides them with the
necessaries of life, and, at least, gives them what is their due? Is she more
exempt from egotism, does she dislike others less, and has she fewer
worldly affections? “No,” say you, “none of all those things.” I repeat my
question again: “What kind of a woman is one who is ‘spiritually
directed’?” “Oh! I understand you now; she is a woman who has a spiritual
director.”170
(37.) If a father-confessor and a spiritual director cannot agree about
their line of conduct, what third person shall a woman take to be arbitrator?
(38.) It is not essential that a woman should provide herself with a
spiritual director, but she should lead such a regular life as not to need one.
(39.) If a woman should tell her father-confessor, among her other
weaknesses, those which she has for her director, and the times she wastes
in his company, perhaps she might be enjoined as a penance to leave him.
(40.) Would I had the liberty of shouting, as loud as I could, to those
holy men who formerly suffered by women: “Flee from women; do not
become their spiritual directors, but let others take care of their salvation!”
(41.) It is too much for a husband to have a wife who is a coquette and
sanctimonious as well; she should select only one of those qualities.
(42.) I have deferred it for a long time, but after all I have suffered it
must come out at last; and I hope my frankness may be of some service to
those ladies who, not deeming one confessor sufficient to guide them, show
no discrimination in the choice of their directors. I cannot help admiring
and being amazed on beholding some people who shall be nameless; I open
my eyes wide when I see them; I gaze on them; they speak and I listen; then
I inquire, and am told certain things, which I do not forget. I cannot
Page 63
understand how people, who appear to me the very reverse of intelligent,
sensible, or experienced, and without any knowledge of mankind, or any
study of religion and morality, can presume that Heaven, at the present
time, should renew the marvels of an apostolate, and perform a miracle on
them, in rendering such simple and little minds fit for the ministry of souls,
the most difficult and most sublime of all vocations. It is to me still more
incomprehensible if, on the contrary, they fancy themselves predestined to
fill a function so noble and so difficult, and for which but few people are
qualified, and persuade themselves that in undertaking it they do but
exercise their natural talents and follow an ordinary vocation.
I perceive that an inclination of being intrusted with family secrets, of
being useful in bringing about reconciliations, of obtaining various
appointments, or of procuring places to people,171 of finding all doors of
noblemenʼs houses open, of eating frequently at good tables, of driving
about the town in private carriages, of making pleasant excursions to
charming country-seats, of seeing several persons of rank and quality
concern themselves about our life and health, and of employing for others
and ourselves every worldly interest,—I perceive, I say so again, that for
the sake of those things solely has been invented the specious and
inoffensive pretence of the care of souls, and an inexhaustible nursery of
spiritual directors planted in this world.
(43.) Devotion172 with some people, but especially with women, is
either a passion, or an infirmity of age, or a fashion which must be
followed. Formerly such women divided the week in days for gambling, for
going to a theatre, a concert, a fancy-dress ball, or a nice sermon. On
Mondays they went and lost their money at Ismenaʼs; on Tuesdays their
time at Climèneʼs, and on Wednesday their reputation at Célimèneʼs; they
knew overnight what amusements were going on the next day, and the day
after that; they thus enjoyed the present, and knew what pleasures were in
store for them; they wished it were possible to unite them all in one day, for
this was then the sole cause of their uneasiness and all they had to think
about; and if they sometimes went to the Opera, they regretted they had not
gone to any other theatre. But with other times came other manners; now,
they exaggerate their austerity and their solitude; they no longer open their
eyes, which were given them to see; they do not make any use of their
senses, and what is almost incredible, but little of their tongues; and yet
they think, and that pretty well of themselves and ill enough of others; they
sensible, or experienced, and without any knowledge of mankind, or any
study of religion and morality, can presume that Heaven, at the present
time, should renew the marvels of an apostolate, and perform a miracle on
them, in rendering such simple and little minds fit for the ministry of souls,
the most difficult and most sublime of all vocations. It is to me still more
incomprehensible if, on the contrary, they fancy themselves predestined to
fill a function so noble and so difficult, and for which but few people are
qualified, and persuade themselves that in undertaking it they do but
exercise their natural talents and follow an ordinary vocation.
I perceive that an inclination of being intrusted with family secrets, of
being useful in bringing about reconciliations, of obtaining various
appointments, or of procuring places to people,171 of finding all doors of
noblemenʼs houses open, of eating frequently at good tables, of driving
about the town in private carriages, of making pleasant excursions to
charming country-seats, of seeing several persons of rank and quality
concern themselves about our life and health, and of employing for others
and ourselves every worldly interest,—I perceive, I say so again, that for
the sake of those things solely has been invented the specious and
inoffensive pretence of the care of souls, and an inexhaustible nursery of
spiritual directors planted in this world.
(43.) Devotion172 with some people, but especially with women, is
either a passion, or an infirmity of age, or a fashion which must be
followed. Formerly such women divided the week in days for gambling, for
going to a theatre, a concert, a fancy-dress ball, or a nice sermon. On
Mondays they went and lost their money at Ismenaʼs; on Tuesdays their
time at Climèneʼs, and on Wednesday their reputation at Célimèneʼs; they
knew overnight what amusements were going on the next day, and the day
after that; they thus enjoyed the present, and knew what pleasures were in
store for them; they wished it were possible to unite them all in one day, for
this was then the sole cause of their uneasiness and all they had to think
about; and if they sometimes went to the Opera, they regretted they had not
gone to any other theatre. But with other times came other manners; now,
they exaggerate their austerity and their solitude; they no longer open their
eyes, which were given them to see; they do not make any use of their
senses, and what is almost incredible, but little of their tongues; and yet
they think, and that pretty well of themselves and ill enough of others; they
Page 64
compete with each other in virtue and reformation in a jealous kind of way;
they do not dislike being first in their new course of life, as they were in the
career they lately abandoned out of policy or disgust. They used gaily to
damn themselves through their intrigues, their luxury and sloth, and now
their presumption and envy will damn them, though not so merrily.173
(44.) Hermas, were I to marry a stingy woman, she will be sure not to
ruin me; if a woman fond of gambling, she may enrich me; if a woman fond
of learning, she may teach me; or if prim and precise, she will not fly into a
rage; if a passionate one, she will exercise my patience; if a coquette, she
will endeavour to please me; if a woman of gallantry, she will perhaps be so
gallant as to love me; but tell me, Hermas, what can I expect if I were to
marry a devout woman174 who would deceive Heaven, and who really
deceives herself?
(45.) A woman is easily managed if a man will only give himself the
trouble. One man often manages a great many; he cultivates their
understanding and their memory, settles and determines their religious
feelings, and undertakes even to regulate their very affections. They neither
approve nor disapprove, commend or condemn, till they have consulted his
looks and his countenance. He is the confidant of their joys and of their
sorrows, of their desires, jealousies, hatred, and love; he makes them break
with their gallants, embroils and reconciles them with their husbands, and is
useful during the intervals. He looks after their business, solicits for them
when they have lawsuits, and goes and sees the judges;175 he recommends
them his physician, his tradesmen, his workmen; he tries to find them a
residence, to furnish it, and he orders also their carriages. He is seen with
them when they drive about in the streets, and during their walks, as well as
in their pew at church and their box at the theatre; he goes the same round
of visits as they do, and attends on them when they go to the baths, to
watering-places, and on their travels; he has the most comfortable
apartment at their country-seat. He grows old, but his authority does not
decline; a small amount of intelligence and the spending of a good deal of
leisure time suffice to preserve it; the children, the heirs, the daughter-in-
law, the niece, and the servants, are all dependent on him. He began by
making himself esteemed, and ends by making himself feared. This old and
necessary friend dies at last without being regretted, and about half a score
of women he tyrannised over recover their liberty at his death.
they do not dislike being first in their new course of life, as they were in the
career they lately abandoned out of policy or disgust. They used gaily to
damn themselves through their intrigues, their luxury and sloth, and now
their presumption and envy will damn them, though not so merrily.173
(44.) Hermas, were I to marry a stingy woman, she will be sure not to
ruin me; if a woman fond of gambling, she may enrich me; if a woman fond
of learning, she may teach me; or if prim and precise, she will not fly into a
rage; if a passionate one, she will exercise my patience; if a coquette, she
will endeavour to please me; if a woman of gallantry, she will perhaps be so
gallant as to love me; but tell me, Hermas, what can I expect if I were to
marry a devout woman174 who would deceive Heaven, and who really
deceives herself?
(45.) A woman is easily managed if a man will only give himself the
trouble. One man often manages a great many; he cultivates their
understanding and their memory, settles and determines their religious
feelings, and undertakes even to regulate their very affections. They neither
approve nor disapprove, commend or condemn, till they have consulted his
looks and his countenance. He is the confidant of their joys and of their
sorrows, of their desires, jealousies, hatred, and love; he makes them break
with their gallants, embroils and reconciles them with their husbands, and is
useful during the intervals. He looks after their business, solicits for them
when they have lawsuits, and goes and sees the judges;175 he recommends
them his physician, his tradesmen, his workmen; he tries to find them a
residence, to furnish it, and he orders also their carriages. He is seen with
them when they drive about in the streets, and during their walks, as well as
in their pew at church and their box at the theatre; he goes the same round
of visits as they do, and attends on them when they go to the baths, to
watering-places, and on their travels; he has the most comfortable
apartment at their country-seat. He grows old, but his authority does not
decline; a small amount of intelligence and the spending of a good deal of
leisure time suffice to preserve it; the children, the heirs, the daughter-in-
law, the niece, and the servants, are all dependent on him. He began by
making himself esteemed, and ends by making himself feared. This old and
necessary friend dies at last without being regretted, and about half a score
of women he tyrannised over recover their liberty at his death.
Page 65
(46.) Some women have endeavoured to conceal their conduct under a
modest exterior; but the most any one of them has obtained by the closest
and most constant dissimulation has been to have it said, “One would have
taken her for a Vestal virgin.”
(47.) It is a proof positive that a woman has an unstained and
established reputation if it is not even sullied by the familiar intercourse
with some ladies who are unlike her, and if, with all the inclination people
have to make slanderous observations, they ascribe a totally different reason
to this intimacy than similarity of morals.
(48.) An actor overdoes his part when on the stage; a poet amplifies his
descriptions; an artist who draws from life heightens and exaggerates
passions, contrasts, and attitudes; and he who copies him, unless he
measures with a pair of compasses the dimensions and the proportions, will
make his figures too big, and all parts of the composition of his picture by
far larger than they were in the original. Thus an imitation of sagacity
becomes pretentious affectation.
There is a pretended modesty which is vanity, a pretended glory which
is levity, a pretended grandeur which is meanness, a pretended virtue which
is hypocrisy, and a pretended wisdom which is affectation.
An affected and pretentious woman is all deportment and words; a
sensible woman shows her sense by her behaviour. This one follows her
inclination and disposition, that one her reason and her affections; the one is
formal and austere, the other is on all occasions exactly what she ought to
be. The first hides her weaknesses underneath a plausible outside; the
second conceals a rich store of virtue underneath a free and natural air.
Affectation and pretension shackle the mind, yet do not veil age or ugliness,
but often imply them; common-sense, on the contrary, palliates the
imperfections of the body, ennobles the mind, gives fresh charms to youth,
and makes beauty more dangerous.
(49.) Why should men be blamed because women are not learned? What
laws, edicts, or regulations prohibit them from opening their eyes, from
reading and remembering what they have read, and from introducing this in
their conversation and in their writings? Is their ignorance, on the contrary,
not owing to a custom introduced by themselves; or to the weakness of their
constitution, or to the indolence of their mind, or the care of their beauty, or
to a certain flightiness which will not allow them to prosecute any
continuous studies, or to a talent and aptitude they only have for
modest exterior; but the most any one of them has obtained by the closest
and most constant dissimulation has been to have it said, “One would have
taken her for a Vestal virgin.”
(47.) It is a proof positive that a woman has an unstained and
established reputation if it is not even sullied by the familiar intercourse
with some ladies who are unlike her, and if, with all the inclination people
have to make slanderous observations, they ascribe a totally different reason
to this intimacy than similarity of morals.
(48.) An actor overdoes his part when on the stage; a poet amplifies his
descriptions; an artist who draws from life heightens and exaggerates
passions, contrasts, and attitudes; and he who copies him, unless he
measures with a pair of compasses the dimensions and the proportions, will
make his figures too big, and all parts of the composition of his picture by
far larger than they were in the original. Thus an imitation of sagacity
becomes pretentious affectation.
There is a pretended modesty which is vanity, a pretended glory which
is levity, a pretended grandeur which is meanness, a pretended virtue which
is hypocrisy, and a pretended wisdom which is affectation.
An affected and pretentious woman is all deportment and words; a
sensible woman shows her sense by her behaviour. This one follows her
inclination and disposition, that one her reason and her affections; the one is
formal and austere, the other is on all occasions exactly what she ought to
be. The first hides her weaknesses underneath a plausible outside; the
second conceals a rich store of virtue underneath a free and natural air.
Affectation and pretension shackle the mind, yet do not veil age or ugliness,
but often imply them; common-sense, on the contrary, palliates the
imperfections of the body, ennobles the mind, gives fresh charms to youth,
and makes beauty more dangerous.
(49.) Why should men be blamed because women are not learned? What
laws, edicts, or regulations prohibit them from opening their eyes, from
reading and remembering what they have read, and from introducing this in
their conversation and in their writings? Is their ignorance, on the contrary,
not owing to a custom introduced by themselves; or to the weakness of their
constitution, or to the indolence of their mind, or the care of their beauty, or
to a certain flightiness which will not allow them to prosecute any
continuous studies, or to a talent and aptitude they only have for
Page 66
needlework, or to an inattention caused by domestic avocations, or to a
natural aversion for all serious and difficult things, or to a curiosity quite
distinct from that which gratifies the mind, or to a wholly different pleasure
from that of exercising the memory? But to whatever cause men may
ascribe this ignorance of women, they may consider themselves happy that
women, who rule them in so many things, are inferior to them in this
respect.
We look on a learned woman as we do on a fine piece of armour,
artistically chiselled, admirably polished, and of exquisite workmanship,
which is only fit to be shown to connoisseurs, of no use whatever, and no
more apt to be used for war or hunting than a horse out of a riding-school is,
though it may be trained to perfection.
Whenever I find learning and sagacity united in one and the same
person, I do not care what the sex may be, I admire; and if you tell me that a
sensible woman hardly thinks of becoming learned, or that a learned
woman is hardly ever a sensible woman, you have already forgotten what
you have just read, namely, that women are prevented from studying
science by certain imperfections. Now you can draw your own conclusions,
namely, that those who have the fewest imperfections are most likely to
have the greatest amount of common-sense, and that thus a sensible woman
bids fairest to become learned; and that a learned woman could never be
such without having overcome a great many imperfections, and this is the
very best proof of her sense.176
(50.) It is very difficult to remain neutral when two women, who are
both our friends, fall out through some cause or other in which we are not at
all concerned; we must often side with one or lose both.
(51.) There are certain women who love their money better than their
friends, and their lovers better than their money.
(52.) We are amazed to observe in some women stronger and more
violent passions than their love for men, I mean ambition and gambling.
Such women render men chaste, and have nothing of their own sex but the
dress.177
(53.) Women run to extremes; they are either better or worse than men.
(54.) Most women have hardly any principles;178 they are led by their
passions, and form their morals and manners after those whom they love.
(55.) Women exceed the generality of men in love; but men are their
superiors in friendship. Men are the cause that women do not love one
natural aversion for all serious and difficult things, or to a curiosity quite
distinct from that which gratifies the mind, or to a wholly different pleasure
from that of exercising the memory? But to whatever cause men may
ascribe this ignorance of women, they may consider themselves happy that
women, who rule them in so many things, are inferior to them in this
respect.
We look on a learned woman as we do on a fine piece of armour,
artistically chiselled, admirably polished, and of exquisite workmanship,
which is only fit to be shown to connoisseurs, of no use whatever, and no
more apt to be used for war or hunting than a horse out of a riding-school is,
though it may be trained to perfection.
Whenever I find learning and sagacity united in one and the same
person, I do not care what the sex may be, I admire; and if you tell me that a
sensible woman hardly thinks of becoming learned, or that a learned
woman is hardly ever a sensible woman, you have already forgotten what
you have just read, namely, that women are prevented from studying
science by certain imperfections. Now you can draw your own conclusions,
namely, that those who have the fewest imperfections are most likely to
have the greatest amount of common-sense, and that thus a sensible woman
bids fairest to become learned; and that a learned woman could never be
such without having overcome a great many imperfections, and this is the
very best proof of her sense.176
(50.) It is very difficult to remain neutral when two women, who are
both our friends, fall out through some cause or other in which we are not at
all concerned; we must often side with one or lose both.
(51.) There are certain women who love their money better than their
friends, and their lovers better than their money.
(52.) We are amazed to observe in some women stronger and more
violent passions than their love for men, I mean ambition and gambling.
Such women render men chaste, and have nothing of their own sex but the
dress.177
(53.) Women run to extremes; they are either better or worse than men.
(54.) Most women have hardly any principles;178 they are led by their
passions, and form their morals and manners after those whom they love.
(55.) Women exceed the generality of men in love; but men are their
superiors in friendship. Men are the cause that women do not love one
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another.
(56.) There is some danger in making fun of people. Lise, who is more
or less in years, in trying to render a young woman ridiculous, has changed
so much as to become frightful. She made so many grimaces and
contortions in imitating her, and now has grown so ugly, that the person she
mimicked cannot have a better foil.
(57.) In the city many male and female nincompoops have the
reputation of being intelligent; at court many men who are very intelligent
are considered dolts; and a beautiful woman who has some intelligence will
hardly escape being called “foolish” by other women.
(58.) A man keeps another personʼs secret better than his own; a
woman, on the contrary, keeps her own secrets better than any other
personʼs.
(59.) There is no love, however violent, raging in the heart of a young
woman, but there is still some room left for interest and ambition.
(60.) There comes a time when the wealthiest women ought to marry;
they seldom let slip the first opportunity without repenting it for many a
day; it seems that the reputation of their wealth diminishes in the same
proportion as their beauty does. On the contrary, every thing is favourable
to young girls, even menʼs opinions, for they attribute to them every
accomplishment, to render them still more desirable.
(61.) To how many girls has a great beauty been of no other use but to
make them expect a large fortune!
(62.) Handsome girls are apt to gratify the revenge of the lovers they
have ill-treated, by giving their hand to ugly, old, or unworthy husbands.
(63.) Most women judge of the merits and good looks of a man by the
impression he makes on them, and very rarely allow either of those qualities
to a person who is indifferent to them.
(64.) A man who is anxious to know whether his appearance is changed,
and if he begins to grow old, needs only to consult the eyes of any fair one
he addresses, and the tone of her voice as she converses with him, and he
will then learn what he dreads to know. But it will be a severe lesson to
him!
(65.) A woman who always stares at one and the same person, or who is
for ever avoiding to look at him, makes us conclude but one and the same
thing of her.
(56.) There is some danger in making fun of people. Lise, who is more
or less in years, in trying to render a young woman ridiculous, has changed
so much as to become frightful. She made so many grimaces and
contortions in imitating her, and now has grown so ugly, that the person she
mimicked cannot have a better foil.
(57.) In the city many male and female nincompoops have the
reputation of being intelligent; at court many men who are very intelligent
are considered dolts; and a beautiful woman who has some intelligence will
hardly escape being called “foolish” by other women.
(58.) A man keeps another personʼs secret better than his own; a
woman, on the contrary, keeps her own secrets better than any other
personʼs.
(59.) There is no love, however violent, raging in the heart of a young
woman, but there is still some room left for interest and ambition.
(60.) There comes a time when the wealthiest women ought to marry;
they seldom let slip the first opportunity without repenting it for many a
day; it seems that the reputation of their wealth diminishes in the same
proportion as their beauty does. On the contrary, every thing is favourable
to young girls, even menʼs opinions, for they attribute to them every
accomplishment, to render them still more desirable.
(61.) To how many girls has a great beauty been of no other use but to
make them expect a large fortune!
(62.) Handsome girls are apt to gratify the revenge of the lovers they
have ill-treated, by giving their hand to ugly, old, or unworthy husbands.
(63.) Most women judge of the merits and good looks of a man by the
impression he makes on them, and very rarely allow either of those qualities
to a person who is indifferent to them.
(64.) A man who is anxious to know whether his appearance is changed,
and if he begins to grow old, needs only to consult the eyes of any fair one
he addresses, and the tone of her voice as she converses with him, and he
will then learn what he dreads to know. But it will be a severe lesson to
him!
(65.) A woman who always stares at one and the same person, or who is
for ever avoiding to look at him, makes us conclude but one and the same
thing of her.
Page 68
(66.) Women are at little trouble to express what they do not feel; but
men are still at less to express what they do feel.
(67.) It sometimes happens that a woman conceals from a man the love
she feels for him, while he only feigns a passion he does not feel.
(68.) Suppose a man indifferent, but intending to declare to a woman a
passion he does not feel, it may be doubted whether it would not be easier
for him to deceive179 a woman who loves him than one to whom he is
indifferent.
(69.) A man may deceive a woman by a pretended inclination, but then
he must not have a real one elsewhere.
(70.) A man storms and rails at a woman who no longer cares for him,
but he finds consolation; a woman is not so vociferous when she is
forsaken, but she remains unconsolable for a longer time.
(71.) Sloth in women is cured either by vanity or love; though, in
vivacious women, it is an omen of love.
(72.) It is certain that a woman who writes letters full of passion is
agitated, though it is not so sure that she is in love. A deep and tender
passion is more likely to become dejected and silent; and the greatest and
most stirring interest a woman can feel whose heart is no longer free, is less
to convince her lover of her own affection than to be assured of his love for
her.
(73.) Glycera180 does not love her own sex; she hates their conversation
and their visits; she gives orders to be denied to them, and often to her male
friends, who are not many, whom she treats very abruptly, keeps within
limits, and whom she never allows to transgress the bounds of friendship.
She is absent-minded when they are present, answers them in
monosyllables, and seems to seek every opportunity of getting rid of them;
she dwells alone, and leads a very retired life in her own house; her gates
are better guarded and her rooms are more inaccessible than those of
Montauron or dʼEsmery.181
Only Corinna is expected and admitted at all hours, embraced several
times, caressed, and addressed with bated breath, though they are alone in a
small room; whatever she says is attentively listened to; complaints are
poured into Corinnaʼs ears about another person; everything is told her,
though nothing is new to her, for she possesses the confidence of that other
person as well. Glycera is seen with another lady and two gentlemen at a
ball, in the theatre, in the public gardens, on the road to Venouse,182 where
men are still at less to express what they do feel.
(67.) It sometimes happens that a woman conceals from a man the love
she feels for him, while he only feigns a passion he does not feel.
(68.) Suppose a man indifferent, but intending to declare to a woman a
passion he does not feel, it may be doubted whether it would not be easier
for him to deceive179 a woman who loves him than one to whom he is
indifferent.
(69.) A man may deceive a woman by a pretended inclination, but then
he must not have a real one elsewhere.
(70.) A man storms and rails at a woman who no longer cares for him,
but he finds consolation; a woman is not so vociferous when she is
forsaken, but she remains unconsolable for a longer time.
(71.) Sloth in women is cured either by vanity or love; though, in
vivacious women, it is an omen of love.
(72.) It is certain that a woman who writes letters full of passion is
agitated, though it is not so sure that she is in love. A deep and tender
passion is more likely to become dejected and silent; and the greatest and
most stirring interest a woman can feel whose heart is no longer free, is less
to convince her lover of her own affection than to be assured of his love for
her.
(73.) Glycera180 does not love her own sex; she hates their conversation
and their visits; she gives orders to be denied to them, and often to her male
friends, who are not many, whom she treats very abruptly, keeps within
limits, and whom she never allows to transgress the bounds of friendship.
She is absent-minded when they are present, answers them in
monosyllables, and seems to seek every opportunity of getting rid of them;
she dwells alone, and leads a very retired life in her own house; her gates
are better guarded and her rooms are more inaccessible than those of
Montauron or dʼEsmery.181
Only Corinna is expected and admitted at all hours, embraced several
times, caressed, and addressed with bated breath, though they are alone in a
small room; whatever she says is attentively listened to; complaints are
poured into Corinnaʼs ears about another person; everything is told her,
though nothing is new to her, for she possesses the confidence of that other
person as well. Glycera is seen with another lady and two gentlemen at a
ball, in the theatre, in the public gardens, on the road to Venouse,182 where
Page 69
people eat fruit early in the season; sometimes alone in a sedan-chair on the
way to the grand suburb,183 where she has a splendid fruit-garden, or else at
Canidiaʼs184 door, who possesses so many rare secrets, promises second
husbands to young wives, and tells them also when and under what
circumstances they will obtain them. Glycera appears commonly in a low
and unpretentious head-dress, in a plain morning gown, without any stays,
and in slippers; she is charming in this dress, and wants nothing but a little
colour. People remark, nevertheless, that she wears a splendid brooch,
which she takes special care to conceal from her husbandʼs eyes. She
cajoles and caresses him, and every day invents some new pretty names for
him; the “dear husband” and his wife have but one bedroom, and would not
sleep in any other room. The morning she spends at her toilet and in writing
some urgent letters; a servant185 enters, and speaks to her in private; it is
Parmenion, her favourite, whom she upholds against his masterʼs dislike
and his fellow-servantsʼ jealousy. Who, indeed, delivers a message or
brings back an answer better than Parmenion? who speaks less of what
should not be mentioned? who opens a private door with less noise? who is
a more skilful guide up the back-stairs? or more cleverly leads a person out
again the same way?
(74.) I cannot understand how a husband who gives way to his freaks
and his temper, who, far from concealing his bad qualities, shows, on the
contrary, only his worst, who is covetous, slovenly in his dress, abrupt in his
answers, impolite, dull and taciturn, can expect to defend successfully the
heart of a young wife against the attacks of a gallant who makes the most of
dress, magnificence, complaisance, politeness, assiduity, presents, and
flattery.186
(75.) A husband seldom has a rival who is not of his own making, and
whom he has not introduced himself to his wife at one time or other; he is
always praising him before her for his fine teeth and his handsome
countenance; he encourages his civilities and allows him to visit at his
house; and next to the produce of his own estate, he relishes nothing better
than the game and the truffles his friend sends him. He gives a supper, and
says to his guests: “Let me recommend this to you; it is sent by Leander and
costs me nothing but thanks.”
(76.) A certain wife seems to have annihilated or buried her husband, for
he is not so much as mentioned in this world;187 it is doubted whether such
way to the grand suburb,183 where she has a splendid fruit-garden, or else at
Canidiaʼs184 door, who possesses so many rare secrets, promises second
husbands to young wives, and tells them also when and under what
circumstances they will obtain them. Glycera appears commonly in a low
and unpretentious head-dress, in a plain morning gown, without any stays,
and in slippers; she is charming in this dress, and wants nothing but a little
colour. People remark, nevertheless, that she wears a splendid brooch,
which she takes special care to conceal from her husbandʼs eyes. She
cajoles and caresses him, and every day invents some new pretty names for
him; the “dear husband” and his wife have but one bedroom, and would not
sleep in any other room. The morning she spends at her toilet and in writing
some urgent letters; a servant185 enters, and speaks to her in private; it is
Parmenion, her favourite, whom she upholds against his masterʼs dislike
and his fellow-servantsʼ jealousy. Who, indeed, delivers a message or
brings back an answer better than Parmenion? who speaks less of what
should not be mentioned? who opens a private door with less noise? who is
a more skilful guide up the back-stairs? or more cleverly leads a person out
again the same way?
(74.) I cannot understand how a husband who gives way to his freaks
and his temper, who, far from concealing his bad qualities, shows, on the
contrary, only his worst, who is covetous, slovenly in his dress, abrupt in his
answers, impolite, dull and taciturn, can expect to defend successfully the
heart of a young wife against the attacks of a gallant who makes the most of
dress, magnificence, complaisance, politeness, assiduity, presents, and
flattery.186
(75.) A husband seldom has a rival who is not of his own making, and
whom he has not introduced himself to his wife at one time or other; he is
always praising him before her for his fine teeth and his handsome
countenance; he encourages his civilities and allows him to visit at his
house; and next to the produce of his own estate, he relishes nothing better
than the game and the truffles his friend sends him. He gives a supper, and
says to his guests: “Let me recommend this to you; it is sent by Leander and
costs me nothing but thanks.”
(76.) A certain wife seems to have annihilated or buried her husband, for
he is not so much as mentioned in this world;187 it is doubted whether such
Page 70
a man be alive or dead. In his family his only use is to be a pattern of timid
silence and of implicit submission. He has nothing to do with jointure or
settlement; if it were not for that, and his not lying-in, one would almost
take him for the wife and her for the husband. They are for months in the
house together without any danger of meeting one another; in reality they
are only neighbours. The master of the house pays the cook and his
assistants, but the supper is always served in my ladyʼs apartment. Often
they have nothing in common, neither bed, board, nor even the same name;
they live in the Greek or Roman fashion; she keeps her name, and he has
his; and it is only after some time, and when a man has been initiated in the
tittle-tattle of the town, that at last he comes to know that Mr. B ... and
Madam L ... have been man and wife these twenty years.188
(77.) Another wife, who does not give her husband any uneasiness on
account of her disorderly behaviour, repays herself for it by worrying him
about her high birth, her connections, the dowry she has brought him, her
enchanting beauty, her merits, and by what some people call “her virtue.”
(78.) There are few wives so perfect as not to give their husbands at
least once a day good reason to repent of ever having married, or at least of
envying those who are unmarried.
(79.) Dumb and stupefied grief189 is out of fashion; women weep, are
garrulous, and so concerned about their husbandsʼ death that they do not
forget to harp on every one of the details.
(80.) Is it impossible for a husband to discover the art of making his
wife love him?
(81.) An insensible woman is one who has not yet met the person whom
she is to love. In Smyrna there lived a very handsome young lady, named
Emira, yet better known throughout the town for her strict conduct than for
her beauty, and above all, for the indifference she showed for all men,
whom, as she said, she beheld without any danger, and without any greater
emotions than when in the company of her female friends and her brothers.
She could not believe a thousandth part of all the follies ascribed to love at
all times; and those which she saw herself, seemed to her unaccountable.
Friendship was the only feeling she knew, and her first experience of it was
through a youthful and charming maiden, who pleased her so much that she
only thought how to continue it, never imagining that any other inclination
could ever abate that feeling of esteem and confidence in which she now
exulted. All her conversation was about Euphrosyne, for this was the name
silence and of implicit submission. He has nothing to do with jointure or
settlement; if it were not for that, and his not lying-in, one would almost
take him for the wife and her for the husband. They are for months in the
house together without any danger of meeting one another; in reality they
are only neighbours. The master of the house pays the cook and his
assistants, but the supper is always served in my ladyʼs apartment. Often
they have nothing in common, neither bed, board, nor even the same name;
they live in the Greek or Roman fashion; she keeps her name, and he has
his; and it is only after some time, and when a man has been initiated in the
tittle-tattle of the town, that at last he comes to know that Mr. B ... and
Madam L ... have been man and wife these twenty years.188
(77.) Another wife, who does not give her husband any uneasiness on
account of her disorderly behaviour, repays herself for it by worrying him
about her high birth, her connections, the dowry she has brought him, her
enchanting beauty, her merits, and by what some people call “her virtue.”
(78.) There are few wives so perfect as not to give their husbands at
least once a day good reason to repent of ever having married, or at least of
envying those who are unmarried.
(79.) Dumb and stupefied grief189 is out of fashion; women weep, are
garrulous, and so concerned about their husbandsʼ death that they do not
forget to harp on every one of the details.
(80.) Is it impossible for a husband to discover the art of making his
wife love him?
(81.) An insensible woman is one who has not yet met the person whom
she is to love. In Smyrna there lived a very handsome young lady, named
Emira, yet better known throughout the town for her strict conduct than for
her beauty, and above all, for the indifference she showed for all men,
whom, as she said, she beheld without any danger, and without any greater
emotions than when in the company of her female friends and her brothers.
She could not believe a thousandth part of all the follies ascribed to love at
all times; and those which she saw herself, seemed to her unaccountable.
Friendship was the only feeling she knew, and her first experience of it was
through a youthful and charming maiden, who pleased her so much that she
only thought how to continue it, never imagining that any other inclination
could ever abate that feeling of esteem and confidence in which she now
exulted. All her conversation was about Euphrosyne, for this was the name
Page 71
of her faithful friend, and the whole town talked about nothing else but
about her and Euphrosyne; their friendship became a proverb. Emira had
two brothers, both young, and so handsome that all the ladies of the city
were in love with them, whilst she herself loved them as a true sister. One
of the priests of Jupiter, who visited at her fatherʼs house, fell in love with
her, and dared to declare his passion, but was repelled with scorn. A man of
a certain age, who, relying on his noble birth and large estates, had the same
assurance, met with the same repulse. She boasted of this, however; and
even when in the company of her brothers, the priest, and the old noble,
declared she was insensible to love. It seemed that Heaven reserved severer
trials for her; yet these had no other effect but to render her more vain and
to enhance her reputation as a maiden superior to love. Of three lovers
smitten by her charms in succession, and whose affections she did not
dread, the first, in a fit of passion, stabbed himself at her feet; the second,
despairing of ever succeeding in his suit, went to seek his death in the wars
of Crete; and the third ended his days in languor and passed his nights
without sleep. The man who was to avenge them had not yet made his
appearance. The aged noble, who had not been fortunate in his suit, was
cured of his love by reflecting on his age and on the character of the young
lady to whom he paid his addresses; however, he wished to visit her
sometimes, and received her permission so to do. One day he introduced to
her his youthful son, who united to a charming countenance manners full of
dignity. Emira beheld him with some interest; but as he remained silent in
the presence of his father, she thought he was wanting in intelligence, and
could have wished him more. He saw her afterwards alone, and conversed
long enough and intelligently; but as he did not look at her much, and talked
still less about her and her beauty, she was surprised and somewhat
indignant that such a nice-looking and clever young man should be so void
of gallantry. She spoke of him to her friend, who expressed a desire to see
him. He, then, only looked at Euphrosyne, and praised her beauty. At this
the unfeeling Emira became jealous; she perceived that Ctesiphon spoke
what he really felt, and that he was not only capable of gallantry, but even
of tenderness. From that time she cooled towards her friend; yet she wished
to see the couple together once more, to make quite sure that her suspicions
were well-founded. The second interview showed her more than she
dreaded to see, and changed her suspicions into certainty. She now avoided
Euphrosyne; she no longer perceived in her that merit which charmed her
about her and Euphrosyne; their friendship became a proverb. Emira had
two brothers, both young, and so handsome that all the ladies of the city
were in love with them, whilst she herself loved them as a true sister. One
of the priests of Jupiter, who visited at her fatherʼs house, fell in love with
her, and dared to declare his passion, but was repelled with scorn. A man of
a certain age, who, relying on his noble birth and large estates, had the same
assurance, met with the same repulse. She boasted of this, however; and
even when in the company of her brothers, the priest, and the old noble,
declared she was insensible to love. It seemed that Heaven reserved severer
trials for her; yet these had no other effect but to render her more vain and
to enhance her reputation as a maiden superior to love. Of three lovers
smitten by her charms in succession, and whose affections she did not
dread, the first, in a fit of passion, stabbed himself at her feet; the second,
despairing of ever succeeding in his suit, went to seek his death in the wars
of Crete; and the third ended his days in languor and passed his nights
without sleep. The man who was to avenge them had not yet made his
appearance. The aged noble, who had not been fortunate in his suit, was
cured of his love by reflecting on his age and on the character of the young
lady to whom he paid his addresses; however, he wished to visit her
sometimes, and received her permission so to do. One day he introduced to
her his youthful son, who united to a charming countenance manners full of
dignity. Emira beheld him with some interest; but as he remained silent in
the presence of his father, she thought he was wanting in intelligence, and
could have wished him more. He saw her afterwards alone, and conversed
long enough and intelligently; but as he did not look at her much, and talked
still less about her and her beauty, she was surprised and somewhat
indignant that such a nice-looking and clever young man should be so void
of gallantry. She spoke of him to her friend, who expressed a desire to see
him. He, then, only looked at Euphrosyne, and praised her beauty. At this
the unfeeling Emira became jealous; she perceived that Ctesiphon spoke
what he really felt, and that he was not only capable of gallantry, but even
of tenderness. From that time she cooled towards her friend; yet she wished
to see the couple together once more, to make quite sure that her suspicions
were well-founded. The second interview showed her more than she
dreaded to see, and changed her suspicions into certainty. She now avoided
Euphrosyne; she no longer perceived in her that merit which charmed her
Page 72
before; she lost all pleasure in her conversation; she loved her no longer;
and this alteration made her aware that love had driven friendship from her
heart. Ctesiphon and Euphrosyne saw each other every day, loved one
another, agreed to marry, and, finally, were married. The news spread
through the town, and was talked about the more as it is not often that two
persons who love one another are married. Emira heard of it, and became
desperate; she now felt all the power of love; she again visited Euphrosyne
only for the pleasure of anew beholding Ctesiphon; but that young husband
still remained a lover, and in his new wife found all the charms of a
mistress; he looked on Emira but as a friend of her who was dear to him.
This unfortunate girl could no longer rest, and refused to take any
nourishment; she got weaker and weaker, and at last her mind became
affected; she mistook her brother for Ctesiphon, and spoke to him as a
lover; she recollected herself, and blushed for her error, yet soon relapsed
into greater errors, for which she did not blush, for she was no longer aware
of them. Now she dreads men, but it is too late; that is the cause of her
madness. She has lucid intervals, but these are the most painful to her. The
youth of Smyrna, who saw her formerly so proud and so void of feeling,
now think that the gods have punished her too severely.190
and this alteration made her aware that love had driven friendship from her
heart. Ctesiphon and Euphrosyne saw each other every day, loved one
another, agreed to marry, and, finally, were married. The news spread
through the town, and was talked about the more as it is not often that two
persons who love one another are married. Emira heard of it, and became
desperate; she now felt all the power of love; she again visited Euphrosyne
only for the pleasure of anew beholding Ctesiphon; but that young husband
still remained a lover, and in his new wife found all the charms of a
mistress; he looked on Emira but as a friend of her who was dear to him.
This unfortunate girl could no longer rest, and refused to take any
nourishment; she got weaker and weaker, and at last her mind became
affected; she mistook her brother for Ctesiphon, and spoke to him as a
lover; she recollected herself, and blushed for her error, yet soon relapsed
into greater errors, for which she did not blush, for she was no longer aware
of them. Now she dreads men, but it is too late; that is the cause of her
madness. She has lucid intervals, but these are the most painful to her. The
youth of Smyrna, who saw her formerly so proud and so void of feeling,
now think that the gods have punished her too severely.190
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IV.
OF THE AFFECTIONS.
(1.)
P URE friendship is something which men of an inferior intellect can
never taste.
(2.) Friendship can exist between persons of different sexes,
without any coarse or sensual feelings; yet a woman always looks upon a
man as a man, and so a man will look upon a woman as a woman. Such a
connection is neither love nor pure friendship, but something out of the
common.
(3.) Love arises suddenly, without any warning, through a natural
disposition or through weakness; one glance of the fair transfixes us,
determines us. Friendship, on the contrary, is formed gradually, in time,
through familiarity and long acquaintance. How much intelligence,
kindness of heart and affection; how many good offices and civilities are
required among friends to accomplish in several years what a lovely face or
a fine hand does in a minute.
(4.) Time, which strengthens friendship, weakens love.
(5.) As long as love lasts, it feeds on itself, and sometimes by those very
means which seem rather likely to extinguish it, such as caprice, severity,
OF THE AFFECTIONS.
(1.)
P URE friendship is something which men of an inferior intellect can
never taste.
(2.) Friendship can exist between persons of different sexes,
without any coarse or sensual feelings; yet a woman always looks upon a
man as a man, and so a man will look upon a woman as a woman. Such a
connection is neither love nor pure friendship, but something out of the
common.
(3.) Love arises suddenly, without any warning, through a natural
disposition or through weakness; one glance of the fair transfixes us,
determines us. Friendship, on the contrary, is formed gradually, in time,
through familiarity and long acquaintance. How much intelligence,
kindness of heart and affection; how many good offices and civilities are
required among friends to accomplish in several years what a lovely face or
a fine hand does in a minute.
(4.) Time, which strengthens friendship, weakens love.
(5.) As long as love lasts, it feeds on itself, and sometimes by those very
means which seem rather likely to extinguish it, such as caprice, severity,
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absence, jealousy. Friendship, on the contrary, needs every assistance, and
dies from want of attention, confidence, and kindness.
(6.) It is not so difficult to meet with excessive love as with perfect
friendship.
(7.) Love and friendship exclude each other.
(8.) A man who is passionately in love neglects friendship, and one
whose whole feelings are for friendship has none to give to love.
(9.) Love begins with love; and the warmest friendship cannot change
even to the coldest love.
(10.) Nothing is more like the most ardent friendship than those
acquaintances which we cultivate for the sake of our love.
(11.) We never love with all our heart and all our soul but once, and that
is the first time we love. Subsequent inclinations are less instinctive.
(12.) Sudden love takes the longest time to be cured.
(13.) Love, slow and gradual in its growth, is too much like friendship
ever to be a violent passion.
(14.) A man who loves so ardently that he wishes he were able to love
ever so many thousand times more than he does, yields in love to none but
to a man who loves more intensely than he could wish.
(15.) If I were to admit that in the ebullitions of a violent passion one
may love another person better than oneself, whom should I please most—
those who love or those who are beloved?
(16.) Men are not seldom inclined to fall in love, but cannot succeed in
their desire; they seek every opportunity of being conquered, but fail to
meet it, and, if I may say so, are compelled to remain at liberty.
(17.) Those who love too violently at first, soon contribute individually
to their loving one another less, and, finally, to their not loving one another
any longer. It is not so easy to decide who is most to blame for this rupture,
the man or the woman. Women accuse men of being inconstant, and men
retort that women are fickle.
(18.) However particular we may be in love, we pardon more faults in
love than in friendship.
(19.) It is a sweet revenge to a man who loves passionately to make an
ungrateful mistress appear still more so, by his very actions.
(20.) It is a sorry circumstance to love when we have not a fortune large
enough to render those whom we love so happy that there is nothing more
they can wish for.
dies from want of attention, confidence, and kindness.
(6.) It is not so difficult to meet with excessive love as with perfect
friendship.
(7.) Love and friendship exclude each other.
(8.) A man who is passionately in love neglects friendship, and one
whose whole feelings are for friendship has none to give to love.
(9.) Love begins with love; and the warmest friendship cannot change
even to the coldest love.
(10.) Nothing is more like the most ardent friendship than those
acquaintances which we cultivate for the sake of our love.
(11.) We never love with all our heart and all our soul but once, and that
is the first time we love. Subsequent inclinations are less instinctive.
(12.) Sudden love takes the longest time to be cured.
(13.) Love, slow and gradual in its growth, is too much like friendship
ever to be a violent passion.
(14.) A man who loves so ardently that he wishes he were able to love
ever so many thousand times more than he does, yields in love to none but
to a man who loves more intensely than he could wish.
(15.) If I were to admit that in the ebullitions of a violent passion one
may love another person better than oneself, whom should I please most—
those who love or those who are beloved?
(16.) Men are not seldom inclined to fall in love, but cannot succeed in
their desire; they seek every opportunity of being conquered, but fail to
meet it, and, if I may say so, are compelled to remain at liberty.
(17.) Those who love too violently at first, soon contribute individually
to their loving one another less, and, finally, to their not loving one another
any longer. It is not so easy to decide who is most to blame for this rupture,
the man or the woman. Women accuse men of being inconstant, and men
retort that women are fickle.
(18.) However particular we may be in love, we pardon more faults in
love than in friendship.
(19.) It is a sweet revenge to a man who loves passionately to make an
ungrateful mistress appear still more so, by his very actions.
(20.) It is a sorry circumstance to love when we have not a fortune large
enough to render those whom we love so happy that there is nothing more
they can wish for.
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(21.) If a woman with whom we have been violently in love, and who
has not returned our passion, afterwards renders us some important
services, she will hardly meet with anything but ingratitude.
(22.) A lively gratitude denotes a great esteem and affection for the
person who lays us under some obligation.
(23.) To be in the company of those whom we love satisfies us; it does
not signify whether we dream of them, speak or not speak to them, think of
them or think of indifferent things, as long as we are near them.
(24.) Hatred is nearer to friendship than antipathy is.
(25.) It seems that antipathy changes oftener into love than into
friendship.
(26.) We confide our secret to a friend, but in love it escapes us.
It is possible to enjoy some peopleʼs confidence, and yet not their
affections; he who possesses these needs no trusting, no confidence;
everything is open to him.
(27.) In friendship we only see those faults which may be prejudicial to
our friends; in those whom we love we discern no faults but those by which
we suffer ourselves.
(28.) The first tiff in love, as the first fault in friendship, is the only one
of which we are able to make good use.
(29.) Methinks that if an unjust, eccentric, and groundless suspicion has
been called jealousy, that other jealousy which is just, natural, founded on
reason and on experience, deserves some other name.
Our natural disposition has no small share in jealousy which does not
always spring from a great passion. Yet it is a paradox for a violent love not
to be esoteric.
Our idiosyncrasy often causes no suffering to any one but to ourselves;
but in jealousy we suffer ourselves and give pain to others.
Those women who do not respect any of our feelings and give us so
many opportunities of becoming jealous, should not be worthy of our
jealousy if we were guided rather by their sentiments and conduct than by
our affections.
(30.) Coolness in friendship and the slackening of its ties, arise not
without cause; in love there is hardly any other cause for our ceasing to love
but that of having loved to excess.
(31.) It is no more in our power to love always than it was not to love at
all.
has not returned our passion, afterwards renders us some important
services, she will hardly meet with anything but ingratitude.
(22.) A lively gratitude denotes a great esteem and affection for the
person who lays us under some obligation.
(23.) To be in the company of those whom we love satisfies us; it does
not signify whether we dream of them, speak or not speak to them, think of
them or think of indifferent things, as long as we are near them.
(24.) Hatred is nearer to friendship than antipathy is.
(25.) It seems that antipathy changes oftener into love than into
friendship.
(26.) We confide our secret to a friend, but in love it escapes us.
It is possible to enjoy some peopleʼs confidence, and yet not their
affections; he who possesses these needs no trusting, no confidence;
everything is open to him.
(27.) In friendship we only see those faults which may be prejudicial to
our friends; in those whom we love we discern no faults but those by which
we suffer ourselves.
(28.) The first tiff in love, as the first fault in friendship, is the only one
of which we are able to make good use.
(29.) Methinks that if an unjust, eccentric, and groundless suspicion has
been called jealousy, that other jealousy which is just, natural, founded on
reason and on experience, deserves some other name.
Our natural disposition has no small share in jealousy which does not
always spring from a great passion. Yet it is a paradox for a violent love not
to be esoteric.
Our idiosyncrasy often causes no suffering to any one but to ourselves;
but in jealousy we suffer ourselves and give pain to others.
Those women who do not respect any of our feelings and give us so
many opportunities of becoming jealous, should not be worthy of our
jealousy if we were guided rather by their sentiments and conduct than by
our affections.
(30.) Coolness in friendship and the slackening of its ties, arise not
without cause; in love there is hardly any other cause for our ceasing to love
but that of having loved to excess.
(31.) It is no more in our power to love always than it was not to love at
all.
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(32.) Love receives its death-wound from aversion, and forgetfulness
buries it.
(33.) We perceive when love begins and when it declines by our
perplexity when alone.
(34.) To cease from loving is a distinct proof that the powers of man are
limited and his affections as well.
It is a weakness to love; it is sometimes another weakness to attempt the
cure of it.
We are cured in the same way as we are comforted, for we cannot
always weep nor love with all our heart.
(35.) There should be within the heart inexhaustible sources of grief for
certain losses. It is seldom that either by our virtue or strength of mind we
overcome a great affliction; we weep bitterly and are deeply moved, but
afterwards we are either so weak or so flighty that we console ourselves.191
(36.) When a plain-looking woman is loved, it is certain to be very
passionately; for either her influence on her lover is irresistible, or she has
some secret and more irresistible charms than those of beauty.
(37.) For a long time visits among lovers and professions of love are
kept up through habit, after their behaviour has plainly proved that love no
longer exists.
(38.) To endeavour to forget any one is a certain way of thinking of
nothing else. Love has this in common with scruples, that it becomes
embittered by the reflections and the thoughts that beset us to free
ourselves. If we could do it, the only way to extinguish our passion would
be never to think of it.
(39.) We should like those whom we love to receive all their happiness,
or, if this were impossible, all their unhappiness from our hands.
(40.) To bewail the loss of a person we love is a happiness compared
with the necessity of living with one we hate.
(41.) However disinterested we may be with regard to those we love, we
must sometimes constrain ourselves for their sake, and have the generosity
to accept gifts.
A man may freely accept a gift if he feels as great a pleasure in
receiving it as his friend felt in giving it him.
(42.) To give is to act; we do not suffer any pains by our liberality, nor
by yielding to the importunity or necessity of postulants.
buries it.
(33.) We perceive when love begins and when it declines by our
perplexity when alone.
(34.) To cease from loving is a distinct proof that the powers of man are
limited and his affections as well.
It is a weakness to love; it is sometimes another weakness to attempt the
cure of it.
We are cured in the same way as we are comforted, for we cannot
always weep nor love with all our heart.
(35.) There should be within the heart inexhaustible sources of grief for
certain losses. It is seldom that either by our virtue or strength of mind we
overcome a great affliction; we weep bitterly and are deeply moved, but
afterwards we are either so weak or so flighty that we console ourselves.191
(36.) When a plain-looking woman is loved, it is certain to be very
passionately; for either her influence on her lover is irresistible, or she has
some secret and more irresistible charms than those of beauty.
(37.) For a long time visits among lovers and professions of love are
kept up through habit, after their behaviour has plainly proved that love no
longer exists.
(38.) To endeavour to forget any one is a certain way of thinking of
nothing else. Love has this in common with scruples, that it becomes
embittered by the reflections and the thoughts that beset us to free
ourselves. If we could do it, the only way to extinguish our passion would
be never to think of it.
(39.) We should like those whom we love to receive all their happiness,
or, if this were impossible, all their unhappiness from our hands.
(40.) To bewail the loss of a person we love is a happiness compared
with the necessity of living with one we hate.
(41.) However disinterested we may be with regard to those we love, we
must sometimes constrain ourselves for their sake, and have the generosity
to accept gifts.
A man may freely accept a gift if he feels as great a pleasure in
receiving it as his friend felt in giving it him.
(42.) To give is to act; we do not suffer any pains by our liberality, nor
by yielding to the importunity or necessity of postulants.
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(43.) If at any time we have been liberal to those we loved, whatever
happens afterwards, there is no occasion to think of what we have given.
(44.) It has been said in Latin192 that it costs less to hate than to love; or,
in other words, that friendship is more expensive than hatred. It is true that
we need not be liberal towards our enemies; but does revenge cost nothing?
Or, if it be so pleasing and natural to harm those we hate, is it less so to do
good to those we love? Would it not be disagreeable and painful for us not
to do so?
(45.) There is a pleasure in meeting the glance of a person whom we
have lately laid under some obligations.
(46.) I do not know whether a benefit conferred upon an ungrateful
person, and thus on a person unworthy of it, does not change its name, and
whether it deserves any gratitude.193
(47.) Liberality consists not so much in giving a great deal as in giving
seasonably.
(48.) If it be true that in showing pity and compassion we think of
ourselves, because we fear to be one day or another in the same
circumstances as those unfortunate people for whom we feel, why are the
latter so sparingly relieved by us in their wretchedness?
It is better to expose ourselves to ingratitude than to neglect our duty to
the distressed.
(49.) Experience proves us that if we are effeminate, and indulgent
towards ourselves, and obdurate towards others, we show but one and the
same vice.
(50.) A moiling, toiling man, who shows no mercy to himself, is only
lenient to others by excess of reason.
(51.) Though the charge of maintaining a poor person may be very
burdensome to us, yet a change of fortune, which makes him no longer our
dependent, gives us no great pleasure, in the same way as our joy at the
preferment of a friend is somewhat tempered by the small grudge we bear
him for having become our superior or our equal. Thus we agree but ill with
ourselves, for we should like to have others dependent on us, but, it must
cost us nothing; and we should like to see our friends prosperous, yet when
good fortune comes to them, the first thing we do is not always to be glad
about it.
(52.) People send you invitations, ask you to come to their house, offer
you even board and lodging, nay, their very fortune and their services; all
happens afterwards, there is no occasion to think of what we have given.
(44.) It has been said in Latin192 that it costs less to hate than to love; or,
in other words, that friendship is more expensive than hatred. It is true that
we need not be liberal towards our enemies; but does revenge cost nothing?
Or, if it be so pleasing and natural to harm those we hate, is it less so to do
good to those we love? Would it not be disagreeable and painful for us not
to do so?
(45.) There is a pleasure in meeting the glance of a person whom we
have lately laid under some obligations.
(46.) I do not know whether a benefit conferred upon an ungrateful
person, and thus on a person unworthy of it, does not change its name, and
whether it deserves any gratitude.193
(47.) Liberality consists not so much in giving a great deal as in giving
seasonably.
(48.) If it be true that in showing pity and compassion we think of
ourselves, because we fear to be one day or another in the same
circumstances as those unfortunate people for whom we feel, why are the
latter so sparingly relieved by us in their wretchedness?
It is better to expose ourselves to ingratitude than to neglect our duty to
the distressed.
(49.) Experience proves us that if we are effeminate, and indulgent
towards ourselves, and obdurate towards others, we show but one and the
same vice.
(50.) A moiling, toiling man, who shows no mercy to himself, is only
lenient to others by excess of reason.
(51.) Though the charge of maintaining a poor person may be very
burdensome to us, yet a change of fortune, which makes him no longer our
dependent, gives us no great pleasure, in the same way as our joy at the
preferment of a friend is somewhat tempered by the small grudge we bear
him for having become our superior or our equal. Thus we agree but ill with
ourselves, for we should like to have others dependent on us, but, it must
cost us nothing; and we should like to see our friends prosperous, yet when
good fortune comes to them, the first thing we do is not always to be glad
about it.
(52.) People send you invitations, ask you to come to their house, offer
you even board and lodging, nay, their very fortune and their services; all
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this costs them nothing; but will they be as good as their word?
(53.) One faithful friend is enough for a man, and he is very fortunate to
meet with one; yet he cannot have too many which may be of use to others.
(54.) When we have done all that we can do for certain people in order
to acquire their friendship, and we find we have been unsuccessful, there is
still one resource left to us, which is, not to do anything more.
(55.) To live with our enemies as if they might one day become our
friends,194 and to live with our friends as if they might some time or other
become our enemies, is equally opposed to the very nature of hatred, as
well as to the rules of friendship. It may be a political maxim, it is certainly
not a moral one.
(56.) We ought not to make those people our enemies who might have
become our friends, if we had only known them better. We ought to choose
friends of such a high and honourable character that, even after having
ceased to remain our friends, they should not abuse our confidence, nor
make us dread them as our enemies.
(57.) It is pleasant to visit our friends because we like and esteem them;
it is a torture to frequent them because we want them; then we become
applicants.
(58.) We should try and gain the affections of those to whom we wish to
do good rather than of those who could do us some good.195
(59.) We do not employ the same means for bettering our position as we
do in pursuing frivolous and fanciful things. We feel a certain kind of
freedom in acting according to our fancy, and, on the contrary, a certain
kind of thraldom in labouring for obtaining a place. It is natural to desire it
ardently and to take little pains to obtain it, for we think that we deserve it
without seeking for it.
(60.) He who knows how to wait for what he desires does not feel very
desperate if he fails in obtaining it; and he, on the contrary, who is very
impatient in procuring a certain thing, takes so much pains about it, that,
even when he is successful, he does not think himself sufficiently rewarded.
(61.) There are certain people who so ardently and so passionately196
desire a thing, that from dread of losing it they leave nothing undone to
make them lose it.
(62.) Those things which we desire most never happen at all, or do not
happen at the right time, and under those circumstances when they would
have given us the greatest pleasure.
(53.) One faithful friend is enough for a man, and he is very fortunate to
meet with one; yet he cannot have too many which may be of use to others.
(54.) When we have done all that we can do for certain people in order
to acquire their friendship, and we find we have been unsuccessful, there is
still one resource left to us, which is, not to do anything more.
(55.) To live with our enemies as if they might one day become our
friends,194 and to live with our friends as if they might some time or other
become our enemies, is equally opposed to the very nature of hatred, as
well as to the rules of friendship. It may be a political maxim, it is certainly
not a moral one.
(56.) We ought not to make those people our enemies who might have
become our friends, if we had only known them better. We ought to choose
friends of such a high and honourable character that, even after having
ceased to remain our friends, they should not abuse our confidence, nor
make us dread them as our enemies.
(57.) It is pleasant to visit our friends because we like and esteem them;
it is a torture to frequent them because we want them; then we become
applicants.
(58.) We should try and gain the affections of those to whom we wish to
do good rather than of those who could do us some good.195
(59.) We do not employ the same means for bettering our position as we
do in pursuing frivolous and fanciful things. We feel a certain kind of
freedom in acting according to our fancy, and, on the contrary, a certain
kind of thraldom in labouring for obtaining a place. It is natural to desire it
ardently and to take little pains to obtain it, for we think that we deserve it
without seeking for it.
(60.) He who knows how to wait for what he desires does not feel very
desperate if he fails in obtaining it; and he, on the contrary, who is very
impatient in procuring a certain thing, takes so much pains about it, that,
even when he is successful, he does not think himself sufficiently rewarded.
(61.) There are certain people who so ardently and so passionately196
desire a thing, that from dread of losing it they leave nothing undone to
make them lose it.
(62.) Those things which we desire most never happen at all, or do not
happen at the right time, and under those circumstances when they would
have given us the greatest pleasure.
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(63.) We must laugh before we are happy, or else we may die before
ever having laughed at all.
(64.) Life is short, if we are only said to live when we enjoy ourselves;
and if we were merely to count up the hours we spent agreeably, a great
number of years would hardly make up a life of a few months.
(65.) How difficult is it to be pleased with any one!
(66.) We imagine that it would be impossible to prevent our feeling
some pleasure if we were present at the death of a wicked man, for then we
could reap the harvest of our hatred, and get from him all that we could ever
hope to get from him, namely, the delight his death causes us. But when at
last this man really dies, and at a time when our interest will not permit us
to rejoice, he dies either too soon or too late for us.
(67.) It is difficult for a proud man ever to forgive a person who has
found him at fault, and who has good grounds for complaining of him; his
pride is not assuaged till he has regained the advantages he lost and put the
other person in the wrong.
(68.) As our affection increases towards those whom we wish to assist,
so we violently hate those whom we have greatly offended.
(69.) It is as difficult at first to stifle the resentment of a wrong done to
us as to retain it after many years.
(70.) It is weakness which makes us hate an enemy and seek revenge,
and it is idleness that pacifies us and causes us to neglect it.
(71.) It is as much from idleness as from weakness that we allow
ourselves to be controlled.
No man should think of controlling another person all at once, and
without some preliminaries, in some important matter of business which
might be of great consequence to him and to his family; such a person
would at once become aware of the sway and ascendency intended to be
obtained over him, and would throw off the yoke out of shame or
inconsistency. He should be tried first with trifling things, and then success
is certain when attempting greater ones. Some people, who, at first, scarcely
ventured to make a man leave for the country or to let him return to town,
obtained such an influence over him at last, that he made his will, as they
told him, and only left his own son what he was obliged to leave him.197
In order to control a man for any length of time and completely, a light
hand is necessary, so as to let him feel his dependence as little as possible.
ever having laughed at all.
(64.) Life is short, if we are only said to live when we enjoy ourselves;
and if we were merely to count up the hours we spent agreeably, a great
number of years would hardly make up a life of a few months.
(65.) How difficult is it to be pleased with any one!
(66.) We imagine that it would be impossible to prevent our feeling
some pleasure if we were present at the death of a wicked man, for then we
could reap the harvest of our hatred, and get from him all that we could ever
hope to get from him, namely, the delight his death causes us. But when at
last this man really dies, and at a time when our interest will not permit us
to rejoice, he dies either too soon or too late for us.
(67.) It is difficult for a proud man ever to forgive a person who has
found him at fault, and who has good grounds for complaining of him; his
pride is not assuaged till he has regained the advantages he lost and put the
other person in the wrong.
(68.) As our affection increases towards those whom we wish to assist,
so we violently hate those whom we have greatly offended.
(69.) It is as difficult at first to stifle the resentment of a wrong done to
us as to retain it after many years.
(70.) It is weakness which makes us hate an enemy and seek revenge,
and it is idleness that pacifies us and causes us to neglect it.
(71.) It is as much from idleness as from weakness that we allow
ourselves to be controlled.
No man should think of controlling another person all at once, and
without some preliminaries, in some important matter of business which
might be of great consequence to him and to his family; such a person
would at once become aware of the sway and ascendency intended to be
obtained over him, and would throw off the yoke out of shame or
inconsistency. He should be tried first with trifling things, and then success
is certain when attempting greater ones. Some people, who, at first, scarcely
ventured to make a man leave for the country or to let him return to town,
obtained such an influence over him at last, that he made his will, as they
told him, and only left his own son what he was obliged to leave him.197
In order to control a man for any length of time and completely, a light
hand is necessary, so as to let him feel his dependence as little as possible.
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Some people allow themselves to be controlled up to a certain point, but
beyond that they are intractable and ungovernable; suddenly all influence is
lost over their feelings and mind, and neither rough nor gentle means, force
nor address, can reduce them: yet, with this difference, that some act thus
moved by reasoning and conclusive evidence, and others through
inclination and constitution.
There are some men who turn a deaf ear to reason and good advice, and
wilfully go wrong for fear of being controlled.
There are others who allow their friends to control them in trifling
things, and thence presume to control them in things of weight and
consequence.
Drance198 would fain pass for a man who rules his master, though his
master and the world know better. For a man in office to talk incessantly to
his employer, a man of high rank, at improper times and places, to be
always whispering or using certain words with mysterious intent, to laugh
boisterously in his presence, to interrupt him when he speaks, to interfere
when others address him, to treat with contempt those who come to pay
their court to his master, or express impatience till they are gone, to stand
near him in too unconstrained an attitude, to lean with his back against the
chimney-mantel as his master does, to pluck him by his coat, to tread upon
his heels, to affect a certain familiarity and to take such liberties, are signs
of a coxcomb rather than of a favourite.
An intelligent man neither allows himself to be controlled nor attempts
to control others; he wishes reason alone to rule, and that always.
Had I a friend, a man of sense, I should not object to confide in him, and
to be controlled by him in everything, completely and for ever. I should
then be sure of acting rightly without the trouble of thinking about it, whilst
enjoying all the calm of a man swayed by common-sense.
(72.) All passions are deceptive; they conceal themselves as much as
possible from others and from themselves as well. No vice exists which
does not pretend to be more or less like some virtue, and which does not
take advantage of this assumed resemblance.
(73.) We open a book of devotion, and it affects us; we open a book of
gallantry, and that, too, impresses us. If I may say so, it is the heart alone
which reconciles things so opposed to one another, and allows
incompatibilities.
beyond that they are intractable and ungovernable; suddenly all influence is
lost over their feelings and mind, and neither rough nor gentle means, force
nor address, can reduce them: yet, with this difference, that some act thus
moved by reasoning and conclusive evidence, and others through
inclination and constitution.
There are some men who turn a deaf ear to reason and good advice, and
wilfully go wrong for fear of being controlled.
There are others who allow their friends to control them in trifling
things, and thence presume to control them in things of weight and
consequence.
Drance198 would fain pass for a man who rules his master, though his
master and the world know better. For a man in office to talk incessantly to
his employer, a man of high rank, at improper times and places, to be
always whispering or using certain words with mysterious intent, to laugh
boisterously in his presence, to interrupt him when he speaks, to interfere
when others address him, to treat with contempt those who come to pay
their court to his master, or express impatience till they are gone, to stand
near him in too unconstrained an attitude, to lean with his back against the
chimney-mantel as his master does, to pluck him by his coat, to tread upon
his heels, to affect a certain familiarity and to take such liberties, are signs
of a coxcomb rather than of a favourite.
An intelligent man neither allows himself to be controlled nor attempts
to control others; he wishes reason alone to rule, and that always.
Had I a friend, a man of sense, I should not object to confide in him, and
to be controlled by him in everything, completely and for ever. I should
then be sure of acting rightly without the trouble of thinking about it, whilst
enjoying all the calm of a man swayed by common-sense.
(72.) All passions are deceptive; they conceal themselves as much as
possible from others and from themselves as well. No vice exists which
does not pretend to be more or less like some virtue, and which does not
take advantage of this assumed resemblance.
(73.) We open a book of devotion, and it affects us; we open a book of
gallantry, and that, too, impresses us. If I may say so, it is the heart alone
which reconciles things so opposed to one another, and allows
incompatibilities.
Page 81
(74.) Men are less ashamed of their crimes than of their weaknesses and
their vanity. The same man who is openly unjust, violent, treacherous, and a
slanderer, will conceal his love or his ambition for no other reason but to
conceal it.
(75.) It rarely happens that a man can say he is ambitious, for if he has
been so once, he remains so; but there comes a time when he admits he has
been in love.
(76.) Men begin with love and end with ambition, and are seldom free
from passion till they die.
(77.) Nothing is easier for passion than to overcome reason, but the
greatest triumph is to conquer a manʼs own interests.
(78.) A man who is swayed by his feelings is more sociable and
agreeable to converse with than one who is swayed by his intelligence.
(79.) There are certain sublime sentiments, certain noble and lofty
actions, for which we are indebted rather to the kindness of our disposition
than to the strength of our mind.
(80.) There is no excess in the world so commendable as excessive
gratitude.
(81.) A man must be completely wanting in intelligence if he does not
show it when actuated by love, malice, or necessity.
(82.) There are certain spots which we admire, others which we love,
and where we long to pass our days.
It seems that our mind, our temper, passions, taste and feelings, are
influenced by the places where we dwell.199
(83.) Benevolent persons should be the only ones to be envied, if there
were not a better course open to us, which is, to excel them; thus we can
avenge ourselves pleasantly on those whom we dislike.
(84.) Some people pretend they never were in love and never wrote
poetry; two weaknesses which they dare not own—one of the heart, the
other of the mind.
(85.) During the course of our life we now and then enjoy some
pleasures so inviting, and have some encounters of so tender a nature, that
though they are forbidden, it is but natural to wish that they were at least
allowable. Nothing can be more delightful, except it be to abandon them for
virtueʼs sake.
their vanity. The same man who is openly unjust, violent, treacherous, and a
slanderer, will conceal his love or his ambition for no other reason but to
conceal it.
(75.) It rarely happens that a man can say he is ambitious, for if he has
been so once, he remains so; but there comes a time when he admits he has
been in love.
(76.) Men begin with love and end with ambition, and are seldom free
from passion till they die.
(77.) Nothing is easier for passion than to overcome reason, but the
greatest triumph is to conquer a manʼs own interests.
(78.) A man who is swayed by his feelings is more sociable and
agreeable to converse with than one who is swayed by his intelligence.
(79.) There are certain sublime sentiments, certain noble and lofty
actions, for which we are indebted rather to the kindness of our disposition
than to the strength of our mind.
(80.) There is no excess in the world so commendable as excessive
gratitude.
(81.) A man must be completely wanting in intelligence if he does not
show it when actuated by love, malice, or necessity.
(82.) There are certain spots which we admire, others which we love,
and where we long to pass our days.
It seems that our mind, our temper, passions, taste and feelings, are
influenced by the places where we dwell.199
(83.) Benevolent persons should be the only ones to be envied, if there
were not a better course open to us, which is, to excel them; thus we can
avenge ourselves pleasantly on those whom we dislike.
(84.) Some people pretend they never were in love and never wrote
poetry; two weaknesses which they dare not own—one of the heart, the
other of the mind.
(85.) During the course of our life we now and then enjoy some
pleasures so inviting, and have some encounters of so tender a nature, that
though they are forbidden, it is but natural to wish that they were at least
allowable. Nothing can be more delightful, except it be to abandon them for
virtueʼs sake.
Page 82
Page 83
V.
OF SOCIETY AND OF CONVERSATION.
(1.)
A man must be very inert to have no character at all.
(2.) A fool is always troublesome, a man of sense perceives
when he pleases or is tiresome; he goes away the very minute before it
might have been thought he stayed too long.
(3.) Mischievous wags are a kind of insects which are in everybodyʼs
way and plentiful in all countries. Real wit is rarely to be met with, and
even if it be innate in a man, it must be very difficult to maintain a
reputation for it during any length of time; for, commonly, he that makes us
laugh does not stand high in our estimation.
(4.) There are a great many obscene minds, yet more railing and
satirical, but very few fastidious ones. A man must have good manners, be
very polite, and even have a great deal of originality to be able to jest
gracefully and be felicitous in his remarks about trifles; to jest in such a
manner and to make something out of nothing is to create.
(5.) If in ordinary conversation we were to pay great attention to every
dull, vain, and puerile remark, we should be ashamed to speak or even to
OF SOCIETY AND OF CONVERSATION.
(1.)
A man must be very inert to have no character at all.
(2.) A fool is always troublesome, a man of sense perceives
when he pleases or is tiresome; he goes away the very minute before it
might have been thought he stayed too long.
(3.) Mischievous wags are a kind of insects which are in everybodyʼs
way and plentiful in all countries. Real wit is rarely to be met with, and
even if it be innate in a man, it must be very difficult to maintain a
reputation for it during any length of time; for, commonly, he that makes us
laugh does not stand high in our estimation.
(4.) There are a great many obscene minds, yet more railing and
satirical, but very few fastidious ones. A man must have good manners, be
very polite, and even have a great deal of originality to be able to jest
gracefully and be felicitous in his remarks about trifles; to jest in such a
manner and to make something out of nothing is to create.
(5.) If in ordinary conversation we were to pay great attention to every
dull, vain, and puerile remark, we should be ashamed to speak or even to
Page 84
listen, and we should perhaps condemn ourselves to a perpetual silence,
which would be more injurious to society than idle talk. We must, therefore,
accommodate ourselves to all intellects, bear as a necessary evil the
spreading of false news, of vague reflections on the Government or on the
interests of princes, listen to the enunciation of fine sentiments which are
always the same, and even allow Arontius200 to utter wise saws, and
Melinda to speak of herself, her nerves, her headaches, and her want of rest.
(6.) We meet with persons who, in their conversation, or in the little
intercourse we have with them, disgust us with their ridiculous expressions,
the novelty, and, if I may say so, the impropriety of the phraseology they
use, as well as by linking together certain words which never came together
but in their mouths, and were never intended by their creators to have the
meaning they give to them. In their conversation they neither follow reason
nor custom, but only their own eccentricity; and their desire always to jest,
and perhaps to shine, gradually changes it into a peculiar sort of dialect
which at last becomes natural to them; they accompany this extraordinary
language by affected gesticulations and a conceited kind of pronunciation.
They are all highly delighted with themselves, and with their pleasant wit,
of which, indeed, they are not entirely destitute; but we pity them for the
little they have, and, what is worse, we suffer through it.
(7.) What do you say? What? I do not understand you. Will you be kind
enough to say it again? I understand you still less. Oh, I guess your meaning
at last; you wish to tell me, Acis, that it is cold! Why donʼt you say so? You
wish to let me know that it rains or snows; say at once that it rains or snows.
You think I am looking well, and you wish to congratulate me; say that you
think I am looking well. But youʼll reply that it is so plain and clear,
anybody might have said it. What does that signify, Acis? Is it so very
wrong to be intelligible in speaking, and to speak as everybody does? There
is one thing, Acis, which you, and men like you, who utter phébus201 want
very much; you have not the smallest suspicion of it, and I know I am going
to surprise you. Do you know what that thing is? It is wit. But that is not all.
There is too much of something else in you, which is the opinion that you
have more intelligence than other men; this is the cause of all your pompous
nonsense, of your mixed-up phraseology, and of all those grand words
without any meaning. The next time I find you addressing anybody, or
entering a room, I shall pull your coat-tails and whisper to you: “Do not
pretend to be witty; be natural, that is better suited to you; use, if you can,
which would be more injurious to society than idle talk. We must, therefore,
accommodate ourselves to all intellects, bear as a necessary evil the
spreading of false news, of vague reflections on the Government or on the
interests of princes, listen to the enunciation of fine sentiments which are
always the same, and even allow Arontius200 to utter wise saws, and
Melinda to speak of herself, her nerves, her headaches, and her want of rest.
(6.) We meet with persons who, in their conversation, or in the little
intercourse we have with them, disgust us with their ridiculous expressions,
the novelty, and, if I may say so, the impropriety of the phraseology they
use, as well as by linking together certain words which never came together
but in their mouths, and were never intended by their creators to have the
meaning they give to them. In their conversation they neither follow reason
nor custom, but only their own eccentricity; and their desire always to jest,
and perhaps to shine, gradually changes it into a peculiar sort of dialect
which at last becomes natural to them; they accompany this extraordinary
language by affected gesticulations and a conceited kind of pronunciation.
They are all highly delighted with themselves, and with their pleasant wit,
of which, indeed, they are not entirely destitute; but we pity them for the
little they have, and, what is worse, we suffer through it.
(7.) What do you say? What? I do not understand you. Will you be kind
enough to say it again? I understand you still less. Oh, I guess your meaning
at last; you wish to tell me, Acis, that it is cold! Why donʼt you say so? You
wish to let me know that it rains or snows; say at once that it rains or snows.
You think I am looking well, and you wish to congratulate me; say that you
think I am looking well. But youʼll reply that it is so plain and clear,
anybody might have said it. What does that signify, Acis? Is it so very
wrong to be intelligible in speaking, and to speak as everybody does? There
is one thing, Acis, which you, and men like you, who utter phébus201 want
very much; you have not the smallest suspicion of it, and I know I am going
to surprise you. Do you know what that thing is? It is wit. But that is not all.
There is too much of something else in you, which is the opinion that you
have more intelligence than other men; this is the cause of all your pompous
nonsense, of your mixed-up phraseology, and of all those grand words
without any meaning. The next time I find you addressing anybody, or
entering a room, I shall pull your coat-tails and whisper to you: “Do not
pretend to be witty; be natural, that is better suited to you; use, if you can,
Page 85
plain language, such as those persons speak whom you fancy are without
wit; then, perhaps, we may think you have some yourself.”
(8.) Who, that goes into society, can help meeting with certain vain,
fickle, familiar, and positive people who monopolise all conversation, and
compel every one else to listen to them? They can be heard in the anteroom,
and a person may boldly enter without fear of interrupting them; they
continue their story without paying the smallest attention to any comers or
goers, or to the rank and quality of their audience; they silence a man who
begins to tell an anecdote, so that they may tell it themselves according to
their fashion, which is the best; they heard it from Zamet, from Ruccellaï,
or from Concini,202 whom they do not know, to whom they never spoke in
their lives, and whom they would address as “Your Excellency,” if ever they
spoke to any one of them. They sometimes will go up to a man of the
highest rank among those who are present, and whisper in his ear some
circumstance which nobody else knows, and which they would not have
divulged to others for the world; they conceal some names to disguise the
anecdote they relate and to prevent the real persons being found out; you
ask them to let you have these names, you urge them in vain. There are
some things they must not tell, and some persons whom they cannot name;
they have given their word of honour not to do so; it is a secret, a mystery
of the greatest importance; moreover, you ask an impossibility. You might
wish to learn something from them, but they know neither the facts nor the
persons.203
(9.) Arrias has read and seen everything, at least he would lead you to
think so; he is a man of universal knowledge, or pretends to be, and would
rather tell a falsehood than be silent or appear to ignore anything. Some
person is talking at meal-time in the house of a man of rank of a northern
court; he interrupts and prevents him telling what he knows; he goes hither
and thither in that distant country as if he were a native of it; he discourses
about the habits of its court, the native women, the laws and customs of the
land; he tells many little stories which happened there, thinks them very
entertaining, and is the first to laugh loudly at them. Somebody presumes to
contradict him, and clearly proves to him that what he says is untrue. Arrias
is not disconcerted; on the contrary, he grows angry at the interruption, and
exclaims: “I aver and relate nothing but what I know on excellent authority;
I had it from Sethon, the French ambassador at that court, who only a few
days ago came back to Paris, and is a particular friend of mine; I asked him
wit; then, perhaps, we may think you have some yourself.”
(8.) Who, that goes into society, can help meeting with certain vain,
fickle, familiar, and positive people who monopolise all conversation, and
compel every one else to listen to them? They can be heard in the anteroom,
and a person may boldly enter without fear of interrupting them; they
continue their story without paying the smallest attention to any comers or
goers, or to the rank and quality of their audience; they silence a man who
begins to tell an anecdote, so that they may tell it themselves according to
their fashion, which is the best; they heard it from Zamet, from Ruccellaï,
or from Concini,202 whom they do not know, to whom they never spoke in
their lives, and whom they would address as “Your Excellency,” if ever they
spoke to any one of them. They sometimes will go up to a man of the
highest rank among those who are present, and whisper in his ear some
circumstance which nobody else knows, and which they would not have
divulged to others for the world; they conceal some names to disguise the
anecdote they relate and to prevent the real persons being found out; you
ask them to let you have these names, you urge them in vain. There are
some things they must not tell, and some persons whom they cannot name;
they have given their word of honour not to do so; it is a secret, a mystery
of the greatest importance; moreover, you ask an impossibility. You might
wish to learn something from them, but they know neither the facts nor the
persons.203
(9.) Arrias has read and seen everything, at least he would lead you to
think so; he is a man of universal knowledge, or pretends to be, and would
rather tell a falsehood than be silent or appear to ignore anything. Some
person is talking at meal-time in the house of a man of rank of a northern
court; he interrupts and prevents him telling what he knows; he goes hither
and thither in that distant country as if he were a native of it; he discourses
about the habits of its court, the native women, the laws and customs of the
land; he tells many little stories which happened there, thinks them very
entertaining, and is the first to laugh loudly at them. Somebody presumes to
contradict him, and clearly proves to him that what he says is untrue. Arrias
is not disconcerted; on the contrary, he grows angry at the interruption, and
exclaims: “I aver and relate nothing but what I know on excellent authority;
I had it from Sethon, the French ambassador at that court, who only a few
days ago came back to Paris, and is a particular friend of mine; I asked him
Page 86
several questions, and he replied to them all without concealing anything.”
He continues his story with greater confidence than he began it, till one of
the company informs him that the gentleman whom he has been
contradicting was Sethon himself, but lately arrived from his embassy.204
(10.) In conversation there is a middle course between a certain
backwardness in speaking or a kind of incogitancy which leads us to
wander away from the subject under discussion, so as to make us ask
untimely questions or return silly answers, and between paying too great
attention to the least word said, in order to improve upon it, to joke about it,
to discover in it some mystery hidden to all others, to find something
shrewd and subtle in it, only to have an opportunity of showing how clever
we are.
(11.) Any one who is infatuated with himself and quite convinced he is
very clever, only shows that he has but very little intelligence or none at all.
It is a misfortune for a man to listen to the conversation of such a person.
What a great many affected phrases he has to endure! How many of those
fanciful words which appear of a sudden, live for a short time, and then are
never heard again! If such a person relates some trifling event, it is not so
much to give some information to his hearers, as merely for the honour of
telling it and of telling it cleverly. He amplifies it till it becomes a romance;
he makes the people connected with it think as he does; he puts his own
trivial expressions in their mouths, and renders them, like himself, very
talkative; he falls then into some parentheses which may pass for episodes,
and by which speaker and hearers forget what the story really was about. It
is difficult to say what might have become of them, had not somebody
fortunately come in to break up the company and put an end to the
narrative.
(12.) Theodectes205 is heard in the anteroom; the nearer he comes the
more he raises his voice; he enters, he laughs, he shouts, he vociferates;
everybody stops his ears; he is a mere thunderer, and no less to be dreaded
for what he says as for the loud tone in which he speaks. He becomes quiet
and less boisterous only to stammer out some idle talk and some nonsense.
So little regard has he for time, individuals, or decency, that he offends
every one without intending it; before he has taken a seat he has already
insulted the whole company. When dinner is served, he is the first to sit
down, and always in the place of honour; the ladies are to the right and left
of him, but he eats, drinks, talks, banters, and interrupts every one at the
He continues his story with greater confidence than he began it, till one of
the company informs him that the gentleman whom he has been
contradicting was Sethon himself, but lately arrived from his embassy.204
(10.) In conversation there is a middle course between a certain
backwardness in speaking or a kind of incogitancy which leads us to
wander away from the subject under discussion, so as to make us ask
untimely questions or return silly answers, and between paying too great
attention to the least word said, in order to improve upon it, to joke about it,
to discover in it some mystery hidden to all others, to find something
shrewd and subtle in it, only to have an opportunity of showing how clever
we are.
(11.) Any one who is infatuated with himself and quite convinced he is
very clever, only shows that he has but very little intelligence or none at all.
It is a misfortune for a man to listen to the conversation of such a person.
What a great many affected phrases he has to endure! How many of those
fanciful words which appear of a sudden, live for a short time, and then are
never heard again! If such a person relates some trifling event, it is not so
much to give some information to his hearers, as merely for the honour of
telling it and of telling it cleverly. He amplifies it till it becomes a romance;
he makes the people connected with it think as he does; he puts his own
trivial expressions in their mouths, and renders them, like himself, very
talkative; he falls then into some parentheses which may pass for episodes,
and by which speaker and hearers forget what the story really was about. It
is difficult to say what might have become of them, had not somebody
fortunately come in to break up the company and put an end to the
narrative.
(12.) Theodectes205 is heard in the anteroom; the nearer he comes the
more he raises his voice; he enters, he laughs, he shouts, he vociferates;
everybody stops his ears; he is a mere thunderer, and no less to be dreaded
for what he says as for the loud tone in which he speaks. He becomes quiet
and less boisterous only to stammer out some idle talk and some nonsense.
So little regard has he for time, individuals, or decency, that he offends
every one without intending it; before he has taken a seat he has already
insulted the whole company. When dinner is served, he is the first to sit
down, and always in the place of honour; the ladies are to the right and left
of him, but he eats, drinks, talks, banters, and interrupts every one at the
Page 87
same time; he has no respect for any one, neither for master nor guests, and
takes advantage of the foolish way they look up to him. Is it he or
Euthydemes who is the host? He assumes all authority while at dinner; and
it is better to give way to him than to quarrel with him about it. Neither
eating nor drinking improve his temper. If some gambling is going on, and
if he wins, he banters his antagonist and insults him; the laughers are on his
side, and there is no sort of folly they do not overlook in him. At last I leave
him and go away, unable to bear any longer with Theodectes and those who
bear with him.
(13.) Troïlus is useful to those who have too much wealth; he eases
them of their onerous superfluity, and saves them the trouble of hoarding up
money, of making contracts, locking trunks, carrying keys about, and of
dreading to be robbed by servants. He assists them in their pleasures, and
afterwards is able to serve them in their passions; in a short time he
regulates and dictates their conduct; he is the oracle of the house, whose
decisions are anxiously expected, nay, even anticipated and surmised; he
orders a slave to be punished, and he is flogged; another to be freed, and he
is set at liberty. If a parasite does not make him laugh, he perhaps does not
please him, and therefore must be dismissed. The master of the house may
consider himself lucky if Troïlus leaves him his wife and children. If at
table he declares that a certain dish is excellent, the master and the guests,
who did not pay much attention to it, find it also excellent, and cannot eat
enough of it; if, on the contrary, he says of some other dish that it is insipid,
those who were just beginning to enjoy it dare not swallow the piece they
had in their mouths, but throw it on the floor;206 every eye is on him, and
every one observes his looks and his countenance before giving an opinion
on the wine or the dishes before them. Do not look for him anywhere else
but in the house of an opulent man, whose adviser he is; there he eats,
sleeps, digests his food, quarrels with his servant, gives audience to those
whom he employs, and puts off his creditors; he lays down the law in the
drawing-room, and receives there the adulation and homage of those
persons, who, more cunning than the rest, only wish to curry favour with
the master through Troïlusʼ intercession. If any one enters who is
unfortunate enough to have a countenance which Troïlus does not like, he
frowns and turns away his head; if a stranger accosts him, he sits still, and if
the latter sits down close to him, he leaves his seat; if he talks to him, he
does not reply, and if he continues to speak, Troïlus stalks away into another
takes advantage of the foolish way they look up to him. Is it he or
Euthydemes who is the host? He assumes all authority while at dinner; and
it is better to give way to him than to quarrel with him about it. Neither
eating nor drinking improve his temper. If some gambling is going on, and
if he wins, he banters his antagonist and insults him; the laughers are on his
side, and there is no sort of folly they do not overlook in him. At last I leave
him and go away, unable to bear any longer with Theodectes and those who
bear with him.
(13.) Troïlus is useful to those who have too much wealth; he eases
them of their onerous superfluity, and saves them the trouble of hoarding up
money, of making contracts, locking trunks, carrying keys about, and of
dreading to be robbed by servants. He assists them in their pleasures, and
afterwards is able to serve them in their passions; in a short time he
regulates and dictates their conduct; he is the oracle of the house, whose
decisions are anxiously expected, nay, even anticipated and surmised; he
orders a slave to be punished, and he is flogged; another to be freed, and he
is set at liberty. If a parasite does not make him laugh, he perhaps does not
please him, and therefore must be dismissed. The master of the house may
consider himself lucky if Troïlus leaves him his wife and children. If at
table he declares that a certain dish is excellent, the master and the guests,
who did not pay much attention to it, find it also excellent, and cannot eat
enough of it; if, on the contrary, he says of some other dish that it is insipid,
those who were just beginning to enjoy it dare not swallow the piece they
had in their mouths, but throw it on the floor;206 every eye is on him, and
every one observes his looks and his countenance before giving an opinion
on the wine or the dishes before them. Do not look for him anywhere else
but in the house of an opulent man, whose adviser he is; there he eats,
sleeps, digests his food, quarrels with his servant, gives audience to those
whom he employs, and puts off his creditors; he lays down the law in the
drawing-room, and receives there the adulation and homage of those
persons, who, more cunning than the rest, only wish to curry favour with
the master through Troïlusʼ intercession. If any one enters who is
unfortunate enough to have a countenance which Troïlus does not like, he
frowns and turns away his head; if a stranger accosts him, he sits still, and if
the latter sits down close to him, he leaves his seat; if he talks to him, he
does not reply, and if he continues to speak, Troïlus stalks away into another
Page 88
chamber; if the stranger follows him, he makes for the stairs, and would
rather climb from one storey to another or throw himself out of a window,
than encounter a man whose face and voice he dislikes. Both are very
charming in Troïlus, and he has turned them to good account to insinuate
himself or to overcome a difficulty. At last he considers everything
unworthy of his attention, and he scorns to keep his position207 or to
continue to please by exercising any of those talents by which he first
brought himself into notice. It is a condescension if sometimes he leaves off
his musings and his taciturnity to contradict, and deigns once a day to show
his wit, though only to criticise. Do not expect him to listen to what you
may have to say, to be courteous, or to commend you, for you are not even
sure that he will permit you to approve him, or allow you to be polite.208
(14.) Do not interrupt a stranger whom you meet by chance in a stage-
coach, at an entertainment, or at any public exhibition; and if you listen to
him, it will not be long before youʼll know who he is; heʼll tell you his
name, his residence, his native country, what his property is worth, his
position, and his fatherʼs, his motherʼs family, his kindred, his family
connections, and even his coat-of-arms; for he will soon let you know that
he is nobly born, and that he has a castle beautifully furnished, a suitable
retinue, and a carriage.209
(15.) Some men speak one moment before they think; others tediously
study everything they say, and in conversation bore us as painfully as was
the travail of their mind; they are, as it were, made up of phrases and quaint
expressions, whilst their gestures are as affected as their behaviour. They
call themselves “purists,”210 and do not venture to say the most trifling
word not in use, however expressive it may be. Nothing comes from them
worth remembering, nothing is spontaneous and unrestrained; they speak
correctly,211 but they are very tiresome.
(16.) The true spirit of conversation consists more in bringing out the
cleverness of others than in showing a great deal of it yourself; he who goes
away pleased with himself and his own wit is also greatly pleased with you.
Most men rather please than admire you; they seek less to be instructed, and
even to be amused, than to be praised and applauded; the most delicate of
pleasures is to please another person.
(17.) Too much imagination is to be avoided in our conversation and in
our writings, as it often gives rise to idle and puerile ideas, neither tending
rather climb from one storey to another or throw himself out of a window,
than encounter a man whose face and voice he dislikes. Both are very
charming in Troïlus, and he has turned them to good account to insinuate
himself or to overcome a difficulty. At last he considers everything
unworthy of his attention, and he scorns to keep his position207 or to
continue to please by exercising any of those talents by which he first
brought himself into notice. It is a condescension if sometimes he leaves off
his musings and his taciturnity to contradict, and deigns once a day to show
his wit, though only to criticise. Do not expect him to listen to what you
may have to say, to be courteous, or to commend you, for you are not even
sure that he will permit you to approve him, or allow you to be polite.208
(14.) Do not interrupt a stranger whom you meet by chance in a stage-
coach, at an entertainment, or at any public exhibition; and if you listen to
him, it will not be long before youʼll know who he is; heʼll tell you his
name, his residence, his native country, what his property is worth, his
position, and his fatherʼs, his motherʼs family, his kindred, his family
connections, and even his coat-of-arms; for he will soon let you know that
he is nobly born, and that he has a castle beautifully furnished, a suitable
retinue, and a carriage.209
(15.) Some men speak one moment before they think; others tediously
study everything they say, and in conversation bore us as painfully as was
the travail of their mind; they are, as it were, made up of phrases and quaint
expressions, whilst their gestures are as affected as their behaviour. They
call themselves “purists,”210 and do not venture to say the most trifling
word not in use, however expressive it may be. Nothing comes from them
worth remembering, nothing is spontaneous and unrestrained; they speak
correctly,211 but they are very tiresome.
(16.) The true spirit of conversation consists more in bringing out the
cleverness of others than in showing a great deal of it yourself; he who goes
away pleased with himself and his own wit is also greatly pleased with you.
Most men rather please than admire you; they seek less to be instructed, and
even to be amused, than to be praised and applauded; the most delicate of
pleasures is to please another person.
(17.) Too much imagination is to be avoided in our conversation and in
our writings, as it often gives rise to idle and puerile ideas, neither tending
Page 89
to perfect our taste nor to improve our conduct. Our thoughts should
originate from sound sense and reasoning, and always be the result of our
judgment.
(18.) It is a sad thing when men have neither enough intelligence to
speak well nor enough sense to hold their tongues; this is the root of all
impertinence.
(19.) To say simply that a certain thing is good or bad, and to state the
reasons for its being so, requires some common-sense and power of
expression, which is not so easily found. A much shorter way is to give
oneʼs opinion peremptorily, which is a convincing proof a man is right in
his statement, namely, that the thing is execrable or wonderful.
(20.) Nothing is more displeasing to Heaven and to men than to confirm
everything said in conversation, and even the most trifling subjects, with
long and disgusting oaths. Whether a gentleman merely says “Yes” or “No,”
he deserves to be believed; his reputation swears for him, adds weight to his
words, and obtains for him every confidence.212
(21.) He who continually affirms he is a man of honour and honest as
well, that he wrongs no man but wishes the harm he has done to others to
fall on himself, and raps out an oath to be believed, does not even know
how to imitate an honest man.
An honest man, with all his modesty, cannot prevent people saying of
him what a dishonest man says of himself.
(22.) Cléon213 talks always rather rudely or inaccurately; he does either
the one or the other; but he says he cannot help it, and that it is his natural
disposition to speak just as he thinks.
(23.) There are such things as to speak well, to speak easily, to speak
correctly, and to speak seasonably. We offend against the last way of
speaking if we mention a sumptuous entertainment we have just been
present at before people who have not had enough to eat; if we boast of our
good health before invalids; if we talk of our riches, our income, and our
fine furniture to a man who has not so much as an income or a dwelling; in
a word, if we speak of our prosperity before people who are wretched; such
a conversation is too much for them, and the comparison which they then
make between their condition and ours is very painful.
(24.) “As for you,” says Euthyphron,214 “you are rich, or ought to be so,
for you have a yearly income of ten thousand livres,215 all from land. I think
that glorious! charming! and a man could be happy with much less.” The
originate from sound sense and reasoning, and always be the result of our
judgment.
(18.) It is a sad thing when men have neither enough intelligence to
speak well nor enough sense to hold their tongues; this is the root of all
impertinence.
(19.) To say simply that a certain thing is good or bad, and to state the
reasons for its being so, requires some common-sense and power of
expression, which is not so easily found. A much shorter way is to give
oneʼs opinion peremptorily, which is a convincing proof a man is right in
his statement, namely, that the thing is execrable or wonderful.
(20.) Nothing is more displeasing to Heaven and to men than to confirm
everything said in conversation, and even the most trifling subjects, with
long and disgusting oaths. Whether a gentleman merely says “Yes” or “No,”
he deserves to be believed; his reputation swears for him, adds weight to his
words, and obtains for him every confidence.212
(21.) He who continually affirms he is a man of honour and honest as
well, that he wrongs no man but wishes the harm he has done to others to
fall on himself, and raps out an oath to be believed, does not even know
how to imitate an honest man.
An honest man, with all his modesty, cannot prevent people saying of
him what a dishonest man says of himself.
(22.) Cléon213 talks always rather rudely or inaccurately; he does either
the one or the other; but he says he cannot help it, and that it is his natural
disposition to speak just as he thinks.
(23.) There are such things as to speak well, to speak easily, to speak
correctly, and to speak seasonably. We offend against the last way of
speaking if we mention a sumptuous entertainment we have just been
present at before people who have not had enough to eat; if we boast of our
good health before invalids; if we talk of our riches, our income, and our
fine furniture to a man who has not so much as an income or a dwelling; in
a word, if we speak of our prosperity before people who are wretched; such
a conversation is too much for them, and the comparison which they then
make between their condition and ours is very painful.
(24.) “As for you,” says Euthyphron,214 “you are rich, or ought to be so,
for you have a yearly income of ten thousand livres,215 all from land. I think
that glorious! charming! and a man could be happy with much less.” The
Page 90
person who talks in this fashion has fifty thousand livres a year, and thinks
he has not half what he deserves. He settles what youʼll have to pay, values
what you are worth, determines what you have to spend; and if he thought
you deserved a better fortune, and even such a one as he himself aspires to,
he would be certain to wish it to you. He is not the only man who makes
such wretched estimations or such odious comparisons; the world is full of
Euthyphrons.
(25.) A person inclined to the usual flattery, and accustomed to praise
and exaggeration, congratulates216
Theodemus on a sermon he did not hear, and of which no one had, as
yet, given him an account. He extols his genius, his delivery, and, above all,
his excellent memory, when, in truth, Theodemus had stopped short in the
middle of his sermon, and had forgotten what he wished to say.217
(26.) Some abrupt, restless, conceited men, who are unemployed, and
have no manner of business to call them away, will dismiss you from their
presence in a few words, and only think to get rid of you; you are still
speaking to them, and they are already gone and have disappeared. They are
as impertinent as those people who stop you only to bore you; but the
former are perhaps less irksome.
(27.) To speak and to offend is with some people but one and the same
thing; they are biting and bitter; their words are steeped in gall and
wormwood; sneers as well as insolent and insulting remarks flow from their
lips. It had been well for them had they been born mute or stupid; the little
vivacity and intelligence they have prejudices them more than dulness does
others; they are not always satisfied with giving sharp answers, they often
attack arrogantly those who are present, and damage the reputation of those
who are absent; they butt all round like rams, for rams, of course, must use
their horns. We therefore do not expect, by our sketch of them, to change
such coarse, restless, and stubborn individuals. The best thing a man can do
is to take to his heels as soon as he perceives them, without even turning
round to look behind him.218
(28.) There are persons of such a disposition or character that a man
ought never to be compromised with them; of such persons he should
complain as little as possible, and not even be permitted to vanquish them
in arguments.
(29.) When two persons have had a violent quarrel, of whom one is in
the right and the other is in the wrong, the bystanders, for fear of being
he has not half what he deserves. He settles what youʼll have to pay, values
what you are worth, determines what you have to spend; and if he thought
you deserved a better fortune, and even such a one as he himself aspires to,
he would be certain to wish it to you. He is not the only man who makes
such wretched estimations or such odious comparisons; the world is full of
Euthyphrons.
(25.) A person inclined to the usual flattery, and accustomed to praise
and exaggeration, congratulates216
Theodemus on a sermon he did not hear, and of which no one had, as
yet, given him an account. He extols his genius, his delivery, and, above all,
his excellent memory, when, in truth, Theodemus had stopped short in the
middle of his sermon, and had forgotten what he wished to say.217
(26.) Some abrupt, restless, conceited men, who are unemployed, and
have no manner of business to call them away, will dismiss you from their
presence in a few words, and only think to get rid of you; you are still
speaking to them, and they are already gone and have disappeared. They are
as impertinent as those people who stop you only to bore you; but the
former are perhaps less irksome.
(27.) To speak and to offend is with some people but one and the same
thing; they are biting and bitter; their words are steeped in gall and
wormwood; sneers as well as insolent and insulting remarks flow from their
lips. It had been well for them had they been born mute or stupid; the little
vivacity and intelligence they have prejudices them more than dulness does
others; they are not always satisfied with giving sharp answers, they often
attack arrogantly those who are present, and damage the reputation of those
who are absent; they butt all round like rams, for rams, of course, must use
their horns. We therefore do not expect, by our sketch of them, to change
such coarse, restless, and stubborn individuals. The best thing a man can do
is to take to his heels as soon as he perceives them, without even turning
round to look behind him.218
(28.) There are persons of such a disposition or character that a man
ought never to be compromised with them; of such persons he should
complain as little as possible, and not even be permitted to vanquish them
in arguments.
(29.) When two persons have had a violent quarrel, of whom one is in
the right and the other is in the wrong, the bystanders, for fear of being
Page 91
appealed to, or through a certain frowardness which always seemed to me
ill-timed, condemn both. This is an important lesson, and a weighty and
necessary reason for going away, even when a coxcomb is seen in quite
another direction, so as to avoid sharing in his disgrace.
(30.) I hate a man whom I cannot accost or salute before he bows to me,
without debasing myself in his eyes, or sharing in the good opinion he has
of himself. Montaigne would say:219 “I will have elbow-room: I will be
courteous and affable according to my fancy, without fear or remorse. I
cannot strive against my inclination nor go contrary to my disposition,
which leads me to address myself to every one whom I meet. If such a
person is my equal and not my enemy, I anticipate his courtesy; I ask him
about his temper and his health, I offer him my services without any
haggling, and am not always on my guard, as some people say. That man
displeases me who by my knowledge of his habits and behaviour deprives
me of such liberty and freedom.
How should I remember, as soon as I see him afar off, to put on a grave
and important look, and to let him know that I think I am as good as he, and
better? To do this I must call to mind all my good qualities and points, and
his bad ones, so as to compare them together. This is too much trouble for
me, and I am not at all able of showing such an abrupt and sudden presence
of mind; even if I had been successful at first, I am sure I should give way
and lose my head a second time, for I cannot put any restraint on myself nor
assume a certain haughtiness for any man.”220
(31.) We may be virtuous, intelligent, and well-behaved, and yet be
unbearable. By our manners, which we consider of no consequence, the
world often forms either a good or a bad opinion of us; a little care to
appear obliging and polite will prevent its condemning us. The least thing is
enough to make people believe that we are proud, impolite, haughty, and
disobliging; but, on the other hand, still less is needed to make them esteem
us.
(32.) Politeness does not always produce kindness of heart, justice,
complacency, or gratitude, but it gives to a man at least the appearance of it,
and makes him seem externally what he really should be.
We may define all the essentials of politeness, but we cannot determine
how and where they should be used; they depend on ordinary habits and
customs, are connected with times and places, and are not the same in both
sexes nor in different ranks of life; intelligence alone cannot find this out;
ill-timed, condemn both. This is an important lesson, and a weighty and
necessary reason for going away, even when a coxcomb is seen in quite
another direction, so as to avoid sharing in his disgrace.
(30.) I hate a man whom I cannot accost or salute before he bows to me,
without debasing myself in his eyes, or sharing in the good opinion he has
of himself. Montaigne would say:219 “I will have elbow-room: I will be
courteous and affable according to my fancy, without fear or remorse. I
cannot strive against my inclination nor go contrary to my disposition,
which leads me to address myself to every one whom I meet. If such a
person is my equal and not my enemy, I anticipate his courtesy; I ask him
about his temper and his health, I offer him my services without any
haggling, and am not always on my guard, as some people say. That man
displeases me who by my knowledge of his habits and behaviour deprives
me of such liberty and freedom.
How should I remember, as soon as I see him afar off, to put on a grave
and important look, and to let him know that I think I am as good as he, and
better? To do this I must call to mind all my good qualities and points, and
his bad ones, so as to compare them together. This is too much trouble for
me, and I am not at all able of showing such an abrupt and sudden presence
of mind; even if I had been successful at first, I am sure I should give way
and lose my head a second time, for I cannot put any restraint on myself nor
assume a certain haughtiness for any man.”220
(31.) We may be virtuous, intelligent, and well-behaved, and yet be
unbearable. By our manners, which we consider of no consequence, the
world often forms either a good or a bad opinion of us; a little care to
appear obliging and polite will prevent its condemning us. The least thing is
enough to make people believe that we are proud, impolite, haughty, and
disobliging; but, on the other hand, still less is needed to make them esteem
us.
(32.) Politeness does not always produce kindness of heart, justice,
complacency, or gratitude, but it gives to a man at least the appearance of it,
and makes him seem externally what he really should be.
We may define all the essentials of politeness, but we cannot determine
how and where they should be used; they depend on ordinary habits and
customs, are connected with times and places, and are not the same in both
sexes nor in different ranks of life; intelligence alone cannot find this out;
Page 92
politeness is acquired and perfected by imitation. Only some persons are
naturally disposed to be polite, as others are in acquiring great talents and
solid virtue. Politeness tends, undoubtedly, to advance merit and to render it
agreeable; a man must have very eminent qualities to hold his own without
being polite.
The very essence of politeness seems to be to take care that by our
words and actions we make other people pleased with us as well as with
themselves.
(33.) It is an offence against politeness to bestow excessive praise on a
personʼs singing or playing before any other who has sung or played for
you, or to commend another poet in the presence of those who have read
you their verses.
(34.) A man may be giving entertainments and feasts to certain persons,
may make them presents, and let them enjoy themselves, and he may do
this well; but he will do much better by acting according to their
inclinations.
(35.) It is more or less rude to scorn indiscriminately all kinds of praise;
we ought to be proud of that which comes from honest men, who praise
sincerely those things in us which are really commendable.
(36.) An intelligent man, who is naturally proud, abates nothing of his
pride and haughtiness because he is poor; on the contrary, if anything will
mollify him and make him more pliant and sociable, it is a little prosperity.
(37.) Not to be able to bear with all bad-tempered people with whom the
world is crowded, shows that a man has not a good temper himself: small
change is as necessary in business as golden coin.
(38.) To live with people who have been quarrelling and to whose
complaints you have to listen, is like being in a court of justice from
morning till night listening to pleadings and lawsuits.
(39.) Two persons had all their lives been very intimate with one
another; their incomes were in common, they lived together, and were never
out of one anotherʼs sight. After fourscore years they thought it was time to
part and put an end to their intimacy; they had then but one day to live, and
dared not attempt to pass it together: they hastened to break before death, as
their complacency would hold out no longer. They would have been good
models had they not lived so long, for had they died one moment sooner,
they still would have been good friends and have left behind them a rare
example of perseverance in friendship.221
naturally disposed to be polite, as others are in acquiring great talents and
solid virtue. Politeness tends, undoubtedly, to advance merit and to render it
agreeable; a man must have very eminent qualities to hold his own without
being polite.
The very essence of politeness seems to be to take care that by our
words and actions we make other people pleased with us as well as with
themselves.
(33.) It is an offence against politeness to bestow excessive praise on a
personʼs singing or playing before any other who has sung or played for
you, or to commend another poet in the presence of those who have read
you their verses.
(34.) A man may be giving entertainments and feasts to certain persons,
may make them presents, and let them enjoy themselves, and he may do
this well; but he will do much better by acting according to their
inclinations.
(35.) It is more or less rude to scorn indiscriminately all kinds of praise;
we ought to be proud of that which comes from honest men, who praise
sincerely those things in us which are really commendable.
(36.) An intelligent man, who is naturally proud, abates nothing of his
pride and haughtiness because he is poor; on the contrary, if anything will
mollify him and make him more pliant and sociable, it is a little prosperity.
(37.) Not to be able to bear with all bad-tempered people with whom the
world is crowded, shows that a man has not a good temper himself: small
change is as necessary in business as golden coin.
(38.) To live with people who have been quarrelling and to whose
complaints you have to listen, is like being in a court of justice from
morning till night listening to pleadings and lawsuits.
(39.) Two persons had all their lives been very intimate with one
another; their incomes were in common, they lived together, and were never
out of one anotherʼs sight. After fourscore years they thought it was time to
part and put an end to their intimacy; they had then but one day to live, and
dared not attempt to pass it together: they hastened to break before death, as
their complacency would hold out no longer. They would have been good
models had they not lived so long, for had they died one moment sooner,
they still would have been good friends and have left behind them a rare
example of perseverance in friendship.221
Page 93
(40.) Families are often disturbed by mistrust, jealousy, and antipathy,
while outwardly they seem happy, peaceable, and cheerful, and we suppose
they enjoy a tranquillity which does not exist; there are very few who can
bear investigation. The visit you pay only interrupts a domestic quarrel
which awaits but your departure to break out afresh.
(41.) In all societies common-sense always gives way first. The most
sensible people often are swayed by a most foolish and eccentric personage;
they study his weakness, his temper, his fancies, and put up with them; they
avoid thwarting him, and everybody gives him his way; when his
countenance betrays he is cheerful, he is commended; they are grateful to
him for not being always insufferable; he is feared, considered, obeyed, and
sometimes beloved.
(42.) None but those persons who have had aged relatives, or those who
have them still, and whose heirs they may become, can tell what they had,
or have now, to endure.
(43.) Cleantes222 is a very worthy man; he has taken unto himself a
wife, who is the best and most sensible person in the world; both, in their
ways, are the life and soul of the company they keep; a more
straightforward and more polite behaviour than theirs is nowhere to be met
with. They are to part to-morrow, and the deed of separation is already
drawn up at the lawyerʼs. Surely they must possess certain merits which do
not harmonise together and certain virtues which are incompatible.
(44.) A man may be sure of the dowry, the jointure, and his marriage
settlements, but scarcely of the contract the parents have entered upon to
board and lodge the young couple for a certain time;223 for that depends on
the frail harmony between the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law,
which often ends the first year of the marriage.
(45.) A father-in-law loves both his son and daughter-in-law, a mother-
in-law her son and not her daughter-in-law; the latter pays her back in her
own coin.
(46.) What a step-mother loves the least in the wide world are her
husbandʼs children; the fonder she is of her husband the worse step-mother
she shows herself.
Step-mothers make of towns and villages complete deserts, and stock
the country with more beggars, vagrants, servants, and slaves, than poverty
does.
while outwardly they seem happy, peaceable, and cheerful, and we suppose
they enjoy a tranquillity which does not exist; there are very few who can
bear investigation. The visit you pay only interrupts a domestic quarrel
which awaits but your departure to break out afresh.
(41.) In all societies common-sense always gives way first. The most
sensible people often are swayed by a most foolish and eccentric personage;
they study his weakness, his temper, his fancies, and put up with them; they
avoid thwarting him, and everybody gives him his way; when his
countenance betrays he is cheerful, he is commended; they are grateful to
him for not being always insufferable; he is feared, considered, obeyed, and
sometimes beloved.
(42.) None but those persons who have had aged relatives, or those who
have them still, and whose heirs they may become, can tell what they had,
or have now, to endure.
(43.) Cleantes222 is a very worthy man; he has taken unto himself a
wife, who is the best and most sensible person in the world; both, in their
ways, are the life and soul of the company they keep; a more
straightforward and more polite behaviour than theirs is nowhere to be met
with. They are to part to-morrow, and the deed of separation is already
drawn up at the lawyerʼs. Surely they must possess certain merits which do
not harmonise together and certain virtues which are incompatible.
(44.) A man may be sure of the dowry, the jointure, and his marriage
settlements, but scarcely of the contract the parents have entered upon to
board and lodge the young couple for a certain time;223 for that depends on
the frail harmony between the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law,
which often ends the first year of the marriage.
(45.) A father-in-law loves both his son and daughter-in-law, a mother-
in-law her son and not her daughter-in-law; the latter pays her back in her
own coin.
(46.) What a step-mother loves the least in the wide world are her
husbandʼs children; the fonder she is of her husband the worse step-mother
she shows herself.
Step-mothers make of towns and villages complete deserts, and stock
the country with more beggars, vagrants, servants, and slaves, than poverty
does.
Page 94
(47.) G ... and H ... are neighbours, living in the country;224 their lands
are contiguous; they dwell in a secluded and solitary spot. Far from towns
and all intercourse with men, we might have thought that the dread of being
completely estranged from the world and from all society should have kept
up their mutual intimacy; but it is difficult to say what trifling circumstance
has caused their being at variance, renders them implacable, and transmits
their hatred to their descendants. Relatives, or even brothers, never
quarrelled about a thing of less consequence.
Suppose there were but two men on this habitable globe, the sole
possessors of it, who should divide it between them, even then I am
convinced that soon some cause of disagreement would spring up, though it
were only about boundaries.
(48.) It is often easier as well as more advantageous to conform
ourselves to other menʼs opinions than to bring them over to ours.
(49.) I am now approaching a little town, and I am already on a hill
whence I discover it. It is built on a slope, a river washes its walls and then
meanders through a lovely meadow; a dense forest shelters it from cold
winds and northern blasts. The weather is so bright that I can count its
towers and steeples, and it seems, as it were, painted on the slope of the hill.
I exclaim: “How agreeable must it be to dwell underneath such a pure sky
and in such a delightful abode!” I enter the town, and have not spent there
above two or three nights when I feel I am just like its inhabitants; I long to
get away from it.
(50.) There is a certain thing which has never yet been seen under the
canopy of heaven, and, in all likelihood, never will be: it is a small town
without various parties, where all the families are united and all relations
visit one another without reserve, where a marriage does not engender a
civil war, where there are no disputes about precedence at the offertory,225
the carrying of the censer, or the giving of a cake to the church to be
consecrated and distributed during mass, as well as about processions and
funerals: whence gossiping, falsehoods, and slandering are banished; where
the bailli and the president of the court, the élus and the assesseurs226 are
on speaking terms together; where the dean is well with the canons, the
canons do not disdain the choristers, and the choristers bear with the
singing-boys.
(51.) Country people and fools are apt to get angry, and to fancy you
make fun of them or despise them. You should never venture on the most
are contiguous; they dwell in a secluded and solitary spot. Far from towns
and all intercourse with men, we might have thought that the dread of being
completely estranged from the world and from all society should have kept
up their mutual intimacy; but it is difficult to say what trifling circumstance
has caused their being at variance, renders them implacable, and transmits
their hatred to their descendants. Relatives, or even brothers, never
quarrelled about a thing of less consequence.
Suppose there were but two men on this habitable globe, the sole
possessors of it, who should divide it between them, even then I am
convinced that soon some cause of disagreement would spring up, though it
were only about boundaries.
(48.) It is often easier as well as more advantageous to conform
ourselves to other menʼs opinions than to bring them over to ours.
(49.) I am now approaching a little town, and I am already on a hill
whence I discover it. It is built on a slope, a river washes its walls and then
meanders through a lovely meadow; a dense forest shelters it from cold
winds and northern blasts. The weather is so bright that I can count its
towers and steeples, and it seems, as it were, painted on the slope of the hill.
I exclaim: “How agreeable must it be to dwell underneath such a pure sky
and in such a delightful abode!” I enter the town, and have not spent there
above two or three nights when I feel I am just like its inhabitants; I long to
get away from it.
(50.) There is a certain thing which has never yet been seen under the
canopy of heaven, and, in all likelihood, never will be: it is a small town
without various parties, where all the families are united and all relations
visit one another without reserve, where a marriage does not engender a
civil war, where there are no disputes about precedence at the offertory,225
the carrying of the censer, or the giving of a cake to the church to be
consecrated and distributed during mass, as well as about processions and
funerals: whence gossiping, falsehoods, and slandering are banished; where
the bailli and the president of the court, the élus and the assesseurs226 are
on speaking terms together; where the dean is well with the canons, the
canons do not disdain the choristers, and the choristers bear with the
singing-boys.
(51.) Country people and fools are apt to get angry, and to fancy you
make fun of them or despise them. You should never venture on the most
Page 95
innocent and inoffensive joke, unless it be with people of culture or
intelligence.
(52.) A man should not pretend to show his talents in the society of men
of rank; their very rank forbids it; nor with people of inferior degree who
repel you by being always on their guard.
(53.) Men of merit discover, discern, and find out each other
reciprocally; he who would be esteemed should frequent persons who are
themselves estimable.
(54.) He who is of so lofty a rank as to be above repartee, ought never to
joke in a racy kind of way.
(55.) There are some little failings which we freely abandon to censure,
and about which we do not dislike being bantered; when we banter others
we should select failings of the same kind.
(56.) It is a foolʼs privilege to laugh at an intelligent man; he is in
society what a jester is at court—of no consequence whatever.
(57.) Banter is often a proof of want of intelligence.
(58.) You fancy a man your dupe, but if he only pretends to be so, who
is the greatest dupe, you or he?
(59.) If you observe carefully those people who praise nobody, who are
always finding fault, and are never satisfied with any one, you will discover
them to be persons with whom nobody is satisfied.
(60.) The proud and disdainful will find precisely in society the contrary
of what they expect, which is to be esteemed.
(61.) The pleasure of social intercourse amongst friends is kept up by a
similarity of morals and manners, and by slender differences in opinion
about science; this confirms us in our sentiments, exercises our faculties or
instructs us through arguments.
(62.) Two persons will not be friends long if they are not inclined to
pardon each otherʼs little failings.
(63.) How many fine and useless arguments are laid before a person in
great affliction to attempt to soothe him! Things from without which we call
events are sometimes too strong for arguments and nature. Eat, drink, do
not kill yourself with grief, think only to live, are magnificent admonitions,
and impracticable as well. If we say to a man that it is not wise to unsettle
his mind so much, do we not tell him in reality that he is a fool for being so
unfortunate?
intelligence.
(52.) A man should not pretend to show his talents in the society of men
of rank; their very rank forbids it; nor with people of inferior degree who
repel you by being always on their guard.
(53.) Men of merit discover, discern, and find out each other
reciprocally; he who would be esteemed should frequent persons who are
themselves estimable.
(54.) He who is of so lofty a rank as to be above repartee, ought never to
joke in a racy kind of way.
(55.) There are some little failings which we freely abandon to censure,
and about which we do not dislike being bantered; when we banter others
we should select failings of the same kind.
(56.) It is a foolʼs privilege to laugh at an intelligent man; he is in
society what a jester is at court—of no consequence whatever.
(57.) Banter is often a proof of want of intelligence.
(58.) You fancy a man your dupe, but if he only pretends to be so, who
is the greatest dupe, you or he?
(59.) If you observe carefully those people who praise nobody, who are
always finding fault, and are never satisfied with any one, you will discover
them to be persons with whom nobody is satisfied.
(60.) The proud and disdainful will find precisely in society the contrary
of what they expect, which is to be esteemed.
(61.) The pleasure of social intercourse amongst friends is kept up by a
similarity of morals and manners, and by slender differences in opinion
about science; this confirms us in our sentiments, exercises our faculties or
instructs us through arguments.
(62.) Two persons will not be friends long if they are not inclined to
pardon each otherʼs little failings.
(63.) How many fine and useless arguments are laid before a person in
great affliction to attempt to soothe him! Things from without which we call
events are sometimes too strong for arguments and nature. Eat, drink, do
not kill yourself with grief, think only to live, are magnificent admonitions,
and impracticable as well. If we say to a man that it is not wise to unsettle
his mind so much, do we not tell him in reality that he is a fool for being so
unfortunate?
Page 96
(64.) Advice which is necessary in all matters of business, is sometimes
hurtful in social affairs to those who give it, and useless to the persons to
whom it is given. You observe, perhaps, faults in manners and morals which
are either not acknowledged, or, perhaps, considered virtues; you blot out
some passages in a composition which please the author the most, and in
which he thinks he has surpassed himself. By those means you lose the
confidence of your friend without making him better or wiser.
(65.) Not long since certain persons of both sexes formed a society for
intellectual conversation and interchange of ideas.227 They left to the vulgar
herd the art of talking intelligibly; an expression used by them, and which
was not very clear, was followed by another still more obscure, which was
improved on by others still more enigmatic, which were always crowned
with prolonged applause, so that at last, by what they were pleased to call
refinements, sentiments, turn and delicacy of expression, they succeeded in
becoming unintelligible to others and to themselves. Common-sense,
judgment, memory, or the smallest capacity were unnecessary in their
conversation; all that was wanted was a certain amount of intellect, and that
not of the right sort, but of a spurious kind, and in which imagination was
too predominant.
(66.) I know it, Theobaldus,228 you have grown old; but would you have
me think you decline, that you are no longer a poet nor a wit, that you are
now as bad a critic of all kind of writings as you are a wretched author, and
that your conversation is neither ingenuous nor refined? Your careless and
conceited behaviour reassures me, and convinces me of my error. You are
the same to-day as you ever were, and perhaps better; for if you are so brisk
and vivacious at your age, what name, Theobaldus, did you deserve in your
youth, when you were the pet and the caprice of certain ladies who only
swore by you, believed every word you uttered, and then exclaimed, “It is
delightful! What has he said?”
(67.) We frequently speak hastily in conversation, often through vanity
and natural inclination, seldom with the necessary caution, and only
anxious to reply to what we have not heard; we follow our own ideas, and
explain them without the smallest deference for other menʼs arguments; we
are very far from finding out the truth, as we are not yet agreed upon what
we are looking for. If any man could hear such conversations and write
them down, he would now and then find many good things said without the
smallest result.
hurtful in social affairs to those who give it, and useless to the persons to
whom it is given. You observe, perhaps, faults in manners and morals which
are either not acknowledged, or, perhaps, considered virtues; you blot out
some passages in a composition which please the author the most, and in
which he thinks he has surpassed himself. By those means you lose the
confidence of your friend without making him better or wiser.
(65.) Not long since certain persons of both sexes formed a society for
intellectual conversation and interchange of ideas.227 They left to the vulgar
herd the art of talking intelligibly; an expression used by them, and which
was not very clear, was followed by another still more obscure, which was
improved on by others still more enigmatic, which were always crowned
with prolonged applause, so that at last, by what they were pleased to call
refinements, sentiments, turn and delicacy of expression, they succeeded in
becoming unintelligible to others and to themselves. Common-sense,
judgment, memory, or the smallest capacity were unnecessary in their
conversation; all that was wanted was a certain amount of intellect, and that
not of the right sort, but of a spurious kind, and in which imagination was
too predominant.
(66.) I know it, Theobaldus,228 you have grown old; but would you have
me think you decline, that you are no longer a poet nor a wit, that you are
now as bad a critic of all kind of writings as you are a wretched author, and
that your conversation is neither ingenuous nor refined? Your careless and
conceited behaviour reassures me, and convinces me of my error. You are
the same to-day as you ever were, and perhaps better; for if you are so brisk
and vivacious at your age, what name, Theobaldus, did you deserve in your
youth, when you were the pet and the caprice of certain ladies who only
swore by you, believed every word you uttered, and then exclaimed, “It is
delightful! What has he said?”
(67.) We frequently speak hastily in conversation, often through vanity
and natural inclination, seldom with the necessary caution, and only
anxious to reply to what we have not heard; we follow our own ideas, and
explain them without the smallest deference for other menʼs arguments; we
are very far from finding out the truth, as we are not yet agreed upon what
we are looking for. If any man could hear such conversations and write
them down, he would now and then find many good things said without the
smallest result.
Page 97
(68.) Some time ago a sort of insipid and puerile conversation was in
fashion, which turned on trivial questions about the affections, and what
people please to call passion or tenderness. The reading of some novels first
introduced this talk amongst the most gentlemanly men in town and at
court, but they soon discarded it, and then the citizens took it up, as well as
puns and plays on words.229
(69.) Some city ladies are so refined that they do not know or dare not
pronounce the names of streets, squares, and public places, which they
think are not noble enough to be known. They speak of the Louvre, the
Place Royale, but they use certain circumlocutions and phrases rather than
mention some names; and if, by chance, such a word escapes them, it is not
without some alteration, and after some changes which reassure them; they
are less natural in this than the ladies at court, who, when they have
occasion to speak of the Halles, the Châtelet, or the like, simply say the
Halles or the Châtelet.230
(70.) If people pretend sometimes not to remember certain names which
they think obscure, and affect to spoil them in the pronunciation, it is
through the good opinion they have of their own names.
(71.) When we are in a good temper, and when we can talk as we like,
we often say silly things, which, in truth, we do not pretend to be anything
else, and which are considered very good, because they are very bad.231
This inferior kind of joking, fit only for the mob, has already infected a
great part of the youth at court. It is true we need not fear it will spread
further, for it is really too insipid and coarse to thrive in a country which is
the centre of good taste and politeness. However, it should be rendered
distasteful to those who employ it, for though it is never used seriously, yet
it continually takes the place of better things in their mind and in their
ordinary conversation.
(72.) Between saying bad things or saying such good things which
everybody knows, and pretending they are quite new, there is so little
difference that I do not know which to choose.
(73.) “Lucanus232 has said a pretty thing. There is a fine expression in
Claudianus.233 There is a certain passage in Seneca;”234 and then follow a
good many Latin words, often quoted before people who do not know what
they mean, though they pretend to understand them. The right thing would
be to have sense and intelligence ourselves, for then we might dispense with
fashion, which turned on trivial questions about the affections, and what
people please to call passion or tenderness. The reading of some novels first
introduced this talk amongst the most gentlemanly men in town and at
court, but they soon discarded it, and then the citizens took it up, as well as
puns and plays on words.229
(69.) Some city ladies are so refined that they do not know or dare not
pronounce the names of streets, squares, and public places, which they
think are not noble enough to be known. They speak of the Louvre, the
Place Royale, but they use certain circumlocutions and phrases rather than
mention some names; and if, by chance, such a word escapes them, it is not
without some alteration, and after some changes which reassure them; they
are less natural in this than the ladies at court, who, when they have
occasion to speak of the Halles, the Châtelet, or the like, simply say the
Halles or the Châtelet.230
(70.) If people pretend sometimes not to remember certain names which
they think obscure, and affect to spoil them in the pronunciation, it is
through the good opinion they have of their own names.
(71.) When we are in a good temper, and when we can talk as we like,
we often say silly things, which, in truth, we do not pretend to be anything
else, and which are considered very good, because they are very bad.231
This inferior kind of joking, fit only for the mob, has already infected a
great part of the youth at court. It is true we need not fear it will spread
further, for it is really too insipid and coarse to thrive in a country which is
the centre of good taste and politeness. However, it should be rendered
distasteful to those who employ it, for though it is never used seriously, yet
it continually takes the place of better things in their mind and in their
ordinary conversation.
(72.) Between saying bad things or saying such good things which
everybody knows, and pretending they are quite new, there is so little
difference that I do not know which to choose.
(73.) “Lucanus232 has said a pretty thing. There is a fine expression in
Claudianus.233 There is a certain passage in Seneca;”234 and then follow a
good many Latin words, often quoted before people who do not know what
they mean, though they pretend to understand them. The right thing would
be to have sense and intelligence ourselves, for then we might dispense with
Page 98
the ancients, or after having read them carefully, we might still select the
best and quote them pertinently.
(74.) Hermagoras235 knows not who is king of Hungary, and wonders
that no one talks about the king of Bohemia.236 Speak not to him of the
wars in Flanders or in Holland,237 or, at least, you must excuse him from
answering any questions about them; he mixes up all dates; he neither
knows when they began nor ended; battles and sieges are all new to him;
but he is very well read in the Titansʼ war, and can tell you its progress and
the most trifling details; nothing has escaped him; he unravels in the same
way the horrible chaos of the Babylonian and Assyrian monarchies; he
knows intimately the Egyptians and their dynasties. He never saw
Versailles, nor ever will; but he has almost seen the tower of Babel, and
counted its steps; he has found out how many architects were employed
about that building, and even has their names at his fingersʼ ends. He
believes Henri IV. to be a son of Henri III.,238 and neglects to know
anything about the reigning houses of France, Austria, and Bavaria. He asks
what is the use of studying such trifles; but he can quote to you all the kings
of Media and Babylon, and the names of Apronal, Herigebal,
Noesnemordach, and Mardokampad239 are to him as familiar as those of
Valois and Bourbon are to us. He has yet to learn that the Emperor240 is
married, but he can tell you that Ninus241 had two wives. He hears the king
enjoys perfect health, and this reminds him that Thetmosis, a king of Egypt,
was a valetudinarian, and that he inherited this disposition from his
grandfather, Alipharmutosis.242 What does he not know? What in all
venerable antiquity is hid from him? He will tell you that Semiramis, or, as
some call her, Serimaris, spoke so much like her son Ninyas, that their
voices could not be distinguished from one another; but he dare not decide
whether the mother had a manly voice like her son, or the son an effeminate
voice like his mother; he will confide to you that Nimrod was left-handed,
and Sesostris243 ambidexter; that it is an error to imagine one of the
Artaxerxes was called Longimanus244 because his arms reached down to his
knees, and not because one of his hands was longer than the other; he adds
that though some grave authors affirm that it was his right hand, he has
good grounds to maintain it was the left hand.
(75.) Ascanius is a sculptor, Hegio an iron-founder, Æschines a fuller,
and Cydias a wit,245 for that is his trade. He has a signboard, a shop, work
best and quote them pertinently.
(74.) Hermagoras235 knows not who is king of Hungary, and wonders
that no one talks about the king of Bohemia.236 Speak not to him of the
wars in Flanders or in Holland,237 or, at least, you must excuse him from
answering any questions about them; he mixes up all dates; he neither
knows when they began nor ended; battles and sieges are all new to him;
but he is very well read in the Titansʼ war, and can tell you its progress and
the most trifling details; nothing has escaped him; he unravels in the same
way the horrible chaos of the Babylonian and Assyrian monarchies; he
knows intimately the Egyptians and their dynasties. He never saw
Versailles, nor ever will; but he has almost seen the tower of Babel, and
counted its steps; he has found out how many architects were employed
about that building, and even has their names at his fingersʼ ends. He
believes Henri IV. to be a son of Henri III.,238 and neglects to know
anything about the reigning houses of France, Austria, and Bavaria. He asks
what is the use of studying such trifles; but he can quote to you all the kings
of Media and Babylon, and the names of Apronal, Herigebal,
Noesnemordach, and Mardokampad239 are to him as familiar as those of
Valois and Bourbon are to us. He has yet to learn that the Emperor240 is
married, but he can tell you that Ninus241 had two wives. He hears the king
enjoys perfect health, and this reminds him that Thetmosis, a king of Egypt,
was a valetudinarian, and that he inherited this disposition from his
grandfather, Alipharmutosis.242 What does he not know? What in all
venerable antiquity is hid from him? He will tell you that Semiramis, or, as
some call her, Serimaris, spoke so much like her son Ninyas, that their
voices could not be distinguished from one another; but he dare not decide
whether the mother had a manly voice like her son, or the son an effeminate
voice like his mother; he will confide to you that Nimrod was left-handed,
and Sesostris243 ambidexter; that it is an error to imagine one of the
Artaxerxes was called Longimanus244 because his arms reached down to his
knees, and not because one of his hands was longer than the other; he adds
that though some grave authors affirm that it was his right hand, he has
good grounds to maintain it was the left hand.
(75.) Ascanius is a sculptor, Hegio an iron-founder, Æschines a fuller,
and Cydias a wit,245 for that is his trade. He has a signboard, a shop, work
Page 99
that is ordered,246 and journeymen who work under him; he cannot possibly
let you have those stanzas he has promised you in less than a month, unless
he breaks his word with Dosithea, who has engaged him to write an elegy;
he has also an idyl on the loom which is for Crantor, who presses him for it,
and has promised him a liberal reward. You can have whatever you like—
prose or verse, for he is just as good in one as in the other. If you want a
letter of condolence, or one on some personʼs absence, he will write them;
he has them even ready made; step into his warehouse, and you may pick
and choose. Cydias has a friend who has nothing else to do but to promise
to certain people a long time beforehand that he will come to them, and
who, finally, introduces him in some society as a man seldom to be met
with, and exquisite in conversation. Then, just as a vocalist sings or as a
lute-player touches his instrument in a company where it has been expected,
Cydias, after having coughed, puts back his ruffles, extends his hand, opens
his fingers, and very gravely utters his over-refined thoughts and his
sophisticated arguments. Unlike those persons whose principles agree, and
who know that reason and truth are one and the same thing, and snatch the
words out of one anotherʼs mouths to acquiesce in one anotherʼs
sentiments, he never opens his mouth but to contradict: “I think,” he says
graciously, “it is just the opposite of what you say;” or, “I am not at all of
your opinion,” or else, “Formerly I was under the same delusion as you are
now; but, ...” and then he continues, “There are three things to be
considered,” to which he adds a fourth. He is an insipid chatterer; no sooner
has he obtained a footing into any society, than he looks out for some ladies
whom he can fascinate, before whom he can set forth his wit or his
philosophy, and produce his rare conceptions; for, whether he speaks or
writes, he ought never to be suspected of saying what is true or false,
sensible or ridiculous; his only care is not to express the same sentiments as
some one else, and to differ from everybody. Therefore, in conversation, he
often waits till every one has given his opinion on some casual subject, or
one which not seldom he has introduced himself, in order to utter
dogmatically things which are perfectly new, but which he thinks decisive
and unanswerable. “Lucianus247 and Seneca,”248 says Cydias, “come pretty
near me; but as for Plato,249 Virgil,250 and Theocritus251 they are quite
below me,” and his flatterer takes care to confirm him every morning in this
opinion. As Cydias has the same taste and interest as the revilers of
Homer,252 he quietly expects that mankind will be undeceived and prefer
let you have those stanzas he has promised you in less than a month, unless
he breaks his word with Dosithea, who has engaged him to write an elegy;
he has also an idyl on the loom which is for Crantor, who presses him for it,
and has promised him a liberal reward. You can have whatever you like—
prose or verse, for he is just as good in one as in the other. If you want a
letter of condolence, or one on some personʼs absence, he will write them;
he has them even ready made; step into his warehouse, and you may pick
and choose. Cydias has a friend who has nothing else to do but to promise
to certain people a long time beforehand that he will come to them, and
who, finally, introduces him in some society as a man seldom to be met
with, and exquisite in conversation. Then, just as a vocalist sings or as a
lute-player touches his instrument in a company where it has been expected,
Cydias, after having coughed, puts back his ruffles, extends his hand, opens
his fingers, and very gravely utters his over-refined thoughts and his
sophisticated arguments. Unlike those persons whose principles agree, and
who know that reason and truth are one and the same thing, and snatch the
words out of one anotherʼs mouths to acquiesce in one anotherʼs
sentiments, he never opens his mouth but to contradict: “I think,” he says
graciously, “it is just the opposite of what you say;” or, “I am not at all of
your opinion,” or else, “Formerly I was under the same delusion as you are
now; but, ...” and then he continues, “There are three things to be
considered,” to which he adds a fourth. He is an insipid chatterer; no sooner
has he obtained a footing into any society, than he looks out for some ladies
whom he can fascinate, before whom he can set forth his wit or his
philosophy, and produce his rare conceptions; for, whether he speaks or
writes, he ought never to be suspected of saying what is true or false,
sensible or ridiculous; his only care is not to express the same sentiments as
some one else, and to differ from everybody. Therefore, in conversation, he
often waits till every one has given his opinion on some casual subject, or
one which not seldom he has introduced himself, in order to utter
dogmatically things which are perfectly new, but which he thinks decisive
and unanswerable. “Lucianus247 and Seneca,”248 says Cydias, “come pretty
near me; but as for Plato,249 Virgil,250 and Theocritus251 they are quite
below me,” and his flatterer takes care to confirm him every morning in this
opinion. As Cydias has the same taste and interest as the revilers of
Homer,252 he quietly expects that mankind will be undeceived and prefer
Page 100
modern poets to the blind bard; then he will put himself at the head of these
poets, and reserve the second place for a friend.253 He is, in a word, a
compound of pedantry and formality, to be admired by cits and rustics, in
whom, nevertheless, there is nothing great except the opinion he has of
himself.
(76.) Profound ignorance makes a man dogmatical; he who knows
nothing thinks he can teach others what he just now has learned himself;
whilst he who knows a great deal can scarcely imagine any one should be
unacquainted with what he says, and, therefore, speaks with more
indifference.
(77.) Great things only require to be simply told, for they are spoiled by
emphasis; but little things should be clothed in lofty language, as they are
only kept up by expression, tone of voice, and style of delivery.
(78.) I think we generally say things more delicately than we write
them.
(79.) Hardly any other men but born gentlemen or men of culture are
capable of keeping a secret.
(80.) All confidence placed in another is dangerous if it is not perfect,
for on almost all occasions we ought to tell everything or to conceal
everything. We have already told too much of our secret, if one single
circumstance is to be kept back.
(81.) Some men promise to keep your secret and yet reveal it without
knowing they are doing so; they do not wag their lips, and yet they are
understood; it is read on their brow and in their eyes; it is seen through their
breast; they are transparent. Other men do not exactly tell a thing that has
been intrusted to them, but they talk and act in such a manner that people
discover it for themselves. Lastly, there are some who despise your secret,
of whatever importance it may be: “it is something mysterious which such-
a-one has imparted to me and forbade me to mention it,” and then out it
comes.
If a secret is revealed, the person who has confided it to another is to be
blamed.
(82.) Nicander converses with Eliza about the gentle and courteous way
in which he lived with his wife from the day of their marriage to the hour of
her death; he had already said how sorry he was he had no children by her,
and he now repeats it; he talks of the houses he has in town, and then of an
estate he has in the country; he calculates what it brings him in, draws a
poets, and reserve the second place for a friend.253 He is, in a word, a
compound of pedantry and formality, to be admired by cits and rustics, in
whom, nevertheless, there is nothing great except the opinion he has of
himself.
(76.) Profound ignorance makes a man dogmatical; he who knows
nothing thinks he can teach others what he just now has learned himself;
whilst he who knows a great deal can scarcely imagine any one should be
unacquainted with what he says, and, therefore, speaks with more
indifference.
(77.) Great things only require to be simply told, for they are spoiled by
emphasis; but little things should be clothed in lofty language, as they are
only kept up by expression, tone of voice, and style of delivery.
(78.) I think we generally say things more delicately than we write
them.
(79.) Hardly any other men but born gentlemen or men of culture are
capable of keeping a secret.
(80.) All confidence placed in another is dangerous if it is not perfect,
for on almost all occasions we ought to tell everything or to conceal
everything. We have already told too much of our secret, if one single
circumstance is to be kept back.
(81.) Some men promise to keep your secret and yet reveal it without
knowing they are doing so; they do not wag their lips, and yet they are
understood; it is read on their brow and in their eyes; it is seen through their
breast; they are transparent. Other men do not exactly tell a thing that has
been intrusted to them, but they talk and act in such a manner that people
discover it for themselves. Lastly, there are some who despise your secret,
of whatever importance it may be: “it is something mysterious which such-
a-one has imparted to me and forbade me to mention it,” and then out it
comes.
If a secret is revealed, the person who has confided it to another is to be
blamed.
(82.) Nicander converses with Eliza about the gentle and courteous way
in which he lived with his wife from the day of their marriage to the hour of
her death; he had already said how sorry he was he had no children by her,
and he now repeats it; he talks of the houses he has in town, and then of an
estate he has in the country; he calculates what it brings him in, draws a
Page 101
plan of the buildings, describes its situation, expatiates on the conveniency
of the apartments as well as on the richness and elegance of the furniture;
he assures her he loves good cheer and fine horses and carriages, and
complains that his late wife did not care much for play and company. “You
are so wealthy,” said one of his friends to him, “why do you not buy some
official post,254 or why not a certain piece of ground which would enlarge
your estate?” “People think I am richer than I really am,” replies Nicander.
He neither forgets his birth nor his relatives, and speaks of his cousin, the
superintendent of finances, or of his kinswoman, the Lord Chancellorʼs
wife. He informs
Eliza how discontented he has become with his nearest relatives, and
even with his heirs. “Am I wrong, and have I any cause for doing them
good?” he asks her, and desires her to give her opinion. He then intimates
that he is in a weak and wretched state of health, and speaks of the vault
where he wishes to be interred. He insinuates himself, and fawns on all
those who visit the lady he courts. But Eliza has not courage enough to
grow rich at the cost of being his wife. Whilst he is thus conversing with her
a military man is introduced, and by his mere presence defeats all the plans
of the worthy citizen, who gets up disappointed and vexed, and goes
somewhere else to say that he wishes to marry for the second time.
(83.) Wise men sometimes avoid the world, that they may not be
surfeited with it.
of the apartments as well as on the richness and elegance of the furniture;
he assures her he loves good cheer and fine horses and carriages, and
complains that his late wife did not care much for play and company. “You
are so wealthy,” said one of his friends to him, “why do you not buy some
official post,254 or why not a certain piece of ground which would enlarge
your estate?” “People think I am richer than I really am,” replies Nicander.
He neither forgets his birth nor his relatives, and speaks of his cousin, the
superintendent of finances, or of his kinswoman, the Lord Chancellorʼs
wife. He informs
Eliza how discontented he has become with his nearest relatives, and
even with his heirs. “Am I wrong, and have I any cause for doing them
good?” he asks her, and desires her to give her opinion. He then intimates
that he is in a weak and wretched state of health, and speaks of the vault
where he wishes to be interred. He insinuates himself, and fawns on all
those who visit the lady he courts. But Eliza has not courage enough to
grow rich at the cost of being his wife. Whilst he is thus conversing with her
a military man is introduced, and by his mere presence defeats all the plans
of the worthy citizen, who gets up disappointed and vexed, and goes
somewhere else to say that he wishes to marry for the second time.
(83.) Wise men sometimes avoid the world, that they may not be
surfeited with it.
Page 102
VI.
OF THE GIFTS OF FORTUNE.
(1.)
A very rich man may eat of his side-dishes, have his walls and
recesses painted, enjoy a palatial residence in the country and
another in town, have a large retinue, even become connected
with a duke through marriage,255 and make of his son a great nobleman, and
all this will be considered quite right and proper; but to live happy is
perhaps the privilege of other men.
(2.) A lofty birth or a large fortune portend merit, and cause it to be the
sooner noticed.
(3.) The ambition of a coxcomb is excusable, because, after he has made
a large fortune, people will be careful to discover in him some merit which
he never had before, and as great as it is in his own opinion.
(4.) As favour and riches forsake a man, we discover in him the
foolishness they concealed, and which no one perceived before.
(5.) We could never imagine what a strange disproportion a few or a
great many pieces of money make between men, if we did not see it every
day with our own eyes.
OF THE GIFTS OF FORTUNE.
(1.)
A very rich man may eat of his side-dishes, have his walls and
recesses painted, enjoy a palatial residence in the country and
another in town, have a large retinue, even become connected
with a duke through marriage,255 and make of his son a great nobleman, and
all this will be considered quite right and proper; but to live happy is
perhaps the privilege of other men.
(2.) A lofty birth or a large fortune portend merit, and cause it to be the
sooner noticed.
(3.) The ambition of a coxcomb is excusable, because, after he has made
a large fortune, people will be careful to discover in him some merit which
he never had before, and as great as it is in his own opinion.
(4.) As favour and riches forsake a man, we discover in him the
foolishness they concealed, and which no one perceived before.
(5.) We could never imagine what a strange disproportion a few or a
great many pieces of money make between men, if we did not see it every
day with our own eyes.
Page 103
Those few or many pieces of money are what determine men to adopt
the profession of arms, of the law, or of the church, for they have hardly any
other vocation.
(6.) Two merchants were neighbours and in the same line of business,
but their success in life was quite different. They each had a daughter; and
these, brought up together, had been as intimate as girls of the same age and
the same condition in life could have been; later, one of them, driven by
want and misery, endeavoured to get a place, and entered the service of a
great lady, one of the highest rank at court;256 and this same lady had
formerly been her bosom friend.
(7.) If a financier fails in making a lucky stroke, the courtiers say of
him, “He is a mere citizen, a man sprung from nothing, a boor;” but if he
succeeds, they become suitors for his daughterʼs hand.
(8.) Some men in their youth serve an apprenticeship to a certain trade,
to follow a very different one the rest of their lives.257
(9.) A man is very plain-looking, dwarfish in size, and wanting in
intelligence;258 but some one whispers to me that he has an annual income
of fifty thousand livres. That concerns him alone, and I shall never be the
better or the worse for it; but people might well consider me mad if I were
to look on such a man in a different light because he is wealthy, and were to
do so involuntarily.
(10.) It is in vain to attempt to turn a very rich blockhead into ridicule,
for the laughers will be on his side.
(11.) N ...259 has a clownish, rude doorkeeper, who looks somewhat like
a Swiss,260 a big hall and an anteroom, where people are obliged to tire
themselves out by dancing attendance; at last he makes his appearance with
a serious mien and a solemn gait, hears only a few words of what is said,
and sends people away without seeing them to the door. However inferior
he may seem elsewhere, in his own house he will attract something very
akin to respect.
(12.) I want you, Clitiphon,261 and this has driven me early from my bed
and room, and brought me to your door. Would to Heaven I had no occasion
to ask you a favour or be troublesome to you! Your servants tell me you are
in your own room, and that it will be at least an hour before you can see me;
I return before that time, and they inform me you are gone out. What keeps
you so deeply engaged, Clitiphon, in the innermost corner of your
the profession of arms, of the law, or of the church, for they have hardly any
other vocation.
(6.) Two merchants were neighbours and in the same line of business,
but their success in life was quite different. They each had a daughter; and
these, brought up together, had been as intimate as girls of the same age and
the same condition in life could have been; later, one of them, driven by
want and misery, endeavoured to get a place, and entered the service of a
great lady, one of the highest rank at court;256 and this same lady had
formerly been her bosom friend.
(7.) If a financier fails in making a lucky stroke, the courtiers say of
him, “He is a mere citizen, a man sprung from nothing, a boor;” but if he
succeeds, they become suitors for his daughterʼs hand.
(8.) Some men in their youth serve an apprenticeship to a certain trade,
to follow a very different one the rest of their lives.257
(9.) A man is very plain-looking, dwarfish in size, and wanting in
intelligence;258 but some one whispers to me that he has an annual income
of fifty thousand livres. That concerns him alone, and I shall never be the
better or the worse for it; but people might well consider me mad if I were
to look on such a man in a different light because he is wealthy, and were to
do so involuntarily.
(10.) It is in vain to attempt to turn a very rich blockhead into ridicule,
for the laughers will be on his side.
(11.) N ...259 has a clownish, rude doorkeeper, who looks somewhat like
a Swiss,260 a big hall and an anteroom, where people are obliged to tire
themselves out by dancing attendance; at last he makes his appearance with
a serious mien and a solemn gait, hears only a few words of what is said,
and sends people away without seeing them to the door. However inferior
he may seem elsewhere, in his own house he will attract something very
akin to respect.
(12.) I want you, Clitiphon,261 and this has driven me early from my bed
and room, and brought me to your door. Would to Heaven I had no occasion
to ask you a favour or be troublesome to you! Your servants tell me you are
in your own room, and that it will be at least an hour before you can see me;
I return before that time, and they inform me you are gone out. What keeps
you so deeply engaged, Clitiphon, in the innermost corner of your
Page 104
residence, that prevents you from seeing me? You file some papers, you
collate some register, you sign your name or your initials to some
documents. I had but one thing to ask you, and you had only to say “Yes” or
“No.” If you wish to become a curiosity, be of use to those who depend on
you, and you will be a greater curiosity by such conduct than by remaining
invisible.262 You are a man of importance and overwhelmed with business,
but if you in your turn have need of my services, come to the solitude of my
study, where the philosopher is always to be found, and where you will not
be put off till another day. You will find me turning over Platoʼs writings
“On the spirituality of the soul and its difference with the body,”263 or, pen
in hand, calculating the distance between Saturn and Jupiter;264 admiring
the works of the Creator and endeavouring, by acquiring a knowledge of
truth, to rectify my opinions and to improve my morals. You can enter; all
my doors are open; you will not get tired in my anteroom with waiting for
me; you have no need to let me know beforehand when you are coming;
you bring me something more precious than silver or gold, if it is an
opportunity of being of service to you. Only tell me what you wish me to do
for you? Do you want me to leave my books, my studies, my writings, and
the line I have just begun? I am glad to be interrupted when I can be of
service to you. A moneyed man, a man of business, is like a bear not yet
tamed; there is no seeing him in his den but with the utmost difficulty; or,
rather, he is not to be seen at all, for in the beginning he is but dimly visible,
and afterwards you see no more of him. A man of letters, on the contrary, is
as perceptible265 as a pillar in a cross-road; he is to be seen by everybody, at
all times and in all conditions, at table, in bed, without clothes, dressed, in
sickness or in health; he is not a man of importance, and does not wish to be
one.
(13.) Let us not envy a certain class of men for their enormous riches;
they have paid such an equivalent for them that it would not suit us; they
have given for them their peace of mind, their health, their honour, and their
conscience; this is rather too dear, and there is nothing to be made out of
such a bargain.
(14.) The P.T.S.266 give us all possible sensations one after another; we
first despise them for their low origin, then we envy them, afterwards fear,
hate, and sometimes esteem and respect them; we often live long enough to
finish by pitying them.
collate some register, you sign your name or your initials to some
documents. I had but one thing to ask you, and you had only to say “Yes” or
“No.” If you wish to become a curiosity, be of use to those who depend on
you, and you will be a greater curiosity by such conduct than by remaining
invisible.262 You are a man of importance and overwhelmed with business,
but if you in your turn have need of my services, come to the solitude of my
study, where the philosopher is always to be found, and where you will not
be put off till another day. You will find me turning over Platoʼs writings
“On the spirituality of the soul and its difference with the body,”263 or, pen
in hand, calculating the distance between Saturn and Jupiter;264 admiring
the works of the Creator and endeavouring, by acquiring a knowledge of
truth, to rectify my opinions and to improve my morals. You can enter; all
my doors are open; you will not get tired in my anteroom with waiting for
me; you have no need to let me know beforehand when you are coming;
you bring me something more precious than silver or gold, if it is an
opportunity of being of service to you. Only tell me what you wish me to do
for you? Do you want me to leave my books, my studies, my writings, and
the line I have just begun? I am glad to be interrupted when I can be of
service to you. A moneyed man, a man of business, is like a bear not yet
tamed; there is no seeing him in his den but with the utmost difficulty; or,
rather, he is not to be seen at all, for in the beginning he is but dimly visible,
and afterwards you see no more of him. A man of letters, on the contrary, is
as perceptible265 as a pillar in a cross-road; he is to be seen by everybody, at
all times and in all conditions, at table, in bed, without clothes, dressed, in
sickness or in health; he is not a man of importance, and does not wish to be
one.
(13.) Let us not envy a certain class of men for their enormous riches;
they have paid such an equivalent for them that it would not suit us; they
have given for them their peace of mind, their health, their honour, and their
conscience; this is rather too dear, and there is nothing to be made out of
such a bargain.
(14.) The P.T.S.266 give us all possible sensations one after another; we
first despise them for their low origin, then we envy them, afterwards fear,
hate, and sometimes esteem and respect them; we often live long enough to
finish by pitying them.
Page 105
(15.) Sosia267 was first a footman, then an under-farmer of the revenue,
and by extortion, violence, and malversation has now raised himself to a
high post on the ruins of several families. He was ennobled by virtue of his
office, and the only thing he wanted was to be an honest man;268 this
marvel has been effected by his becoming churchwarden.
(16.) Arfuria269 used formerly to walk by herself, and go on foot
towards the main entrance of a certain church, in which she heard from a
distance the sermon of a Carmelite friar or of a doctor of divinity, of whom
she saw but the side face, and could not hear many words he said.
Her virtue was not apparent and her piety as well known as she herself
was. Her husband has become a farmer of the huitième denier,270 and made
a prodigious fortune in less than six years. Now she never comes to church
but in a carriage, wearing a heavy train, which is borne up: the preacher
stops while she seats herself opposite to him, so that not a single word nor
the smallest gesture can escape her. The priests intrigue among themselves
as to who shall be her father-confessor, for all wish to give her absolution,
but the victory remains with the vicar of the parish.
(17.) Crœsus271 is carried to the churchyard; and of all the immense
wealth which he acquired by rapine and extortion, and which he has
lavished in luxury and riotous living, there is not enough left for a decent
burial; he died insolvent, without any property, and consequently without
any attendance; neither medicines, nor cordials, nor physicians were seen
about him, nor the most inferior priest to shrive him.
(18.) Champagne,272 rising from a prolonged dinner, quite gorged, and
his head full of the agreeable fumes of Avenay or Sillery,273 signs an order
for a tax to be levied which would have produced a famine in a whole
province, if other means had not been taken. He is excusable; for how can a
man whose digestion is just beginning understand that people could
anywhere die of starvation.
(19.) Sylvanus274 has with his money bought rank and another name; he
is lord of the same manor where his forefathers had been paying the
taille;275 formerly he was not good enough to be Cleobulusʼ page, but now
he is his son-in-law?
(20.) Dorus276 is carried in a litter along the Appian Way;277 his
freedmen and slaves run before him to clear the way and to turn aside the
and by extortion, violence, and malversation has now raised himself to a
high post on the ruins of several families. He was ennobled by virtue of his
office, and the only thing he wanted was to be an honest man;268 this
marvel has been effected by his becoming churchwarden.
(16.) Arfuria269 used formerly to walk by herself, and go on foot
towards the main entrance of a certain church, in which she heard from a
distance the sermon of a Carmelite friar or of a doctor of divinity, of whom
she saw but the side face, and could not hear many words he said.
Her virtue was not apparent and her piety as well known as she herself
was. Her husband has become a farmer of the huitième denier,270 and made
a prodigious fortune in less than six years. Now she never comes to church
but in a carriage, wearing a heavy train, which is borne up: the preacher
stops while she seats herself opposite to him, so that not a single word nor
the smallest gesture can escape her. The priests intrigue among themselves
as to who shall be her father-confessor, for all wish to give her absolution,
but the victory remains with the vicar of the parish.
(17.) Crœsus271 is carried to the churchyard; and of all the immense
wealth which he acquired by rapine and extortion, and which he has
lavished in luxury and riotous living, there is not enough left for a decent
burial; he died insolvent, without any property, and consequently without
any attendance; neither medicines, nor cordials, nor physicians were seen
about him, nor the most inferior priest to shrive him.
(18.) Champagne,272 rising from a prolonged dinner, quite gorged, and
his head full of the agreeable fumes of Avenay or Sillery,273 signs an order
for a tax to be levied which would have produced a famine in a whole
province, if other means had not been taken. He is excusable; for how can a
man whose digestion is just beginning understand that people could
anywhere die of starvation.
(19.) Sylvanus274 has with his money bought rank and another name; he
is lord of the same manor where his forefathers had been paying the
taille;275 formerly he was not good enough to be Cleobulusʼ page, but now
he is his son-in-law?
(20.) Dorus276 is carried in a litter along the Appian Way;277 his
freedmen and slaves run before him to clear the way and to turn aside the
Page 106
people; he wants nothing but Lictors;278 he enters Rome with quite a
retinue, a triumphant foil to the meanness and poverty of his father Sanga.
(21.) No one makes a better use of his fortune than Periander;279 it gives
him a certain rank, influence, and authority; people no longer ask him to be
their friend, but they implore his protection. In the beginning he spoke of
himself as “such a man as I am,” but soon he says “a man of my rank;” for
he pretends to be one of these men, and there are none who borrow money
of him, or eat his dinners, which are exquisite, who dare dispute it. His
residence is splendid; the outside is Doric, and there is no gate but a portico.
Is it a private house or a temple? People are at a loss to know which. He is
lord paramount of the entire precincts; every one envies him, and would
rejoice at his downfall; his wifeʼs pearl necklace has made all the ladies of
the neighbourhood her enemies. Everything in him is of a piece, and
nothing yet belies that grandeur he has acquired, for which he has paid and
does not owe anything. But why did his old and feeble father not die twenty
years ago before Perianderʼs name was ever mentioned? How can any man
ever endure those odious invitations to a funeral280 which always reveal the
real origin of the deceased, and often put the widows or the heirs to the
blush? How shall he hide them from the eyes of the envious, malicious,
keen-sighted town, and offend a thousand people who will insist on taking
their due places at all funerals? Besides, what would you have him do?
Shall he style his father Noble homme and perhaps Honorable homme,
whilst he himself is dubbed Messire?281
(22.) How many men are like trees, already strong and full grown,
which are transplanted into some gardens, to the astonishment of those
people who behold them in these fine spots, where they never saw them
grow, and who neither know their beginning nor their progress!
(23.) If some dead were to rise again and saw who bore their illustrious
names, and that their ancient lands, their castles, and their venerable seats
were owned by the very men whose fathers had perhaps been their tenants,
what would they think of our age?
(24.) Nothing makes us better understand what trifling things
Providence thinks He bestows on men in granting them wealth, money,
dignities, and other advantages, than the manner in which they are
distributed and the kind of men who have the largest share.
(25.) If you were to enter a kitchen, where all that art and method can do
is employed to gratify your palate, and make you eat more than you want; if
retinue, a triumphant foil to the meanness and poverty of his father Sanga.
(21.) No one makes a better use of his fortune than Periander;279 it gives
him a certain rank, influence, and authority; people no longer ask him to be
their friend, but they implore his protection. In the beginning he spoke of
himself as “such a man as I am,” but soon he says “a man of my rank;” for
he pretends to be one of these men, and there are none who borrow money
of him, or eat his dinners, which are exquisite, who dare dispute it. His
residence is splendid; the outside is Doric, and there is no gate but a portico.
Is it a private house or a temple? People are at a loss to know which. He is
lord paramount of the entire precincts; every one envies him, and would
rejoice at his downfall; his wifeʼs pearl necklace has made all the ladies of
the neighbourhood her enemies. Everything in him is of a piece, and
nothing yet belies that grandeur he has acquired, for which he has paid and
does not owe anything. But why did his old and feeble father not die twenty
years ago before Perianderʼs name was ever mentioned? How can any man
ever endure those odious invitations to a funeral280 which always reveal the
real origin of the deceased, and often put the widows or the heirs to the
blush? How shall he hide them from the eyes of the envious, malicious,
keen-sighted town, and offend a thousand people who will insist on taking
their due places at all funerals? Besides, what would you have him do?
Shall he style his father Noble homme and perhaps Honorable homme,
whilst he himself is dubbed Messire?281
(22.) How many men are like trees, already strong and full grown,
which are transplanted into some gardens, to the astonishment of those
people who behold them in these fine spots, where they never saw them
grow, and who neither know their beginning nor their progress!
(23.) If some dead were to rise again and saw who bore their illustrious
names, and that their ancient lands, their castles, and their venerable seats
were owned by the very men whose fathers had perhaps been their tenants,
what would they think of our age?
(24.) Nothing makes us better understand what trifling things
Providence thinks He bestows on men in granting them wealth, money,
dignities, and other advantages, than the manner in which they are
distributed and the kind of men who have the largest share.
(25.) If you were to enter a kitchen, where all that art and method can do
is employed to gratify your palate, and make you eat more than you want; if
Page 107
you see how the viands are prepared which will be served up at the feast; if
you observe how they are manipulated, and the various modifications they
undergo before they become first-rate dishes, and are brought to that
neatness and elegance which charm your eyes, puzzle your choice, and
make you decide to taste them all; and then saw the ingredients of this feast
anywhere else than on a well-spread table, how offended and disgusted you
would be! If you were to go behind the scenes, and count the weights, the
wheels, the ropes in “flights” and in the machinery; if you were to consider
how many men are employed in executing these movements, and how they
ply their arms and strain their nerves, you would ask if these are the prime
motors and mainsprings of so handsome and natural a spectacle, which
seems so full of life and so intuitive, and you would be greatly astonished at
such efforts and such energy. In like manner inquire not too narrowly into
the origin of the fortune of any farmer of the revenue.
(26.) This youth,282 so ruddy, so florid, and so redolent of health, is lord
of an abbey and of ten other benefices; they bring him in altogether one
hundred and twenty thousand283 livres a year, which are paid him in golden
coin.284 Elsewhere there are a hundred and twenty indigent families who
have no fire to warm themselves during winter, no clothes to cover
themselves, and who are often wanting bread; they are in a wretched and
piteous state of poverty. What an inequality? And does this not clearly
prove that there must be a future state?
(27.) Chrysippus,285 an upstart, and the first nobleman of his lineage,
thirty years ago limited his aims to two thousand livres a year; this was the
height of his desires and the summit of his ambition; at least he said so, as
many still remember. Some time after, I do not know by what means, he
was able to give to one of his daughters as her dowry as much money as he
thought formerly an ample competency for his whole lifetime. A like sum is
put away for each of his other children, and he has a good many of them;
and this is only an advance of their share in his estate, for a good deal of
wealth may be expected at his death. He is still alive, and though advanced
in years, employs the few days which still remain to him in labouring to
become richer.
(28.) Let Ergastus alone, and he will demand a duty from all who drink
some water from the river or who walk on terra firma; he knows how to
convert reeds, rushes, and nettles into gold;286 he listens to all projects, and
you observe how they are manipulated, and the various modifications they
undergo before they become first-rate dishes, and are brought to that
neatness and elegance which charm your eyes, puzzle your choice, and
make you decide to taste them all; and then saw the ingredients of this feast
anywhere else than on a well-spread table, how offended and disgusted you
would be! If you were to go behind the scenes, and count the weights, the
wheels, the ropes in “flights” and in the machinery; if you were to consider
how many men are employed in executing these movements, and how they
ply their arms and strain their nerves, you would ask if these are the prime
motors and mainsprings of so handsome and natural a spectacle, which
seems so full of life and so intuitive, and you would be greatly astonished at
such efforts and such energy. In like manner inquire not too narrowly into
the origin of the fortune of any farmer of the revenue.
(26.) This youth,282 so ruddy, so florid, and so redolent of health, is lord
of an abbey and of ten other benefices; they bring him in altogether one
hundred and twenty thousand283 livres a year, which are paid him in golden
coin.284 Elsewhere there are a hundred and twenty indigent families who
have no fire to warm themselves during winter, no clothes to cover
themselves, and who are often wanting bread; they are in a wretched and
piteous state of poverty. What an inequality? And does this not clearly
prove that there must be a future state?
(27.) Chrysippus,285 an upstart, and the first nobleman of his lineage,
thirty years ago limited his aims to two thousand livres a year; this was the
height of his desires and the summit of his ambition; at least he said so, as
many still remember. Some time after, I do not know by what means, he
was able to give to one of his daughters as her dowry as much money as he
thought formerly an ample competency for his whole lifetime. A like sum is
put away for each of his other children, and he has a good many of them;
and this is only an advance of their share in his estate, for a good deal of
wealth may be expected at his death. He is still alive, and though advanced
in years, employs the few days which still remain to him in labouring to
become richer.
(28.) Let Ergastus alone, and he will demand a duty from all who drink
some water from the river or who walk on terra firma; he knows how to
convert reeds, rushes, and nettles into gold;286 he listens to all projects, and
Page 108
proposes everything he hears. The prince gives nothing to any one but at
Ergastusʼ expense, and bestows no favours but what are his due, for his
desire to have and to possess is never appeased. He would even deal in arts
and sciences, and farm out harmony; were his advice to be taken, the
people, for the pleasure of seeing him wealthy, and with a pack of hounds
and a stable, would forget the music of Orpheus and be satisfied with his.
(29.) Have no dealings with Crito,287 who only looks after his own
advantages; the snare is always ready spread for those who wish to acquire
his office, his estate, or anything he possesses, for his conditions will be
exorbitant. There is no consideration or arrangement to be expected from
one so wrapt up in his own interest and so inimical to yours; he will always
take a man in if he can.
(30.) Brontin,288 according to common report, retires from the busy
world, and during a whole week sees none but priests; they enjoy their
meditations, and he enjoys his.
(31.) The people very often have the pleasure of seeing a tragedy acted,
and of beholding expire on the worldʼs stage the most hateful personages,
who did as much harm as they could whenever they appeared, and whom
they heartily detested.
(32.) If we divide the lives of the P.T.S.289 into two parts, the first, brisk
and active, is wholly occupied in trying to oppress the people, and the
second, bordering on death, is spent in betraying and ruining one another.
(33.) The man290 who made your fortune and that of several others was
unable to keep his own, or secure a maintenance for his wife and children
after his death; they live in obscurity and in wretchedness. You are informed
of their miserable condition, but you do not think of alleviating it; indeed
you cannot do so, for you give a good many dinners, you build a good deal;
but out of gratitude you have kept the portrait of your benefactor, which, it
is true, has been removed from your own private room to the anteroom. You
have at least shown him some respect, for it might have gone to the lumber-
room.
(34.) There exists a stubbornness of temper, and another of rank and
condition, which both harden our hearts against the misfortunes of others,
and, I should even say, prevent us from pitying the evils which befall our
own family. A true financier grieves neither for the loss of friends, wife, nor
children.
Ergastusʼ expense, and bestows no favours but what are his due, for his
desire to have and to possess is never appeased. He would even deal in arts
and sciences, and farm out harmony; were his advice to be taken, the
people, for the pleasure of seeing him wealthy, and with a pack of hounds
and a stable, would forget the music of Orpheus and be satisfied with his.
(29.) Have no dealings with Crito,287 who only looks after his own
advantages; the snare is always ready spread for those who wish to acquire
his office, his estate, or anything he possesses, for his conditions will be
exorbitant. There is no consideration or arrangement to be expected from
one so wrapt up in his own interest and so inimical to yours; he will always
take a man in if he can.
(30.) Brontin,288 according to common report, retires from the busy
world, and during a whole week sees none but priests; they enjoy their
meditations, and he enjoys his.
(31.) The people very often have the pleasure of seeing a tragedy acted,
and of beholding expire on the worldʼs stage the most hateful personages,
who did as much harm as they could whenever they appeared, and whom
they heartily detested.
(32.) If we divide the lives of the P.T.S.289 into two parts, the first, brisk
and active, is wholly occupied in trying to oppress the people, and the
second, bordering on death, is spent in betraying and ruining one another.
(33.) The man290 who made your fortune and that of several others was
unable to keep his own, or secure a maintenance for his wife and children
after his death; they live in obscurity and in wretchedness. You are informed
of their miserable condition, but you do not think of alleviating it; indeed
you cannot do so, for you give a good many dinners, you build a good deal;
but out of gratitude you have kept the portrait of your benefactor, which, it
is true, has been removed from your own private room to the anteroom. You
have at least shown him some respect, for it might have gone to the lumber-
room.
(34.) There exists a stubbornness of temper, and another of rank and
condition, which both harden our hearts against the misfortunes of others,
and, I should even say, prevent us from pitying the evils which befall our
own family. A true financier grieves neither for the loss of friends, wife, nor
children.
Page 109
(35.) “Away, fly; you are not far enough.” “Here,” say you, “I am under
another tropic.” “Pass under the pole and into another hemisphere; ascend
to the stars, if possible.” “I am there.” “Very well; then you are pretty safe.”
I look down and discover on this earth a rapacious, insatiable, and
inexorable man, who, in spite of everything he meets on his way or may
encounter, and at whatever cost to others, will provide for himself, enlarge
his fortune, and wallow in wealth.
(36.) To make oneʼs fortune is so fine a phrase, and of such charming
import, that it is universally used; it is to be met with in all languages, is
pleasing to strangers and to barbarians, is to be found at court and in the
city, has made its way into cloisters and scaled the walls of convents for
both sexes; there is no place so sacred where it has not penetrated, no desert
or solitude where it is unknown.291
(37.) A man who knows how to make good bargains or finds his money
increase in his coffers, thinks presently that he has a good deal of brains and
is almost fit to be a statesman.
(38.) A man must have a certain sort of intelligence to make a fortune,
and above all a large fortune; but it is neither a good nor a fine, a grand nor
a sublime, a strong nor a delicate intellect. I am at a loss to tell exactly what
it is, and shall be glad if some one will let me know.
Custom or experience are of more avail in making our fortune than
intelligence; we think of it too late, and when at last we have made up our
mind to make it, we begin by committing some errors which we have not
always the time to repair; and this, perhaps, is the reason why fortunes are
far from common.
A man of small intellect wishes to get on in life; he neglects everything,
but from morning till evening he only thinks of one thing, and dreams of it
at night, namely, to get on in the world. He begins early and from his very
youth the chase after wealth; if a barrier in front of him stops the way, he
naturally hesitates, and goes to the right or left, according as he sees an
opening or thinks it most convenient; and if fresh obstacles arise, he returns
to the path he just left, and determines, according to the nature of the
difficulties, sometimes to overcome them, sometimes to avoid them, or to
take other measures as his own interest, custom, and opportunity may direct
him. Does any traveller need such a good head and such great talents to set
out at first on a main road, and if that be crowded or impracticable, to cross
the fields, jump over hedges and ditches, come back into the former road,
another tropic.” “Pass under the pole and into another hemisphere; ascend
to the stars, if possible.” “I am there.” “Very well; then you are pretty safe.”
I look down and discover on this earth a rapacious, insatiable, and
inexorable man, who, in spite of everything he meets on his way or may
encounter, and at whatever cost to others, will provide for himself, enlarge
his fortune, and wallow in wealth.
(36.) To make oneʼs fortune is so fine a phrase, and of such charming
import, that it is universally used; it is to be met with in all languages, is
pleasing to strangers and to barbarians, is to be found at court and in the
city, has made its way into cloisters and scaled the walls of convents for
both sexes; there is no place so sacred where it has not penetrated, no desert
or solitude where it is unknown.291
(37.) A man who knows how to make good bargains or finds his money
increase in his coffers, thinks presently that he has a good deal of brains and
is almost fit to be a statesman.
(38.) A man must have a certain sort of intelligence to make a fortune,
and above all a large fortune; but it is neither a good nor a fine, a grand nor
a sublime, a strong nor a delicate intellect. I am at a loss to tell exactly what
it is, and shall be glad if some one will let me know.
Custom or experience are of more avail in making our fortune than
intelligence; we think of it too late, and when at last we have made up our
mind to make it, we begin by committing some errors which we have not
always the time to repair; and this, perhaps, is the reason why fortunes are
far from common.
A man of small intellect wishes to get on in life; he neglects everything,
but from morning till evening he only thinks of one thing, and dreams of it
at night, namely, to get on in the world. He begins early and from his very
youth the chase after wealth; if a barrier in front of him stops the way, he
naturally hesitates, and goes to the right or left, according as he sees an
opening or thinks it most convenient; and if fresh obstacles arise, he returns
to the path he just left, and determines, according to the nature of the
difficulties, sometimes to overcome them, sometimes to avoid them, or to
take other measures as his own interest, custom, and opportunity may direct
him. Does any traveller need such a good head and such great talents to set
out at first on a main road, and if that be crowded or impracticable, to cross
the fields, jump over hedges and ditches, come back into the former road,
Page 110
and follow it until his journeyʼs end? Does he require so much intelligence
to attain the goal? Is it, then, so wonderful for a fool ever to become rich or
of repute?
There are some stupid, and I may even say weak-minded men, who
occupy handsome posts, and who die rich without any one ever supposing
that they contributed to it in any way whatever by the smallest industry or
their own labour. Somebody directed them to the fountainhead, or, perhaps,
chance alone has led them to it; then they have been asked if they should
like to have some water, and if so, to draw it; and they have drawn it.292
(39.) When we are young we are often poor; either we have not yet
acquired nor inherited anything. We become rich and old at the same
moment; for seldom do men obtain every advantage at one and the same
time. But even if some persons are so fortunate, we ought not to envy them,
since they lose by their death sufficiently to deserve our compassion.
(40.) A man is thirty years old before he thinks of making his fortune,
but it is not completed at fifty; he begins to build in his old age, and dies by
the time his house is in a condition to be painted and glazed.
(41.) What is the advantage of having a large fortune, unless it be to
enjoy the vanity, industry, labour and outlay of those who came before us,
and to labour ourselves in planting, building, and hoarding for our
posterity?
(42.) Men open their shops and set out their wares every morning to
deceive their customers; and they close them at night after having cheated
all day.
(43.) A tradesman turns over all his goods, that he may sell you the
worst; he has a certain preparation to give them a lustre, or else holds these
goods in a peculiar light, to conceal their faults and to make them appear
sound; he asks too large a price for them, so as to sell them for more than
they are worth; he has forged mysterious trade-marks, so that people may
believe they get the full value for their hard cash; he employs a short yard
measure, so that the buyer may obtain as little for his money as possible,
and has a pair of scales to try whether the gold he receives be of full weight.
(44.) In all conditions of life a poor man is a near neighbour to an
honest one,293 and a rich man is as little removed from a knave; tact and
ability alone seldom procure great riches.
A show of a certain amount of honesty is in any profession or business
the surest way of growing rich.
to attain the goal? Is it, then, so wonderful for a fool ever to become rich or
of repute?
There are some stupid, and I may even say weak-minded men, who
occupy handsome posts, and who die rich without any one ever supposing
that they contributed to it in any way whatever by the smallest industry or
their own labour. Somebody directed them to the fountainhead, or, perhaps,
chance alone has led them to it; then they have been asked if they should
like to have some water, and if so, to draw it; and they have drawn it.292
(39.) When we are young we are often poor; either we have not yet
acquired nor inherited anything. We become rich and old at the same
moment; for seldom do men obtain every advantage at one and the same
time. But even if some persons are so fortunate, we ought not to envy them,
since they lose by their death sufficiently to deserve our compassion.
(40.) A man is thirty years old before he thinks of making his fortune,
but it is not completed at fifty; he begins to build in his old age, and dies by
the time his house is in a condition to be painted and glazed.
(41.) What is the advantage of having a large fortune, unless it be to
enjoy the vanity, industry, labour and outlay of those who came before us,
and to labour ourselves in planting, building, and hoarding for our
posterity?
(42.) Men open their shops and set out their wares every morning to
deceive their customers; and they close them at night after having cheated
all day.
(43.) A tradesman turns over all his goods, that he may sell you the
worst; he has a certain preparation to give them a lustre, or else holds these
goods in a peculiar light, to conceal their faults and to make them appear
sound; he asks too large a price for them, so as to sell them for more than
they are worth; he has forged mysterious trade-marks, so that people may
believe they get the full value for their hard cash; he employs a short yard
measure, so that the buyer may obtain as little for his money as possible,
and has a pair of scales to try whether the gold he receives be of full weight.
(44.) In all conditions of life a poor man is a near neighbour to an
honest one,293 and a rich man is as little removed from a knave; tact and
ability alone seldom procure great riches.
A show of a certain amount of honesty is in any profession or business
the surest way of growing rich.
Page 111
(45.) The shortest and best way of making your fortune is to let people
clearly see that it is their interest to promote yours.
(46.) Some men,294 stimulated by the necessities of life, and sometimes
by a desire to gain money or glory, improve their secular talents or adopt a
profession far from reputable, and overlook its danger and consequences for
a considerable time; they leave it afterwards from secret and devout
reasons, which never stirred them before they had reaped their harvest and
enjoyed a comfortable income.
(47.) There exist miseries in this world which wring the very heart;
some people want even food; they dread the winter and are afraid to live;
others eat hothouse fruits; the earth and the seasons are compelled to
furnish forth delicacies; and mere citizens, simply because they have grown
rich, dare to swallow in one morsel what would nourish a hundred families.
Whatever may be brought forward against such extremes, let me be neither
unhappy or happy if I can help it; I take refuge in mediocrity.
(48.) It is well known that the poor are sad because they want
everything and nobody comforts them; but if it be true that the rich are
irascible, it is because they may want the smallest thing, or that some one
might oppose them.
(49.) A man is rich whose income is larger than his expenses, and he is
poor if his expenses are greater than his income.
There are some men295 who with an annual revenue of two millions are
yearly still five hundred thousand livres in arrears.
Nothing keeps longer than a middling fortune, and nothing melts away
sooner than a large one.
Great riches are a temptation for poverty.
If it be true that a man is rich who wants nothing, a wise man is a very
rich man.296
If a man be poor who wishes to have everything, then an ambitious and
a miserly man languish in extreme poverty.
(50.) Passions tyrannise over mankind, but ambition keeps the others in
abeyance, and makes for a while a man appear to possess every virtue.
I once believed that Tryphon, whom I now know to practise every vice,
was sober, chaste, liberal, modest, and even pious; I might have believed so
still if he had not made his fortune.
(51.) All that a man wishes for is riches and grandeur; he falls very ill,
and death draws near, and though his face be shrivelled and his legs totter,
clearly see that it is their interest to promote yours.
(46.) Some men,294 stimulated by the necessities of life, and sometimes
by a desire to gain money or glory, improve their secular talents or adopt a
profession far from reputable, and overlook its danger and consequences for
a considerable time; they leave it afterwards from secret and devout
reasons, which never stirred them before they had reaped their harvest and
enjoyed a comfortable income.
(47.) There exist miseries in this world which wring the very heart;
some people want even food; they dread the winter and are afraid to live;
others eat hothouse fruits; the earth and the seasons are compelled to
furnish forth delicacies; and mere citizens, simply because they have grown
rich, dare to swallow in one morsel what would nourish a hundred families.
Whatever may be brought forward against such extremes, let me be neither
unhappy or happy if I can help it; I take refuge in mediocrity.
(48.) It is well known that the poor are sad because they want
everything and nobody comforts them; but if it be true that the rich are
irascible, it is because they may want the smallest thing, or that some one
might oppose them.
(49.) A man is rich whose income is larger than his expenses, and he is
poor if his expenses are greater than his income.
There are some men295 who with an annual revenue of two millions are
yearly still five hundred thousand livres in arrears.
Nothing keeps longer than a middling fortune, and nothing melts away
sooner than a large one.
Great riches are a temptation for poverty.
If it be true that a man is rich who wants nothing, a wise man is a very
rich man.296
If a man be poor who wishes to have everything, then an ambitious and
a miserly man languish in extreme poverty.
(50.) Passions tyrannise over mankind, but ambition keeps the others in
abeyance, and makes for a while a man appear to possess every virtue.
I once believed that Tryphon, whom I now know to practise every vice,
was sober, chaste, liberal, modest, and even pious; I might have believed so
still if he had not made his fortune.
(51.) All that a man wishes for is riches and grandeur; he falls very ill,
and death draws near, and though his face be shrivelled and his legs totter,
Page 112
yet he is still talking of his fortune and his post.
(52.) There are but two ways of rising in the world, either by your own
industry or by the folly of others.
(53.) The features may indicate the natural disposition, habits, and
morals of a man, but it is the expression of the whole countenance that
discovers his wealth; it is written in a manʼs face whether he has more or
less than a thousand livres a year.
(54.) Chrysantes, a wealthy and impertinent man, would think it a
disgrace to be seen with Eugenius, who is a man of merit but poor;
Eugenius entertains the same feelings towards Chrysantes; so there is no
chance of their ever quarrelling together.
(55.) When I see some persons, who formerly were the first to bow to
me, wait, on the contrary, till I salute them, and stand on ceremony with me,
I say to myself, “All this is mighty fine, and I am very glad things go so
well with them; it is quite certain that those gentlemen live in larger houses,
have handsomer furniture and better repasts than formerly, and that for the
last few months they have had a share in a business by which they have
already made some very good profit. Pray Heaven they may in a short time
come even to despise me!”
(52.) There are but two ways of rising in the world, either by your own
industry or by the folly of others.
(53.) The features may indicate the natural disposition, habits, and
morals of a man, but it is the expression of the whole countenance that
discovers his wealth; it is written in a manʼs face whether he has more or
less than a thousand livres a year.
(54.) Chrysantes, a wealthy and impertinent man, would think it a
disgrace to be seen with Eugenius, who is a man of merit but poor;
Eugenius entertains the same feelings towards Chrysantes; so there is no
chance of their ever quarrelling together.
(55.) When I see some persons, who formerly were the first to bow to
me, wait, on the contrary, till I salute them, and stand on ceremony with me,
I say to myself, “All this is mighty fine, and I am very glad things go so
well with them; it is quite certain that those gentlemen live in larger houses,
have handsomer furniture and better repasts than formerly, and that for the
last few months they have had a share in a business by which they have
already made some very good profit. Pray Heaven they may in a short time
come even to despise me!”
Page 113
DESCARTES
(56.) If thoughts, books, and their authors were depending on the rich
and on those who have made a large fortune, they would all be exiled, and
that without appeal. Such men act superciliously and lord it over the
learned! They keep their dignity with those poor wretches whose merit has
not advanced or enriched them, and who still think and write sensibly! We
must confess that at present the rich predominate, but the future will be for
the virtuous and ingenious. Homer lives still and will ever flourish, whilst
the tax-gatherers and publicans are no more and are utterly forgotten, and
their native country and their very names are unknown at present. Were
there any farmers of the revenue in Greece? What has become of all those
(56.) If thoughts, books, and their authors were depending on the rich
and on those who have made a large fortune, they would all be exiled, and
that without appeal. Such men act superciliously and lord it over the
learned! They keep their dignity with those poor wretches whose merit has
not advanced or enriched them, and who still think and write sensibly! We
must confess that at present the rich predominate, but the future will be for
the virtuous and ingenious. Homer lives still and will ever flourish, whilst
the tax-gatherers and publicans are no more and are utterly forgotten, and
their native country and their very names are unknown at present. Were
there any farmers of the revenue in Greece? What has become of all those
Page 114
important personages who despised Homer, who were careful to avoid him,
who never bowed to him, or, if they did so, never called him “Sir,” who did
not think him worthy of being admitted to their tables, who looked on him
as a man who was not rich and had written a book? What will become of
the Fauconnets?297 Will their names be transmitted to posterity as the name
of Descartes was, who, though born a Frenchman, died in Sweden?298
(57.) The same amount of pride which makes a man treat haughtily his
inferiors, makes him cringe servilely to those above him. It is the very
nature of this vice, which is neither based on personal merit nor on virtue,
but on riches, posts, influence, and useless knowledge, to render a man as
supercilious to those who are below him as to over-value those who are of a
loftier rank than they themselves are.
(58.) There are some sordid minds, formed of slime and filth, to whom
interest and gain are what glory and virtue are to superior souls; they feel no
other pleasure but to acquire money and never to lose it; they are covetous
and are always wanting ten per cent.;299 they only occupy themselves with
their creditors; always dread the lowering or calling in of certain monies;300
and are absorbed and immerged in contracts, deeds, and parchments. Such
people are neither relatives, friends, citizens, Christians, nor perhaps men;
they have money.
(59.) Let us first except those noble and courageous minds, if there are
any yet on this earth, who assist those who are in want, contrive to do good,
whom no necessities, nor inequality of rank or fortune, nor intrigues can
separate from those they have once chosen for their friends; and after
having made this remark, let us boldly state a lamentable truth, which
makes us miserable to think about, namely, that there is not a person in this
world, however intimately connected with us by social ties or by friendship,
who likes us, enjoys our society, has a great many times offered us his
services, and sometimes even rendered us one, who, when swayed by his
own interests, would not feel inwardly disposed to break with us and
become our enemy.
(60.) Whilst Orontes301 is increasing in years, in wealth, and in income,
a girl born in a certain family flourishes, grows up, becomes very
handsome, and enters on her sixteenth year. Orontes, who is then fifty, of
inferior birth, without intelligence and the smallest merit, has to be
who never bowed to him, or, if they did so, never called him “Sir,” who did
not think him worthy of being admitted to their tables, who looked on him
as a man who was not rich and had written a book? What will become of
the Fauconnets?297 Will their names be transmitted to posterity as the name
of Descartes was, who, though born a Frenchman, died in Sweden?298
(57.) The same amount of pride which makes a man treat haughtily his
inferiors, makes him cringe servilely to those above him. It is the very
nature of this vice, which is neither based on personal merit nor on virtue,
but on riches, posts, influence, and useless knowledge, to render a man as
supercilious to those who are below him as to over-value those who are of a
loftier rank than they themselves are.
(58.) There are some sordid minds, formed of slime and filth, to whom
interest and gain are what glory and virtue are to superior souls; they feel no
other pleasure but to acquire money and never to lose it; they are covetous
and are always wanting ten per cent.;299 they only occupy themselves with
their creditors; always dread the lowering or calling in of certain monies;300
and are absorbed and immerged in contracts, deeds, and parchments. Such
people are neither relatives, friends, citizens, Christians, nor perhaps men;
they have money.
(59.) Let us first except those noble and courageous minds, if there are
any yet on this earth, who assist those who are in want, contrive to do good,
whom no necessities, nor inequality of rank or fortune, nor intrigues can
separate from those they have once chosen for their friends; and after
having made this remark, let us boldly state a lamentable truth, which
makes us miserable to think about, namely, that there is not a person in this
world, however intimately connected with us by social ties or by friendship,
who likes us, enjoys our society, has a great many times offered us his
services, and sometimes even rendered us one, who, when swayed by his
own interests, would not feel inwardly disposed to break with us and
become our enemy.
(60.) Whilst Orontes301 is increasing in years, in wealth, and in income,
a girl born in a certain family flourishes, grows up, becomes very
handsome, and enters on her sixteenth year. Orontes, who is then fifty, of
inferior birth, without intelligence and the smallest merit, has to be
Page 115
entreated to marry that young, handsome, and witty girl, and is preferred to
all his rivals.
(61.) Marriage, which ought to be a source of all felicity, is often to a
man a heavy burden which crushes him through want of fortune. For his
wifeʼs and childrenʼs sake he is sorely tempted to commit fraud, to tell
falsehoods, and obtain illicit gains. It must be a dreadful situation for any
man to have to choose between roguery and indigence.
To marry a widow means, in plain language,302 to make oneʼs fortune,
though this is not always the case.303
(62.) A man who has only inherited sufficient money to live comfortably
as a lawyer wishes presently to become an official, then a magistrate, and
finally a judge.304 Thus it is with all ranks and conditions of men straitened
or limited in their means, who, after having attempted several things beyond
their power, force, if I may say so, their destiny; they have neither sense
enough to forbear being rich nor to continue rich.
(63.) Dine comfortably, Clearchus,305 make a good supper, put some
wood on the fire, buy a cloak, put hangings all round your room, for you
have no love for your heir; you even do not know him; you have not got
any.
(64.) When we are young we lay up for old age; when we are old we
save for death; a prodigal heir first gives us a splendid funeral, and then
lavishes whatever money is left to him.
(65.) After his death a miser spends more money in one day than he
spent in ten years when he was alive; and his heir more in ten months than
the miser could find in his heart to part with during his whole lifetime.306
(66.) When we lavish our money we rob our heir; when we merely save
it we rob ourselves. The middle course is to be just to ourselves and to
others.
(67.) Children, perhaps, would be dearer to their parents and parents to
their children, were it not for the latter being their heirs.
(68.) How wretched is manʼs estate, and how it makes one sick of life!
We have to moil and toil, to watch, to yield, and to be dependent, to acquire
a little money, or else we get it at the last gasp of our nearest relations. He
who can master his feelings so far as not to wish for his fatherʼs death is an
honest man.
all his rivals.
(61.) Marriage, which ought to be a source of all felicity, is often to a
man a heavy burden which crushes him through want of fortune. For his
wifeʼs and childrenʼs sake he is sorely tempted to commit fraud, to tell
falsehoods, and obtain illicit gains. It must be a dreadful situation for any
man to have to choose between roguery and indigence.
To marry a widow means, in plain language,302 to make oneʼs fortune,
though this is not always the case.303
(62.) A man who has only inherited sufficient money to live comfortably
as a lawyer wishes presently to become an official, then a magistrate, and
finally a judge.304 Thus it is with all ranks and conditions of men straitened
or limited in their means, who, after having attempted several things beyond
their power, force, if I may say so, their destiny; they have neither sense
enough to forbear being rich nor to continue rich.
(63.) Dine comfortably, Clearchus,305 make a good supper, put some
wood on the fire, buy a cloak, put hangings all round your room, for you
have no love for your heir; you even do not know him; you have not got
any.
(64.) When we are young we lay up for old age; when we are old we
save for death; a prodigal heir first gives us a splendid funeral, and then
lavishes whatever money is left to him.
(65.) After his death a miser spends more money in one day than he
spent in ten years when he was alive; and his heir more in ten months than
the miser could find in his heart to part with during his whole lifetime.306
(66.) When we lavish our money we rob our heir; when we merely save
it we rob ourselves. The middle course is to be just to ourselves and to
others.
(67.) Children, perhaps, would be dearer to their parents and parents to
their children, were it not for the latter being their heirs.
(68.) How wretched is manʼs estate, and how it makes one sick of life!
We have to moil and toil, to watch, to yield, and to be dependent, to acquire
a little money, or else we get it at the last gasp of our nearest relations. He
who can master his feelings so far as not to wish for his fatherʼs death is an
honest man.
Page 116
(69.) A person who expects to inherit something becomes over-polite;
we are never better flattered, better obeyed, followed, courted, attended, and
caressed than by those who hope to gain by our death, and wish it may
happen soon.
(70.) As far as different places, titles, and inheritances are concerned, all
men look upon themselves as one anotherʼs heirs, and, therefore, quietly
and stealthily wish all their lives for one anotherʼs death. The happiest man,
under such circumstances, is he who has most to lose by his death, and most
to leave to his successor.
(71.) It is said of gambling that it makes all ranks equal; but there is
often such a strange disparity and such a vast, immense, and profound
chasm between this and that condition, that it pains us to see such extremes
meet together.307 It is like discord in music, like colours which do not
harmonise, like words that clash and jar on our ears, like those sounds and
noises which make us shudder. In a word, it is a subversion of all order and
decency. If any one tells me gambling is the custom throughout the whole
western hemisphere, I reply that perhaps it is one of the reasons why we are
considered barbarians in another part of the globe, and what the Eastern
nations who travel this way particularly remark of us in their journals. I
have not the smallest doubt that such an excessive familiarity appears to
them as disgusting as their zombay308 and their other prostrations seem to
us incongruous.
(72.) An assembly of the provincial states or a parliament309 meeting to
discuss a very important matter of business, presents nothing so grave and
serious as a table crowded with gamblers who play very high; a
melancholic severity is depicted on every countenance; implacable towards
one another, and irreconcilable enemies as long as they are together, they
neither regard relationship, connections, birth, or social distinctions. Chance
alone, that blind and stern divinity, presides over the assembly, and
pronounces her opinions like a sovereign; people show their respect for her
by remaining very silent, and by being more attentive than they are
elsewhere. Every passion seems in abeyance for a while, to give way to one
passion only, during which the courtier neither pretends to be gentle,
fawning, polite, nor pious.
(73.) Even the smallest trace of their former condition seems utterly
obliterated in those who have made their fortune by gambling; they lose
sight of their equals, and associate only with persons of the highest rank. It
we are never better flattered, better obeyed, followed, courted, attended, and
caressed than by those who hope to gain by our death, and wish it may
happen soon.
(70.) As far as different places, titles, and inheritances are concerned, all
men look upon themselves as one anotherʼs heirs, and, therefore, quietly
and stealthily wish all their lives for one anotherʼs death. The happiest man,
under such circumstances, is he who has most to lose by his death, and most
to leave to his successor.
(71.) It is said of gambling that it makes all ranks equal; but there is
often such a strange disparity and such a vast, immense, and profound
chasm between this and that condition, that it pains us to see such extremes
meet together.307 It is like discord in music, like colours which do not
harmonise, like words that clash and jar on our ears, like those sounds and
noises which make us shudder. In a word, it is a subversion of all order and
decency. If any one tells me gambling is the custom throughout the whole
western hemisphere, I reply that perhaps it is one of the reasons why we are
considered barbarians in another part of the globe, and what the Eastern
nations who travel this way particularly remark of us in their journals. I
have not the smallest doubt that such an excessive familiarity appears to
them as disgusting as their zombay308 and their other prostrations seem to
us incongruous.
(72.) An assembly of the provincial states or a parliament309 meeting to
discuss a very important matter of business, presents nothing so grave and
serious as a table crowded with gamblers who play very high; a
melancholic severity is depicted on every countenance; implacable towards
one another, and irreconcilable enemies as long as they are together, they
neither regard relationship, connections, birth, or social distinctions. Chance
alone, that blind and stern divinity, presides over the assembly, and
pronounces her opinions like a sovereign; people show their respect for her
by remaining very silent, and by being more attentive than they are
elsewhere. Every passion seems in abeyance for a while, to give way to one
passion only, during which the courtier neither pretends to be gentle,
fawning, polite, nor pious.
(73.) Even the smallest trace of their former condition seems utterly
obliterated in those who have made their fortune by gambling; they lose
sight of their equals, and associate only with persons of the highest rank. It
Page 117
is true that the fortune of the die or lansquenet310 often puts them in the
same place whence it took them.311
(74.) I am not surprised that there are gambling houses, like so many
snares laid for human avarice; like abysses where many a manʼs money is
engulphed and swallowed up without any hope of return; like frightful
rocks against which the gamblers are thrown and perish; that certain men
are sent forth to find out the precise time some person has landed with
newly got prize-money, or who has gained a lawsuit which has brought him
in a goodly sum, or who has received some presents, or who has had a very
lucky run at play; what young man of family has just come into a large
inheritance, or what desperate clerk will venture the monies of his office on
the turn of a card. Truly cheating is villainous and rascally, but it is an old
and well-known trade, and practised at all times by the men we call
professional gamblers. They have a sign outside their doors, and this may
be the inscription: “Here cheating is done fairly;” for I suppose they do not
pretend to be blameless. Every one knows that if a man gambles in one of
these houses he is certain to lose. What to me is unaccountable, is that there
should always be as many fools as gamblers want, to make a living by
them.
(75.) Thousands have been ruined by gambling, and yet they tell you
very coolly they cannot do without it. What an idle excuse is this! Is there
any violent and shameful passion in existence to which we cannot apply the
same language? Would any one be allowed to say, he cannot live without
stealing, murdering, or rushing into all kinds of excesses? It is allowable to
gamble in a frightful manner, without intermission, shame, or limit; to have
no other aim but the total ruin of your adversary; to be carried away by a
desire for gain, thrown into despair by losing or consumed by avarice; to
risk on the turn of a card or die your own future and that of your wife and
children; or should we do without it yet? And are there not sometimes
worse consequences than these at the gambling-table, when men are
entirely stripped, obliged to do without clothes and food, and cannot
provide these for their families?
I allow no one to be a knave, but I will allow a knave to play high, but
not an honest man, for it is too silly to expose oneself to a heavy loss.312
(76.) There is but one sorrow which is lasting, and that is one produced
by the loss of property; time, which alleviates all others, sharpens this; we
same place whence it took them.311
(74.) I am not surprised that there are gambling houses, like so many
snares laid for human avarice; like abysses where many a manʼs money is
engulphed and swallowed up without any hope of return; like frightful
rocks against which the gamblers are thrown and perish; that certain men
are sent forth to find out the precise time some person has landed with
newly got prize-money, or who has gained a lawsuit which has brought him
in a goodly sum, or who has received some presents, or who has had a very
lucky run at play; what young man of family has just come into a large
inheritance, or what desperate clerk will venture the monies of his office on
the turn of a card. Truly cheating is villainous and rascally, but it is an old
and well-known trade, and practised at all times by the men we call
professional gamblers. They have a sign outside their doors, and this may
be the inscription: “Here cheating is done fairly;” for I suppose they do not
pretend to be blameless. Every one knows that if a man gambles in one of
these houses he is certain to lose. What to me is unaccountable, is that there
should always be as many fools as gamblers want, to make a living by
them.
(75.) Thousands have been ruined by gambling, and yet they tell you
very coolly they cannot do without it. What an idle excuse is this! Is there
any violent and shameful passion in existence to which we cannot apply the
same language? Would any one be allowed to say, he cannot live without
stealing, murdering, or rushing into all kinds of excesses? It is allowable to
gamble in a frightful manner, without intermission, shame, or limit; to have
no other aim but the total ruin of your adversary; to be carried away by a
desire for gain, thrown into despair by losing or consumed by avarice; to
risk on the turn of a card or die your own future and that of your wife and
children; or should we do without it yet? And are there not sometimes
worse consequences than these at the gambling-table, when men are
entirely stripped, obliged to do without clothes and food, and cannot
provide these for their families?
I allow no one to be a knave, but I will allow a knave to play high, but
not an honest man, for it is too silly to expose oneself to a heavy loss.312
(76.) There is but one sorrow which is lasting, and that is one produced
by the loss of property; time, which alleviates all others, sharpens this; we
Page 118
feel it every moment during the course of our lives when we miss the
fortune we have lost.
(77.) The man who spends his fortune without marrying his daughters,
paying his debts, or lending it out on good security, may be well enough
liked by every one except by his wife and children.
(78.) Neither the troubles, Zenobia,313 which disturb your empire, nor
the war which since the death of the king, your husband, you have so
heroically maintained against a powerful nation, diminish your
magnificence in the least. You have preferred the banks of the Euphrates to
any other country for erecting a splendid building; the air is healthy and
temperate, the situation delightful; a sacred wood shades it on the west; the
Syrian gods, who sometimes visit the earth, could not choose a finer abode;
the adjacent country is peopled with men who are constantly busy shaping
and cutting, coming and going, rolling or carting away the timber of Mount
Lebanon, brass and porphyry; the air rings with the noise of cranes and
machinery; and that noise instils a hope in the breasts of those who pass that
way to go to Arabia, that, on their return home, they may see that palace
finished, with all the splendour you design to bestow on it before you, or
the princes, your children, make it your dwelling. Spare nothing, great
queen; make use of your gold and of the best workmanship of first-class
artists;314 let the Phidiasses and Zeuxisses315 of your century display the
utmost of their skill on your walls and ceilings; lay out expensive and
delightful gardens, so enchanting that they do not seem created by the hand
of man; exhaust your treasures and your energy in this incomparable
edifice; and, after you have brought it to perfection, one of those herdsmen
who dwell in the neighbouring sandy deserts of Palmyra, and who has
enriched himself by farming the tolls of your rivers, will purchase one day,
with ready money, this royal demesne, and add fresh embellishments to it,
so as to render it more worthy of him and his fortune.316
(79.) This palace, this furniture, these gardens, those handsome
waterworks charm you, and on first beholding such a delightful mansion,
you cannot forbear expressing your opinion that its owner ought to be
superlatively happy. He is no more, and he never enjoyed it so pleasantly
and so quietly as you did; he never knew a cheerful day or a quiet night; he
sunk beneath the debts he contracted in adorning it with those beauties
which so delight you. His creditors drove him from it, and then he turned
fortune we have lost.
(77.) The man who spends his fortune without marrying his daughters,
paying his debts, or lending it out on good security, may be well enough
liked by every one except by his wife and children.
(78.) Neither the troubles, Zenobia,313 which disturb your empire, nor
the war which since the death of the king, your husband, you have so
heroically maintained against a powerful nation, diminish your
magnificence in the least. You have preferred the banks of the Euphrates to
any other country for erecting a splendid building; the air is healthy and
temperate, the situation delightful; a sacred wood shades it on the west; the
Syrian gods, who sometimes visit the earth, could not choose a finer abode;
the adjacent country is peopled with men who are constantly busy shaping
and cutting, coming and going, rolling or carting away the timber of Mount
Lebanon, brass and porphyry; the air rings with the noise of cranes and
machinery; and that noise instils a hope in the breasts of those who pass that
way to go to Arabia, that, on their return home, they may see that palace
finished, with all the splendour you design to bestow on it before you, or
the princes, your children, make it your dwelling. Spare nothing, great
queen; make use of your gold and of the best workmanship of first-class
artists;314 let the Phidiasses and Zeuxisses315 of your century display the
utmost of their skill on your walls and ceilings; lay out expensive and
delightful gardens, so enchanting that they do not seem created by the hand
of man; exhaust your treasures and your energy in this incomparable
edifice; and, after you have brought it to perfection, one of those herdsmen
who dwell in the neighbouring sandy deserts of Palmyra, and who has
enriched himself by farming the tolls of your rivers, will purchase one day,
with ready money, this royal demesne, and add fresh embellishments to it,
so as to render it more worthy of him and his fortune.316
(79.) This palace, this furniture, these gardens, those handsome
waterworks charm you, and on first beholding such a delightful mansion,
you cannot forbear expressing your opinion that its owner ought to be
superlatively happy. He is no more, and he never enjoyed it so pleasantly
and so quietly as you did; he never knew a cheerful day or a quiet night; he
sunk beneath the debts he contracted in adorning it with those beauties
which so delight you. His creditors drove him from it, and then he turned
Page 119
round his head and looked upon it for the last time; this affected him so
much that it caused his death.317
(80.) We cannot avoid observing the strokes of fate or the freaks of
fortune which happen in certain families, and which a hundred years ago
were never heard of because they did not exist. Providence, on a sudden,
bestows its favours on them; and more than once showers on them wealth,
honours, and dignities, so that they bask in prosperity. Eumolpus,318 one of
those men who never had any ancestors, was raised so high that he obtained
everything he desired during the course of a long life. Was this owing to the
superior intelligence and to the profound capacity of either father or son, or
to favourable circumstances? Fortune, at last, smiles on them no longer; it
leaves them to sport elsewhere, and treats their descendants as it did their
ancestors.
(81.) The immediate cause of the ruin and overthrow of gentlemen of
the long robe and the sword is that they have to spend their money, not
according to their income, but according to their rank in society.
(82.) If you have omitted nothing towards making your fortune, how
great has been your labour! If you have neglected the most trifling thing,
how lasting will be your repentance!
(83.) Giton has a fresh complexion, a full face, pendulous cheeks, a
steady and resolute look, broad shoulders, a huge chest, a firm and
deliberate gait; he speaks with assurance, must have every word repeated
that is said to him, and is not greatly pleased with what is told him. He takes
a large handkerchief out of his pocket, and blows his nose with a
tremendous noise: he expectorates about the room, and sneezes very loud;
he sleeps by day, by night, and that soundly, for he snores in company. He
takes up more room than any one else at table or whilst walking, and walks
in the middle of the road when with his equals; he stops and they stop; he
goes forward and they go forward; all are governed by what he does. He
interrupts and corrects those who are talking, but is never interrupted, and
people listen to him as long as he likes to speak, for their ideas are like his,
and they take it for granted that the news he tells them is perfectly true. If
he sits down he throws himself into an easy-chair, crosses his legs, frowns,
pulls his hat over his eyes so as to see no one, or suddenly draws it back to
show a supercilious and bold countenance; he is merry, ever laughing,
impatient, impudent, a freethinker,319 and a politician full of secrets about
much that it caused his death.317
(80.) We cannot avoid observing the strokes of fate or the freaks of
fortune which happen in certain families, and which a hundred years ago
were never heard of because they did not exist. Providence, on a sudden,
bestows its favours on them; and more than once showers on them wealth,
honours, and dignities, so that they bask in prosperity. Eumolpus,318 one of
those men who never had any ancestors, was raised so high that he obtained
everything he desired during the course of a long life. Was this owing to the
superior intelligence and to the profound capacity of either father or son, or
to favourable circumstances? Fortune, at last, smiles on them no longer; it
leaves them to sport elsewhere, and treats their descendants as it did their
ancestors.
(81.) The immediate cause of the ruin and overthrow of gentlemen of
the long robe and the sword is that they have to spend their money, not
according to their income, but according to their rank in society.
(82.) If you have omitted nothing towards making your fortune, how
great has been your labour! If you have neglected the most trifling thing,
how lasting will be your repentance!
(83.) Giton has a fresh complexion, a full face, pendulous cheeks, a
steady and resolute look, broad shoulders, a huge chest, a firm and
deliberate gait; he speaks with assurance, must have every word repeated
that is said to him, and is not greatly pleased with what is told him. He takes
a large handkerchief out of his pocket, and blows his nose with a
tremendous noise: he expectorates about the room, and sneezes very loud;
he sleeps by day, by night, and that soundly, for he snores in company. He
takes up more room than any one else at table or whilst walking, and walks
in the middle of the road when with his equals; he stops and they stop; he
goes forward and they go forward; all are governed by what he does. He
interrupts and corrects those who are talking, but is never interrupted, and
people listen to him as long as he likes to speak, for their ideas are like his,
and they take it for granted that the news he tells them is perfectly true. If
he sits down he throws himself into an easy-chair, crosses his legs, frowns,
pulls his hat over his eyes so as to see no one, or suddenly draws it back to
show a supercilious and bold countenance; he is merry, ever laughing,
impatient, impudent, a freethinker,319 and a politician full of secrets about
Page 120
the affairs of the day; he thinks he has talents and intelligence; he is
wealthy.
Phædo has sunken eyes, a reddish complexion, a lean body and an
emaciated countenance; he sleeps very little, and his slumbers are light; he
is absent-minded, pensive, and, with some intelligence, looks like a dolt; he
forgets to say what he knows or to speak about those incidents with which
he is acquainted; if he says something now and then, he does it badly; he
thinks he bores those persons to whom he addresses himself, and therefore
tells his story briefly but coldly, so that he is never listened to nor taken
notice of, for he makes nobody laugh. He praises and laughs at other
personsʼ jests, is of their opinions, and runs and flies to render them some
small services; he is over polite, and flatters and waits on them; he is close
about his own affairs, and does not always tell the truth about them; he is
very peculiar,320 scrupulous, and timorous. He steps lightly and softly, and
seems afraid to tread the ground; he walks with his eyes downward, and
dares not raise them to face the passers-by; he never joins in any
conversation, but places himself behind the person who speaks; picks up by
stealth all that has been said, and withdraws if any one looks at him. He
does not take up any room nor fill a place anywhere; he walks about with
his arms close to his body, his hat over his eyes that he may not be seen, and
wraps and folds himself up in his cloak. There is no street nor gallery so
crowded and filled with people, but he finds a way to get through without
jostling, and to steal along unperceived. If they beg him to sit down, he
seats himself on the edge of a chair, and talks in a low voice and not very
distinctly; he freely expresses, however, his opinion on public affairs, is
angry with the age, and but indifferently pleased with the cabinet and the
ministers; he seldom opens his mouth but to reply; he coughs and blows his
nose with his hat before his face, he almost expectorates on himself, and
does not sneeze till he is alone, or if it does happen, no one hears it, so that
no one has to say “God bless you.” He is poor.321
wealthy.
Phædo has sunken eyes, a reddish complexion, a lean body and an
emaciated countenance; he sleeps very little, and his slumbers are light; he
is absent-minded, pensive, and, with some intelligence, looks like a dolt; he
forgets to say what he knows or to speak about those incidents with which
he is acquainted; if he says something now and then, he does it badly; he
thinks he bores those persons to whom he addresses himself, and therefore
tells his story briefly but coldly, so that he is never listened to nor taken
notice of, for he makes nobody laugh. He praises and laughs at other
personsʼ jests, is of their opinions, and runs and flies to render them some
small services; he is over polite, and flatters and waits on them; he is close
about his own affairs, and does not always tell the truth about them; he is
very peculiar,320 scrupulous, and timorous. He steps lightly and softly, and
seems afraid to tread the ground; he walks with his eyes downward, and
dares not raise them to face the passers-by; he never joins in any
conversation, but places himself behind the person who speaks; picks up by
stealth all that has been said, and withdraws if any one looks at him. He
does not take up any room nor fill a place anywhere; he walks about with
his arms close to his body, his hat over his eyes that he may not be seen, and
wraps and folds himself up in his cloak. There is no street nor gallery so
crowded and filled with people, but he finds a way to get through without
jostling, and to steal along unperceived. If they beg him to sit down, he
seats himself on the edge of a chair, and talks in a low voice and not very
distinctly; he freely expresses, however, his opinion on public affairs, is
angry with the age, and but indifferently pleased with the cabinet and the
ministers; he seldom opens his mouth but to reply; he coughs and blows his
nose with his hat before his face, he almost expectorates on himself, and
does not sneeze till he is alone, or if it does happen, no one hears it, so that
no one has to say “God bless you.” He is poor.321
Page 121
VII.
OF THE TOWN.322
(1.)
P EOPLE in Paris, without giving any notice beforehand, and as if it
were some public assignation, meet every evening on the Cours323
or in the Tuileries, to stare around and criticise one another.
They cannot dispense with those very persons whom they do not like
and whom they deride.
They wait for one another in these public walks,324 and they examine
one another; carriages, horses, liveries, coats of arms, nothing escapes their
gaze; everything is looked at keenly or maliciously, and they respect or
contemn the persons they meet according to the greater or lesser splendour
of their equipages.
(2.) Everybody knows that long bank325 which borders and confines the
Seine where it joins the Marne on entering Paris; close by men come to
bathe during the heat of the dog-days, and people at a little distance see
them amuse themselves by jumping in and out of the water. Now, as long as
there is no bathing, the city ladies never walk that way, and when the season
is over they walk there no longer.326
OF THE TOWN.322
(1.)
P EOPLE in Paris, without giving any notice beforehand, and as if it
were some public assignation, meet every evening on the Cours323
or in the Tuileries, to stare around and criticise one another.
They cannot dispense with those very persons whom they do not like
and whom they deride.
They wait for one another in these public walks,324 and they examine
one another; carriages, horses, liveries, coats of arms, nothing escapes their
gaze; everything is looked at keenly or maliciously, and they respect or
contemn the persons they meet according to the greater or lesser splendour
of their equipages.
(2.) Everybody knows that long bank325 which borders and confines the
Seine where it joins the Marne on entering Paris; close by men come to
bathe during the heat of the dog-days, and people at a little distance see
them amuse themselves by jumping in and out of the water. Now, as long as
there is no bathing, the city ladies never walk that way, and when the season
is over they walk there no longer.326
Page 122
(3.) In those places of general resort, where the ladies assemble only to
show their fine dresses, and to reap the reward for the trouble they have
taken with their apparel, people do not walk with a companion for the
pleasure of conversation, but they herd together to get a little more
confidence, to accustom themselves to the public, and to keep one another
in countenance against criticisms. They talk but say nothing, or rather they
talk to be taken notice of by those for whose sake they raise their voices,
gesticulate, joke, bow carelessly, and walk up and down.
(4.) The town is split up into several sets, which, like so many little
republics, have their peculiar laws, customs, dialects, and jests. As long as
such a set remains in force, and as long as the conceit lasts, nothing is
allowed to be well said or well done which it had no hand in, and it cannot
enjoy anything from strangers; it even contemns those who have not been
initiated in its mysteries. An intelligent man, whom chance has thrown
amongst the members of such a set, is a stranger to them: he is, as it were,
in a distant country, where he is ignorant of the roads, the language, the
manners and the laws; he sees a sort of people who talk, rattle, whisper,
burst out laughing, and presently relapse into a gloomy silence; he does not
know what to do, and can hardly tell where to put in a word, or even when
to listen. Some sorry buffoon is ever at hand who is the head and, as it were,
the hero of such a set, and has always to keep them merry and to make them
laugh before he has uttered a single word. If at any time a woman comes
amongst them, who is not one of them, these jolly fellows are amazed she
does not laugh at things she cannot understand, and appears not to be
amused with some nonsense they would not understand themselves, if it
were not their own; they will not overlook her tone of voice, her silence, her
figure, her dress, her coming or going out of the room. This same set,
however, does not last two years; in the first year are already sown those
seeds of division which break it up the following year; quarrels about some
woman, disputes at play, extravagant entertainments, which, though
moderate at first, soon degenerate into pyramids of viands and sumptuous
banquets, overthrow the commonwealth, and finally give it a mortal blow,
and in a little while there is no more talk about them than about last yearʼs
flies.
(5.) There are in town lawyers belonging to the grande robe, and others
to the petite robe;327 and the first take on the second their revenge for the
contempt and the supercilious way in which they are treated by a court of
show their fine dresses, and to reap the reward for the trouble they have
taken with their apparel, people do not walk with a companion for the
pleasure of conversation, but they herd together to get a little more
confidence, to accustom themselves to the public, and to keep one another
in countenance against criticisms. They talk but say nothing, or rather they
talk to be taken notice of by those for whose sake they raise their voices,
gesticulate, joke, bow carelessly, and walk up and down.
(4.) The town is split up into several sets, which, like so many little
republics, have their peculiar laws, customs, dialects, and jests. As long as
such a set remains in force, and as long as the conceit lasts, nothing is
allowed to be well said or well done which it had no hand in, and it cannot
enjoy anything from strangers; it even contemns those who have not been
initiated in its mysteries. An intelligent man, whom chance has thrown
amongst the members of such a set, is a stranger to them: he is, as it were,
in a distant country, where he is ignorant of the roads, the language, the
manners and the laws; he sees a sort of people who talk, rattle, whisper,
burst out laughing, and presently relapse into a gloomy silence; he does not
know what to do, and can hardly tell where to put in a word, or even when
to listen. Some sorry buffoon is ever at hand who is the head and, as it were,
the hero of such a set, and has always to keep them merry and to make them
laugh before he has uttered a single word. If at any time a woman comes
amongst them, who is not one of them, these jolly fellows are amazed she
does not laugh at things she cannot understand, and appears not to be
amused with some nonsense they would not understand themselves, if it
were not their own; they will not overlook her tone of voice, her silence, her
figure, her dress, her coming or going out of the room. This same set,
however, does not last two years; in the first year are already sown those
seeds of division which break it up the following year; quarrels about some
woman, disputes at play, extravagant entertainments, which, though
moderate at first, soon degenerate into pyramids of viands and sumptuous
banquets, overthrow the commonwealth, and finally give it a mortal blow,
and in a little while there is no more talk about them than about last yearʼs
flies.
(5.) There are in town lawyers belonging to the grande robe, and others
to the petite robe;327 and the first take on the second their revenge for the
contempt and the supercilious way in which they are treated by a court of
Page 123
justice. It is not easy to know where the grande robe328 begins and the
petite ends; there is even a large number of lawyers who refuse to belong to
the second class and who are yet not considered to be of the first; they will,
however, not abandon their pretensions, but, on the contrary, endeavour, by
their sedate carriage and by the money they spend, to show themselves the
equals of the magistrates; they have often been heard to say that their
sublime duties, the independence of their profession, their eloquence, and
their personal merits, balance at least the bags of money which the sons of
financiers and bankers have paid for their offices.
(6.) You are very inconsiderate to sit musing, or perhaps dozing, in your
carriage. Rouse yourself, and take a book or your papers, and begin to read;
and hardly return the bows of those people who pass you in their carriages,
for they will believe you to be very busy, and say everywhere that you are
hard-working and indefatigable, and that you read and work even in the
streets or on the highroad.329 You may learn from a pettifogger that you
should ever seem to be immersed in business, knit your brows and muse
most profoundly about nothing at all; that you should not always have the
time for eating or drinking, and that as soon as you are in the house you
should vanish like a ghost, and betake yourself to your dark private room,
hide yourself from the public, avoid the theatre, and leave that to those who
run no risk in appearing there, though they have hardly the leisure for it, to
the Gomons and the Duhamels.330
(7.) There are a certain number of young magistrates with large estates
and fond of pleasure, who have become acquainted with some of those men
who are called at court “dandies;” they imitate them, behave in a manner
unbecoming the gravity of a judge, and believe that on account of their
youth and fortune they have no need to be discreet or passionless. They
borrow from the court the very worst qualities, appropriate to themselves
vanity, effeminacy, intemperance, and indecency, as if all those vices were
their privilege, thus affecting a character quite the opposite to what they
ought to maintain, and, in the end, according to their wishes, become exact
copies of very wicked originals.331
(8.) A gentleman of the legal profession is not like the same man in the
city and at court; when he has returned home he resumes his natural
manners, look, and gestures, which he left behind, and is no longer so
embarrassed nor so polite.
petite ends; there is even a large number of lawyers who refuse to belong to
the second class and who are yet not considered to be of the first; they will,
however, not abandon their pretensions, but, on the contrary, endeavour, by
their sedate carriage and by the money they spend, to show themselves the
equals of the magistrates; they have often been heard to say that their
sublime duties, the independence of their profession, their eloquence, and
their personal merits, balance at least the bags of money which the sons of
financiers and bankers have paid for their offices.
(6.) You are very inconsiderate to sit musing, or perhaps dozing, in your
carriage. Rouse yourself, and take a book or your papers, and begin to read;
and hardly return the bows of those people who pass you in their carriages,
for they will believe you to be very busy, and say everywhere that you are
hard-working and indefatigable, and that you read and work even in the
streets or on the highroad.329 You may learn from a pettifogger that you
should ever seem to be immersed in business, knit your brows and muse
most profoundly about nothing at all; that you should not always have the
time for eating or drinking, and that as soon as you are in the house you
should vanish like a ghost, and betake yourself to your dark private room,
hide yourself from the public, avoid the theatre, and leave that to those who
run no risk in appearing there, though they have hardly the leisure for it, to
the Gomons and the Duhamels.330
(7.) There are a certain number of young magistrates with large estates
and fond of pleasure, who have become acquainted with some of those men
who are called at court “dandies;” they imitate them, behave in a manner
unbecoming the gravity of a judge, and believe that on account of their
youth and fortune they have no need to be discreet or passionless. They
borrow from the court the very worst qualities, appropriate to themselves
vanity, effeminacy, intemperance, and indecency, as if all those vices were
their privilege, thus affecting a character quite the opposite to what they
ought to maintain, and, in the end, according to their wishes, become exact
copies of very wicked originals.331
(8.) A gentleman of the legal profession is not like the same man in the
city and at court; when he has returned home he resumes his natural
manners, look, and gestures, which he left behind, and is no longer so
embarrassed nor so polite.
Page 124
(9.) The Crispins join and club together to drive out with six horses to
their carriage, and with a swarm of men in livery, to which each has
furnished his share; they figure at the Cours or at Vincennes332 as brilliantly
as a newly-married couple, or as Jason who is ruining himself, or as Thraso
who wishes to get married, and who has deposited the money to buy an
important place.333
(10.) I hear a good deal of talk about the Sannions; about “the same
name, the same arms, the elder branch, the younger branch, the younger
sons of the second branch; about the first bearing their arms plain, the
second with a label, and the third with a bordure indented.” Their colour
and metal are the same as those of the Bourbons, and, like them, they bear
two and one;334 it is true these are not “fleurs de lis,” but they are satisfied;
perhaps, in their inmost hearts, they believe their bearings as noble; at least,
they are the same as those of lords of the highest rank who are quite content
with them. We see them on their mourning hangings,335 and on the
windows of their chapels, on the gates of their castle, on their justiciary
pillar, where many a man is condemned to be hanged who only deserved
banishment; they are visible anywhere, on their furniture and their locks,
while their carriages are covered with them, and the liveries of their
servants do not disgrace their escutcheon. I should like to tell the Sannions
that their ostentation is too precipitate; that they should have waited at least
until their race had existed a century; that those persons who knew and
conversed with their grandfather are old and cannot live long, and that, after
their death, no one will be able to say where he kept his shop, and what a
very dear one it was.
The Sannions and the Crispins336 had rather be thought extravagant than
covetous; they tell you a long story of a feast or a collation they gave, of
their losses at play, and express aloud their regrets they have not lost more.
They mention in their peculiar language certain ladies of their acquaintance;
they have ever many pleasant things to tell each other, are always making
new discoveries, and confide to one another their successes with the fair.
One of them, coming lately to his country-house, hastens to bed, and rises
with the dawn, then puts on his gaiters and a linen suit, and fastens on his
belt and his powder-horn, ties back his hair, takes his gun, and is a
sportsman, if he did but shoot well. He returns at night, wet and weary,
their carriage, and with a swarm of men in livery, to which each has
furnished his share; they figure at the Cours or at Vincennes332 as brilliantly
as a newly-married couple, or as Jason who is ruining himself, or as Thraso
who wishes to get married, and who has deposited the money to buy an
important place.333
(10.) I hear a good deal of talk about the Sannions; about “the same
name, the same arms, the elder branch, the younger branch, the younger
sons of the second branch; about the first bearing their arms plain, the
second with a label, and the third with a bordure indented.” Their colour
and metal are the same as those of the Bourbons, and, like them, they bear
two and one;334 it is true these are not “fleurs de lis,” but they are satisfied;
perhaps, in their inmost hearts, they believe their bearings as noble; at least,
they are the same as those of lords of the highest rank who are quite content
with them. We see them on their mourning hangings,335 and on the
windows of their chapels, on the gates of their castle, on their justiciary
pillar, where many a man is condemned to be hanged who only deserved
banishment; they are visible anywhere, on their furniture and their locks,
while their carriages are covered with them, and the liveries of their
servants do not disgrace their escutcheon. I should like to tell the Sannions
that their ostentation is too precipitate; that they should have waited at least
until their race had existed a century; that those persons who knew and
conversed with their grandfather are old and cannot live long, and that, after
their death, no one will be able to say where he kept his shop, and what a
very dear one it was.
The Sannions and the Crispins336 had rather be thought extravagant than
covetous; they tell you a long story of a feast or a collation they gave, of
their losses at play, and express aloud their regrets they have not lost more.
They mention in their peculiar language certain ladies of their acquaintance;
they have ever many pleasant things to tell each other, are always making
new discoveries, and confide to one another their successes with the fair.
One of them, coming lately to his country-house, hastens to bed, and rises
with the dawn, then puts on his gaiters and a linen suit, and fastens on his
belt and his powder-horn, ties back his hair, takes his gun, and is a
sportsman, if he did but shoot well. He returns at night, wet and weary,
Page 125
without any game, but goes shooting again on the morrow, and spends the
whole day in missing thrushes and partridges.
Another man337 speaks of some wretched dogs he has as “his pack of
hounds;” he knows where the meet is held, and goes there; he is at the
starting,338 and enters the thicket with the huntsmen, with his horn by his
side; he does not ask, like Menalippus, “Do I enjoy myself?”339 but he
thinks he does; he forgets the law and all lawsuits, and would be thought an
Hippolytus.340 Menander, who yesterday was engaged in a lawsuit, paid
him a visit, but to-day would not know again his judge. To-morrow you
may see him at court, where a weighty and capital case is going to be tried;
he gets his learned brethren about him, and informs them that he did not
lose the stag, but that he is quite hoarse with hallooing after the hounds
which lost the scent, or after those sportsmen who were at fault, and that,
with half a dozen hounds, he was in at the death; but the clock strikes, and
he has no more time to talk of the stag being at bay, or of the quarry: he
must take his seat with the other magistrates and administer justice.
(11.) How great is the infatuation of certain men, who, being possessed
of the wealth their fathers acquired by trade, which they have just inherited,
imitate princes in their dress and retinue, and by excessive expenditure and
ridiculous pomp provoke the remarks and sneers of the whole town they
think to dazzle, and thus ruin themselves to be laughed at!
Some have not even the sorry advantage of having their follies talked
about beyond their immediate neighbourhood, and the only spot where their
vanity is displayed. They do not know in the Ile that André makes a figure
and squanders his patrimony in the Marais.341 If he were only better known
in town and in the suburbs, perhaps, amongst so large a number of citizens,
who are not all able to judge sensibly of everything, possibly one of them
might declare André has a magnificent spirit, and give him credit for his
banquets to Xanthe and Ariston, and for his entertainments to Elamire; but
he ruins himself obscurely, and hastens to become poor only for the sake of
two or three persons, who do not esteem him in the least, and though at
present he rides in his coach, in six months he will hardly be able to go on
foot.342
(12.) Narcissus343 rises in the morning to lie down at night; he spends as
many hours in dressing as a woman; he goes every day to mass at the
Feuillants or the Minims;344 is very agreeable in company, and in his parish
whole day in missing thrushes and partridges.
Another man337 speaks of some wretched dogs he has as “his pack of
hounds;” he knows where the meet is held, and goes there; he is at the
starting,338 and enters the thicket with the huntsmen, with his horn by his
side; he does not ask, like Menalippus, “Do I enjoy myself?”339 but he
thinks he does; he forgets the law and all lawsuits, and would be thought an
Hippolytus.340 Menander, who yesterday was engaged in a lawsuit, paid
him a visit, but to-day would not know again his judge. To-morrow you
may see him at court, where a weighty and capital case is going to be tried;
he gets his learned brethren about him, and informs them that he did not
lose the stag, but that he is quite hoarse with hallooing after the hounds
which lost the scent, or after those sportsmen who were at fault, and that,
with half a dozen hounds, he was in at the death; but the clock strikes, and
he has no more time to talk of the stag being at bay, or of the quarry: he
must take his seat with the other magistrates and administer justice.
(11.) How great is the infatuation of certain men, who, being possessed
of the wealth their fathers acquired by trade, which they have just inherited,
imitate princes in their dress and retinue, and by excessive expenditure and
ridiculous pomp provoke the remarks and sneers of the whole town they
think to dazzle, and thus ruin themselves to be laughed at!
Some have not even the sorry advantage of having their follies talked
about beyond their immediate neighbourhood, and the only spot where their
vanity is displayed. They do not know in the Ile that André makes a figure
and squanders his patrimony in the Marais.341 If he were only better known
in town and in the suburbs, perhaps, amongst so large a number of citizens,
who are not all able to judge sensibly of everything, possibly one of them
might declare André has a magnificent spirit, and give him credit for his
banquets to Xanthe and Ariston, and for his entertainments to Elamire; but
he ruins himself obscurely, and hastens to become poor only for the sake of
two or three persons, who do not esteem him in the least, and though at
present he rides in his coach, in six months he will hardly be able to go on
foot.342
(12.) Narcissus343 rises in the morning to lie down at night; he spends as
many hours in dressing as a woman; he goes every day to mass at the
Feuillants or the Minims;344 is very agreeable in company, and in his parish
Page 126
they reckon on him to make a third man at ombre or reversis.345 He sits for
hours together at
Ariciaʼs, where every night he ventures his five or six golden
pistoles;346 he never misses reading the Gazette de Hollande or the Mercure
Galant;347 he has read Bergerac,348 Desmarets,349 Lesclache,350 Barbinʼs351
stories, and some collections of poetry; he walks with the ladies on the
Plaine or the Cours,352 and is scrupulously punctual in his visits; he will do
to-morrow precisely what he has done to-day and did yesterday; thus he
lives, and thus he will die.
(13.) “I have seen this man somewhere,” youʼll say,353 “and, though his
face is familiar to me, I have forgotten where it was.” It is familiar to many
other people, and, if possible, I will assist your memory. Was it on the
Boulevard,354 in a carriage, or in the large alley of the Tuileries, or else in
the dress-circle at the theatre? Was it at church, at a ball, or at
Rambouillet;355 or, rather, can you tell me where you have not seen him,
and where he is not to be met with? If some well-known criminal is going
to be executed, or if there are any fireworks, he makes his appearance at a
window at the town-hall; if some one enters the town in state, you see him
in the reserved seats; if a carousel356 is ridden, he enters and takes his place
on some bench; if the king gives an audience to an ambassador, he sees the
whole procession, is present at the reception, and thrusts himself in the
ranks when it returns. His presence is as essential at the solemn renewal of
the alliance between the Swiss Cantons as that of the Lord Chancellor or the
Helvetian plenipotentiaries.357 You see his face on the almanacks amongst
the people or the bystanders;358 if there is a public hunt going on or a Saint
Hubert,359 he will be present on horseback; they say to him that a camp is
going to be pitched or that a review is going to be held, and off he will start
for Houilles or Achères;360 he is very fond of the army, the militia, and war,
of which he has seen a good deal, even the taking of Fort Bernardi.361
Chamlay knows something of marches, Jacquier of the commissariate, du
Metz of the artillery,362 but our gentleman is a looker-on, has grown old in
the service of looking-on, and is a spectator by profession; he does not do
anything that a man ought to do, and he does not know anything that a man
ought to know; but he boasts that he has seen everything that was to be
seen, and now does not regret to die. But what a loss will his death be for
hours together at
Ariciaʼs, where every night he ventures his five or six golden
pistoles;346 he never misses reading the Gazette de Hollande or the Mercure
Galant;347 he has read Bergerac,348 Desmarets,349 Lesclache,350 Barbinʼs351
stories, and some collections of poetry; he walks with the ladies on the
Plaine or the Cours,352 and is scrupulously punctual in his visits; he will do
to-morrow precisely what he has done to-day and did yesterday; thus he
lives, and thus he will die.
(13.) “I have seen this man somewhere,” youʼll say,353 “and, though his
face is familiar to me, I have forgotten where it was.” It is familiar to many
other people, and, if possible, I will assist your memory. Was it on the
Boulevard,354 in a carriage, or in the large alley of the Tuileries, or else in
the dress-circle at the theatre? Was it at church, at a ball, or at
Rambouillet;355 or, rather, can you tell me where you have not seen him,
and where he is not to be met with? If some well-known criminal is going
to be executed, or if there are any fireworks, he makes his appearance at a
window at the town-hall; if some one enters the town in state, you see him
in the reserved seats; if a carousel356 is ridden, he enters and takes his place
on some bench; if the king gives an audience to an ambassador, he sees the
whole procession, is present at the reception, and thrusts himself in the
ranks when it returns. His presence is as essential at the solemn renewal of
the alliance between the Swiss Cantons as that of the Lord Chancellor or the
Helvetian plenipotentiaries.357 You see his face on the almanacks amongst
the people or the bystanders;358 if there is a public hunt going on or a Saint
Hubert,359 he will be present on horseback; they say to him that a camp is
going to be pitched or that a review is going to be held, and off he will start
for Houilles or Achères;360 he is very fond of the army, the militia, and war,
of which he has seen a good deal, even the taking of Fort Bernardi.361
Chamlay knows something of marches, Jacquier of the commissariate, du
Metz of the artillery,362 but our gentleman is a looker-on, has grown old in
the service of looking-on, and is a spectator by profession; he does not do
anything that a man ought to do, and he does not know anything that a man
ought to know; but he boasts that he has seen everything that was to be
seen, and now does not regret to die. But what a loss will his death be for
Page 127
the whole town! Who will inform us, as he did, that the Cours is closed, and
nobody is walking there, that the pond of Vincennes has been filled up and
is now a raised moat, and that no carriage will any more be upset on that
spot? Who will acquaint us when there is a concert, a choral service in
church, or something wonderful to be seen at the fair? Who will let us know
that Beaumavielle363 died yesterday, and that Rochois364 has got a cold and
will not be able to sing for a week? Who will inform us that Scapin bears
the “fleur de lis” on his arms, and who is very glad he does so? Who will
pronounce, with the most boastful emphasis, the name of a mere citizenʼs
wife, or who will be better provided with topical songs? Who will lend to
the ladies the Annales Galantes and the Journal Amoureux?365 Who will
sing at table a whole dialogue of an opera, or the madness of “Roland”366 in
a ruelle, as well as he does?367 To conclude, since there are in the city and
elsewhere some very foolish people as well as some dull and idle people,
who have nothing to do, who will so exactly suit every one of them as he
did?
(14.) Theramenes368 was rich and had some merit; some property was
left him, and therefore he is now much wealthier and has a great deal more
merit; all the women set to work to make him their gallant, and all the
young girls to get him for a husband; he goes from house to house, to make
the mothers believe that he is inclined to marry. As soon as he has taken his
seat they withdraw, to leave full liberty to their daughters to be amiable and
to Theramenes to declare his intentions. Here he is the rival of a
magistrate;369 there he throws into the shade a military man or a nobleman.
The ladies could not covet more passionately any rosy-cheeked, gay, brisk,
witty young fellow, nor could he be better received; they snatch him out of
one anotherʼs hands, and can hardly find leisure to vouchsafe a smile to any
other person who visits them at the same time. How many gallants is he
going to defeat! how many good matches will be broken off on his account!
Will he bestow his hand on the large number of heiresses who court him?
He is not only the terror of husbands, but the dread of all these who wish to
be so, and to whom marriage is the only resource for obtaining a sufficient
sum to replace the money they paid for their official situations.370 A man so
happy and so wealthy371 ought to be banished from a well-governed city,
and the fair sex should be forbidden, under pain of being considered insane
or degraded, to treat him better than if he were merely a person of merit.
nobody is walking there, that the pond of Vincennes has been filled up and
is now a raised moat, and that no carriage will any more be upset on that
spot? Who will acquaint us when there is a concert, a choral service in
church, or something wonderful to be seen at the fair? Who will let us know
that Beaumavielle363 died yesterday, and that Rochois364 has got a cold and
will not be able to sing for a week? Who will inform us that Scapin bears
the “fleur de lis” on his arms, and who is very glad he does so? Who will
pronounce, with the most boastful emphasis, the name of a mere citizenʼs
wife, or who will be better provided with topical songs? Who will lend to
the ladies the Annales Galantes and the Journal Amoureux?365 Who will
sing at table a whole dialogue of an opera, or the madness of “Roland”366 in
a ruelle, as well as he does?367 To conclude, since there are in the city and
elsewhere some very foolish people as well as some dull and idle people,
who have nothing to do, who will so exactly suit every one of them as he
did?
(14.) Theramenes368 was rich and had some merit; some property was
left him, and therefore he is now much wealthier and has a great deal more
merit; all the women set to work to make him their gallant, and all the
young girls to get him for a husband; he goes from house to house, to make
the mothers believe that he is inclined to marry. As soon as he has taken his
seat they withdraw, to leave full liberty to their daughters to be amiable and
to Theramenes to declare his intentions. Here he is the rival of a
magistrate;369 there he throws into the shade a military man or a nobleman.
The ladies could not covet more passionately any rosy-cheeked, gay, brisk,
witty young fellow, nor could he be better received; they snatch him out of
one anotherʼs hands, and can hardly find leisure to vouchsafe a smile to any
other person who visits them at the same time. How many gallants is he
going to defeat! how many good matches will be broken off on his account!
Will he bestow his hand on the large number of heiresses who court him?
He is not only the terror of husbands, but the dread of all these who wish to
be so, and to whom marriage is the only resource for obtaining a sufficient
sum to replace the money they paid for their official situations.370 A man so
happy and so wealthy371 ought to be banished from a well-governed city,
and the fair sex should be forbidden, under pain of being considered insane
or degraded, to treat him better than if he were merely a person of merit.
Page 128
(15.) The people in Paris commonly ape the court, but they do not
always know how to imitate it; they by no means resemble it in those
agreeable and flattering outward civilities with which some courtiers, and
particularly the ladies, affably treat a man of merit, who possesses nothing
but merit. Such ladies never inquire after that manʼs means or his ancestors;
they find him at court, and that is sufficient for them; they give themselves
no airs, they esteem him, and do not ask whether he came in a carriage or
on foot, or whether he has a post, an estate, or followers; as they are satiated
with pomp, splendour, and honour, they like to recreate themselves with
philosophy or virtue. If a city lady hears the rattling of a carriage stopping
at her door, she is anxious to be acquainted with any person who is in it, and
to be polite to him, without at all knowing him; but from her window she
has caught a glance of a set of fine horses, a good many liveries, is dazzled
by the numerous rows of finely gilt nails,372 and is very impatient to behold
such a military man or a magistrate in her apartments. How well will he be
received! Sheʼll never take her eyes off him. Nothing is lost upon her, and
she has already given him credit for the double braces and springs of his
carriage, which make it go easier, and she esteems him the more and loves
him the better for them.
(16.) The infatuation of some city women in their wretched imitation of
those at court is more offensive than the coarseness of the women of the
people and the rusticity of country-women, since it is a mixture of both, and
of affectation as well.
(17.) What a cunning contrivance to give during courtship valuable
presents which cost nothing, and which after marriage have to be returned
in kind!373
(18.) It is sensible and praiseworthy in a man to spend on his nuptials
one-third of his wifeʼs dowry; to begin with deliberately impoverishing
himself by buying and collecting superfluous things; and already to take
from his capital in order to pay Gaultier,374 the cabinet-maker, and the
milliner!
(19.) Truly it is a charming and judicious custom which, in defiance of
modesty and decency, and through some kind of shamelessness, compels a
newly-married bride to lie on her bed for show, and to render herself
ridiculous for some days, by exposing her to the curiosity of a few men and
women whom she may know, or who may be strangers to her, and who
hasten from all quarters of the town to look on such a sight as long as it
always know how to imitate it; they by no means resemble it in those
agreeable and flattering outward civilities with which some courtiers, and
particularly the ladies, affably treat a man of merit, who possesses nothing
but merit. Such ladies never inquire after that manʼs means or his ancestors;
they find him at court, and that is sufficient for them; they give themselves
no airs, they esteem him, and do not ask whether he came in a carriage or
on foot, or whether he has a post, an estate, or followers; as they are satiated
with pomp, splendour, and honour, they like to recreate themselves with
philosophy or virtue. If a city lady hears the rattling of a carriage stopping
at her door, she is anxious to be acquainted with any person who is in it, and
to be polite to him, without at all knowing him; but from her window she
has caught a glance of a set of fine horses, a good many liveries, is dazzled
by the numerous rows of finely gilt nails,372 and is very impatient to behold
such a military man or a magistrate in her apartments. How well will he be
received! Sheʼll never take her eyes off him. Nothing is lost upon her, and
she has already given him credit for the double braces and springs of his
carriage, which make it go easier, and she esteems him the more and loves
him the better for them.
(16.) The infatuation of some city women in their wretched imitation of
those at court is more offensive than the coarseness of the women of the
people and the rusticity of country-women, since it is a mixture of both, and
of affectation as well.
(17.) What a cunning contrivance to give during courtship valuable
presents which cost nothing, and which after marriage have to be returned
in kind!373
(18.) It is sensible and praiseworthy in a man to spend on his nuptials
one-third of his wifeʼs dowry; to begin with deliberately impoverishing
himself by buying and collecting superfluous things; and already to take
from his capital in order to pay Gaultier,374 the cabinet-maker, and the
milliner!
(19.) Truly it is a charming and judicious custom which, in defiance of
modesty and decency, and through some kind of shamelessness, compels a
newly-married bride to lie on her bed for show, and to render herself
ridiculous for some days, by exposing her to the curiosity of a few men and
women whom she may know, or who may be strangers to her, and who
hasten from all quarters of the town to look on such a sight as long as it
Page 129
lasts.375 There is nothing wanting to make this custom seem very absurd
and incomprehensible, except to see it mentioned in print in some book of
travels in Mingrelia.
(20.) What a painful habit and what a troublesome kind of obligation it
must be for certain persons to be continually anxious of meeting one
another, yet when they meet to have nothing but trifles to say to one
another, and to communicate reciprocally things which were previously
known to both and of no matter of importance to either; to enter a room
merely to leave it again; to go out after dinner,376 only to come home in the
evening, highly satisfied with seeing in five hours three Swiss,377 a woman
they hardly knew, and another they scarcely liked. Whoever will rightly
consider the value of time, and how irreparable its loss is, must lament
bitterly such wretched trifling.378
(21.) In town, people are brought up in complete ignorance of rural and
country affairs; they can scarcely distinguish flax from hemp, wheat from
rye, and neither of them from meslin; they are satisfied with eating,
drinking, and dressing. Do not mention to a large number of townsfolk such
words as fallowland, staddles, layers, or after-grass, if you wish to be
understood, for they will not think it is their mother-tongue. Speak to some
of them of measures, tariffs, taxes,379 and to others of appeals, petitions,
decrees, and injunctions; for they know the world, and above all, what is
ugly and vulgar in it; but they do not know Nature, its beginning, growth,
gifts, and bounteousness. Their ignorance often is voluntary, and based on
the conceit they have of their own callings and talents. There is not a low
pettifogger in his dark and grimy room, his brain teeming with the most
wicked legal quibbles, who does not prefer himself to a husbandman, who,
blest of Heaven, cultivates the land, sows when it is needed, and gathers a
rich harvest; and if at any time the former hears mention made of the first
men or the patriarchs, their rural lives and their husbandry, he wonders how
people could have been living in those days without lawyers,
commissioners, presidents, or solicitors, and cannot understand how they
could ever have done without rolls-offices, courts of judicature, and
refreshment-rooms.
(22.) When the Roman emperors were making their triumphal entries,
they never protected themselves in a more effeminate, easy, and efficacious
manner against the wind, the rain, the dust, and the sun, than the citizens of
and incomprehensible, except to see it mentioned in print in some book of
travels in Mingrelia.
(20.) What a painful habit and what a troublesome kind of obligation it
must be for certain persons to be continually anxious of meeting one
another, yet when they meet to have nothing but trifles to say to one
another, and to communicate reciprocally things which were previously
known to both and of no matter of importance to either; to enter a room
merely to leave it again; to go out after dinner,376 only to come home in the
evening, highly satisfied with seeing in five hours three Swiss,377 a woman
they hardly knew, and another they scarcely liked. Whoever will rightly
consider the value of time, and how irreparable its loss is, must lament
bitterly such wretched trifling.378
(21.) In town, people are brought up in complete ignorance of rural and
country affairs; they can scarcely distinguish flax from hemp, wheat from
rye, and neither of them from meslin; they are satisfied with eating,
drinking, and dressing. Do not mention to a large number of townsfolk such
words as fallowland, staddles, layers, or after-grass, if you wish to be
understood, for they will not think it is their mother-tongue. Speak to some
of them of measures, tariffs, taxes,379 and to others of appeals, petitions,
decrees, and injunctions; for they know the world, and above all, what is
ugly and vulgar in it; but they do not know Nature, its beginning, growth,
gifts, and bounteousness. Their ignorance often is voluntary, and based on
the conceit they have of their own callings and talents. There is not a low
pettifogger in his dark and grimy room, his brain teeming with the most
wicked legal quibbles, who does not prefer himself to a husbandman, who,
blest of Heaven, cultivates the land, sows when it is needed, and gathers a
rich harvest; and if at any time the former hears mention made of the first
men or the patriarchs, their rural lives and their husbandry, he wonders how
people could have been living in those days without lawyers,
commissioners, presidents, or solicitors, and cannot understand how they
could ever have done without rolls-offices, courts of judicature, and
refreshment-rooms.
(22.) When the Roman emperors were making their triumphal entries,
they never protected themselves in a more effeminate, easy, and efficacious
manner against the wind, the rain, the dust, and the sun, than the citizens of
Page 130
Paris do when they are driven from one end of the town to another. What a
difference between their habits and the mules on which their forefathers
rode! The latter did not know how to deprive themselves of the necessaries
of life to get superfluities, nor to prefer show to substance; their houses
were never illuminated with wax-candles, and they never warmed
themselves by a little fire, for in their time such candles were only used at
the altar and in the Louvre;380 they never ate a bad dinner in order to keep a
carriage; they were convinced that men had legs given them to walk, and
they did walk. In dry weather they kept themselves clean; in wet they did
not mind to dirty their shoes and stockings, and to cross a street or passage
with the same alacrity as a sportsman rides over ploughed fields, or a
soldier gets wet in the trenches. They had not then invented the harnessing
of two men to carry them in a Sedan chair; then several magistrates walked
to the two courts,381 and with as good a grace as Augustus formerly went on
foot to the Capitol. Pewter in those days shone on the tables and the
sideboards, brass and iron in the chimneys, whilst silver and gold lay safe in
coffers. Women were then waited on by women, and there were even
women in the kitchen. Such fine names as “governor” and “governess”
were not unknown to our forefathers, for they knew to whom the children
of kings and of great princes were intrusted;382 but their children had the
same servants they had, and they themselves were satisfied to superintend
their education. Everything they did was calculated; their expenses were in
proportion to their means; their liveries, their carriages, their furniture, their
household expenses, their town and country houses were all in accordance
with their incomes and their station in life. Outward distinctions existed,
however, amongst them, so that it was impossible to mistake the wife of an
attorney for the wife of a judge, and a commoner or a mere servant for a
nobleman. Less desirous to spend or enlarge their patrimony than to keep it,
they left it entire to their heirs, led a tranquil life, and died a peaceful death;
then, there was no complaint of hard times, of excessive misery, of scarcity
of money; they had less than we have, and yet they had enough, richer
through their economy and their moderation than through their incomes or
estates. To conclude, in former days people observed this maxim, that what
is splendour, pomp, and magnificence in nobles of high rank, is
extravagance, folly, and stupidity in private gentlemen.383
difference between their habits and the mules on which their forefathers
rode! The latter did not know how to deprive themselves of the necessaries
of life to get superfluities, nor to prefer show to substance; their houses
were never illuminated with wax-candles, and they never warmed
themselves by a little fire, for in their time such candles were only used at
the altar and in the Louvre;380 they never ate a bad dinner in order to keep a
carriage; they were convinced that men had legs given them to walk, and
they did walk. In dry weather they kept themselves clean; in wet they did
not mind to dirty their shoes and stockings, and to cross a street or passage
with the same alacrity as a sportsman rides over ploughed fields, or a
soldier gets wet in the trenches. They had not then invented the harnessing
of two men to carry them in a Sedan chair; then several magistrates walked
to the two courts,381 and with as good a grace as Augustus formerly went on
foot to the Capitol. Pewter in those days shone on the tables and the
sideboards, brass and iron in the chimneys, whilst silver and gold lay safe in
coffers. Women were then waited on by women, and there were even
women in the kitchen. Such fine names as “governor” and “governess”
were not unknown to our forefathers, for they knew to whom the children
of kings and of great princes were intrusted;382 but their children had the
same servants they had, and they themselves were satisfied to superintend
their education. Everything they did was calculated; their expenses were in
proportion to their means; their liveries, their carriages, their furniture, their
household expenses, their town and country houses were all in accordance
with their incomes and their station in life. Outward distinctions existed,
however, amongst them, so that it was impossible to mistake the wife of an
attorney for the wife of a judge, and a commoner or a mere servant for a
nobleman. Less desirous to spend or enlarge their patrimony than to keep it,
they left it entire to their heirs, led a tranquil life, and died a peaceful death;
then, there was no complaint of hard times, of excessive misery, of scarcity
of money; they had less than we have, and yet they had enough, richer
through their economy and their moderation than through their incomes or
estates. To conclude, in former days people observed this maxim, that what
is splendour, pomp, and magnificence in nobles of high rank, is
extravagance, folly, and stupidity in private gentlemen.383
Page 131
Page 132
VIII.
OF THE COURT.
(1.)
T HE most honourable thing we can say of a man is, that he does not
understand the court; there is scarcely a virtue which we do not
imply when saying this.384
(2.) A perfect courtier can command his gestures, his eyes, and his
countenance; he is profound and impenetrable; he seems to overlook every
injury; he smiles on his enemies, controls his temper, disguises his passions,
belies his inclinations, and both speaks and acts against his opinions. Such a
quintessence of refinement is usually called “falsehood,” and is, after all,
sometimes of no more use to a courtierʼs success than frankness, sincerity,
and virtue.
(3.) A court is like certain changeable colours; which vary according to
the different lights they are exposed in. He who can define these colours can
define the court.
(4.) A man who leaves the court for a single moment renounces it for
ever; the courtier who was there in the morning must be there at night, and
know it again next day, in order that he himself may be known there.
OF THE COURT.
(1.)
T HE most honourable thing we can say of a man is, that he does not
understand the court; there is scarcely a virtue which we do not
imply when saying this.384
(2.) A perfect courtier can command his gestures, his eyes, and his
countenance; he is profound and impenetrable; he seems to overlook every
injury; he smiles on his enemies, controls his temper, disguises his passions,
belies his inclinations, and both speaks and acts against his opinions. Such a
quintessence of refinement is usually called “falsehood,” and is, after all,
sometimes of no more use to a courtierʼs success than frankness, sincerity,
and virtue.
(3.) A court is like certain changeable colours; which vary according to
the different lights they are exposed in. He who can define these colours can
define the court.
(4.) A man who leaves the court for a single moment renounces it for
ever; the courtier who was there in the morning must be there at night, and
know it again next day, in order that he himself may be known there.
Page 133
(5.) A man must appear small at court, and let him be never so vain, it is
impossible to prevent it; but it is the common lot, and the highest nobles
themselves are there of no consequence.
(6.) People who live in the provinces consider the court admirable; but
if they visit it, its beauties diminish, like those of a fine drawing of
perspective viewed too closely.
(7.) It is difficult to get accustomed to the spending of our lives in ante-
chambers, courtyards, or on staircases.
(8.) The court does not satisfy a man, but it prevents him from being
satisfied with anything else.
(9.) A cultured gentleman should have some experience of the court; as
soon as he enters it he will discover a new world, as it were, wholly
unknown to him, where vice and politeness have equal sway, and where
good and evil alike may be of use to him.
(10.) The court is like a marble structure, for the courtiers are very
polished and very hard.
(11.) Sometimes people go to court only to come back again, so that, on
their return, they may be taken notice of by the nobility of their county or
by the bishops of their diocese.
(12.) There would be no use for embroiderers and confectioners, and
they would open their shops in vain, if all the people were modest and
temperate; courts would be deserts and kings almost left alone, if every one
was void of vanity and self-interest. Men are willing to be slaves in one
place if they can only lord it in another. It seems that at court a proud,
imperious, and commanding mien is delivered wholesale to the great for
them to retail in the country; they do exactly what is done unto them, and
are the true apes of royalty.
(13.) Nothing disparages some courtiers so much as the presence of a
prince; their faces are scarcely to be recognised; their features are altered
and their looks debased; the more proud and haughty they are, the greater is
the change in them, because they have suffered a greater loss; whilst a
gentlemanly and modest man bears it much better, as there is nothing in him
to alter.
(14.) Courtly manners are contagious; they are caught at Versailles,385
as the Norman accent is at Rouen and Falaise; we partly find them amongst
quartermasters, superintendents, and confectioners;386 a man with no very
great intellect may become proficient in them; one with a lofty genius and
impossible to prevent it; but it is the common lot, and the highest nobles
themselves are there of no consequence.
(6.) People who live in the provinces consider the court admirable; but
if they visit it, its beauties diminish, like those of a fine drawing of
perspective viewed too closely.
(7.) It is difficult to get accustomed to the spending of our lives in ante-
chambers, courtyards, or on staircases.
(8.) The court does not satisfy a man, but it prevents him from being
satisfied with anything else.
(9.) A cultured gentleman should have some experience of the court; as
soon as he enters it he will discover a new world, as it were, wholly
unknown to him, where vice and politeness have equal sway, and where
good and evil alike may be of use to him.
(10.) The court is like a marble structure, for the courtiers are very
polished and very hard.
(11.) Sometimes people go to court only to come back again, so that, on
their return, they may be taken notice of by the nobility of their county or
by the bishops of their diocese.
(12.) There would be no use for embroiderers and confectioners, and
they would open their shops in vain, if all the people were modest and
temperate; courts would be deserts and kings almost left alone, if every one
was void of vanity and self-interest. Men are willing to be slaves in one
place if they can only lord it in another. It seems that at court a proud,
imperious, and commanding mien is delivered wholesale to the great for
them to retail in the country; they do exactly what is done unto them, and
are the true apes of royalty.
(13.) Nothing disparages some courtiers so much as the presence of a
prince; their faces are scarcely to be recognised; their features are altered
and their looks debased; the more proud and haughty they are, the greater is
the change in them, because they have suffered a greater loss; whilst a
gentlemanly and modest man bears it much better, as there is nothing in him
to alter.
(14.) Courtly manners are contagious; they are caught at Versailles,385
as the Norman accent is at Rouen and Falaise; we partly find them amongst
quartermasters, superintendents, and confectioners;386 a man with no very
great intellect may become proficient in them; one with a lofty genius and
Page 134
of solid worth does not sufficiently value such accomplishments to make it
his principal business387 to study and acquire them; he contracts them
imperceptibly, and does not trouble himself to get rid of them.
(15.) N ...,388 in a great flutter, comes up to the kingʼs chamber, turns
everybody aside, and clears the way; he scratches at the door, nay, almost
raps; he gives his name, and the people around him recover now their
breath; after some time he is admitted, but it is with the crowd.389
(16.) Courts are haunted by certain bold adventurers, of free-and-easy
manners, who introduce themselves, pretend to possess greater abilities than
others in their profession, and are believed on their sole assertion.390 In the
meanwhile they take advantage of this general belief, or of the fondness of
some men for novelty; they make their way through the crowd, and reach
the ear of the prince, with whom the courtier sees them talking, whilst he
thinks himself happy if he only obtains a glance. It is not difficult for great
people to get rid of them, for as they are only admitted on sufferance, and
are of no consequence, their dismissal is of no importance: then they
disappear, at once rich and out of favour; and the very men who so lately
were deceived by them are ready to be deceived by others.
(17.) Some men, on entering a room, make but a slight bow, stretch their
shoulders and thrust out their chests like women; they ask you a question,
look another way, and speak in a loud tone, to show that they think
themselves above every one present; they stop, and everybody gathers
around them; they do all the talking, and seem to take the lead. This
ridiculous and simulated haughtiness continues until some really great
person makes his appearance, when they shrink away at once, and are
reduced to their natural level, for which they are all the better.
(18.) Courts cannot exist without a class of courtiers who can flatter, are
complaisant, insinuating, devoted to the ladies, whose pleasures they direct,
whose weaknesses they study, and whose passions they flatter; they whisper
some naughty words to them, speak of their husbands and lovers in a proper
manner, conjecture when they are sad, ill, or expect a baby; they head the
fashions, refine on luxury and extravagance, and teach the fair to spend in a
short time large sums on clothes, furniture, and carriages; they wear nothing
themselves but what shows good taste and riches, and will not live in an old
palace till it be repaired and embellished; they eat delicately and
thoughtfully; there is no pleasure they have not tried and of which they
cannot tell you something; they owe their position to themselves, and they
his principal business387 to study and acquire them; he contracts them
imperceptibly, and does not trouble himself to get rid of them.
(15.) N ...,388 in a great flutter, comes up to the kingʼs chamber, turns
everybody aside, and clears the way; he scratches at the door, nay, almost
raps; he gives his name, and the people around him recover now their
breath; after some time he is admitted, but it is with the crowd.389
(16.) Courts are haunted by certain bold adventurers, of free-and-easy
manners, who introduce themselves, pretend to possess greater abilities than
others in their profession, and are believed on their sole assertion.390 In the
meanwhile they take advantage of this general belief, or of the fondness of
some men for novelty; they make their way through the crowd, and reach
the ear of the prince, with whom the courtier sees them talking, whilst he
thinks himself happy if he only obtains a glance. It is not difficult for great
people to get rid of them, for as they are only admitted on sufferance, and
are of no consequence, their dismissal is of no importance: then they
disappear, at once rich and out of favour; and the very men who so lately
were deceived by them are ready to be deceived by others.
(17.) Some men, on entering a room, make but a slight bow, stretch their
shoulders and thrust out their chests like women; they ask you a question,
look another way, and speak in a loud tone, to show that they think
themselves above every one present; they stop, and everybody gathers
around them; they do all the talking, and seem to take the lead. This
ridiculous and simulated haughtiness continues until some really great
person makes his appearance, when they shrink away at once, and are
reduced to their natural level, for which they are all the better.
(18.) Courts cannot exist without a class of courtiers who can flatter, are
complaisant, insinuating, devoted to the ladies, whose pleasures they direct,
whose weaknesses they study, and whose passions they flatter; they whisper
some naughty words to them, speak of their husbands and lovers in a proper
manner, conjecture when they are sad, ill, or expect a baby; they head the
fashions, refine on luxury and extravagance, and teach the fair to spend in a
short time large sums on clothes, furniture, and carriages; they wear nothing
themselves but what shows good taste and riches, and will not live in an old
palace till it be repaired and embellished; they eat delicately and
thoughtfully; there is no pleasure they have not tried and of which they
cannot tell you something; they owe their position to themselves, and they
Page 135
keep it with the same ability they made it. Disdainful and proud, they no
longer accost their former equals, and scarcely bow to them; they speak
when every one else is silent; enter, and at inconvenient hours thrust
themselves into places where men of the highest rank dare not intrude; and
when such men, after long services, their bodies covered with wounds,
filling great posts or occupying high official positions, do not look so
confident, and seem embarrassed. Princes listen to what these courtiers
have to say, who share all their pleasures and entertainments, and never stir
out of the Louvre or the Castle,391 where they behave themselves as if quite
at home and in their own house; they seem to be in a thousand different
places at one and the same time; their countenances are sure always to
attract the notice of any novice at court; they embrace and are embraced,
they laugh, talk loud, are funny, tell stories, and are of an easy disposition;
they are agreeable, rich, lend money, but, after all, are of no importance.392
(19.) Would any person not think that to Cimon and Clitandre alone are
intrusted all the details of the State, and that they alone are answerable for
them? The one manages at least everything concerning agriculture and land,
and the other is at the head of the navy. Whoever will give a sketch of them
must express bustle, restlessness, curiosity, activity, and paint Hurry itself.
We never see them sitting, standing, or stopping; no one has ever seen them
walk; for they are always running, and they speak whilst running, and do
not wait for an answer; they never come from any place, or go anywhere,
but are always passing to and fro. Stop them not in their hurried course, for
you would break their machinery; do not ask them any questions, or, if you
do, give them at least time to breathe and to remember that they have
nothing to do, can stay with you long, and follow you wherever you are
pleased to lead them. They do not, like Jupiterʼs satellites,393 crowd round
and encompass their prince, but precede him and give notice of his coming:
they rush with impetuosity through the crowd of courtiers, and all who
stand in their way are in danger. Their profession is to be seen again and
again, and they never go to bed without having acquitted themselves of
such an important duty, so beneficial to the commonwealth. They know,
besides, all the circumstances of every petty accident, and are acquainted
with anything at court people wish to ignore; they possess all the
qualifications necessary for a small post. Nevertheless they are eager and
watchful about anything they think will suit them as well as slightly
enterprising, thoughtless, and precipitate. In a word, they both carry their
longer accost their former equals, and scarcely bow to them; they speak
when every one else is silent; enter, and at inconvenient hours thrust
themselves into places where men of the highest rank dare not intrude; and
when such men, after long services, their bodies covered with wounds,
filling great posts or occupying high official positions, do not look so
confident, and seem embarrassed. Princes listen to what these courtiers
have to say, who share all their pleasures and entertainments, and never stir
out of the Louvre or the Castle,391 where they behave themselves as if quite
at home and in their own house; they seem to be in a thousand different
places at one and the same time; their countenances are sure always to
attract the notice of any novice at court; they embrace and are embraced,
they laugh, talk loud, are funny, tell stories, and are of an easy disposition;
they are agreeable, rich, lend money, but, after all, are of no importance.392
(19.) Would any person not think that to Cimon and Clitandre alone are
intrusted all the details of the State, and that they alone are answerable for
them? The one manages at least everything concerning agriculture and land,
and the other is at the head of the navy. Whoever will give a sketch of them
must express bustle, restlessness, curiosity, activity, and paint Hurry itself.
We never see them sitting, standing, or stopping; no one has ever seen them
walk; for they are always running, and they speak whilst running, and do
not wait for an answer; they never come from any place, or go anywhere,
but are always passing to and fro. Stop them not in their hurried course, for
you would break their machinery; do not ask them any questions, or, if you
do, give them at least time to breathe and to remember that they have
nothing to do, can stay with you long, and follow you wherever you are
pleased to lead them. They do not, like Jupiterʼs satellites,393 crowd round
and encompass their prince, but precede him and give notice of his coming:
they rush with impetuosity through the crowd of courtiers, and all who
stand in their way are in danger. Their profession is to be seen again and
again, and they never go to bed without having acquitted themselves of
such an important duty, so beneficial to the commonwealth. They know,
besides, all the circumstances of every petty accident, and are acquainted
with anything at court people wish to ignore; they possess all the
qualifications necessary for a small post. Nevertheless they are eager and
watchful about anything they think will suit them as well as slightly
enterprising, thoughtless, and precipitate. In a word, they both carry their
Page 136
heads very high, and are harnessed to the chariot of Fortune, but are never
likely to sit in it.
(20.) A courtier who has not a pretty name ought to hide it under a
better;394 but if it is one that he dares own,395 he should then insinuate that
his name is the most illustrious of all names, and his house the most ancient
of all others; he ought to be descended from the princes of Lorraine, the
Rohans, the Châtillons, the Montmorencys,396 and, if possible, from princes
of the blood; he ought to talk of nothing but dukes, cardinals, and ministers;
to introduce his paternal and maternal ancestors in all conversations, as well
as the Oriflamme397 and the Crusades; to have his apartments adorned with
genealogical trees, escutcheons with sixteen quarters, and portraits of his
ancestors and of the relatives of his ancestors; to value himself on his
having an old castle with turrets, battlements, and portcullises; to be always
speaking of his race, his branch, his name, and his arms; to say of a man
that he is not a man of rank, of a woman that she is not of noble
extraction;398 or to ask whether Hyacinthus is a nobleman when they tell
him he has drawn a great prize in the lottery.399 If some persons laugh at
such absurd remarks, he lets them laugh on; if others make erroneous
comments, they are welcome; he will always assert that he takes his place
after the royal family, and, by constantly repeating it, he will finally be
believed.
(21.) It shows a simple mind to acknowledge at court the smallest alloy
of common blood, and not to set up for a nobleman.
(22.) At court people go to bed and rise only with a view to self; it is
what they revolve in their own minds morning and evening, night and day;
it is for this they think, speak, are silent or act; it is with this disposition that
they converse with some and neglect others, that they ascend or descend; by
this rule they measure all their assiduity, complaisance, esteem,
indifference, or contempt. Whatever progress any of them seems to make
towards moderation and wisdom, they are carried away by the first motive
of ambition along with the most covetous, the most violent in their desires,
and the most ambitious. Can they stand still when everything is in motion,
when everything is stirring, and forbear running whither every one runs?
Such people even think they only owe their success in life to themselves;
and a man who has not made it at court is supposed not to have deserved it;
and this judgment is without appeal. However, is it advisable for a man to
likely to sit in it.
(20.) A courtier who has not a pretty name ought to hide it under a
better;394 but if it is one that he dares own,395 he should then insinuate that
his name is the most illustrious of all names, and his house the most ancient
of all others; he ought to be descended from the princes of Lorraine, the
Rohans, the Châtillons, the Montmorencys,396 and, if possible, from princes
of the blood; he ought to talk of nothing but dukes, cardinals, and ministers;
to introduce his paternal and maternal ancestors in all conversations, as well
as the Oriflamme397 and the Crusades; to have his apartments adorned with
genealogical trees, escutcheons with sixteen quarters, and portraits of his
ancestors and of the relatives of his ancestors; to value himself on his
having an old castle with turrets, battlements, and portcullises; to be always
speaking of his race, his branch, his name, and his arms; to say of a man
that he is not a man of rank, of a woman that she is not of noble
extraction;398 or to ask whether Hyacinthus is a nobleman when they tell
him he has drawn a great prize in the lottery.399 If some persons laugh at
such absurd remarks, he lets them laugh on; if others make erroneous
comments, they are welcome; he will always assert that he takes his place
after the royal family, and, by constantly repeating it, he will finally be
believed.
(21.) It shows a simple mind to acknowledge at court the smallest alloy
of common blood, and not to set up for a nobleman.
(22.) At court people go to bed and rise only with a view to self; it is
what they revolve in their own minds morning and evening, night and day;
it is for this they think, speak, are silent or act; it is with this disposition that
they converse with some and neglect others, that they ascend or descend; by
this rule they measure all their assiduity, complaisance, esteem,
indifference, or contempt. Whatever progress any of them seems to make
towards moderation and wisdom, they are carried away by the first motive
of ambition along with the most covetous, the most violent in their desires,
and the most ambitious. Can they stand still when everything is in motion,
when everything is stirring, and forbear running whither every one runs?
Such people even think they only owe their success in life to themselves;
and a man who has not made it at court is supposed not to have deserved it;
and this judgment is without appeal. However, is it advisable for a man to
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leave the court without having obtained any advantage by his stay, or
should he remain there without favour or reward? This question is so
intricate, so delicate, and so difficult to decide, that a very large number of
courtiers have grown old without coming to any affirmative or negative
conclusion, and died, at last, without having arrived at any final resolution.
(23.) There is nothing at court so worthless and so contemptible as a
man who cannot assist us in the least to better our position; I am amazed
such a person dares appear there.
(24.) A man who sees himself raised far above his contemporaries,
whose rank was formerly the same as his own, and who made their first
appearance at court at the same time as he did, fancies it is a sure proof of
his superior merit, and thinks himself better than those other people who
could not keep up with him; but he forgets what he thought of himself
before he became a favourite, and what he thought of those who had
outstripped him.
(25.) It proves a good deal for a friend, after he has become a great
favourite at court, still to keep up an acquaintance with us.
(26.) If a man who is in favour dares to take advantage of it before it is
all over; if he makes use of a propitious gale to get on; if he keeps his eye
on any vacancies, posts, or abbeys, asks for them, obtains them, and is
stocked with pensions, grants, and reversions,400 people will blame him for
being covetous and ambitious, and will say that everything tempts him and
is secured by him, his friends and his creatures; and that through the
numberless and various favours bestowed on him, he, in his own person,
has monopolised several fortunes. But what should he have done? I judge
not so much by what people say, as by what they would have done
themselves under similar circumstances, and that is precisely what he has
done.
We blame those persons who make use of their opportunities for
bettering their positions, because we are in a very inferior situation, and,
therefore, despair of being ever in such circumstances that will expose us to
a similar reproach. But if we were likely to succeed them, we should begin
to think they were not so much in the wrong as we imagined, and would be
more cautious in censuring them, for fear of condemning ourselves
beforehand.
(27.) We should not exaggerate things, nor blame the court for evils
which do not exist there. Courtiers never endeavour to harm real merit, but
should he remain there without favour or reward? This question is so
intricate, so delicate, and so difficult to decide, that a very large number of
courtiers have grown old without coming to any affirmative or negative
conclusion, and died, at last, without having arrived at any final resolution.
(23.) There is nothing at court so worthless and so contemptible as a
man who cannot assist us in the least to better our position; I am amazed
such a person dares appear there.
(24.) A man who sees himself raised far above his contemporaries,
whose rank was formerly the same as his own, and who made their first
appearance at court at the same time as he did, fancies it is a sure proof of
his superior merit, and thinks himself better than those other people who
could not keep up with him; but he forgets what he thought of himself
before he became a favourite, and what he thought of those who had
outstripped him.
(25.) It proves a good deal for a friend, after he has become a great
favourite at court, still to keep up an acquaintance with us.
(26.) If a man who is in favour dares to take advantage of it before it is
all over; if he makes use of a propitious gale to get on; if he keeps his eye
on any vacancies, posts, or abbeys, asks for them, obtains them, and is
stocked with pensions, grants, and reversions,400 people will blame him for
being covetous and ambitious, and will say that everything tempts him and
is secured by him, his friends and his creatures; and that through the
numberless and various favours bestowed on him, he, in his own person,
has monopolised several fortunes. But what should he have done? I judge
not so much by what people say, as by what they would have done
themselves under similar circumstances, and that is precisely what he has
done.
We blame those persons who make use of their opportunities for
bettering their positions, because we are in a very inferior situation, and,
therefore, despair of being ever in such circumstances that will expose us to
a similar reproach. But if we were likely to succeed them, we should begin
to think they were not so much in the wrong as we imagined, and would be
more cautious in censuring them, for fear of condemning ourselves
beforehand.
(27.) We should not exaggerate things, nor blame the court for evils
which do not exist there. Courtiers never endeavour to harm real merit, but
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they leave it sometimes without reward; they do not always despise it when
they have once discerned it, but they forget all about it; for a court is a place
where people most perfectly understand doing nothing, or very little, for
those whom they greatly esteem.
(28.) It would be very wonderful indeed, if among all the instruments I
employ for building up my fortune, some of them were not to miscarry. A
friend of mine who promised to speak for me does not say a single word;
another speaks without any spirit; a third speaks by accident against my
interests, though it was not his intention to do so. One lacks the will,
another sagacity and prudence; and none of them would be sufficiently
delighted in seeing me happy, and do everything in their power for making
me so. Every one remembers well enough what pains he took in
establishing his own position, and what assistance he got in clearing his
way to obtain it. We should not be averse to acknowledge the services
which certain people have rendered us, by rendering to others some service
on similar occasions, if our chief and only care were not to think of
ourselves when we have made our fortune.
(29.) Courtiers never employ whatever intelligence, skill, or
perspicacity they may possess to find out means of obliging those of their
friends who implore their assistance, but they only invent evasive answers,
plausible excuses, or what they call impossibilities for moving in the
matter; and then they think they have satisfied all the duties which
friendship and gratitude require.
No courtier cares to take the initiative in anything, but he will offer to
second him who does, because, judging of others by himself, he thinks that
no one will make a beginning, and that therefore he shall not be obliged to
second any one. This is a gentle and polite way of refusing to employ his
influence, good offices, and mediation in favour of those who stand in need
of them.
(30.) How many men almost stifle you with their demonstrations of
friendship, and pretend to love and esteem you in private, who are
embarrassed when they meet you in public, and at the kingʼs levée, or at
mass at Versailles, look another way, and do all they can to avoid you.
There are few courtiers who have sufficient greatness of soul or confidence
in themselves to dare to honour in public a man of merit but who does not
occupy a grand post.
they have once discerned it, but they forget all about it; for a court is a place
where people most perfectly understand doing nothing, or very little, for
those whom they greatly esteem.
(28.) It would be very wonderful indeed, if among all the instruments I
employ for building up my fortune, some of them were not to miscarry. A
friend of mine who promised to speak for me does not say a single word;
another speaks without any spirit; a third speaks by accident against my
interests, though it was not his intention to do so. One lacks the will,
another sagacity and prudence; and none of them would be sufficiently
delighted in seeing me happy, and do everything in their power for making
me so. Every one remembers well enough what pains he took in
establishing his own position, and what assistance he got in clearing his
way to obtain it. We should not be averse to acknowledge the services
which certain people have rendered us, by rendering to others some service
on similar occasions, if our chief and only care were not to think of
ourselves when we have made our fortune.
(29.) Courtiers never employ whatever intelligence, skill, or
perspicacity they may possess to find out means of obliging those of their
friends who implore their assistance, but they only invent evasive answers,
plausible excuses, or what they call impossibilities for moving in the
matter; and then they think they have satisfied all the duties which
friendship and gratitude require.
No courtier cares to take the initiative in anything, but he will offer to
second him who does, because, judging of others by himself, he thinks that
no one will make a beginning, and that therefore he shall not be obliged to
second any one. This is a gentle and polite way of refusing to employ his
influence, good offices, and mediation in favour of those who stand in need
of them.
(30.) How many men almost stifle you with their demonstrations of
friendship, and pretend to love and esteem you in private, who are
embarrassed when they meet you in public, and at the kingʼs levée, or at
mass at Versailles, look another way, and do all they can to avoid you.
There are few courtiers who have sufficient greatness of soul or confidence
in themselves to dare to honour in public a man of merit but who does not
occupy a grand post.
Page 139
(31.) I see a man surrounded and followed by a crowd, but he is in
office. I see another to whom every one says a few words, but he is a court
favourite; a third is embraced and caressed even by persons of high rank,
but he is wealthy; a fourth is stared at by all, and pointed at, but he is
learned and eloquent. I perceive one whom nobody omits bowing to, but he
is a bad man. I should like to see a man courted who is merely good and
nothing else.
(32.) When a man is appointed to a new post he is inundated with
praises, which flood the courtyards, the chapel, overflow the grand
staircase, the vestibules, the galleries, and all the rooms of the palace;401 he
has quite enough of them, and can no longer bear it. There are not two
different opinions about him; those of envy and jealousy are the same as
those of adulation; every one is carried away by the raging torrent which
forces a person to say what he thinks of such a man, or what he does not
think of him, and often to commend a man of whom he has no knowledge.
If such a man has any intelligence, merit, or valour, he becomes in one
moment a genius of the first order, a hero, a demi-god; he is so
extravagantly flattered in all the portraits painted of him that he appears
disagreeably ugly when compared with any of them; it is impossible for
him ever to reach the point to which servility and adulation would have him
rise; he blushes at his own reputation. But let him not be so firmly
established in the post in which he has been placed as people thought he
was, and the world will without difficulty entertain another opinion. If his
downfall be complete, then the very men who were instrumental in raising
him so high by their applause and praise are quite ready to overwhelm him
with the greatest contempt; I mean, there are none who will despise him
more, blame him with greater acrimony, or deny him with more contumely
than those very men who were most impassioned in speaking well of
him.402
(33.) It may be justly said that it is easier to get appointed to an eminent
and difficult post than to keep it.
(34.) We see men fallen from a high estate for those very faults for
which they were appointed to it.
(35.) At court there are two ways of dismissing or discharging servants
and dependants; to be angry with them, or to make them so angry with us
that they leave us of their own accord.
office. I see another to whom every one says a few words, but he is a court
favourite; a third is embraced and caressed even by persons of high rank,
but he is wealthy; a fourth is stared at by all, and pointed at, but he is
learned and eloquent. I perceive one whom nobody omits bowing to, but he
is a bad man. I should like to see a man courted who is merely good and
nothing else.
(32.) When a man is appointed to a new post he is inundated with
praises, which flood the courtyards, the chapel, overflow the grand
staircase, the vestibules, the galleries, and all the rooms of the palace;401 he
has quite enough of them, and can no longer bear it. There are not two
different opinions about him; those of envy and jealousy are the same as
those of adulation; every one is carried away by the raging torrent which
forces a person to say what he thinks of such a man, or what he does not
think of him, and often to commend a man of whom he has no knowledge.
If such a man has any intelligence, merit, or valour, he becomes in one
moment a genius of the first order, a hero, a demi-god; he is so
extravagantly flattered in all the portraits painted of him that he appears
disagreeably ugly when compared with any of them; it is impossible for
him ever to reach the point to which servility and adulation would have him
rise; he blushes at his own reputation. But let him not be so firmly
established in the post in which he has been placed as people thought he
was, and the world will without difficulty entertain another opinion. If his
downfall be complete, then the very men who were instrumental in raising
him so high by their applause and praise are quite ready to overwhelm him
with the greatest contempt; I mean, there are none who will despise him
more, blame him with greater acrimony, or deny him with more contumely
than those very men who were most impassioned in speaking well of
him.402
(33.) It may be justly said that it is easier to get appointed to an eminent
and difficult post than to keep it.
(34.) We see men fallen from a high estate for those very faults for
which they were appointed to it.
(35.) At court there are two ways of dismissing or discharging servants
and dependants; to be angry with them, or to make them so angry with us
that they leave us of their own accord.
Page 140
(36.) Courtiers speak well of a man for two reasons: firstly, that he may
know they have commended him; and secondly, that he may say the same
of them.
(37.) It is as dangerous at court to make any advances as it is
embarrassing not to make them.
(38.) There are some people who, if they do not know the name or the
face of a man, make this a pretence for laughing at him. They ask who that
man is; it is not Rousseau, Fabry, or La Couture,403 for then they would
know him.
(39.) I am told so many bad things of this man, and see so few in him,
that I begin to suspect he has some merit which is so vexatious that it
eclipses the merit of others.
(40.) You are an honest man,404 and do not make it your business either
to please or displease the favourites. You are merely attached to your master
and to your duty; you are a lost man.
(41.) None are impudent by choice; but they are so constitutionally, and
though it is quite wrong, yet it is natural; a man who is not born so is
modest and cannot easily pass from one extreme to another. It would be
useless to advise such a man to be impudent in order to be successful; a bad
imitation will not do him any good, and would ensure his failure. Without
real and ingenious effrontery there is not doing anything at court.
(42.) We seek, we hurry, we intrigue, we worry ourselves, we ask and
are refused; we ask again and get what we ask for; but we pretend we
obtained it without ever having asked for it, or so much as thought about it,
and even when we had quite another thing in view. This is an obsolete style,
a silly falsehood, which deceives nobody.
(43.) A man intrigues to obtain an eminent post, lays all his plans
beforehand, takes all the right measures, and is on the point of being as
successful as he wishes; some people are to initiate the business in hand,
others are to second it; the bait is already laid, and the mine ready to be
sprung; and then the candidate absents himself from the court. Who would
dare suspect that Artemon ever aimed at so fine a post when he is ordered to
leave his seat or his government to fill it?405 Such an artifice and such a
policy has become so stale, and the courtiers have so often employed it, that
if I would impose upon the world and mask my ambition, I should always
be about the prince to receive from his own hand that favour which I had
solicited so passionately.
know they have commended him; and secondly, that he may say the same
of them.
(37.) It is as dangerous at court to make any advances as it is
embarrassing not to make them.
(38.) There are some people who, if they do not know the name or the
face of a man, make this a pretence for laughing at him. They ask who that
man is; it is not Rousseau, Fabry, or La Couture,403 for then they would
know him.
(39.) I am told so many bad things of this man, and see so few in him,
that I begin to suspect he has some merit which is so vexatious that it
eclipses the merit of others.
(40.) You are an honest man,404 and do not make it your business either
to please or displease the favourites. You are merely attached to your master
and to your duty; you are a lost man.
(41.) None are impudent by choice; but they are so constitutionally, and
though it is quite wrong, yet it is natural; a man who is not born so is
modest and cannot easily pass from one extreme to another. It would be
useless to advise such a man to be impudent in order to be successful; a bad
imitation will not do him any good, and would ensure his failure. Without
real and ingenious effrontery there is not doing anything at court.
(42.) We seek, we hurry, we intrigue, we worry ourselves, we ask and
are refused; we ask again and get what we ask for; but we pretend we
obtained it without ever having asked for it, or so much as thought about it,
and even when we had quite another thing in view. This is an obsolete style,
a silly falsehood, which deceives nobody.
(43.) A man intrigues to obtain an eminent post, lays all his plans
beforehand, takes all the right measures, and is on the point of being as
successful as he wishes; some people are to initiate the business in hand,
others are to second it; the bait is already laid, and the mine ready to be
sprung; and then the candidate absents himself from the court. Who would
dare suspect that Artemon ever aimed at so fine a post when he is ordered to
leave his seat or his government to fill it?405 Such an artifice and such a
policy has become so stale, and the courtiers have so often employed it, that
if I would impose upon the world and mask my ambition, I should always
be about the prince to receive from his own hand that favour which I had
solicited so passionately.
Page 141
(44.) Men do not like us to pry into their prospects of bettering their
position, or to find out what post they are anxious to occupy, because, if
they are not successful, they fancy their failure brings some discredit upon
them; and if they succeed, they persuade themselves it redounds more to
their credit that the giver thought them worthy of it than that they thought
themselves worthy of it, and, therefore, intrigued and plotted; they appear
decked in their stateliness as well as in their modesty.406
Which is the greater shame, to be refused the post which we deserve, or
to be put into one we do not deserve?
Difficult as it is to obtain a place at court, it is yet harder and more
difficult to be worthy of filling one.
A man had better be asked by what means he obtained a certain post
than why he did not obtain it.
People become candidates for any municipal office, or try to get a seat
in the French Academy,407 but formerly they endeavoured to obtain a
consulship. Why should a man not labour hard during the early years of his
life to render himself fit for eminent posts, and then ask openly and
fearlessly, without mystery and without any intriguing, to serve his
fatherland, his prince, and the commonwealth?
(45.) I never yet have seen a courtier whom a prince has appointed
governor of a wealthy province, given a first-rate place, or a large pension,
who does not protest, either through vanity, or to show himself
disinterested, that he is less pleased with the gift than with the manner in
which it was given. What is certain and cannot be doubted is that he says
so.
To give awkwardly denotes the churl; the most difficult and unpleasant
part is to give; then, why not add a smile?
There are, however, some men who refuse with more politeness to grant
you what you ask than others know how to give;408 and some of whom it
has been said that you have to ask them so long, and they give so coldly and
impose such disagreeable conditions on whatever favour you have to tear
from them, that their greatest favour would be to excuse us from receiving
any.409
(46.) There are some men at court so covetous that they catch hold of
any rank or condition to reap its benefits; governments of provinces,
offices, benefices, nothing comes amiss to them; they are so situated that,
by virtue of their official position, they can accept any kind of favour; they
position, or to find out what post they are anxious to occupy, because, if
they are not successful, they fancy their failure brings some discredit upon
them; and if they succeed, they persuade themselves it redounds more to
their credit that the giver thought them worthy of it than that they thought
themselves worthy of it, and, therefore, intrigued and plotted; they appear
decked in their stateliness as well as in their modesty.406
Which is the greater shame, to be refused the post which we deserve, or
to be put into one we do not deserve?
Difficult as it is to obtain a place at court, it is yet harder and more
difficult to be worthy of filling one.
A man had better be asked by what means he obtained a certain post
than why he did not obtain it.
People become candidates for any municipal office, or try to get a seat
in the French Academy,407 but formerly they endeavoured to obtain a
consulship. Why should a man not labour hard during the early years of his
life to render himself fit for eminent posts, and then ask openly and
fearlessly, without mystery and without any intriguing, to serve his
fatherland, his prince, and the commonwealth?
(45.) I never yet have seen a courtier whom a prince has appointed
governor of a wealthy province, given a first-rate place, or a large pension,
who does not protest, either through vanity, or to show himself
disinterested, that he is less pleased with the gift than with the manner in
which it was given. What is certain and cannot be doubted is that he says
so.
To give awkwardly denotes the churl; the most difficult and unpleasant
part is to give; then, why not add a smile?
There are, however, some men who refuse with more politeness to grant
you what you ask than others know how to give;408 and some of whom it
has been said that you have to ask them so long, and they give so coldly and
impose such disagreeable conditions on whatever favour you have to tear
from them, that their greatest favour would be to excuse us from receiving
any.409
(46.) There are some men at court so covetous that they catch hold of
any rank or condition to reap its benefits; governments of provinces,
offices, benefices, nothing comes amiss to them; they are so situated that,
by virtue of their official position, they can accept any kind of favour; they
Page 142
are amphibious, live by the church and the sword, and one day or other will
discover the secret of including the law also.410 If you ask what those men
do at court, you will be told that they receive and envy every one to whom
anything is given.
(47.) A thousand people at court wear out their very existence by
embracing, caressing, and congratulating all persons who have received
favours, and die without having any bestowed on themselves.
(48.) Menophilus411 borrows his manners from one profession and his
dress from another; he goes masked all the year, though he does not conceal
his countenance; he appears at court, in town, and elsewhere, always under
a certain name and in the same disguise. He is found out and known by his
face.
(49.) There is a highroad or a beaten road, as it is called, which leads to
grand offices, and there is a cross or bye-way which is much the shortest.
(50.) We run to get a look at some wretched criminals, we line one side
of the street, and we stand at the windows to observe the features and the
bearing of a man who is doomed and knows he is going to die, impelled by
a senseless, malignant, inhuman curiosity. If men were wise, they would
avoid public executions, and then it would even be considered infamous to
be present at such spectacles.412 If you are of such an inquisitorial turn of
mind, exercise your curiosity on a noble subject, and look on a happy man
on the very day he has been appointed to a new post, and when he is
congratulated on his nomination; read in his eyes, through his affected
composure and feigned modesty, his delight and latent exultation; observe
how quiet his heart beats and how serene his countenance looks now that he
has obtained all he wished; how he thinks of nothing but his long life and
health; how, at last, his joy bursts forth and can no longer be concealed;
how he bends beneath the weight of his happiness, and how coolly and
stiffly he behaves towards those who are no longer his equals; he
vouchsafes them no answer, and seems not to see them; the embraces and
demonstrations of friendship of men of high rank, whom he views now no
more from a distance, finish his ruin; he becomes bewildered, dazed, and
for a short time his brain is turned. You who would be happy and in your
princeʼs favour, consider how many things you will have to avoid.413
(51.) When a man has once got into office, he neither makes use of his
reason nor of his intelligence to regulate his behaviour and manners towards
discover the secret of including the law also.410 If you ask what those men
do at court, you will be told that they receive and envy every one to whom
anything is given.
(47.) A thousand people at court wear out their very existence by
embracing, caressing, and congratulating all persons who have received
favours, and die without having any bestowed on themselves.
(48.) Menophilus411 borrows his manners from one profession and his
dress from another; he goes masked all the year, though he does not conceal
his countenance; he appears at court, in town, and elsewhere, always under
a certain name and in the same disguise. He is found out and known by his
face.
(49.) There is a highroad or a beaten road, as it is called, which leads to
grand offices, and there is a cross or bye-way which is much the shortest.
(50.) We run to get a look at some wretched criminals, we line one side
of the street, and we stand at the windows to observe the features and the
bearing of a man who is doomed and knows he is going to die, impelled by
a senseless, malignant, inhuman curiosity. If men were wise, they would
avoid public executions, and then it would even be considered infamous to
be present at such spectacles.412 If you are of such an inquisitorial turn of
mind, exercise your curiosity on a noble subject, and look on a happy man
on the very day he has been appointed to a new post, and when he is
congratulated on his nomination; read in his eyes, through his affected
composure and feigned modesty, his delight and latent exultation; observe
how quiet his heart beats and how serene his countenance looks now that he
has obtained all he wished; how he thinks of nothing but his long life and
health; how, at last, his joy bursts forth and can no longer be concealed;
how he bends beneath the weight of his happiness, and how coolly and
stiffly he behaves towards those who are no longer his equals; he
vouchsafes them no answer, and seems not to see them; the embraces and
demonstrations of friendship of men of high rank, whom he views now no
more from a distance, finish his ruin; he becomes bewildered, dazed, and
for a short time his brain is turned. You who would be happy and in your
princeʼs favour, consider how many things you will have to avoid.413
(51.) When a man has once got into office, he neither makes use of his
reason nor of his intelligence to regulate his behaviour and manners towards
Page 143
others, but shapes them according to his office and his position; this is the
cause of his forgetfulness, pride, arrogance, harshness, and ingratitude.414
(52.) Theonas having been an abbé415 for thirty years, grows weary of
being so any longer. Others show less anxiety and impatience in being clad
in purple than he displays in wearing a golden cross on his breast;416 and
because no great festival at court has ever made any alteration in his
position,417 he rails at the times, declares the state badly governed, and
forebodes naught but ill for the future. Convinced in his heart that in courts
merit is prejudicial to a man who wishes to better his position, he at last
makes up his mind to renounce the prelacy; but some one hastens to inform
him that he has been appointed to a bishopric, and full of joy and conceit at
news so unexpected he says to a friend, “Youʼll see I shall not remain a
bishop for ever; I shall be an archbishop yet.”
(53.) There must be knaves at court418 about the great and the Ministers
of State, even if those are animated with the best intentions; but to know
when to employ them is a very difficult question, and requires a certain
amount of shrewdness. There are times and seasons when others cannot fill
their places; for honour, virtue, and conscience, though always worthy of
our respect, are frequently useless, and therefore in certain emergencies an
honest man419 cannot be employed.
(54.) An ancient author, whose very words I shall take the liberty to
quote,420 for fear I should weaken the sense of them by my translation,
says: “To forsake the common herd, nay, oneʼs very equals, to despise and
vilify them; to get acquainted with rich men of rank; to join them in their
private amusements, deceits, tricks, and bad business; to be brazen-faced,
shameless, bankrupt in reputation; to endure the gibes and jokes of all men,
and, in spite of all this, not to fear to go on, and that skilfully, has been the
cause of many a manʼs fortune.”
(55.) The youth of a prince is the making of many courtiers.
(56.) Timantes,421 still the same, and possessed of that very merit which
at first got him reputation and rewards, has deteriorated in the opinion of
the courtiers, who are weary of respecting him; they bow to him coldly,
forbear smiling on him, no longer accost nor embrace him, nor take him
into a corner to talk mysteriously about some trivial affair; they have
nothing more to say to him. He receives a pension, or is honoured by being
appointed to a new post; and his virtues, almost dead in their memories,
cause of his forgetfulness, pride, arrogance, harshness, and ingratitude.414
(52.) Theonas having been an abbé415 for thirty years, grows weary of
being so any longer. Others show less anxiety and impatience in being clad
in purple than he displays in wearing a golden cross on his breast;416 and
because no great festival at court has ever made any alteration in his
position,417 he rails at the times, declares the state badly governed, and
forebodes naught but ill for the future. Convinced in his heart that in courts
merit is prejudicial to a man who wishes to better his position, he at last
makes up his mind to renounce the prelacy; but some one hastens to inform
him that he has been appointed to a bishopric, and full of joy and conceit at
news so unexpected he says to a friend, “Youʼll see I shall not remain a
bishop for ever; I shall be an archbishop yet.”
(53.) There must be knaves at court418 about the great and the Ministers
of State, even if those are animated with the best intentions; but to know
when to employ them is a very difficult question, and requires a certain
amount of shrewdness. There are times and seasons when others cannot fill
their places; for honour, virtue, and conscience, though always worthy of
our respect, are frequently useless, and therefore in certain emergencies an
honest man419 cannot be employed.
(54.) An ancient author, whose very words I shall take the liberty to
quote,420 for fear I should weaken the sense of them by my translation,
says: “To forsake the common herd, nay, oneʼs very equals, to despise and
vilify them; to get acquainted with rich men of rank; to join them in their
private amusements, deceits, tricks, and bad business; to be brazen-faced,
shameless, bankrupt in reputation; to endure the gibes and jokes of all men,
and, in spite of all this, not to fear to go on, and that skilfully, has been the
cause of many a manʼs fortune.”
(55.) The youth of a prince is the making of many courtiers.
(56.) Timantes,421 still the same, and possessed of that very merit which
at first got him reputation and rewards, has deteriorated in the opinion of
the courtiers, who are weary of respecting him; they bow to him coldly,
forbear smiling on him, no longer accost nor embrace him, nor take him
into a corner to talk mysteriously about some trivial affair; they have
nothing more to say to him. He receives a pension, or is honoured by being
appointed to a new post; and his virtues, almost dead in their memories,
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revive whilst their thoughts are refreshed; now they treat him as they did at
the beginning, and even better.
(57.) How many friends, how many relatives of a new Minister, spring
up in a single night! Some men pride themselves on their former
acquaintance, on their having been his fellow-students or neighbours; others
ransack their genealogy, go back to their great-grandfather, and recall their
father and motherʼs side, for in some way or other every one wishes to be
related to him; several times a day people affirm they are his relatives, and
they would even gladly print it. They say presently: “The Minister is my
friend; I am very glad of his promotion, and I ought to share in it, for he is a
near relative of mine.” Would those silly men, those servile votaries of
fortune, those effete courtiers, have said this a week ago? Has the Minister
become a more virtuous man, or more worthy of his sovereignʼs choice, or
were they waiting for this appointment to know him better?422
(58.) What supports me and comforts me when sometimes men of high
rank or my equals slight me, is the feeling that perhaps those very men only
despise my position; and they are quite right, for it is a very humble one;
but they would doubtless worship me if I were a Minister.
Am I suddenly to obtain some post, and do people know it, or foresee it,
because they forestall me and bow to me first?
(59.) A man who tells us he has dined the day before at Tibur, or is
going to have supper there tonight, and repeats it often, who brings in the
name of Plancusʼ423 about a dozen times during a few minutes
conversation, such as, “Plancus asked me....” or “I said to Plancus....” is
told that very moment that his hero has been snatched away by sudden
death. He starts off at a tangent, gathers around him the people in the
market-place or underneath the porticoes; accuses the deceased, rails at his
conduct, and blackens his administration; he even denies him a knowledge
of those details which the public own he had mastered, will not allow him
to have had a good memory, refuses to praise him for his steadiness of
character and power of work, and will not do him the honour to believe that
among all the enemies of the State there was one who was Plancusʼ enemy.
(60.) I think it must be a pretty sight for a man of merit to observe at a
meeting, or at a public entertainment, that the very seat which has been
refused him is given up before his face to a man who has neither eyes to see
nor ears to hear,424 nor sense to know and to judge, and who has nothing to
the beginning, and even better.
(57.) How many friends, how many relatives of a new Minister, spring
up in a single night! Some men pride themselves on their former
acquaintance, on their having been his fellow-students or neighbours; others
ransack their genealogy, go back to their great-grandfather, and recall their
father and motherʼs side, for in some way or other every one wishes to be
related to him; several times a day people affirm they are his relatives, and
they would even gladly print it. They say presently: “The Minister is my
friend; I am very glad of his promotion, and I ought to share in it, for he is a
near relative of mine.” Would those silly men, those servile votaries of
fortune, those effete courtiers, have said this a week ago? Has the Minister
become a more virtuous man, or more worthy of his sovereignʼs choice, or
were they waiting for this appointment to know him better?422
(58.) What supports me and comforts me when sometimes men of high
rank or my equals slight me, is the feeling that perhaps those very men only
despise my position; and they are quite right, for it is a very humble one;
but they would doubtless worship me if I were a Minister.
Am I suddenly to obtain some post, and do people know it, or foresee it,
because they forestall me and bow to me first?
(59.) A man who tells us he has dined the day before at Tibur, or is
going to have supper there tonight, and repeats it often, who brings in the
name of Plancusʼ423 about a dozen times during a few minutes
conversation, such as, “Plancus asked me....” or “I said to Plancus....” is
told that very moment that his hero has been snatched away by sudden
death. He starts off at a tangent, gathers around him the people in the
market-place or underneath the porticoes; accuses the deceased, rails at his
conduct, and blackens his administration; he even denies him a knowledge
of those details which the public own he had mastered, will not allow him
to have had a good memory, refuses to praise him for his steadiness of
character and power of work, and will not do him the honour to believe that
among all the enemies of the State there was one who was Plancusʼ enemy.
(60.) I think it must be a pretty sight for a man of merit to observe at a
meeting, or at a public entertainment, that the very seat which has been
refused him is given up before his face to a man who has neither eyes to see
nor ears to hear,424 nor sense to know and to judge, and who has nothing to
Page 145
recommend him but his court-dress as a favourite,425 which now he himself
is above wearing.
(61.) Theodotus426 is staid in dress, whilst his countenance, as theatrical
as an actorʼs who has to appear on the stage, harmonises with his voice, his
carriage, gestures, and attitude. He is cunning, cautious, insinuating,
mysterious; he draws near you and whispers, “It is fine weather; it is
thawing.” If he has no grand qualifications, he has all the little ones, even
those which would scarcely become a youthful précieuse.427 Imagine the
application of a child building a house of cards or catching a butterfly; such
is Theodotus, engaged on an affair of no consequence, and which is not
worth any oneʼs attention; he, however, treats it seriously, and as if it were
of the greatest importance; he moves about, bestirs himself, and is
successful; then he takes breath and rests awhile, as indeed he should, for he
has given himself a good deal of trouble. Some people are intoxicated, and
bewitched with the favour of the great; they think of them all day, and
dream of them all night; they are always trotting up and down the stairs of a
Ministerʼs apartment, go in and come out of his ante-chamber, but they
have nothing to say to him, though they speak to him; they speak to him a
second time, and they are highly pleased, for they have spoken. Press them,
squeeze them, and nothing will be got from them but pride, arrogance, and
presumption; address them, and they do not answer; they know you not,
they look bewildered, and their brain is turned; their relatives should take
care of them and lock them up, lest in time their folly should drive them
frantic, and make them harm some one. Theodotus has a gentler hobby; he
immoderately loves favour, but his passion is less impetuous, and he
worships it secretly, and fosters and serves it mysteriously; he is ever on the
watch to discover who are the new favourites of the king;428 if these wish
for anything, he offers to serve them, and to intrigue for them; and stealthily
sacrifices to them merit, connections, friendship, engagements, and
gratitude. If the place of Cassini429 were vacant, and a Swiss porter or
postillion of a favourite were applying for it, he would support his
pretensions, judge him worthy of the place, and think him capable of
making observations and calculations, and of discussing about parhelions
and parallaxes.430 Should you like to know whether Theodotus be an author
or a plagiary, original or a copyist, I will give you one of his works, and bid
you read and judge. Who can decide, from the picture I have drawn,
is above wearing.
(61.) Theodotus426 is staid in dress, whilst his countenance, as theatrical
as an actorʼs who has to appear on the stage, harmonises with his voice, his
carriage, gestures, and attitude. He is cunning, cautious, insinuating,
mysterious; he draws near you and whispers, “It is fine weather; it is
thawing.” If he has no grand qualifications, he has all the little ones, even
those which would scarcely become a youthful précieuse.427 Imagine the
application of a child building a house of cards or catching a butterfly; such
is Theodotus, engaged on an affair of no consequence, and which is not
worth any oneʼs attention; he, however, treats it seriously, and as if it were
of the greatest importance; he moves about, bestirs himself, and is
successful; then he takes breath and rests awhile, as indeed he should, for he
has given himself a good deal of trouble. Some people are intoxicated, and
bewitched with the favour of the great; they think of them all day, and
dream of them all night; they are always trotting up and down the stairs of a
Ministerʼs apartment, go in and come out of his ante-chamber, but they
have nothing to say to him, though they speak to him; they speak to him a
second time, and they are highly pleased, for they have spoken. Press them,
squeeze them, and nothing will be got from them but pride, arrogance, and
presumption; address them, and they do not answer; they know you not,
they look bewildered, and their brain is turned; their relatives should take
care of them and lock them up, lest in time their folly should drive them
frantic, and make them harm some one. Theodotus has a gentler hobby; he
immoderately loves favour, but his passion is less impetuous, and he
worships it secretly, and fosters and serves it mysteriously; he is ever on the
watch to discover who are the new favourites of the king;428 if these wish
for anything, he offers to serve them, and to intrigue for them; and stealthily
sacrifices to them merit, connections, friendship, engagements, and
gratitude. If the place of Cassini429 were vacant, and a Swiss porter or
postillion of a favourite were applying for it, he would support his
pretensions, judge him worthy of the place, and think him capable of
making observations and calculations, and of discussing about parhelions
and parallaxes.430 Should you like to know whether Theodotus be an author
or a plagiary, original or a copyist, I will give you one of his works, and bid
you read and judge. Who can decide, from the picture I have drawn,
Page 146
whether he is really pious, or merely a courtier?431 I can with more
assurance proclaim whether the stars will be propitious to him. Yes,
Theodotus, I have calculated your nativity; you will obtain an appointment,
and that very soon; so abandon your lucubrations, and print no more any of
your writings; the public begs for quarter.
(62.) Never more expect candour, frankness, justice, good offices,
services, kindness, generosity, steadiness from a man who for some time
has spent all his days at court, and secretly wishes to better his fortunes. Do
you know him by his face or conversation? He no longer calls things by
their proper names; for him there exist no longer any knaves, rogues, fools,
or impertinent people; if by chance he should say of any man what he
thinks of him, that very man might come to know it, and prevent him from
getting on.432 Though he thinks ill of everybody, he speaks ill of none, for
he only wishes success to himself, but would make believe that he wishes it
to everybody, so that all may assist him, or at least that nobody may oppose
him. Not satisfied with being insincere himself, he cannot endure that any
one should be otherwise; truth offends his ear; he is indifferent, and does
not care what remarks are made about the court and courtiers, but because
he knows what they mean, he fancies himself an accomplice, and
answerable for them. A tyrant in society and a martyr to his ambition, he is
mournfully circumspect in his conduct and in his language; his raillery is
innocent, but cold and constrained; his laughter is forced, his
demonstrations of friendship deceptive, his conversation desultory, and his
absence of mind frequent: he is profuse in his praises, and, if I may say so,
pours out torrents of them whenever any man in office and a favourite does
or says the smallest thing; but for any other person he is as sparing with his
words as if he were consumptive. He has different formulas for
complimenting people on entering or leaving a room, as well when he visits
as when he is visited, and none of those who are satisfied with mere
appearances and forms of speech ever leaves him discontented. He aims at
getting patrons as well as partisans, and is a mediator, a confidant, and a go-
between; he wishes to rule; he is as anxious as a novice to do every trifling
thing that has to be observed at court; he knows where a man must stand to
be seen; he can embrace you, share in your joy, ask you one question after
another about your health and your affairs; and while you are answering
him, he loses the thread of his curiosity, interrupts you, and begins another
subject; or if he happens to see some one whom it is necessary to address in
assurance proclaim whether the stars will be propitious to him. Yes,
Theodotus, I have calculated your nativity; you will obtain an appointment,
and that very soon; so abandon your lucubrations, and print no more any of
your writings; the public begs for quarter.
(62.) Never more expect candour, frankness, justice, good offices,
services, kindness, generosity, steadiness from a man who for some time
has spent all his days at court, and secretly wishes to better his fortunes. Do
you know him by his face or conversation? He no longer calls things by
their proper names; for him there exist no longer any knaves, rogues, fools,
or impertinent people; if by chance he should say of any man what he
thinks of him, that very man might come to know it, and prevent him from
getting on.432 Though he thinks ill of everybody, he speaks ill of none, for
he only wishes success to himself, but would make believe that he wishes it
to everybody, so that all may assist him, or at least that nobody may oppose
him. Not satisfied with being insincere himself, he cannot endure that any
one should be otherwise; truth offends his ear; he is indifferent, and does
not care what remarks are made about the court and courtiers, but because
he knows what they mean, he fancies himself an accomplice, and
answerable for them. A tyrant in society and a martyr to his ambition, he is
mournfully circumspect in his conduct and in his language; his raillery is
innocent, but cold and constrained; his laughter is forced, his
demonstrations of friendship deceptive, his conversation desultory, and his
absence of mind frequent: he is profuse in his praises, and, if I may say so,
pours out torrents of them whenever any man in office and a favourite does
or says the smallest thing; but for any other person he is as sparing with his
words as if he were consumptive. He has different formulas for
complimenting people on entering or leaving a room, as well when he visits
as when he is visited, and none of those who are satisfied with mere
appearances and forms of speech ever leaves him discontented. He aims at
getting patrons as well as partisans, and is a mediator, a confidant, and a go-
between; he wishes to rule; he is as anxious as a novice to do every trifling
thing that has to be observed at court; he knows where a man must stand to
be seen; he can embrace you, share in your joy, ask you one question after
another about your health and your affairs; and while you are answering
him, he loses the thread of his curiosity, interrupts you, and begins another
subject; or if he happens to see some one whom it is necessary to address in
Page 147
a different way, he finishes his congratulations to you whilst condoling with
the other person; he weeps with one eye and laughs with the other.
Sometimes, in imitation of the Ministers or the favourite, he speaks in
public of trivial things, such as the wind or the frost, but, on the contrary, is
silent and very mysterious about some important things he does know, and
still more so about some he does not know.
(63.) There is a country433 where all joy is conspicuous but false, and all
grief hidden but real. Who would imagine that the anxiety to be present at
entertainments, the raptures and applause at Molièreʼs or Harlequinʼs
comedies,434 the banquets, the chase, the ballets, and carrousels,435 conceal
so much uneasiness, so many cares and such various interests, so many
fears and expectations, so many ardent passions, and such serious matters of
business.
(64.) Court life is a serious, sad game, requiring application; a man must
arrange his pieces and his plans, have a design, pursue it, thwart his
adversaries, now and then venture something, and play capriciously; yet
after all those fancies and contrivances he may be kept in check, and not
seldom be checkmated; whilst often with well-handled men he may queen it
and win the game; the most skilful or the most fortunate player obtains the
victory.
(65.) The wheels, the springs, the movements of a watch are hidden, and
only the hands can be seen gradually going round and finishing their course.
This is a true image of a courtier, who goes over a great deal of ground, but
often returns to the very same point whence he started.
(66.) “Two-thirds of my life are already gone; why, then, should I
perplex myself so much about the remainder? The most brilliant career
neither deserves the anxiety I suffer, nor the meannesses I accidentally
commit, nor the humiliations and mortifications I have to bear. In thirty
years those giants of power whom we can hardly perceive without raising
our heads will be destroyed; I, who am so small, and those to whom I
looked up with so much anxiety and from whom I expected all my
greatness, will have disappeared. The best of all good things, if such there
be in this world, is repose, retirement, and a place you can call your own.”
N ... was of this opinion when he was in disgrace, but he forgot it in his
prosperity.436
(67.) A nobleman who resides in his own province, lives free, but
without patronage; if he lives at court he will be patronised, but is a slave;
the other person; he weeps with one eye and laughs with the other.
Sometimes, in imitation of the Ministers or the favourite, he speaks in
public of trivial things, such as the wind or the frost, but, on the contrary, is
silent and very mysterious about some important things he does know, and
still more so about some he does not know.
(63.) There is a country433 where all joy is conspicuous but false, and all
grief hidden but real. Who would imagine that the anxiety to be present at
entertainments, the raptures and applause at Molièreʼs or Harlequinʼs
comedies,434 the banquets, the chase, the ballets, and carrousels,435 conceal
so much uneasiness, so many cares and such various interests, so many
fears and expectations, so many ardent passions, and such serious matters of
business.
(64.) Court life is a serious, sad game, requiring application; a man must
arrange his pieces and his plans, have a design, pursue it, thwart his
adversaries, now and then venture something, and play capriciously; yet
after all those fancies and contrivances he may be kept in check, and not
seldom be checkmated; whilst often with well-handled men he may queen it
and win the game; the most skilful or the most fortunate player obtains the
victory.
(65.) The wheels, the springs, the movements of a watch are hidden, and
only the hands can be seen gradually going round and finishing their course.
This is a true image of a courtier, who goes over a great deal of ground, but
often returns to the very same point whence he started.
(66.) “Two-thirds of my life are already gone; why, then, should I
perplex myself so much about the remainder? The most brilliant career
neither deserves the anxiety I suffer, nor the meannesses I accidentally
commit, nor the humiliations and mortifications I have to bear. In thirty
years those giants of power whom we can hardly perceive without raising
our heads will be destroyed; I, who am so small, and those to whom I
looked up with so much anxiety and from whom I expected all my
greatness, will have disappeared. The best of all good things, if such there
be in this world, is repose, retirement, and a place you can call your own.”
N ... was of this opinion when he was in disgrace, but he forgot it in his
prosperity.436
(67.) A nobleman who resides in his own province, lives free, but
without patronage; if he lives at court he will be patronised, but is a slave;
Page 148
so one thing compensates for another.
(68.) Xantippus,437 at the uttermost end of his province, under an old
roof and in a wretched bed, dreamt one night that he saw his prince, spoke
to him, and felt great joy at this; when he awoke he was melancholy, told
his dream, and exclaimed, “What strange fancies a man may have in his
sleep!” Xantippus some time afterwards went to court, saw the prince, and
spoke to him; and then his dream was more than realised, for he became a
favourite.
(69.) Nobody is a greater slave than an assiduous courtier, unless it be a
courtier who is more assiduous.
(70.) A slave has but one master; an ambitious man has as many masters
as there are people who may be useful in bettering his position.
(71.) A thousand men scarcely known appear every day in crowds at the
levée,438 to be seen by their prince, who cannot see a thousand at a time; if
to-day he only sees those whom he saw yesterday and will see tomorrow,
how many must be unhappy!439
(72.) Of all those persons who dangle after men of rank, and pay their
respects to them, a few honour them in their hearts, a great number follow
them out of ambition or interest, but the motive of the largest number is a
ridiculous vanity or a silly impatience to be noticed.
(73.) There are certain families who, according to the ways of the world,
and what we call decency, ought never to be reconciled to one another;
however, now they are good friends, for those whom religion could not
induce to lay aside their feuds, interest, without much trouble, has linked
together.
(74.) People say there exists a certain country where old men are
gallant, well-mannered, and polite, young men, on the contrary, unfeeling,
rude, ill-mannered, and impolite; they no longer entertain a passion for the
fair sex at an age when, in other countries, young men begin to entertain it;
and prefer to that sex feasts, revelry, and ridiculous amours. Amongst those
people a man is considered sober and moderate who is never intoxicated
with anything but wine, the excessive use of which makes it appear insipid;
they endeavour by brandy, and by the strongest liquors, to revive their taste,
which is already gone, and want nothing to complete their excesses but to
drink aquafortis. The women of that country hasten the decay of their
beauty by their artifices to preserve it; they paint their cheeks, eyebrows,
and shoulders, which they bare, together with their breasts, arms, and ears,
(68.) Xantippus,437 at the uttermost end of his province, under an old
roof and in a wretched bed, dreamt one night that he saw his prince, spoke
to him, and felt great joy at this; when he awoke he was melancholy, told
his dream, and exclaimed, “What strange fancies a man may have in his
sleep!” Xantippus some time afterwards went to court, saw the prince, and
spoke to him; and then his dream was more than realised, for he became a
favourite.
(69.) Nobody is a greater slave than an assiduous courtier, unless it be a
courtier who is more assiduous.
(70.) A slave has but one master; an ambitious man has as many masters
as there are people who may be useful in bettering his position.
(71.) A thousand men scarcely known appear every day in crowds at the
levée,438 to be seen by their prince, who cannot see a thousand at a time; if
to-day he only sees those whom he saw yesterday and will see tomorrow,
how many must be unhappy!439
(72.) Of all those persons who dangle after men of rank, and pay their
respects to them, a few honour them in their hearts, a great number follow
them out of ambition or interest, but the motive of the largest number is a
ridiculous vanity or a silly impatience to be noticed.
(73.) There are certain families who, according to the ways of the world,
and what we call decency, ought never to be reconciled to one another;
however, now they are good friends, for those whom religion could not
induce to lay aside their feuds, interest, without much trouble, has linked
together.
(74.) People say there exists a certain country where old men are
gallant, well-mannered, and polite, young men, on the contrary, unfeeling,
rude, ill-mannered, and impolite; they no longer entertain a passion for the
fair sex at an age when, in other countries, young men begin to entertain it;
and prefer to that sex feasts, revelry, and ridiculous amours. Amongst those
people a man is considered sober and moderate who is never intoxicated
with anything but wine, the excessive use of which makes it appear insipid;
they endeavour by brandy, and by the strongest liquors, to revive their taste,
which is already gone, and want nothing to complete their excesses but to
drink aquafortis. The women of that country hasten the decay of their
beauty by their artifices to preserve it; they paint their cheeks, eyebrows,
and shoulders, which they bare, together with their breasts, arms, and ears,
Page 149
as if they were afraid of concealing those parts which they think will please,
or of not showing enough of themselves. The countenance of the inhabitants
of this country is not clear, but blurred and shrouded with a mass of hair
that does not belong to them, but which they prefer to their own, and which
is woven into a something to cover their heads, hanging down half way
their bodies, altering all their features, and preventing people from being
known by their natural faces. This nation has, besides, its God and its king:
the high and mighty among them go at a fixed time every day to a temple
they call a church; at the upper end of that temple stands an altar
consecrated to their God, where a certain priest celebrates some mysteries,
called by them holy, sacred, and formidable. The high and mighty men
stand in a large circle at the foot of the altar, with their back to the priest
and the holy mysteries, and their faces towards their king, who is seen
kneeling in a raised and open pew, and towards whom all minds and all
hearts seem directed. However, a certain kind of subordination is to be
observed whilst this is going on; for this people seem to adore their prince,
and their prince appears to worship God. The natives of this country call
it.... It is situated about forty-eight degrees northern latitude, and more than
eleven hundred leagues by sea from the Iroquois and the Hurons.440
(75.) Whoever will consider that a kingʼs presence constitutes the entire
happiness of courtiers, that their sole occupation and satisfaction during the
whole course of their lives is to see and be seen by him,441 will in some
measure understand how to behold God may constitute the glory and
felicity of the saints.442
(76.) Great noblemen show their respect for their prince; this concerns
them, as they have also their dependants. Courtiers of inferior rank are more
relaxed in those duties, assume a kind of familiarity, and live like men
whose examples none will follow.
(77.) What is there wanting in the youth of the present time? They can
do and they know everything; or at least if they do not know as much as it is
possible to know, they are as positive as if they did.
(78.) How weak are men! A great lord says of your friend Timagenes
that he is a blockhead, but he makes a mistake. I do not require you to reply
that Timagenes is a clever man, but only dare think he is not a blockhead.
He says also that Iphicrates is a coward; and you have seen him perform
an act of bravery. But do not be uneasy. I do not insist you should relate it,
or of not showing enough of themselves. The countenance of the inhabitants
of this country is not clear, but blurred and shrouded with a mass of hair
that does not belong to them, but which they prefer to their own, and which
is woven into a something to cover their heads, hanging down half way
their bodies, altering all their features, and preventing people from being
known by their natural faces. This nation has, besides, its God and its king:
the high and mighty among them go at a fixed time every day to a temple
they call a church; at the upper end of that temple stands an altar
consecrated to their God, where a certain priest celebrates some mysteries,
called by them holy, sacred, and formidable. The high and mighty men
stand in a large circle at the foot of the altar, with their back to the priest
and the holy mysteries, and their faces towards their king, who is seen
kneeling in a raised and open pew, and towards whom all minds and all
hearts seem directed. However, a certain kind of subordination is to be
observed whilst this is going on; for this people seem to adore their prince,
and their prince appears to worship God. The natives of this country call
it.... It is situated about forty-eight degrees northern latitude, and more than
eleven hundred leagues by sea from the Iroquois and the Hurons.440
(75.) Whoever will consider that a kingʼs presence constitutes the entire
happiness of courtiers, that their sole occupation and satisfaction during the
whole course of their lives is to see and be seen by him,441 will in some
measure understand how to behold God may constitute the glory and
felicity of the saints.442
(76.) Great noblemen show their respect for their prince; this concerns
them, as they have also their dependants. Courtiers of inferior rank are more
relaxed in those duties, assume a kind of familiarity, and live like men
whose examples none will follow.
(77.) What is there wanting in the youth of the present time? They can
do and they know everything; or at least if they do not know as much as it is
possible to know, they are as positive as if they did.
(78.) How weak are men! A great lord says of your friend Timagenes
that he is a blockhead, but he makes a mistake. I do not require you to reply
that Timagenes is a clever man, but only dare think he is not a blockhead.
He says also that Iphicrates is a coward; and you have seen him perform
an act of bravery. But do not be uneasy. I do not insist you should relate it,
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but, after what you have heard this lord say, still remember that you saw
him perform it.
(79.) To know how to speak to a king is perhaps the sole art of a prudent
and pliant courtier. One word escapes him, which the prince hears,
recollects, and sometimes lodges in his heart; there is no recalling it; all the
care and skill that can be used to explain or soften it, serves only to impress
it the more and to bite it in deeper. If the courtier has only spoken against
himself, though this misfortune is very unusual, the remedy is at hand; he
must take warning by his fault, and bear the punishment of his levity; but if
another be the victim, he ought to feel dejected and contrite. Is there a better
rule in such a dangerous conjuncture than to talk to our sovereign of others,
of their persons, works, actions, manners, or conduct, at least with the same
reserve, precaution, and care with which we talk of ourselves?
(80.) I would say that a man who tries to be witty must have a most
wretched character, if it had not been said before.443 Those persons who
injure the reputation or position of others for the sake of a witticism deserve
to be punished with ignominy; this has not been said before, and I dare say
it.
(81.) There are a certain number of ready-made phrases which we store
and use when we wish to congratulate one another. Though we often utter
them without really feeling what we say, and are received without gratitude,
yet we must not omit them, because, at least, they represent the very best
thing in this world, namely, friendship; and since men cannot depend on
one another in reality, they seem to have agreed to be satisfied with
appearances.
(82.) With five or six terms of art, and nothing else, we set up for
connoisseurs in music, painting, architecture, and gastronomy; we fancy we
have more pleasure than others in hearing, seeing, or eating; we impose on
our fellow-creatures and deceive ourselves.
(83.) At court there are always a certain number of people to whom a
knowledge of the world, politeness, or fortune supply the want of merit;444
they know how to enter and to leave a room; they are never embarrassed in
their conversation, because they never engage in one; they please by their
very taciturnity, and make themselves appear of importance by their
prolonged silence, or by uttering, at most, a few monosyllables; they answer
you by a glance, an intonation, a gesture, and a smile; their understanding,
him perform it.
(79.) To know how to speak to a king is perhaps the sole art of a prudent
and pliant courtier. One word escapes him, which the prince hears,
recollects, and sometimes lodges in his heart; there is no recalling it; all the
care and skill that can be used to explain or soften it, serves only to impress
it the more and to bite it in deeper. If the courtier has only spoken against
himself, though this misfortune is very unusual, the remedy is at hand; he
must take warning by his fault, and bear the punishment of his levity; but if
another be the victim, he ought to feel dejected and contrite. Is there a better
rule in such a dangerous conjuncture than to talk to our sovereign of others,
of their persons, works, actions, manners, or conduct, at least with the same
reserve, precaution, and care with which we talk of ourselves?
(80.) I would say that a man who tries to be witty must have a most
wretched character, if it had not been said before.443 Those persons who
injure the reputation or position of others for the sake of a witticism deserve
to be punished with ignominy; this has not been said before, and I dare say
it.
(81.) There are a certain number of ready-made phrases which we store
and use when we wish to congratulate one another. Though we often utter
them without really feeling what we say, and are received without gratitude,
yet we must not omit them, because, at least, they represent the very best
thing in this world, namely, friendship; and since men cannot depend on
one another in reality, they seem to have agreed to be satisfied with
appearances.
(82.) With five or six terms of art, and nothing else, we set up for
connoisseurs in music, painting, architecture, and gastronomy; we fancy we
have more pleasure than others in hearing, seeing, or eating; we impose on
our fellow-creatures and deceive ourselves.
(83.) At court there are always a certain number of people to whom a
knowledge of the world, politeness, or fortune supply the want of merit;444
they know how to enter and to leave a room; they are never embarrassed in
their conversation, because they never engage in one; they please by their
very taciturnity, and make themselves appear of importance by their
prolonged silence, or by uttering, at most, a few monosyllables; they answer
you by a glance, an intonation, a gesture, and a smile; their understanding,
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if I may venture on the expression, is only two inches deep, and if you
fathom it, you will soon come to the bottom.
(84.) There are some men on whom favour lights as it were
accidentally; they are the first it surprises and even alarms; they recollect
themselves at last, and think they are worthy of their good fortune; and, as
if stupidity and fortune were two things incompatible, or as if it were
impossible to be lucky and foolish at one and the same time, they fancy
they are intelligent, and venture, or I should rather say, are conceited
enough, to speak on all occasions, on every possible subject, and without
any regard for their audience. I might add that at last they become terrible,
and disgust every one by their fatuity and nonsense. This is at least certain;
they infallibly discredit those who assisted them in their promotion.445
(85.) What shall we call those who are only shrewd in the opinion of
fools? I know this, that able men rank them with the people they impose
upon.
A man must be very shrewd to make other people believe that he is not
so sharp after all.
Shrewdness is neither too good nor too bad a quality, but is something
between a virtue and a vice; there is scarcely any circumstance in which
prudence cannot supply its place, and, perhaps, in which it ought not to do
so.
Shrewdness is a near neighbour of rascality; there is but a step from the
one to the other, and that a slippery one; falsehood only makes the
difference, for add shrewdness to it, and the result is rascality.
Amongst those people who, out of shrewdness, hear everything and talk
little, be sure to talk less; or, if you must talk much, say little.
(86.) You have a just and important business depending on the consent
of two persons; and one of them says to you that he will favour it provided
the other will agree to it, which the latter does, though he wishes to know
what the first intends doing. Meanwhile nothing comes of it; and months
and years roll on to no purpose. You say you are bewildered, that it is a
complete mystery to you, and that all that was necessary for your success
was for these two persons to meet together and to converse about it. I tell
you I see through it all, and it is no mystery to me; they have met and
conversed about your business.
(87.) Methinks a man who solicits for others shows the confidence of a
person asking for justice, whilst he who speaks or acts for himself is as
fathom it, you will soon come to the bottom.
(84.) There are some men on whom favour lights as it were
accidentally; they are the first it surprises and even alarms; they recollect
themselves at last, and think they are worthy of their good fortune; and, as
if stupidity and fortune were two things incompatible, or as if it were
impossible to be lucky and foolish at one and the same time, they fancy
they are intelligent, and venture, or I should rather say, are conceited
enough, to speak on all occasions, on every possible subject, and without
any regard for their audience. I might add that at last they become terrible,
and disgust every one by their fatuity and nonsense. This is at least certain;
they infallibly discredit those who assisted them in their promotion.445
(85.) What shall we call those who are only shrewd in the opinion of
fools? I know this, that able men rank them with the people they impose
upon.
A man must be very shrewd to make other people believe that he is not
so sharp after all.
Shrewdness is neither too good nor too bad a quality, but is something
between a virtue and a vice; there is scarcely any circumstance in which
prudence cannot supply its place, and, perhaps, in which it ought not to do
so.
Shrewdness is a near neighbour of rascality; there is but a step from the
one to the other, and that a slippery one; falsehood only makes the
difference, for add shrewdness to it, and the result is rascality.
Amongst those people who, out of shrewdness, hear everything and talk
little, be sure to talk less; or, if you must talk much, say little.
(86.) You have a just and important business depending on the consent
of two persons; and one of them says to you that he will favour it provided
the other will agree to it, which the latter does, though he wishes to know
what the first intends doing. Meanwhile nothing comes of it; and months
and years roll on to no purpose. You say you are bewildered, that it is a
complete mystery to you, and that all that was necessary for your success
was for these two persons to meet together and to converse about it. I tell
you I see through it all, and it is no mystery to me; they have met and
conversed about your business.
(87.) Methinks a man who solicits for others shows the confidence of a
person asking for justice, whilst he who speaks or acts for himself is as
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embarrassed and bashful as if he were asking a favour.
(88.) If a courtier be not continually upon his guard against the snares
laid for him to make him ridiculous, he will, with all his sagacity, be
amazed to find himself duped by people far less intelligent than he is.
(89.) In life some circumstances may happen when truth and simplicity
prove the best policy.
(90.) If you are in favour, whatever you do is well done; you commit no
faults, and every step you take leads you to the goal; but if you are not in
favour, everything you do is faulty and useless, and whatever path you take
leads you out of the way.
(91.) A man who has schemed for some time can no longer do without
it; all other ways of living are to him dull and insipid.
(92.) Intelligence is requisite to be a schemer; yet a man may have a
sufficient amount of it to be above scheming and plotting, and above
subjecting himself to such things; in such a case he takes other means for
bettering his fortune, or for acquiring a brilliant reputation.
(93.) Fear not, O Aristides, with your sublime intellect, your universal
learning, your well-tried honesty, and your highly accomplished merits, to
fall into disgrace at court, or to lose the favour of men of high rank so long
as they need you.446
(94.) Let a favourite watch his actions very narrowly; for if I have to
wait in his anteroom not so long as usual; if his countenance be more open,
his forehead less clouded; if he listens to me more patiently, and sees me to
the door a little farther than he used to do, I shall think he is tottering, and
shall not be mistaken.
Man has but very little strength of mind, for disgrace or mortifications
are needed to make him more humane, pliable, less rude, and more of a
gentleman.
(95.) If we observe certain people at court, their discourses and their
whole conduct show that they think neither of their grandfathers nor
grandchildren; they only care for the present, and that they do not enjoy, but
abuse.
(96.) Straton447 is born under two planets, equally fortunate and
unfortunate; his life is a romance, but with even less probability. Adventures
he had none, but good and bad dreams in abundance, or, if I may say so, no
dreams come up to his life. Fate has been to none more kind than to him; he
is acquainted with the mean and the extremes of life; he has made a figure,
(88.) If a courtier be not continually upon his guard against the snares
laid for him to make him ridiculous, he will, with all his sagacity, be
amazed to find himself duped by people far less intelligent than he is.
(89.) In life some circumstances may happen when truth and simplicity
prove the best policy.
(90.) If you are in favour, whatever you do is well done; you commit no
faults, and every step you take leads you to the goal; but if you are not in
favour, everything you do is faulty and useless, and whatever path you take
leads you out of the way.
(91.) A man who has schemed for some time can no longer do without
it; all other ways of living are to him dull and insipid.
(92.) Intelligence is requisite to be a schemer; yet a man may have a
sufficient amount of it to be above scheming and plotting, and above
subjecting himself to such things; in such a case he takes other means for
bettering his fortune, or for acquiring a brilliant reputation.
(93.) Fear not, O Aristides, with your sublime intellect, your universal
learning, your well-tried honesty, and your highly accomplished merits, to
fall into disgrace at court, or to lose the favour of men of high rank so long
as they need you.446
(94.) Let a favourite watch his actions very narrowly; for if I have to
wait in his anteroom not so long as usual; if his countenance be more open,
his forehead less clouded; if he listens to me more patiently, and sees me to
the door a little farther than he used to do, I shall think he is tottering, and
shall not be mistaken.
Man has but very little strength of mind, for disgrace or mortifications
are needed to make him more humane, pliable, less rude, and more of a
gentleman.
(95.) If we observe certain people at court, their discourses and their
whole conduct show that they think neither of their grandfathers nor
grandchildren; they only care for the present, and that they do not enjoy, but
abuse.
(96.) Straton447 is born under two planets, equally fortunate and
unfortunate; his life is a romance, but with even less probability. Adventures
he had none, but good and bad dreams in abundance, or, if I may say so, no
dreams come up to his life. Fate has been to none more kind than to him; he
is acquainted with the mean and the extremes of life; he has made a figure,
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been in distress, led an ordinary life, and gone through all vicissitudes. He
has made himself valued for those virtues which he seriously asserted he
possessed; he has said of himself, “I have intelligence and courage,” and
every one said after him, “He has intelligence and courage.” In his good and
bad fortune he has experienced the disposition of courtiers, who said of him
perhaps more good and more ill than ever he deserved. When people
praised him they called him pretty, amiable, rare, wonderful, and heroic;
and words quite the contrary have also been employed to vilify him. His
character is heterogeneous, mixed and confused; his life has been an
enigma, which is not yet wholly solved.
(97.) Favour raises a man above his equals, and disgrace throws him
below them.
(98.) He who one day or other deliberately abandons a great name, a
great authority, or a large fortune, frees himself at once from many troubles,
many restless nights, and sometimes from many crimes.
(99.) The world will be the same a hundred years hence as it is now;
there will be the same stage and the same decorations, though not the same
actors. All who were glad to receive favours, as well as those who were
grieved and in despair for boons that were refused, shall have disappeared
from the boards; others have already made their entrances who will act the
same parts in the same plays, and in their turn make their exits, whilst those
who have not yet appeared one day will also be gone, and fresh actors will
take their places. What reliance is there to be placed on any actor?
(100.) Whoever has seen the court has seen the most handsome, the
best-looking, and the most decked-out part of the world. He who despises
the court after having seen it, despises the world.
(101.) The city makes a man take a dislike to the country; the country
undeceives him as to the city and cares of the court.
A healthy mind acquires at court a liking for solitude and retirement.448
has made himself valued for those virtues which he seriously asserted he
possessed; he has said of himself, “I have intelligence and courage,” and
every one said after him, “He has intelligence and courage.” In his good and
bad fortune he has experienced the disposition of courtiers, who said of him
perhaps more good and more ill than ever he deserved. When people
praised him they called him pretty, amiable, rare, wonderful, and heroic;
and words quite the contrary have also been employed to vilify him. His
character is heterogeneous, mixed and confused; his life has been an
enigma, which is not yet wholly solved.
(97.) Favour raises a man above his equals, and disgrace throws him
below them.
(98.) He who one day or other deliberately abandons a great name, a
great authority, or a large fortune, frees himself at once from many troubles,
many restless nights, and sometimes from many crimes.
(99.) The world will be the same a hundred years hence as it is now;
there will be the same stage and the same decorations, though not the same
actors. All who were glad to receive favours, as well as those who were
grieved and in despair for boons that were refused, shall have disappeared
from the boards; others have already made their entrances who will act the
same parts in the same plays, and in their turn make their exits, whilst those
who have not yet appeared one day will also be gone, and fresh actors will
take their places. What reliance is there to be placed on any actor?
(100.) Whoever has seen the court has seen the most handsome, the
best-looking, and the most decked-out part of the world. He who despises
the court after having seen it, despises the world.
(101.) The city makes a man take a dislike to the country; the country
undeceives him as to the city and cares of the court.
A healthy mind acquires at court a liking for solitude and retirement.448
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IX.
OF THE GREAT.
(1.)
T HE common people are so blindly prepossessed in favour of the
great, and so enthusiastic about their bearing, looks, tone of voice,
and manners, that if the latter would take it into their heads to be
good, this prepossession would become idolatry.
(2.) If you are intrinsically vicious, O Theagenes449 I pity you; if you
have become so out of weakness for those men who have an interest in your
being debauched, who have conspired to corrupt you, and boast already of
their success, you will excuse me if I despise you. But if you are wise,
temperate, modest, polite, generous, grateful, industrious, and besides of a
birth and rank which ought to set examples rather than copy those others
give, and to make rules rather than to receive them, agree with such a class
of men, and be complaisant enough to imitate their disorders, vices, and
follies, after the respect they owe you has obliged them to imitate your
virtues. This is a bitter but useful ironical remark, very suitable for securing
your morals, for ruining all their projects, and for compelling them to
remain as they are, and leave you as you are.
OF THE GREAT.
(1.)
T HE common people are so blindly prepossessed in favour of the
great, and so enthusiastic about their bearing, looks, tone of voice,
and manners, that if the latter would take it into their heads to be
good, this prepossession would become idolatry.
(2.) If you are intrinsically vicious, O Theagenes449 I pity you; if you
have become so out of weakness for those men who have an interest in your
being debauched, who have conspired to corrupt you, and boast already of
their success, you will excuse me if I despise you. But if you are wise,
temperate, modest, polite, generous, grateful, industrious, and besides of a
birth and rank which ought to set examples rather than copy those others
give, and to make rules rather than to receive them, agree with such a class
of men, and be complaisant enough to imitate their disorders, vices, and
follies, after the respect they owe you has obliged them to imitate your
virtues. This is a bitter but useful ironical remark, very suitable for securing
your morals, for ruining all their projects, and for compelling them to
remain as they are, and leave you as you are.
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(3.) In one thing great men have an immense advantage over others;
they may enjoy their sumptuous banquets, their costly furniture, their dogs,
horses, monkeys, dwarfs, fools, and flatterers; but I envy them the
happiness of having in their service their equals, and sometimes even their
superiors, in feelings and intelligence.
(4.) Great lords delight in opening glades in forests, in raising terraces
on long and solid foundations, in gilding their ceilings, in bringing a good
deal of water where there was none before, in growing oranges in
hothouses; but they are not anxious to restore peace to the distracted, to
make joyful the afflicted, and to forestall urgent necessities, or to relieve
them.
(5.) The question arises, whether, in comparing the different conditions
of men, their troubles and advantages, we cannot observe such a mixture or
balance of good and evil as seems to place them on an equality, or at least
as makes one scarcely more desirable than another. Those men who are
powerful, rich, and who want nothing may put the question, but the decision
must be left to the indigent.
There is, however, a kind of charm belonging to each of those different
conditions, and which lasts till misery removes it. The great please
themselves in excess, their inferiors in moderation: these delight in lording
and commanding; those are pleased, and even proud, to serve and to obey:
the great are surrounded, complimented, and respected; the little surround,
compliment, and cringe; and both are satisfied.
(6.) Good words cost the great so little, and their rank gives them such a
dispensation for not keeping what they have most solemnly promised, that
they really are moderate in being so sparing of those promises.
(7.) “Such a person,” says some great man, “has grown old and feeble,
and has worn himself out in my service. What can I do for him?” A younger
competitor steps in, and obtains the post which had been refused to this
unfortunate man for no other reason but that he too well deserved it.
(8.) “I do not know how it happens,” you exclaim with a cold and
disdainful air, “that Philanthes, though he possesses merit, intelligence, is
agreeable, exact in fulfilling his duties, faithful and fond of his master, is
not greatly valued by him, cannot please, and is not at all liked.”—“Explain
yourself; do you blame Philanthes or the great man whom he serves?”
(9.) It is often more advantageous to quit the service of great men than
to complain of them.
they may enjoy their sumptuous banquets, their costly furniture, their dogs,
horses, monkeys, dwarfs, fools, and flatterers; but I envy them the
happiness of having in their service their equals, and sometimes even their
superiors, in feelings and intelligence.
(4.) Great lords delight in opening glades in forests, in raising terraces
on long and solid foundations, in gilding their ceilings, in bringing a good
deal of water where there was none before, in growing oranges in
hothouses; but they are not anxious to restore peace to the distracted, to
make joyful the afflicted, and to forestall urgent necessities, or to relieve
them.
(5.) The question arises, whether, in comparing the different conditions
of men, their troubles and advantages, we cannot observe such a mixture or
balance of good and evil as seems to place them on an equality, or at least
as makes one scarcely more desirable than another. Those men who are
powerful, rich, and who want nothing may put the question, but the decision
must be left to the indigent.
There is, however, a kind of charm belonging to each of those different
conditions, and which lasts till misery removes it. The great please
themselves in excess, their inferiors in moderation: these delight in lording
and commanding; those are pleased, and even proud, to serve and to obey:
the great are surrounded, complimented, and respected; the little surround,
compliment, and cringe; and both are satisfied.
(6.) Good words cost the great so little, and their rank gives them such a
dispensation for not keeping what they have most solemnly promised, that
they really are moderate in being so sparing of those promises.
(7.) “Such a person,” says some great man, “has grown old and feeble,
and has worn himself out in my service. What can I do for him?” A younger
competitor steps in, and obtains the post which had been refused to this
unfortunate man for no other reason but that he too well deserved it.
(8.) “I do not know how it happens,” you exclaim with a cold and
disdainful air, “that Philanthes, though he possesses merit, intelligence, is
agreeable, exact in fulfilling his duties, faithful and fond of his master, is
not greatly valued by him, cannot please, and is not at all liked.”—“Explain
yourself; do you blame Philanthes or the great man whom he serves?”
(9.) It is often more advantageous to quit the service of great men than
to complain of them.
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(10.) Who can explain to me why some men get a prize in a lottery and
others find favour with the great?
(11.) The great are so happily situated that in the whole course of their
lives they never feel the loss of their best servants, or of persons eminent in
their various capacities, and from whom they have obtained all the pleasure
and profit they could. As soon as those unique persons, so difficult to
replace, are dead, a host of flatterers are ready to expose their supposed
weaknesses, from which, according to them, their successors are entirely
free; they are convinced that these successors, whilst possessing all the skill
and knowledge of their predecessors, will have none of their faults; and this
is the language which consoles princes for the loss of worthy and excellent
servants, and makes them satisfied with indifferent ones.450
(12.) The great feel a contempt for intelligent men, who have nothing
but intelligence; men of intelligence despise the great, who possess nothing
but greatness; a good man pities them both, if their greatness or intelligence
is not allied with virtue.
(13.) When, on the one hand, I see some brisk, busy, intriguing, bold,
dangerous, and obnoxious persons at the table of the great, and sometimes
intimate with them, and, on the other hand, consider what difficulty a man
of merit has to obtain an interview with them, I am not always inclined to
believe that the wicked are tolerated out of interest, or that good men and
true are looked upon as useless; but I am rather confirmed in my opinion
that rank and sound judgment do not always go together, and that a liking
for virtue and virtuous people is a distinct quality.
(14.) Lucilius chooses to spend his life rather in being admitted on
sufferance by a few of the great than in being reduced to his living
familiarly with his equals.
The custom of associating with people who are our superiors in rank
ought to have some restrictions; it often requires extraordinary talents to put
it into practice.451
(15.) Theophilusʼ disease seems to be incurable; he has suffered from it
these thirty years, and now he is past recovery. He was, is, and will always
be desirous of governing the great; death alone can extinguish with his life
this craving for swaying and ruling other minds. Is it in him zeal for his
neighbourʼs weal, or is he accustomed to it, or is it an excessive good
opinion he has of himself? He insinuates himself into every palace, and
does not stop in the middle of an apartment, but goes on to a window-niche
others find favour with the great?
(11.) The great are so happily situated that in the whole course of their
lives they never feel the loss of their best servants, or of persons eminent in
their various capacities, and from whom they have obtained all the pleasure
and profit they could. As soon as those unique persons, so difficult to
replace, are dead, a host of flatterers are ready to expose their supposed
weaknesses, from which, according to them, their successors are entirely
free; they are convinced that these successors, whilst possessing all the skill
and knowledge of their predecessors, will have none of their faults; and this
is the language which consoles princes for the loss of worthy and excellent
servants, and makes them satisfied with indifferent ones.450
(12.) The great feel a contempt for intelligent men, who have nothing
but intelligence; men of intelligence despise the great, who possess nothing
but greatness; a good man pities them both, if their greatness or intelligence
is not allied with virtue.
(13.) When, on the one hand, I see some brisk, busy, intriguing, bold,
dangerous, and obnoxious persons at the table of the great, and sometimes
intimate with them, and, on the other hand, consider what difficulty a man
of merit has to obtain an interview with them, I am not always inclined to
believe that the wicked are tolerated out of interest, or that good men and
true are looked upon as useless; but I am rather confirmed in my opinion
that rank and sound judgment do not always go together, and that a liking
for virtue and virtuous people is a distinct quality.
(14.) Lucilius chooses to spend his life rather in being admitted on
sufferance by a few of the great than in being reduced to his living
familiarly with his equals.
The custom of associating with people who are our superiors in rank
ought to have some restrictions; it often requires extraordinary talents to put
it into practice.451
(15.) Theophilusʼ disease seems to be incurable; he has suffered from it
these thirty years, and now he is past recovery. He was, is, and will always
be desirous of governing the great; death alone can extinguish with his life
this craving for swaying and ruling other minds. Is it in him zeal for his
neighbourʼs weal, or is he accustomed to it, or is it an excessive good
opinion he has of himself? He insinuates himself into every palace, and
does not stop in the middle of an apartment, but goes on to a window-niche
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or a closet; other people wait to be seen or to have an audience till he has
finished his speech, which lasts generally a goodly time, during which he
gesticulates much. He penetrates the secrets of many families, has a share in
their good or bad fortunes; forestalls many an occasion, offers his services,
and forces himself upon people so discreetly452 that he must be admitted.
The care of ten thousand souls, for which he is accountable to Providence
as much as for his own, is not sufficient to employ his time or satisfy his
ambition; there are others of a higher rank, and of more consideration, for
whom he is not responsible, but of whom he officiously takes charge. He
listens and watches for anything that may gratify his spirit of intrigue,
meddling and muddling. A great man has scarcely set foot on shore, but he
gets hold of him, and pounces upon him; and we hear that Theophilus is his
guide and director before we could even suspect he had so much as thought
of it.453
(16.) A coldness or incivility from our superiors in rank makes us hate
them; but a bow or a smile soon reconciles us.
(17.) There are some proud men whom the success of their rivals
humbles and mortifies; it is a disgrace which even sometimes makes them
return your bow; but time, which alleviates all things, restores them at last
to their natural disposition.
(18.) The contempt the great feel for the common people renders them
so indifferent to their flattery or praises, that it does not feed their vanity. In
like manner, princes praised continually and unreservedly by the great and
the courtiers, would be more elated if they had a better opinion of those
who praise them.
(19.) The great believe themselves the only persons who are the pink of
perfection, and will hardly allow any sound judgment, ability, or refined
feelings in any of a meaner rank; but they arrogate to themselves those
qualities by virtue of their birth. However, they are greatly in error in
entertaining such absurd prejudices, for the best thoughts, the best
discourses, the best writings, and perhaps the most refined behaviour, have
not always been found among them. They have large estates and a long
train of ancestors, and there is no arguing about those facts.454
(20.) Have you any intelligence, grandeur of mind, capacity, taste,
sound judgment? Can I believe prejudice and flattery which so boldly
proclaim your merit? No! I suspect and reject them. I will not be dazzled by
that look of capacity and grandeur which makes it appear as if you could
finished his speech, which lasts generally a goodly time, during which he
gesticulates much. He penetrates the secrets of many families, has a share in
their good or bad fortunes; forestalls many an occasion, offers his services,
and forces himself upon people so discreetly452 that he must be admitted.
The care of ten thousand souls, for which he is accountable to Providence
as much as for his own, is not sufficient to employ his time or satisfy his
ambition; there are others of a higher rank, and of more consideration, for
whom he is not responsible, but of whom he officiously takes charge. He
listens and watches for anything that may gratify his spirit of intrigue,
meddling and muddling. A great man has scarcely set foot on shore, but he
gets hold of him, and pounces upon him; and we hear that Theophilus is his
guide and director before we could even suspect he had so much as thought
of it.453
(16.) A coldness or incivility from our superiors in rank makes us hate
them; but a bow or a smile soon reconciles us.
(17.) There are some proud men whom the success of their rivals
humbles and mortifies; it is a disgrace which even sometimes makes them
return your bow; but time, which alleviates all things, restores them at last
to their natural disposition.
(18.) The contempt the great feel for the common people renders them
so indifferent to their flattery or praises, that it does not feed their vanity. In
like manner, princes praised continually and unreservedly by the great and
the courtiers, would be more elated if they had a better opinion of those
who praise them.
(19.) The great believe themselves the only persons who are the pink of
perfection, and will hardly allow any sound judgment, ability, or refined
feelings in any of a meaner rank; but they arrogate to themselves those
qualities by virtue of their birth. However, they are greatly in error in
entertaining such absurd prejudices, for the best thoughts, the best
discourses, the best writings, and perhaps the most refined behaviour, have
not always been found among them. They have large estates and a long
train of ancestors, and there is no arguing about those facts.454
(20.) Have you any intelligence, grandeur of mind, capacity, taste,
sound judgment? Can I believe prejudice and flattery which so boldly
proclaim your merit? No! I suspect and reject them. I will not be dazzled by
that look of capacity and grandeur which makes it appear as if you could
Page 158
act, speak, and write better than any one else; which makes you so
niggardly of bestowing praise, and renders it impossible to obtain the
smallest approbation from you. Hence I naturally infer that you are a
favourite, have influence, and are very wealthy. How shall we describe you,
Telephon?455 We can only approach you as we do fire, namely, from a
certain distance; and to form an opinion of you in a sensible and rational
manner, we ought to strip you, handle you, and confront you with your
equals. Your confidant, your most intimate friend, who gives you advice,
for whom you give up the society of Socrates and Aristides, with whom you
laugh, and who laughs louder than yourself, Davus,456 in short, I know
thoroughly; and this is enough for me to make you out.
(21.) There are some persons who, if they did know their inferiors and
themselves, would be ashamed to be above them.
(22.) If there are but few excellent orators, are there many who can
understand them? If good writers are scarce, are there many who can read?
Thus we are always complaining of the paucity of persons qualified to
counsel kings, and assist them in the administration of affairs; but if such
able and intelligent personages make their appearance, and act according to
their ideas and knowledge, are they beloved and esteemed as much as they
deserve? Are they commended for what they plan and do for their country?
They exist, that is all; they are censured if they fail, and envied if they
succeed. Let us then blame the people for whom it would be ridiculous to
find an excuse. The great and those in power look on their dissatisfaction
and jealousy as inevitable; and, for this reason, they have been gradually
induced not to take into account and to neglect their opinions in whatever
they undertake, and even to consider this a rule in politics.
The common people hate one another for the injuries they reciprocally
do each other; the great are execrated by them for all the harm they do, and
for all the good they do not, whilst they are also blamed for their obscurity,
poverty, and misfortunes.
(23.) The great think it too much condescension to have the same
religion and the same God as the common people, for how can they be
called Peter, John, or James, as any tradesman or labourer? Let us avoid,
they say, to have anything in common with the multitude; let us affect, on
the contrary, a distinction which may separate us from them; the people are
welcome to the twelve apostles, their disciples, and the first martyrs, fit
patrons for such folks; let them every year rejoice on some saintʼs day,
niggardly of bestowing praise, and renders it impossible to obtain the
smallest approbation from you. Hence I naturally infer that you are a
favourite, have influence, and are very wealthy. How shall we describe you,
Telephon?455 We can only approach you as we do fire, namely, from a
certain distance; and to form an opinion of you in a sensible and rational
manner, we ought to strip you, handle you, and confront you with your
equals. Your confidant, your most intimate friend, who gives you advice,
for whom you give up the society of Socrates and Aristides, with whom you
laugh, and who laughs louder than yourself, Davus,456 in short, I know
thoroughly; and this is enough for me to make you out.
(21.) There are some persons who, if they did know their inferiors and
themselves, would be ashamed to be above them.
(22.) If there are but few excellent orators, are there many who can
understand them? If good writers are scarce, are there many who can read?
Thus we are always complaining of the paucity of persons qualified to
counsel kings, and assist them in the administration of affairs; but if such
able and intelligent personages make their appearance, and act according to
their ideas and knowledge, are they beloved and esteemed as much as they
deserve? Are they commended for what they plan and do for their country?
They exist, that is all; they are censured if they fail, and envied if they
succeed. Let us then blame the people for whom it would be ridiculous to
find an excuse. The great and those in power look on their dissatisfaction
and jealousy as inevitable; and, for this reason, they have been gradually
induced not to take into account and to neglect their opinions in whatever
they undertake, and even to consider this a rule in politics.
The common people hate one another for the injuries they reciprocally
do each other; the great are execrated by them for all the harm they do, and
for all the good they do not, whilst they are also blamed for their obscurity,
poverty, and misfortunes.
(23.) The great think it too much condescension to have the same
religion and the same God as the common people, for how can they be
called Peter, John, or James, as any tradesman or labourer? Let us avoid,
they say, to have anything in common with the multitude; let us affect, on
the contrary, a distinction which may separate us from them; the people are
welcome to the twelve apostles, their disciples, and the first martyrs, fit
patrons for such folks; let them every year rejoice on some saintʼs day,
Page 159
which each celebrates as if it were his birthday;457 but for us great people,
let us have recourse to profane names, and be baptized by such patronymics
as Hannibal, Cæsar, and Pompey, for they were indeed great men; by that of
Lucretia, for she was an illustrious Roman lady; or by those of Rinaldo,
Rogero, Oliviero, and Tancredo,458 who were paladins and among the most
marvellous heroes of romance; by those of Hector, Achilles, or Hercules, all
demi-gods: even by those of Phœbus and Diana; and who shall prevent us
from calling ourselves Jupiter, Mercury, Venus, or Adonis?459
(24.) While the great neglect to become acquainted not only with the
interests of their princes and with public affairs, but with their own, while
they ignore how to govern a household or a family, boast of this very
ignorance, and are impoverished and ruled by their agents, while they are
satisfied with being dainty in eating and drinking,460 with visiting Thais and
Phryne,461 talking of various packs of hounds, telling how many stages
there are between Paris and Besançon or Philipsburg,462 some citizens
instruct themselves in what is going on within and without the kingdom,
study the art of government, become shrewd politicians, are acquainted
with the strength and weakness of an entire state, think of bettering their
position, obtain a place, rise, become powerful, and relieve their prince of a
portion of the cares of state. The great, who disdained them, now respect
them, and think themselves fortunate in being accepted as their sons-in-
law.463
(25.) If I compare the two most opposite conditions of men, I mean the
great and the common people, the latter appear satisfied if they only have
the necessities of life, and the former fretful and poor amidst superfluities.
A man of the people can do no harm; a great man will do no good, and is
capable of doing great mischief; the first only plans and practises useful
things, the second adds to them what is hurtful. Here rusticity and frankness
show themselves ingenuously; there a malignant and corrupt disposition lies
hidden under a veneer of politeness. If the common people have scarcely
any culture, the great have no soul; the first have a good foundation and no
outward appearances; the latter are all outward appearance and but a mere
superstratum. Were I to choose between the two, I should select, without
hesitation, being a plebeian.
(26.) However able the great at court may be, and whatever skill they
may possess in appearing what they are not, and in not appearing what they
let us have recourse to profane names, and be baptized by such patronymics
as Hannibal, Cæsar, and Pompey, for they were indeed great men; by that of
Lucretia, for she was an illustrious Roman lady; or by those of Rinaldo,
Rogero, Oliviero, and Tancredo,458 who were paladins and among the most
marvellous heroes of romance; by those of Hector, Achilles, or Hercules, all
demi-gods: even by those of Phœbus and Diana; and who shall prevent us
from calling ourselves Jupiter, Mercury, Venus, or Adonis?459
(24.) While the great neglect to become acquainted not only with the
interests of their princes and with public affairs, but with their own, while
they ignore how to govern a household or a family, boast of this very
ignorance, and are impoverished and ruled by their agents, while they are
satisfied with being dainty in eating and drinking,460 with visiting Thais and
Phryne,461 talking of various packs of hounds, telling how many stages
there are between Paris and Besançon or Philipsburg,462 some citizens
instruct themselves in what is going on within and without the kingdom,
study the art of government, become shrewd politicians, are acquainted
with the strength and weakness of an entire state, think of bettering their
position, obtain a place, rise, become powerful, and relieve their prince of a
portion of the cares of state. The great, who disdained them, now respect
them, and think themselves fortunate in being accepted as their sons-in-
law.463
(25.) If I compare the two most opposite conditions of men, I mean the
great and the common people, the latter appear satisfied if they only have
the necessities of life, and the former fretful and poor amidst superfluities.
A man of the people can do no harm; a great man will do no good, and is
capable of doing great mischief; the first only plans and practises useful
things, the second adds to them what is hurtful. Here rusticity and frankness
show themselves ingenuously; there a malignant and corrupt disposition lies
hidden under a veneer of politeness. If the common people have scarcely
any culture, the great have no soul; the first have a good foundation and no
outward appearances; the latter are all outward appearance and but a mere
superstratum. Were I to choose between the two, I should select, without
hesitation, being a plebeian.
(26.) However able the great at court may be, and whatever skill they
may possess in appearing what they are not, and in not appearing what they
Page 160
are, they cannot conceal their malice and their inclination to make fun of
other people, and often to render a person ridiculous who is not really so.
These fine talents are discovered in them at the first glance, and are
admirable without doubt to ensnare a dupe or make a fool of a man who
already was one, but are still better suited to deprive them of the pleasure
they might receive from a person of intelligence, who knows how to vary
and adapt his conversation in a thousand agreeable and pleasant ways, and
would do so, if the dangerous inclination of a courtier to ridicule any one
did not induce him to be very reserved; he, therefore, assumes a grave air,
and so effectively entrenches himself behind it, that the jokers, ill disposed
as they are, cannot find an opportunity of making fun of him.
(27.) Ease, affluence, and a smooth and prosperous career are the cause
why princes can take some delight in laughing at a dwarf, a monkey, an
imbecile, or a wretched story; men less fortunate never laugh but when they
ought to.
(28.) A great man loves champagne and hates wine from La Brie; he
gets intoxicated with better wine than a man of the people; and this is the
only difference between orgies in the two most opposite conditions of life,
that of a lord and of a footman.
(29.) It would seem, at the first glance, that the pleasures of princes
always are a little seasoned with the pleasure of inconveniencing other
people. But this is not so; princes are like other men; they only think of
themselves, and follow their own inclinations, passions, and convenience,
which is quite natural.
(30.) One would think that the first rule of companies, of people in
office and in power, is to provide those who depend on them in their
business with as many obstructions as they dread those dependants might
place in their way.
(31.) I cannot imagine in what a great man is happier than others, except
perhaps in having more often the power as well as the opportunity of
rendering a service; and if such an opportunity occurs, it seems to me that
by all means he ought to embrace it. If it is for an honest man, he should be
afraid of letting it slip; but as it is right to act thus, he should forestall any
solicitation, and not be seen until thanks are due to him for his success: if it
is an easy thing to render such a service, he should not set any value on it; if
he refuses to assist this honest man, I pity them both.
other people, and often to render a person ridiculous who is not really so.
These fine talents are discovered in them at the first glance, and are
admirable without doubt to ensnare a dupe or make a fool of a man who
already was one, but are still better suited to deprive them of the pleasure
they might receive from a person of intelligence, who knows how to vary
and adapt his conversation in a thousand agreeable and pleasant ways, and
would do so, if the dangerous inclination of a courtier to ridicule any one
did not induce him to be very reserved; he, therefore, assumes a grave air,
and so effectively entrenches himself behind it, that the jokers, ill disposed
as they are, cannot find an opportunity of making fun of him.
(27.) Ease, affluence, and a smooth and prosperous career are the cause
why princes can take some delight in laughing at a dwarf, a monkey, an
imbecile, or a wretched story; men less fortunate never laugh but when they
ought to.
(28.) A great man loves champagne and hates wine from La Brie; he
gets intoxicated with better wine than a man of the people; and this is the
only difference between orgies in the two most opposite conditions of life,
that of a lord and of a footman.
(29.) It would seem, at the first glance, that the pleasures of princes
always are a little seasoned with the pleasure of inconveniencing other
people. But this is not so; princes are like other men; they only think of
themselves, and follow their own inclinations, passions, and convenience,
which is quite natural.
(30.) One would think that the first rule of companies, of people in
office and in power, is to provide those who depend on them in their
business with as many obstructions as they dread those dependants might
place in their way.
(31.) I cannot imagine in what a great man is happier than others, except
perhaps in having more often the power as well as the opportunity of
rendering a service; and if such an opportunity occurs, it seems to me that
by all means he ought to embrace it. If it is for an honest man, he should be
afraid of letting it slip; but as it is right to act thus, he should forestall any
solicitation, and not be seen until thanks are due to him for his success: if it
is an easy thing to render such a service, he should not set any value on it; if
he refuses to assist this honest man, I pity them both.
Page 161
(32.) Some men are born inaccessible, and yet these are the very men of
whom others stand in need, and on whom they depend; they move about
continually, are as restless as quicksilver, turn on their heels, gesticulate,
shout, and are always in motion. Like those cardboard temples erected for
fireworks during public festivals, they scatter fire and flames, thunder and
lightning; and there is no approaching them until they are extinguished and
have fallen down, and then only they can be handled, but are of no more
use, and good for nothing.
(33.) A Swiss hall-porter, a valet-de-chambre, a footman, if they have no
more sense than belongs to their station in life, do no longer estimate
themselves by the meanness of their condition, but by the rank and fortune
of those whom they serve, and without discrimination think that all people
who enter by the door or ascend the staircase where they are in waiting are
inferior to them and their masters; so true is it that we are doomed to suffer
from the great and from all who belong to them.464
(34.) A man in office ought to love his prince, his wife, his children,
and, next to them, men of intelligence; he ought to befriend them, surround
himself with them, and never be without them; he cannot repay, I will not
say with too many pensions or kindnesses, but with too great an intimacy
and too many demonstrations of friendship, the assistance and the services
they render him even when he does not suspect it. What rumours do they
not scatter to the winds? How many stories do they not prove to be but fable
and fiction? How well do they understand to justify want of success by
good intentions, and demonstrate the soundness of a project and the
correctness of certain measures by a prosperous issue; raise their voices
against malice and envy, and prove that good enterprises proceed from the
best of motives; put a favourable construction on wretched appearances,
palliate slight faults, exhibit only virtues and place them in the best light;
spread on innumerable occasions a report of facts and details which
redound to their patronʼs honour, and make a jest of those who dare doubt it
or advance anything to the contrary. I know it is a maxim with great men to
let people speak, while they themselves continue to act as they think fit; but
I also know that it not seldom happens that their carelessness in paying
attention to what people say of them prevents them from performing the
actions they intended.
(35.) To be sensible of merit, and, when known, to treat it well, are two
great steps quickly to be taken one after another, but of which few great
whom others stand in need, and on whom they depend; they move about
continually, are as restless as quicksilver, turn on their heels, gesticulate,
shout, and are always in motion. Like those cardboard temples erected for
fireworks during public festivals, they scatter fire and flames, thunder and
lightning; and there is no approaching them until they are extinguished and
have fallen down, and then only they can be handled, but are of no more
use, and good for nothing.
(33.) A Swiss hall-porter, a valet-de-chambre, a footman, if they have no
more sense than belongs to their station in life, do no longer estimate
themselves by the meanness of their condition, but by the rank and fortune
of those whom they serve, and without discrimination think that all people
who enter by the door or ascend the staircase where they are in waiting are
inferior to them and their masters; so true is it that we are doomed to suffer
from the great and from all who belong to them.464
(34.) A man in office ought to love his prince, his wife, his children,
and, next to them, men of intelligence; he ought to befriend them, surround
himself with them, and never be without them; he cannot repay, I will not
say with too many pensions or kindnesses, but with too great an intimacy
and too many demonstrations of friendship, the assistance and the services
they render him even when he does not suspect it. What rumours do they
not scatter to the winds? How many stories do they not prove to be but fable
and fiction? How well do they understand to justify want of success by
good intentions, and demonstrate the soundness of a project and the
correctness of certain measures by a prosperous issue; raise their voices
against malice and envy, and prove that good enterprises proceed from the
best of motives; put a favourable construction on wretched appearances,
palliate slight faults, exhibit only virtues and place them in the best light;
spread on innumerable occasions a report of facts and details which
redound to their patronʼs honour, and make a jest of those who dare doubt it
or advance anything to the contrary. I know it is a maxim with great men to
let people speak, while they themselves continue to act as they think fit; but
I also know that it not seldom happens that their carelessness in paying
attention to what people say of them prevents them from performing the
actions they intended.
(35.) To be sensible of merit, and, when known, to treat it well, are two
great steps quickly to be taken one after another, but of which few great
Page 162
men are capable.
(36.) You are great, you are powerful, but this is not enough; act in such
a manner that I can esteem you, so that I should be sorry to lose your
favour, or sorry I was never able to obtain it.
(37.) You say of a great man or of a person in office, that he is very
obliging, kind, and delights in being serviceable; and you confirm this by
giving details of everything he has done in a certain business, in which he
knew you took some interest. I understand what you mean; you succeed
without any solicitation, you have influence, you are known to the ministers
of state, you stand well with the great. What else would you have me
understand?
A man tells you, “I think I am not very well treated by a certain
personage; he has become proud since he has bettered his position; he treats
me with contempt and no longer knows me.” You answer, “I have no reason
to complain of him; on the contrary, I must commend him; he even seems to
be to be very civil.” I believe I understand you too. You would let us know
that some person in office has a regard for you, that in the anteroom he
selects you from a large number of cultured gentlemen from whom he turns
aside, to avoid the inconvenience of bowing to them or smiling on them.
“To commend some one, to commend some great man,” is a nice phrase
to start with, and which doubtless means to commend ourselves, when we
relate all the good some great man has done to us, or never thought of doing
to us.
We praise the great to show we are intimate with them, rarely out of
esteem or gratitude; we often do not know the persons we praise; vanity and
levity not seldom prevail over resentment; we are very dissatisfied465 with
them, and yet we praise them.
(38.) If it is dangerous to be concerned in a suspicious affair, it is much
more so when you are an accomplice of the great; they will get clear and
leave you to pay double, and for them and for yourself.466
(39.) A princeʼs fortune is not large enough to pay a man for a base
complacency, if he considers what it costs the man whom he would reward;
and all his power is not sufficient to punish him, if he measures the
punishment by the injury done to him.
(40.) The nobility expose their lives for the safety of the state and the
glory of their sovereign, and the magistrates relieve the prince of part of the
burden of administering justice to his people. Both these functions are
(36.) You are great, you are powerful, but this is not enough; act in such
a manner that I can esteem you, so that I should be sorry to lose your
favour, or sorry I was never able to obtain it.
(37.) You say of a great man or of a person in office, that he is very
obliging, kind, and delights in being serviceable; and you confirm this by
giving details of everything he has done in a certain business, in which he
knew you took some interest. I understand what you mean; you succeed
without any solicitation, you have influence, you are known to the ministers
of state, you stand well with the great. What else would you have me
understand?
A man tells you, “I think I am not very well treated by a certain
personage; he has become proud since he has bettered his position; he treats
me with contempt and no longer knows me.” You answer, “I have no reason
to complain of him; on the contrary, I must commend him; he even seems to
be to be very civil.” I believe I understand you too. You would let us know
that some person in office has a regard for you, that in the anteroom he
selects you from a large number of cultured gentlemen from whom he turns
aside, to avoid the inconvenience of bowing to them or smiling on them.
“To commend some one, to commend some great man,” is a nice phrase
to start with, and which doubtless means to commend ourselves, when we
relate all the good some great man has done to us, or never thought of doing
to us.
We praise the great to show we are intimate with them, rarely out of
esteem or gratitude; we often do not know the persons we praise; vanity and
levity not seldom prevail over resentment; we are very dissatisfied465 with
them, and yet we praise them.
(38.) If it is dangerous to be concerned in a suspicious affair, it is much
more so when you are an accomplice of the great; they will get clear and
leave you to pay double, and for them and for yourself.466
(39.) A princeʼs fortune is not large enough to pay a man for a base
complacency, if he considers what it costs the man whom he would reward;
and all his power is not sufficient to punish him, if he measures the
punishment by the injury done to him.
(40.) The nobility expose their lives for the safety of the state and the
glory of their sovereign, and the magistrates relieve the prince of part of the
burden of administering justice to his people. Both these functions are
Page 163
sublime and of great use, and men are scarcely capable of performing
higher duties; but why men of the robe and the sword reciprocally despise
each other is beyond my comprehension.
(41.) If it be true that the great venture more in risking their lives,
destined to be spent in gaiety, pleasure, and plenty, than a private person
who ventures only a life that is wretched, it must also be confessed that they
receive a wholly different compensation, namely, glory and a grand
reputation. The common soldier entertains no thoughts of becoming known,
and dies unnoticed, among many others; he lived indeed very much in the
same way, but still he was alive; this is one of the chief causes of the want
of courage in people of low and servile condition. On the contrary, those
personages whose birth distinguishes them from the common people, and
who are exposed to the gaze of all men, to their censures and praises, exert
themselves more than they were predisposed to do, even if they are not
naturally courageous;467 and this elevation of heart and mind, which they
derive from their ancestors, is the cause of courage being usually found
among persons of noble birth, and is perhaps nobility itself.
Press me into the service as a common soldier, I am Thersites; put me at
the head of an army for which I am responsible to the whole of Europe, and
I am Achilles.468
(42.) Princes, without any science or rules, can form a judgment by
comparison; they are born and brought up amidst the best things, with
which they compare what they read, see, and hear. Whoever does not
approach Lulli, Racine, and Le Brun469 they condemn.
(43.) To talk to young princes of nothing but their rank is an excess of
precaution, while all courtiers consider it their duty and part and parcel of
their politeness to respect them; so that they are less apt to ignore the regard
due to their birth than to confound persons, and treat all sorts of ranks and
conditions of men indifferently, or without distinction. They have an innate
pride which they show when needed; they only have to be taught how to
regulate it, and how to acquire kindness of heart, culture, gentlemanly
manners, and sound discrimination.
higher duties; but why men of the robe and the sword reciprocally despise
each other is beyond my comprehension.
(41.) If it be true that the great venture more in risking their lives,
destined to be spent in gaiety, pleasure, and plenty, than a private person
who ventures only a life that is wretched, it must also be confessed that they
receive a wholly different compensation, namely, glory and a grand
reputation. The common soldier entertains no thoughts of becoming known,
and dies unnoticed, among many others; he lived indeed very much in the
same way, but still he was alive; this is one of the chief causes of the want
of courage in people of low and servile condition. On the contrary, those
personages whose birth distinguishes them from the common people, and
who are exposed to the gaze of all men, to their censures and praises, exert
themselves more than they were predisposed to do, even if they are not
naturally courageous;467 and this elevation of heart and mind, which they
derive from their ancestors, is the cause of courage being usually found
among persons of noble birth, and is perhaps nobility itself.
Press me into the service as a common soldier, I am Thersites; put me at
the head of an army for which I am responsible to the whole of Europe, and
I am Achilles.468
(42.) Princes, without any science or rules, can form a judgment by
comparison; they are born and brought up amidst the best things, with
which they compare what they read, see, and hear. Whoever does not
approach Lulli, Racine, and Le Brun469 they condemn.
(43.) To talk to young princes of nothing but their rank is an excess of
precaution, while all courtiers consider it their duty and part and parcel of
their politeness to respect them; so that they are less apt to ignore the regard
due to their birth than to confound persons, and treat all sorts of ranks and
conditions of men indifferently, or without distinction. They have an innate
pride which they show when needed; they only have to be taught how to
regulate it, and how to acquire kindness of heart, culture, gentlemanly
manners, and sound discrimination.
Page 164
L.F. BRUN
(44.) It is downright hypocrisy in a man of a certain position not at once
to take the rank due to him, and which every one is willing to yield; he need
not trouble himself to be modest, to mingle with the crowd that opens and
makes way for him, to take the lowest seat at a public meeting, so that every
one may see him there and run to lead him to a higher place. Modesty in
men of ordinary condition is more trying; if they push themselves into a
crowd, they are almost crushed to death, and if they choose an
uncomfortable seat, they may remain there.470
(45.) Aristarchus hies to the market-place with a herald and a trumpeter,
who blows on his instrument, so that a crowd comes running and gathers
(44.) It is downright hypocrisy in a man of a certain position not at once
to take the rank due to him, and which every one is willing to yield; he need
not trouble himself to be modest, to mingle with the crowd that opens and
makes way for him, to take the lowest seat at a public meeting, so that every
one may see him there and run to lead him to a higher place. Modesty in
men of ordinary condition is more trying; if they push themselves into a
crowd, they are almost crushed to death, and if they choose an
uncomfortable seat, they may remain there.470
(45.) Aristarchus hies to the market-place with a herald and a trumpeter,
who blows on his instrument, so that a crowd comes running and gathers
Page 165
round him: “Oyez! Oyez! people!”471 exclaims the herald, “be attentive;
silence! silence! This very Aristarchus, whom you see before you, is to do a
good action to-morrow.” I would have said, in more simple and less ornate
style: “Aristarchus has done well; is he now going to do better? If so, let me
not know that he does well, or at least let me not suspect that I should be
told it.”472
(46.) The best actions of men are spoiled and weakened by their manner
of doing them, which sometimes leaves even a suspicion of the purity of
their intentions. Whoever protects or commends virtue for virtueʼs sake, or
condemns and blames vice for the sake of vice, acts without design,
naturally, without any artifice or peculiarity, pomp or affectation; he neither
replies demurely and sententiously, and still less makes sharp and satirical
remarks;473 he never acts a part for the benefit of the public, but he shows a
good example and acquits himself of his duty; he is not a subject to be
talked about when ladies visit one another, nor for the cabinet,474 nor
amongst the newsmongers;475 he does not provide an amusing gentleman
with a subject for a funny story. The good he does is, indeed, a little less
known, but good he does, and what more could he desire?
(47.) The great ought not to like the early ages of the world, for they are
not favourable to them, and they must feel mortified to see that we are all
descended from one brother and sister. All mankind form but one family,
and the whole difference is merely in the nearer or remote degree of
relationship.
(48.) Theognis476 is very dandified in his dress, and goes abroad decked
out like a lady; he is scarcely out of the house, and already his looks and
countenance are arranged in a studied manner, so that he is fit to appear in
public, and that the passers-by may behold him gracefully bestowing his
smiles on them. If he enters any apartments at court, he turns to the right,
where there is a large number of people, and to the left, where there are
none; he bows to those who are there and to those who are not; he embraces
the first man he meets, presses his head against his bosom, and then asks his
name. Some one wants his assistance in a very easy matter of business; he
waits on Theognis, and presents his request, to which the latter kindly
listens, is delighted in being of use to him, and entreats him to procure him
opportunities of serving him; but when the other comes to the point,
Theognis tells him it lies not in his power to help him, begs him to fancy
silence! silence! This very Aristarchus, whom you see before you, is to do a
good action to-morrow.” I would have said, in more simple and less ornate
style: “Aristarchus has done well; is he now going to do better? If so, let me
not know that he does well, or at least let me not suspect that I should be
told it.”472
(46.) The best actions of men are spoiled and weakened by their manner
of doing them, which sometimes leaves even a suspicion of the purity of
their intentions. Whoever protects or commends virtue for virtueʼs sake, or
condemns and blames vice for the sake of vice, acts without design,
naturally, without any artifice or peculiarity, pomp or affectation; he neither
replies demurely and sententiously, and still less makes sharp and satirical
remarks;473 he never acts a part for the benefit of the public, but he shows a
good example and acquits himself of his duty; he is not a subject to be
talked about when ladies visit one another, nor for the cabinet,474 nor
amongst the newsmongers;475 he does not provide an amusing gentleman
with a subject for a funny story. The good he does is, indeed, a little less
known, but good he does, and what more could he desire?
(47.) The great ought not to like the early ages of the world, for they are
not favourable to them, and they must feel mortified to see that we are all
descended from one brother and sister. All mankind form but one family,
and the whole difference is merely in the nearer or remote degree of
relationship.
(48.) Theognis476 is very dandified in his dress, and goes abroad decked
out like a lady; he is scarcely out of the house, and already his looks and
countenance are arranged in a studied manner, so that he is fit to appear in
public, and that the passers-by may behold him gracefully bestowing his
smiles on them. If he enters any apartments at court, he turns to the right,
where there is a large number of people, and to the left, where there are
none; he bows to those who are there and to those who are not; he embraces
the first man he meets, presses his head against his bosom, and then asks his
name. Some one wants his assistance in a very easy matter of business; he
waits on Theognis, and presents his request, to which the latter kindly
listens, is delighted in being of use to him, and entreats him to procure him
opportunities of serving him; but when the other comes to the point,
Theognis tells him it lies not in his power to help him, begs him to fancy
Page 166
himself in his position, and to judge for himself. The postulant leaves, is
seen to the door and caressed by Theognis, and becomes so embarrassed
that he is almost satisfied with his request being refused.
(49.) A man must have a very bad opinion of mankind and yet know
them well to believe he can impose on them with studied demonstrations of
friendship and long and useless embraces.
(50.) Pamphilus477 does not converse with the people he meets in the
apartments at court or in the public walks; but some persons would think by
his serious mien and his loud voice that he admits them into his presence,
gives them audience, and then dismisses them. He has a stock of phrases, at
once civil and haughty; an imperious, gentlemanly kind of civility, which he
makes use of without any discrimination; a false dignity which debases
him, and is very troublesome to his friends who are loth to despise him.
A true Pamphilus is full of his own merit, keeps himself always in view,
and never forgets his ideas about his grandeur, alliances, office, and dignity;
he takes everything belonging to his escutcheon, and produces it when he
wants to show off; he speaks of his order and his blue ribbon,478 which he
displays or hides with equal ostentation. A Pamphilus, in a word, would be
a great man, and believes he is one; but he really is not, and is only an
imitation one. If at any time he smiles on a person of the lower orders, or a
man of intelligence, he chooses his time so well that he is never caught in
the fact; and were he unfortunately caught in the least familiarity with a
person neither rich, powerful, nor the friend of a minister of state, his
relative, nor one of his household,479 he would blush up to his ears; he is
very severe, and shows no mercy to a man who has not yet made his
fortune. One day he sees you in a public walk and avoids you; the next day
he meets you in a less public place, or, if it be public, in the company of
some great man, and he takes courage, comes up to you, and says,
“Yesterday you pretended not to see me.” Sometimes he will leave you
abruptly to go and speak to some lord and to the secretary of some
minister,480 and sometimes, finding that you are in conversation with them,
he will pass between you and them481 and take them away. Meet him at any
other time and he will not stop; you must run and then heʼll speak so loud
as to expose you and him to all within hearing. Thus the Pamphiluses live,
as it were, always on a stage; they are a class nurtured in dissimulation, who
seen to the door and caressed by Theognis, and becomes so embarrassed
that he is almost satisfied with his request being refused.
(49.) A man must have a very bad opinion of mankind and yet know
them well to believe he can impose on them with studied demonstrations of
friendship and long and useless embraces.
(50.) Pamphilus477 does not converse with the people he meets in the
apartments at court or in the public walks; but some persons would think by
his serious mien and his loud voice that he admits them into his presence,
gives them audience, and then dismisses them. He has a stock of phrases, at
once civil and haughty; an imperious, gentlemanly kind of civility, which he
makes use of without any discrimination; a false dignity which debases
him, and is very troublesome to his friends who are loth to despise him.
A true Pamphilus is full of his own merit, keeps himself always in view,
and never forgets his ideas about his grandeur, alliances, office, and dignity;
he takes everything belonging to his escutcheon, and produces it when he
wants to show off; he speaks of his order and his blue ribbon,478 which he
displays or hides with equal ostentation. A Pamphilus, in a word, would be
a great man, and believes he is one; but he really is not, and is only an
imitation one. If at any time he smiles on a person of the lower orders, or a
man of intelligence, he chooses his time so well that he is never caught in
the fact; and were he unfortunately caught in the least familiarity with a
person neither rich, powerful, nor the friend of a minister of state, his
relative, nor one of his household,479 he would blush up to his ears; he is
very severe, and shows no mercy to a man who has not yet made his
fortune. One day he sees you in a public walk and avoids you; the next day
he meets you in a less public place, or, if it be public, in the company of
some great man, and he takes courage, comes up to you, and says,
“Yesterday you pretended not to see me.” Sometimes he will leave you
abruptly to go and speak to some lord and to the secretary of some
minister,480 and sometimes, finding that you are in conversation with them,
he will pass between you and them481 and take them away. Meet him at any
other time and he will not stop; you must run and then heʼll speak so loud
as to expose you and him to all within hearing. Thus the Pamphiluses live,
as it were, always on a stage; they are a class nurtured in dissimulation, who
Page 167
hate nothing more than to be natural, and who are real actors as much as
ever Floridor and Mondori482 were.
We can never say enough of the Pamphiluses; they are servile and
timorous before princes and ministers; proud and overbearing to people
who are merely virtuous; dumbfounded and embarrassed before the learned;
brisk, forward, and positive before the ignorant. They talk of war to a
lawyer and of politics to a financier; they pretend to know history among
women, are poets among doctors, and mathematicians among poets. They
do not trouble themselves about maxims, and less about principles; they
live at random, are wafted onward and carried away by a blast of favour and
the attractions of wealth; they have no feelings of their own, but they
borrow them as they want them, and the person to whom they apply is
neither a wise, able, nor virtuous man, but a man of fashion.
(51.) We nourish a fruitless jealousy and an impotent hatred against the
great and men in power, which, instead of avenging us for their splendour
and position, only adds to our own misery the galling load of anotherʼs
happiness. What is to be done against such an inveterate and contagious
disease of the mind? Let us be satisfied with little, and, if possible, with
less; let us learn to bear those losses which may occur; the prescription is
infallible, and I will try it. Then I shall refrain from bribing a doorkeeper or
from mollifying a secretary;483 from being driven from the door by a large
crowd of candidates and courtiers which a ministerʼs house484 disgorges
several times a day; from repining in an ante-chamber, from presenting to
him, whilst trembling and stammering, a well-founded request; from
bearing with his stateliness, his bitter laugh and his laconism. Now I neither
hate nor envy him any more; he begs nothing of me, nor I of him; we stand
on the same footing, unless perhaps that he is never at rest, and that I am.
(52.) If the great have frequent opportunities of doing us good, they
seldom wish to do so; and if they wanted to injure us it lies not always in
their power; therefore the sort of worship we pay them may frustrate our
expectations, if rendered from other motives but hope or fear. A man may
sometimes live a long while without depending on them in the least, or
being indebted to them for his good or bad fortune. We ought to honour
them, as they are great and we little, and because there are others less than
ourselves who honour us.
(53.) The same passions, the same weaknesses, the same meannesses,
the same eccentricities, the same quarrels in families and among relatives,
ever Floridor and Mondori482 were.
We can never say enough of the Pamphiluses; they are servile and
timorous before princes and ministers; proud and overbearing to people
who are merely virtuous; dumbfounded and embarrassed before the learned;
brisk, forward, and positive before the ignorant. They talk of war to a
lawyer and of politics to a financier; they pretend to know history among
women, are poets among doctors, and mathematicians among poets. They
do not trouble themselves about maxims, and less about principles; they
live at random, are wafted onward and carried away by a blast of favour and
the attractions of wealth; they have no feelings of their own, but they
borrow them as they want them, and the person to whom they apply is
neither a wise, able, nor virtuous man, but a man of fashion.
(51.) We nourish a fruitless jealousy and an impotent hatred against the
great and men in power, which, instead of avenging us for their splendour
and position, only adds to our own misery the galling load of anotherʼs
happiness. What is to be done against such an inveterate and contagious
disease of the mind? Let us be satisfied with little, and, if possible, with
less; let us learn to bear those losses which may occur; the prescription is
infallible, and I will try it. Then I shall refrain from bribing a doorkeeper or
from mollifying a secretary;483 from being driven from the door by a large
crowd of candidates and courtiers which a ministerʼs house484 disgorges
several times a day; from repining in an ante-chamber, from presenting to
him, whilst trembling and stammering, a well-founded request; from
bearing with his stateliness, his bitter laugh and his laconism. Now I neither
hate nor envy him any more; he begs nothing of me, nor I of him; we stand
on the same footing, unless perhaps that he is never at rest, and that I am.
(52.) If the great have frequent opportunities of doing us good, they
seldom wish to do so; and if they wanted to injure us it lies not always in
their power; therefore the sort of worship we pay them may frustrate our
expectations, if rendered from other motives but hope or fear. A man may
sometimes live a long while without depending on them in the least, or
being indebted to them for his good or bad fortune. We ought to honour
them, as they are great and we little, and because there are others less than
ourselves who honour us.
(53.) The same passions, the same weaknesses, the same meannesses,
the same eccentricities, the same quarrels in families and among relatives,
Page 168
the same jealousies and antipathies prevail at court and in town.485 You find
everywhere daughters-in-law, mothers-in-law, husbands and wives;
divorces, separations, and patched-up reconciliations; everywhere fancies,
fits of passion, partialities, tittle-tattle, and what is called evil-talking. An
observer would easily imagine that the inhabitants of a small town or of the
Rue Saint-Denis were transported to V ... or to F....486 In these two last
places people display, perhaps, more pride, haughtiness, and perhaps more
decorum in hating one another; they injure one another with more skill and
refinement; their outbursts of rage are more eloquent, and they insult one
another with more politeness and in a more select phraseology; they do not
defile the purity of the language, they only offend men or blast their
reputations; the outside of vice is handsome, but in reality, I say it again, it
is the same as in the most abject conditions, for whatever is base, weak, and
worthless is found there. These men so eminent by their birth, by favour, or
by their position, these minds so powerful and so sagacious, these women
so polished and so witty, are themselves but common people, though they
despise common people.
The words “common people” include several things; they are a
comprehensive expression, and we may be surprised to see what they
contain and how far they extend. The common people, in opposition to the
great, signify the mob and the multitude; but, as opposed to wise, able, and
virtuous men, they include the great as well as the little.
(54.) The great are governed by sensations; their minds are unoccupied,
and everything makes immediately a strong impression on them. If anything
happens, they talk about it too much; soon after they talk about it but little,
and then not at all, nor ever will; actions, conduct, execution, incidents are
all forgotten; expect from them neither amendment, foresight, reflection,
gratitude, nor reward.
(55.) We are led to two opposite extremes with regard to certain
persons. After their death satires about them are current among the people,
while the churches re-echo with their praises. Sometimes they deserve
neither those libels nor these funeral orations, and sometimes both.
(56.) The less we talk of the great and powerful the better; if we say any
good of them, it is often almost flattery; it is dangerous to speak ill of them
whilst they are alive, and cowardly when they are dead.
everywhere daughters-in-law, mothers-in-law, husbands and wives;
divorces, separations, and patched-up reconciliations; everywhere fancies,
fits of passion, partialities, tittle-tattle, and what is called evil-talking. An
observer would easily imagine that the inhabitants of a small town or of the
Rue Saint-Denis were transported to V ... or to F....486 In these two last
places people display, perhaps, more pride, haughtiness, and perhaps more
decorum in hating one another; they injure one another with more skill and
refinement; their outbursts of rage are more eloquent, and they insult one
another with more politeness and in a more select phraseology; they do not
defile the purity of the language, they only offend men or blast their
reputations; the outside of vice is handsome, but in reality, I say it again, it
is the same as in the most abject conditions, for whatever is base, weak, and
worthless is found there. These men so eminent by their birth, by favour, or
by their position, these minds so powerful and so sagacious, these women
so polished and so witty, are themselves but common people, though they
despise common people.
The words “common people” include several things; they are a
comprehensive expression, and we may be surprised to see what they
contain and how far they extend. The common people, in opposition to the
great, signify the mob and the multitude; but, as opposed to wise, able, and
virtuous men, they include the great as well as the little.
(54.) The great are governed by sensations; their minds are unoccupied,
and everything makes immediately a strong impression on them. If anything
happens, they talk about it too much; soon after they talk about it but little,
and then not at all, nor ever will; actions, conduct, execution, incidents are
all forgotten; expect from them neither amendment, foresight, reflection,
gratitude, nor reward.
(55.) We are led to two opposite extremes with regard to certain
persons. After their death satires about them are current among the people,
while the churches re-echo with their praises. Sometimes they deserve
neither those libels nor these funeral orations, and sometimes both.
(56.) The less we talk of the great and powerful the better; if we say any
good of them, it is often almost flattery; it is dangerous to speak ill of them
whilst they are alive, and cowardly when they are dead.
Page 169
Page 170
X.
OF THE SOVEREIGN AND THE STATE.487
(1.)
W HEN we have cursorily examined all forms of government
without partiality to the one of our fatherland, we cannot decide
which to choose; they are all a mixture of good and evil; it is,
therefore, most reasonable to value that of our native land above all others,
and to submit to it.
(2.) Tyranny has no need of arts or sciences, for its policy, which is very
shallow and without any refinement, only consists in shedding blood; it
prompts us to murder every one whose life is an obstacle to our ambition;
and a man naturally cruel has no difficulty in doing this. It is the most
detestable and barbarous way of maintaining power and of aggrandisement.
(3.) It is a sure and ancient maxim in politics that to allow the people to
be lulled by festivals, spectacles, luxury, pomp, pleasures, vanity, and
effeminacy, to occupy their minds with worthless things, and to let them
relish trifling frivolities, is efficiently preparing the way for a despotism.
(4.) Under a despotic government the love for oneʼs native land does not
exist; self-interest, glory, and serving the prince supply its place.
OF THE SOVEREIGN AND THE STATE.487
(1.)
W HEN we have cursorily examined all forms of government
without partiality to the one of our fatherland, we cannot decide
which to choose; they are all a mixture of good and evil; it is,
therefore, most reasonable to value that of our native land above all others,
and to submit to it.
(2.) Tyranny has no need of arts or sciences, for its policy, which is very
shallow and without any refinement, only consists in shedding blood; it
prompts us to murder every one whose life is an obstacle to our ambition;
and a man naturally cruel has no difficulty in doing this. It is the most
detestable and barbarous way of maintaining power and of aggrandisement.
(3.) It is a sure and ancient maxim in politics that to allow the people to
be lulled by festivals, spectacles, luxury, pomp, pleasures, vanity, and
effeminacy, to occupy their minds with worthless things, and to let them
relish trifling frivolities, is efficiently preparing the way for a despotism.
(4.) Under a despotic government the love for oneʼs native land does not
exist; self-interest, glory, and serving the prince supply its place.
Page 171
(5.) To innovate or introduce any alterations in a state is more a question
of time than of action; on some occasions it would be injudicious to attempt
anything against the liberties of the people, and on others it is evident that
everything may be ventured on. Today you may subvert the freedom, rights,
and privileges of a certain town, and to-morrow you must not so much as
think of altering the signboards of their shops.488
(6.) In public commotions we cannot understand how the people can
ever be appeased, nor in quiet times imagine as little what can disturb them.
(7.) A government connives at certain evils in order to repress or prevent
greater ones. There are others which are only evils because they originally
sprang from abuses or bad customs, but these are less pernicious in their
consequences and practice than would be a juster law or a more reasonable
custom. Some kind of evils, which indeed are very dangerous, are curable
by novelty and change: other evils are hidden and under ground, as filth in a
common sewer; these are buried in shame, secrecy, and obscurity, and
cannot be stirred up or raked about, without exhaling poison and infamy; so
that the ablest men sometimes doubt whether it be more judicious to take
notice of them or to ignore them. The State not seldom tolerates a
comparatively great evil to keep out millions of lesser ills and
inconveniences which otherwise would be inevitable and without remedy.
Some there are,489 which are greatly complained of by private persons, but
which tend to benefit the public, though the public be only an aggregate of
those self-same private persons; other ills a person suffers which turn to the
good and advantage of every household; others, again, afflict, ruin, and
dishonour certain families, but tend to benefit and preserve the working of
the machinery of the State and of the government. Finally, there are some
which subvert governments and cause fresh ones to arise on their ruins; and
instances can be quoted of others which have undermined the foundations
of great empires, and utterly destroyed them, merely to diversify and renew
the surface of the globe.
(8.) What does the State care whether Ergastes be rich, has a good pack
of hounds, invents new fashions in carriages and dress, and wantons in
superfluities? Is the interest of a private person to be considered when the
interest and convenience of the public are in question? When the burdens of
the people weigh a little heavy, it is some comfort for them to know that
they relieve their prince and enrich him alone; but they do not think they are
obliged to contribute to the fortune of Ergastes.
of time than of action; on some occasions it would be injudicious to attempt
anything against the liberties of the people, and on others it is evident that
everything may be ventured on. Today you may subvert the freedom, rights,
and privileges of a certain town, and to-morrow you must not so much as
think of altering the signboards of their shops.488
(6.) In public commotions we cannot understand how the people can
ever be appeased, nor in quiet times imagine as little what can disturb them.
(7.) A government connives at certain evils in order to repress or prevent
greater ones. There are others which are only evils because they originally
sprang from abuses or bad customs, but these are less pernicious in their
consequences and practice than would be a juster law or a more reasonable
custom. Some kind of evils, which indeed are very dangerous, are curable
by novelty and change: other evils are hidden and under ground, as filth in a
common sewer; these are buried in shame, secrecy, and obscurity, and
cannot be stirred up or raked about, without exhaling poison and infamy; so
that the ablest men sometimes doubt whether it be more judicious to take
notice of them or to ignore them. The State not seldom tolerates a
comparatively great evil to keep out millions of lesser ills and
inconveniences which otherwise would be inevitable and without remedy.
Some there are,489 which are greatly complained of by private persons, but
which tend to benefit the public, though the public be only an aggregate of
those self-same private persons; other ills a person suffers which turn to the
good and advantage of every household; others, again, afflict, ruin, and
dishonour certain families, but tend to benefit and preserve the working of
the machinery of the State and of the government. Finally, there are some
which subvert governments and cause fresh ones to arise on their ruins; and
instances can be quoted of others which have undermined the foundations
of great empires, and utterly destroyed them, merely to diversify and renew
the surface of the globe.
(8.) What does the State care whether Ergastes be rich, has a good pack
of hounds, invents new fashions in carriages and dress, and wantons in
superfluities? Is the interest of a private person to be considered when the
interest and convenience of the public are in question? When the burdens of
the people weigh a little heavy, it is some comfort for them to know that
they relieve their prince and enrich him alone; but they do not think they are
obliged to contribute to the fortune of Ergastes.
Page 172
(9.) Even in the most remote antiquity, and in all ages, war has existed,
and has always filled the world with widows and orphans, drained families
of heirs, and destroyed several brothers in one and the same battle. Young
Soyecourt!490 I mourn your loss, your modesty, your intelligence, already
so developed, so clear, lofty, and communicative; I bewail that untimely
death which carried you off, as well as your intrepid brother, and removed
you from a court where you had barely time to show yourself; such a
misfortune is not uncommon, but nevertheless should be deplored! In every
age men have agreed to destroy, burn, kill, and slaughter one another, for
some piece of land more or less; and to accomplish this with the greater
certainty and ingenuity, they have invented beautiful rules, which they call
“strategy.” When any one brings these rules into practice, glory and the
highest honours are his reward, whilst every age improves on the method of
destroying one another reciprocally. An injustice committed by the first men
was the primary occasion for wars, and made the people feel the necessity
of giving themselves masters to settle their rights and pretensions. If each
man could have been satisfied with his own property and had not infringed
on that of his neighbours, the world would have enjoyed uninterrupted
peace and liberty.
(10.) They who sit peaceably by their own firesides among their friends,
and in the midst of a large town, where there is nothing to fear either for
their wealth or their lives, breathe fire and sword, busy themselves with
wars, destructions, conflagrations, and massacres, cannot bear patiently that
armies are in the field and do not meet; or, if in sight, that they do not
engage; or, if they engage, that the fight was not more sanguinary, and that
there were scarcely ten thousand men killed on the spot. They are
sometimes so infatuated as to forget their dearest interests, their repose and
security, for the sake of change, and from a liking for novelty and
extraordinary events; some of them would even be satisfied with seeing the
enemy at the very gates of Dijon or Corbie,491 with beholding chains
stretched across the streets and barricades thrown up, for the satisfaction of
hearing and of communicating the news.
(11.) Demophilus, on my right, is full of lamentations, and exclaims,
“Everything is lost; we are on the brink of ruin; how can we resist such a
powerful and general league?492 What can we do, I dare not say to
vanquish, but to make head by ourselves against so many and such
powerful enemies? There never was anything like it as long as the
and has always filled the world with widows and orphans, drained families
of heirs, and destroyed several brothers in one and the same battle. Young
Soyecourt!490 I mourn your loss, your modesty, your intelligence, already
so developed, so clear, lofty, and communicative; I bewail that untimely
death which carried you off, as well as your intrepid brother, and removed
you from a court where you had barely time to show yourself; such a
misfortune is not uncommon, but nevertheless should be deplored! In every
age men have agreed to destroy, burn, kill, and slaughter one another, for
some piece of land more or less; and to accomplish this with the greater
certainty and ingenuity, they have invented beautiful rules, which they call
“strategy.” When any one brings these rules into practice, glory and the
highest honours are his reward, whilst every age improves on the method of
destroying one another reciprocally. An injustice committed by the first men
was the primary occasion for wars, and made the people feel the necessity
of giving themselves masters to settle their rights and pretensions. If each
man could have been satisfied with his own property and had not infringed
on that of his neighbours, the world would have enjoyed uninterrupted
peace and liberty.
(10.) They who sit peaceably by their own firesides among their friends,
and in the midst of a large town, where there is nothing to fear either for
their wealth or their lives, breathe fire and sword, busy themselves with
wars, destructions, conflagrations, and massacres, cannot bear patiently that
armies are in the field and do not meet; or, if in sight, that they do not
engage; or, if they engage, that the fight was not more sanguinary, and that
there were scarcely ten thousand men killed on the spot. They are
sometimes so infatuated as to forget their dearest interests, their repose and
security, for the sake of change, and from a liking for novelty and
extraordinary events; some of them would even be satisfied with seeing the
enemy at the very gates of Dijon or Corbie,491 with beholding chains
stretched across the streets and barricades thrown up, for the satisfaction of
hearing and of communicating the news.
(11.) Demophilus, on my right, is full of lamentations, and exclaims,
“Everything is lost; we are on the brink of ruin; how can we resist such a
powerful and general league?492 What can we do, I dare not say to
vanquish, but to make head by ourselves against so many and such
powerful enemies? There never was anything like it as long as the
Page 173
monarchy has existed! A hero, an Achilles, would have to succumb!
Besides,” adds he, “we have committed some very serious blunders; I know
what I am talking about, for I have been a soldier myself; I have seen some
battles, and have learned a good deal from studying history.” Then he falls
to admiring Olivier le Daim and Jacques Cœur,493 who, according to him,
were men after his own heart, and ministers indeed. He retails his news,
which is sure to be the most melancholy and disadvantageous that could be
invented. Now a party of our soldiers has fallen into an ambush, and are cut
to pieces; presently some of our troops, shut up in a castle, surrender at
discretion, and are all put to the sword. Should you tell him that such a
report is incorrect, and wants confirmation, he will not listen to you, but
affirms that a general has been killed, and though it is certain that he has
only been slightly wounded, and you tell him so, he deplores his death, is
sorry for the widow, the children, and the State, and is even sorry for
himself, for he has lost a good friend and an influential person. He tells you
the German horse are invincible, and turns pale if you but name the
Imperial cuirassiers.494 “If we attack such a place,” continues he, “we shall
be obliged to raise the siege; we shall have to remain on the defensive
without engaging in action, or if we do fight, we shall certainly be beaten,
and then the enemy will be upon the frontiers.” Demophilus gives them
wings, and brings them presently into the heart of the kingdom; he fancies
he already hears the alarm-bells ring in the towns, and thinks of his property
and his estate; he does not know where to take his money, his movables,
and his family, and whether to escape to the Swiss Cantons or to Venice.
But Basilides, on my left, raises suddenly an army of three hundred
thousand men, and will not abate a single troop; he has a list of all the
squadrons, battalions, generals, and officers, not omitting the artillery and
baggage. All these troops are at his entire disposal; some he sends into
Germany, others into Flanders, reserves a certain number for the Alps, a
smaller quantity for the Pyrenees, and conveys the rest beyond seas; he
knows their marches, he can tell what they will do, and what they will not
do; you would think he had the Kingʼs ear, or was the ministerʼs confidant.
If the enemies are beaten,495 and lose about nine or ten thousand men, he
positively avers it was thirty, neither more nor less; for his numbers are
always as settled and certain as if he had the best intelligence. Tell him in
the morning we have lost a paltry village, he not only puts off a dinner to
which the day before he had invited his friends, but does not take any
Besides,” adds he, “we have committed some very serious blunders; I know
what I am talking about, for I have been a soldier myself; I have seen some
battles, and have learned a good deal from studying history.” Then he falls
to admiring Olivier le Daim and Jacques Cœur,493 who, according to him,
were men after his own heart, and ministers indeed. He retails his news,
which is sure to be the most melancholy and disadvantageous that could be
invented. Now a party of our soldiers has fallen into an ambush, and are cut
to pieces; presently some of our troops, shut up in a castle, surrender at
discretion, and are all put to the sword. Should you tell him that such a
report is incorrect, and wants confirmation, he will not listen to you, but
affirms that a general has been killed, and though it is certain that he has
only been slightly wounded, and you tell him so, he deplores his death, is
sorry for the widow, the children, and the State, and is even sorry for
himself, for he has lost a good friend and an influential person. He tells you
the German horse are invincible, and turns pale if you but name the
Imperial cuirassiers.494 “If we attack such a place,” continues he, “we shall
be obliged to raise the siege; we shall have to remain on the defensive
without engaging in action, or if we do fight, we shall certainly be beaten,
and then the enemy will be upon the frontiers.” Demophilus gives them
wings, and brings them presently into the heart of the kingdom; he fancies
he already hears the alarm-bells ring in the towns, and thinks of his property
and his estate; he does not know where to take his money, his movables,
and his family, and whether to escape to the Swiss Cantons or to Venice.
But Basilides, on my left, raises suddenly an army of three hundred
thousand men, and will not abate a single troop; he has a list of all the
squadrons, battalions, generals, and officers, not omitting the artillery and
baggage. All these troops are at his entire disposal; some he sends into
Germany, others into Flanders, reserves a certain number for the Alps, a
smaller quantity for the Pyrenees, and conveys the rest beyond seas; he
knows their marches, he can tell what they will do, and what they will not
do; you would think he had the Kingʼs ear, or was the ministerʼs confidant.
If the enemies are beaten,495 and lose about nine or ten thousand men, he
positively avers it was thirty, neither more nor less; for his numbers are
always as settled and certain as if he had the best intelligence. Tell him in
the morning we have lost a paltry village, he not only puts off a dinner to
which the day before he had invited his friends, but does not take any
Page 174
dinner himself on that day; and if he eats a supper it is without appetite. If
we besiege a town strong through its natural position, and regularly
fortified,496 well stored with provisions and ammunition, defended by a
good garrison, commanded by a brave general, he tells you the town has its
weak spots, which are badly fortified, is in want of powder, has a governor
who lacks experience, and will capitulate eight days after the trenches are
opened. Another time he runs himself quite out of breath, and after he has
recovered himself a little he exclaims, “I have some important news for
you; our enemies are beaten and totally routed; the general and principal
officers, or at least the greater part of them, are all killed, or have perished.
What a tremendous slaughter! We certainly have been very lucky!” Then he
sits down and takes a rest, after having told us the news, which only wants a
trifle more confirmation; for it is certain there has been no battle at all. He
assures us further that some prince, dreading our arms, has abandoned the
League and left his confederates in the lurch, and that a second is inclined
to follow his example; he believes firmly, with the populace, that a third is
dead,497 and names you the place where he is buried; and even when the
common people498 are undeceived, he offers to lay a wager it is true. He
knows for a fact that T. K. L. is very successful against the Emperor,499 that
the Grand Turk500 is making formidable preparations, and will not hear of
peace; and that the Vizier will once more show himself before Vienna.501
He claps his hands and is as delighted as if there were not the smallest
doubt about it. The triple alliance502 is a Cerberus503 with him, and the
enemy only so many monsters to be knocked on the head. He talks of
nothing but laurels, palm-branches, triumphs, and trophies; in conversation
he speaks of “our august hero, our mighty potentate, our invincible
monarch,” and whatever you do, you will not get him to say simply, “The
King has a great many enemies; they are powerful, united, and exasperated;
he has conquered them, and I hope he will always do so.” This style, too
bold and decisive for Demophilus, is not sufficiently pompous or
grandiloquent for Basilides; his head is full of other expressions; he is
planning inscriptions for triumphal arches and pyramids to adorn the capital
when the conqueror will enter it; and as soon as he hears that the armies are
in sight of each other, or that a town is invested, he has his clothes hung out
and aired, so that they should be ready when a Te Deum is sung in the
cathedral.504
we besiege a town strong through its natural position, and regularly
fortified,496 well stored with provisions and ammunition, defended by a
good garrison, commanded by a brave general, he tells you the town has its
weak spots, which are badly fortified, is in want of powder, has a governor
who lacks experience, and will capitulate eight days after the trenches are
opened. Another time he runs himself quite out of breath, and after he has
recovered himself a little he exclaims, “I have some important news for
you; our enemies are beaten and totally routed; the general and principal
officers, or at least the greater part of them, are all killed, or have perished.
What a tremendous slaughter! We certainly have been very lucky!” Then he
sits down and takes a rest, after having told us the news, which only wants a
trifle more confirmation; for it is certain there has been no battle at all. He
assures us further that some prince, dreading our arms, has abandoned the
League and left his confederates in the lurch, and that a second is inclined
to follow his example; he believes firmly, with the populace, that a third is
dead,497 and names you the place where he is buried; and even when the
common people498 are undeceived, he offers to lay a wager it is true. He
knows for a fact that T. K. L. is very successful against the Emperor,499 that
the Grand Turk500 is making formidable preparations, and will not hear of
peace; and that the Vizier will once more show himself before Vienna.501
He claps his hands and is as delighted as if there were not the smallest
doubt about it. The triple alliance502 is a Cerberus503 with him, and the
enemy only so many monsters to be knocked on the head. He talks of
nothing but laurels, palm-branches, triumphs, and trophies; in conversation
he speaks of “our august hero, our mighty potentate, our invincible
monarch,” and whatever you do, you will not get him to say simply, “The
King has a great many enemies; they are powerful, united, and exasperated;
he has conquered them, and I hope he will always do so.” This style, too
bold and decisive for Demophilus, is not sufficiently pompous or
grandiloquent for Basilides; his head is full of other expressions; he is
planning inscriptions for triumphal arches and pyramids to adorn the capital
when the conqueror will enter it; and as soon as he hears that the armies are
in sight of each other, or that a town is invested, he has his clothes hung out
and aired, so that they should be ready when a Te Deum is sung in the
cathedral.504
Page 175
(12.) A business which has to be discussed by the plenipotentiaries or by
the diplomatic agents of crowned heads and republics must needs be
unusually intricate and difficult if its conclusion requires a longer time than
the settling of the preliminaries, nay, even than the mere regulating of ranks,
precedences, and other ceremonies.
A minister or a plenipotentiary is a chameleon or a Proteus;505
sometimes, like a practised gambler, he hides his temper and character,
either to avoid any conjectures or guesses, or to prevent any part of his
secret escaping through passion or weakness; and at other times he knows
how to assume any character most suited to his designs, or which is
required, as it may be his interest artfully to appear to other people as they
think he really is. Thus when he intends to conceal that his master is very
formidable or very weak, he is resolute and inflexible to prevent any large
demands; or he is easygoing, so as to give others an opportunity of making
some demands, and so secure the same liberty. At other times he is either
diplomatic and disingenuous, so as to veil a truth whilst telling it, because it
is of some importance to him to have it divulged but not believed; or else he
is free and open, so that when he wishes to conceal what should not be
known, people should nevertheless believe that he is acquainted with
everything they wish to know, and be convinced that they have been told
everything. In like manner he is fluent and verbose to excite others to talk,
or prevent their saying what he does not wish or ought not to hear; to speak
of many and various things which modify and destroy each other, and leave
the mind hovering between confidence and distrust; to make amends for an
expedient thoughtlessly proposed by suggesting another; or he is sedate and
taciturn to induce others to talk, to listen for a long time, so that he may
afterwards obtain the same favour himself, speak with authority and weight,
and utter promises or threats which will influence people and produce a
strong impression. He begins and speaks first, the better to discover the
opposition and contradictions, the intrigues and cabals, of foreign ministers
about some proposals he has made, to take his measures and reply to them;
and at another meeting he speaks last, that he may be sure not to speak in
vain, and to be exact, so as perfectly to be aware on what support he can
reckon for his master and his allies, as well as to know what he ought to ask
and what he can get. He knows how to be clear and explicit, or still better,
how to be ambiguous and obscure, and to use words and phrases with a
double meaning, which he can render more or less forcible as the occasion
the diplomatic agents of crowned heads and republics must needs be
unusually intricate and difficult if its conclusion requires a longer time than
the settling of the preliminaries, nay, even than the mere regulating of ranks,
precedences, and other ceremonies.
A minister or a plenipotentiary is a chameleon or a Proteus;505
sometimes, like a practised gambler, he hides his temper and character,
either to avoid any conjectures or guesses, or to prevent any part of his
secret escaping through passion or weakness; and at other times he knows
how to assume any character most suited to his designs, or which is
required, as it may be his interest artfully to appear to other people as they
think he really is. Thus when he intends to conceal that his master is very
formidable or very weak, he is resolute and inflexible to prevent any large
demands; or he is easygoing, so as to give others an opportunity of making
some demands, and so secure the same liberty. At other times he is either
diplomatic and disingenuous, so as to veil a truth whilst telling it, because it
is of some importance to him to have it divulged but not believed; or else he
is free and open, so that when he wishes to conceal what should not be
known, people should nevertheless believe that he is acquainted with
everything they wish to know, and be convinced that they have been told
everything. In like manner he is fluent and verbose to excite others to talk,
or prevent their saying what he does not wish or ought not to hear; to speak
of many and various things which modify and destroy each other, and leave
the mind hovering between confidence and distrust; to make amends for an
expedient thoughtlessly proposed by suggesting another; or he is sedate and
taciturn to induce others to talk, to listen for a long time, so that he may
afterwards obtain the same favour himself, speak with authority and weight,
and utter promises or threats which will influence people and produce a
strong impression. He begins and speaks first, the better to discover the
opposition and contradictions, the intrigues and cabals, of foreign ministers
about some proposals he has made, to take his measures and reply to them;
and at another meeting he speaks last, that he may be sure not to speak in
vain, and to be exact, so as perfectly to be aware on what support he can
reckon for his master and his allies, as well as to know what he ought to ask
and what he can get. He knows how to be clear and explicit, or still better,
how to be ambiguous and obscure, and to use words and phrases with a
double meaning, which he can render more or less forcible as the occasion
Page 176
or his interest may require. He asks for a little because he will not grant
much; he asks for much to make sure of a little. At first he insists upon
getting a few trifling things, which he afterwards pretends to be of small
value, so as not to prevent him for asking for one of greater value; he
avoids, on the contrary, to gain at first an important point, if it is likely to
prevent him from obtaining several others of less importance, but which,
when united, exceed the other in value. His demands are extravagant, but he
knows beforehand they will be denied, so he is provided with a convenient
excuse for refusing those he knows will be made, and which he does not
wish to grant; as industrious to aggravate the enormity of these demands,
and to let his adversaries admit, if possible, that there may be reasons why
they cannot agree, as to weaken those which they pretend to have for not
granting him what he solicits so urgently; and as diligent in vaunting and in
enlarging upon the little he has to offer as he is in despising openly the little
they are willing to grant. He pretends to make some extraordinary proposals
which beget distrust, and cause to be rejected what indeed, if accepted,
could not be performed; this also serves to colour his exorbitant demands,
and throws on his antagonists the responsibility of a refusal. He grants more
than is asked, so as to get still more than he gives. You have to pray, entreat,
and beseech him for a long time to obtain some trifling favour, so as to
destroy all expectations and uproot all thoughts of asking anything more
important of him; or, if he is persuaded to grant it, it is always on such
conditions that he may share in its profits and advantages. He directly or
indirectly espouses the interest of an ally, if he finds it at the same time
conducive to the advancing of his own pretensions; he talks of nothing but
peace and alliances, the public tranquillity and the public interests, and
thinks, indeed, only of his own, or rather of his masterʼs and the Stateʼs he
represents. Sometimes he reconciles some people who were opposed to one
another, and sometimes he divides those who were united; he intimidates
the powerful and encourages the weak; he draws several weak States into a
league against a more powerful one, under the pretence of a balance of
power, and then joins the former to turn the scale; but his protection and his
alliance are always expensive. He knows how to interest those with whom
he treats, and by a dexterous management and by shrewd and subtle
subterfuges he makes them perceive what private advantage, profits, and
honours they may derive through a certain pliability, which does not in the
least clash with their instructions nor with the intentions of their masters.
much; he asks for much to make sure of a little. At first he insists upon
getting a few trifling things, which he afterwards pretends to be of small
value, so as not to prevent him for asking for one of greater value; he
avoids, on the contrary, to gain at first an important point, if it is likely to
prevent him from obtaining several others of less importance, but which,
when united, exceed the other in value. His demands are extravagant, but he
knows beforehand they will be denied, so he is provided with a convenient
excuse for refusing those he knows will be made, and which he does not
wish to grant; as industrious to aggravate the enormity of these demands,
and to let his adversaries admit, if possible, that there may be reasons why
they cannot agree, as to weaken those which they pretend to have for not
granting him what he solicits so urgently; and as diligent in vaunting and in
enlarging upon the little he has to offer as he is in despising openly the little
they are willing to grant. He pretends to make some extraordinary proposals
which beget distrust, and cause to be rejected what indeed, if accepted,
could not be performed; this also serves to colour his exorbitant demands,
and throws on his antagonists the responsibility of a refusal. He grants more
than is asked, so as to get still more than he gives. You have to pray, entreat,
and beseech him for a long time to obtain some trifling favour, so as to
destroy all expectations and uproot all thoughts of asking anything more
important of him; or, if he is persuaded to grant it, it is always on such
conditions that he may share in its profits and advantages. He directly or
indirectly espouses the interest of an ally, if he finds it at the same time
conducive to the advancing of his own pretensions; he talks of nothing but
peace and alliances, the public tranquillity and the public interests, and
thinks, indeed, only of his own, or rather of his masterʼs and the Stateʼs he
represents. Sometimes he reconciles some people who were opposed to one
another, and sometimes he divides those who were united; he intimidates
the powerful and encourages the weak; he draws several weak States into a
league against a more powerful one, under the pretence of a balance of
power, and then joins the former to turn the scale; but his protection and his
alliance are always expensive. He knows how to interest those with whom
he treats, and by a dexterous management and by shrewd and subtle
subterfuges he makes them perceive what private advantage, profits, and
honours they may derive through a certain pliability, which does not in the
least clash with their instructions nor with the intentions of their masters.
Page 177
And in order not to be thought impregnable on his side, he betrays some
anxiety to better his fortunes, and then receives some proposals which
unveil to him the most secret intentions, the most profound designs, and the
last resource of his opponents, and which he turns to his own advantage. If
sometimes he is a loser by certain stipulations, which have at last been
settled, he clamours loudly; and if he is not, he is still louder, and puts the
losers on their justification and defence. His court has laid down rules of
conduct for his guidance, all his measures are preconcerted, and his smallest
advances arranged beforehand; and yet, whilst subjects of the greatest
difficulty are treated and certain points are most strenuously contested, he
behaves as if his yielding was voluntary, unexpected, and purely a
condescension on his part; he dares even pledge his word that a certain
proposal will be approved of, and that his master will not disavow his
proceedings; he allows false reports to be spread concerning his
instructions, which are represented as very limited, but he knows he has
some private instructions which he never discloses until obliged to do so,
and when it would damage him not to bring them forward. All his intrigues
aim at something solid and substantial, for which he always is ready to
sacrifice punctilios and imaginary points of honour. He possesses a great
deal of coolness, is armed with courage and patience, and wearies and
discourages others, but is never weary himself! He takes precautions and is
hardened against all delays and procrastination, against all reproaches,
suspicions, mistrust, difficulties, and obstacles, convinced that time and
circumstances will influence the minds of his opponents, and accomplish
the desired end. He goes so far as to pretend he has a secret purpose in
breaking off the negotiations, while he passionately desires their
continuance; but, on the contrary, when he has strict orders to do his utmost
to break them off, he thinks the best way to effect it is to urge they should
be continued and speedily despatched. If some important event happens, he
affects either haughtiness or affability, as it may be to his advantage or
prejudice; and if he is so perspicacious as to foresee it, he hurries it on or
temporises according as the state for whom he labours dreads or desires it,
and acts according to these emergencies. He shapes his actions to suit time,
place, and opportunities, his own strength or weakness, the genius of the
nation he has to deal with, and the mood and character of the personages
with whom he is negotiating. All his designs and maxims, all the devices of
his policy, tend only to prevent his being deceived, and to deceive others.506
anxiety to better his fortunes, and then receives some proposals which
unveil to him the most secret intentions, the most profound designs, and the
last resource of his opponents, and which he turns to his own advantage. If
sometimes he is a loser by certain stipulations, which have at last been
settled, he clamours loudly; and if he is not, he is still louder, and puts the
losers on their justification and defence. His court has laid down rules of
conduct for his guidance, all his measures are preconcerted, and his smallest
advances arranged beforehand; and yet, whilst subjects of the greatest
difficulty are treated and certain points are most strenuously contested, he
behaves as if his yielding was voluntary, unexpected, and purely a
condescension on his part; he dares even pledge his word that a certain
proposal will be approved of, and that his master will not disavow his
proceedings; he allows false reports to be spread concerning his
instructions, which are represented as very limited, but he knows he has
some private instructions which he never discloses until obliged to do so,
and when it would damage him not to bring them forward. All his intrigues
aim at something solid and substantial, for which he always is ready to
sacrifice punctilios and imaginary points of honour. He possesses a great
deal of coolness, is armed with courage and patience, and wearies and
discourages others, but is never weary himself! He takes precautions and is
hardened against all delays and procrastination, against all reproaches,
suspicions, mistrust, difficulties, and obstacles, convinced that time and
circumstances will influence the minds of his opponents, and accomplish
the desired end. He goes so far as to pretend he has a secret purpose in
breaking off the negotiations, while he passionately desires their
continuance; but, on the contrary, when he has strict orders to do his utmost
to break them off, he thinks the best way to effect it is to urge they should
be continued and speedily despatched. If some important event happens, he
affects either haughtiness or affability, as it may be to his advantage or
prejudice; and if he is so perspicacious as to foresee it, he hurries it on or
temporises according as the state for whom he labours dreads or desires it,
and acts according to these emergencies. He shapes his actions to suit time,
place, and opportunities, his own strength or weakness, the genius of the
nation he has to deal with, and the mood and character of the personages
with whom he is negotiating. All his designs and maxims, all the devices of
his policy, tend only to prevent his being deceived, and to deceive others.506
Page 178
(13.) The French nation require their sovereign to be grave in his
deportment.507
(14.) One of the misfortunes of a prince is to be often overburdened
with a secret of which the communication would be dangerous; he is
fortunate if he can meet with a faithful confidant to whom he can unbosom
himself.508
(15). A prince can get everything he wants except the pleasures of a
private life: only the charms of friendship and the fidelity of his friends can
console him for such a great loss.
(16.) A monarch who deservedly fills a throne finds it pleasant
sometimes to be less grand, to quit the stage, to leave off the theatrical cloak
and buskins,509 and act a more familiar part with a confidant.
(17.) Nothing is more creditable to a prince than the modesty of his
favourite.
(18.) No ties of friendship or consanguinity affect a favourite; he may
be surrounded on all sides by relatives and friends, but he does not mind
them; he is detached from everything, and, as it were, isolated.
(19.) The best thing a man can do who has fallen into disgrace is to
retire from the court, for it would be better for him to disappear than to
wander about in society as a former favourite, and to act a wholly different
part from his first one. If he does this and remains in solitude, his career
will be looked upon as marvellous; and though he dies, as it were, before
his time, people will only remember his splendour and his kindness.
A favourite who has fallen into disgrace can behave still better than by
becoming a hermit and trying to be forgotten, namely, by attempting some
lofty and noble deed, if he can do so, for which he will be greatly praised,
his reputation exalted, or, at least, confirmed; and by which also it will be
clearly proved that he deserved his former favour, so that people will pity
his downfall, and partly blame his ill-luck.510
(20.) I do not doubt that a favourite who has a sufficiently powerful and
lofty mind must often feel embarrassed and abashed at the meanness,
littleness, and flattery, at the superfluous cares and frivolous attentions of
those who run after him, follow him, and cling to him, like the vile
creatures they are; no doubt he laughs and sneers at them in private to make
amends for the restraint he has to impose on himself in public.
(21.) Ye who are in office, ministers of state or favourites, give me leave
to offer you some advice. Do not trust to your progeny to look after your
deportment.507
(14.) One of the misfortunes of a prince is to be often overburdened
with a secret of which the communication would be dangerous; he is
fortunate if he can meet with a faithful confidant to whom he can unbosom
himself.508
(15). A prince can get everything he wants except the pleasures of a
private life: only the charms of friendship and the fidelity of his friends can
console him for such a great loss.
(16.) A monarch who deservedly fills a throne finds it pleasant
sometimes to be less grand, to quit the stage, to leave off the theatrical cloak
and buskins,509 and act a more familiar part with a confidant.
(17.) Nothing is more creditable to a prince than the modesty of his
favourite.
(18.) No ties of friendship or consanguinity affect a favourite; he may
be surrounded on all sides by relatives and friends, but he does not mind
them; he is detached from everything, and, as it were, isolated.
(19.) The best thing a man can do who has fallen into disgrace is to
retire from the court, for it would be better for him to disappear than to
wander about in society as a former favourite, and to act a wholly different
part from his first one. If he does this and remains in solitude, his career
will be looked upon as marvellous; and though he dies, as it were, before
his time, people will only remember his splendour and his kindness.
A favourite who has fallen into disgrace can behave still better than by
becoming a hermit and trying to be forgotten, namely, by attempting some
lofty and noble deed, if he can do so, for which he will be greatly praised,
his reputation exalted, or, at least, confirmed; and by which also it will be
clearly proved that he deserved his former favour, so that people will pity
his downfall, and partly blame his ill-luck.510
(20.) I do not doubt that a favourite who has a sufficiently powerful and
lofty mind must often feel embarrassed and abashed at the meanness,
littleness, and flattery, at the superfluous cares and frivolous attentions of
those who run after him, follow him, and cling to him, like the vile
creatures they are; no doubt he laughs and sneers at them in private to make
amends for the restraint he has to impose on himself in public.
(21.) Ye who are in office, ministers of state or favourites, give me leave
to offer you some advice. Do not trust to your progeny to look after your
Page 179
reputation when you are gone, or expect that they will preserve the lustre of
your name; titles pass away, a princeʼs favour is evanescent, honours are
lost, wealth is spent, and merit degenerates. It is true you have children
worthy of you, and I shall even add, capable of maintaining the position you
leave them; but can you say the same thing of your grandchildren? Do not
believe me, but cast your eyes for once on some men whom you despise,
and who are descended from the very persons to whom you succeed, though
you are now in such a high position. Be virtuous and humane; and, if you
ask what more is necessary, I will tell you: “Humanity and virtue.” Then
you can command the future and be independent of posterity; then you can
be certain to last as long as the monarchy. And when in ages to come some
people will point out the ruins of your castles, and perhaps only the spot
where they once existed, the thought of your praiseworthy deeds will still
remain fresh in their minds; they will look eagerly at portraits and
medallions of you, and will say, “The man511 whose effigies you behold
was one who dared to address his prince forcibly and freely, and was more
afraid of injuring than of displeasing him; he did not oppose his being good
and generous, nor his speaking of his good cities and of his good people. In
this other personage whose portrait you see512 you will observe strongly
marked lineaments and an austere and majestic air; his reputation increases
every year, and the greatest politicians cannot compete with him. His chief
design was to establish the authority of the prince, and to ensure the lives
and property of the people by destroying the power of the great; from this,
neither the opposition of various parties, conspiracies, treacheries, the risk
of being assassinated, nor his own infirmities, were able to divert him; he
accomplished it, and yet he had leisure to commence another enterprise,
since continued and completed by the best and greatest of our princes, the
extirpation of heresy.”513
(22.) The most artful and plausible snare that ever was set for great men
by their men of business, or for kings by their ministers, has been the advice
of liquidating their debts whilst enriching themselves.514 Such advice is
admirable, such a maxim is useful and productive, and proves a gold mine
and a Peru, at least to those who have hitherto had the address to instil it
into their mastersʼ minds.515
(23.) Happy indeed is that nation whose prince appoints the very same
persons for his confidants and ministers whom the people would have
your name; titles pass away, a princeʼs favour is evanescent, honours are
lost, wealth is spent, and merit degenerates. It is true you have children
worthy of you, and I shall even add, capable of maintaining the position you
leave them; but can you say the same thing of your grandchildren? Do not
believe me, but cast your eyes for once on some men whom you despise,
and who are descended from the very persons to whom you succeed, though
you are now in such a high position. Be virtuous and humane; and, if you
ask what more is necessary, I will tell you: “Humanity and virtue.” Then
you can command the future and be independent of posterity; then you can
be certain to last as long as the monarchy. And when in ages to come some
people will point out the ruins of your castles, and perhaps only the spot
where they once existed, the thought of your praiseworthy deeds will still
remain fresh in their minds; they will look eagerly at portraits and
medallions of you, and will say, “The man511 whose effigies you behold
was one who dared to address his prince forcibly and freely, and was more
afraid of injuring than of displeasing him; he did not oppose his being good
and generous, nor his speaking of his good cities and of his good people. In
this other personage whose portrait you see512 you will observe strongly
marked lineaments and an austere and majestic air; his reputation increases
every year, and the greatest politicians cannot compete with him. His chief
design was to establish the authority of the prince, and to ensure the lives
and property of the people by destroying the power of the great; from this,
neither the opposition of various parties, conspiracies, treacheries, the risk
of being assassinated, nor his own infirmities, were able to divert him; he
accomplished it, and yet he had leisure to commence another enterprise,
since continued and completed by the best and greatest of our princes, the
extirpation of heresy.”513
(22.) The most artful and plausible snare that ever was set for great men
by their men of business, or for kings by their ministers, has been the advice
of liquidating their debts whilst enriching themselves.514 Such advice is
admirable, such a maxim is useful and productive, and proves a gold mine
and a Peru, at least to those who have hitherto had the address to instil it
into their mastersʼ minds.515
(23.) Happy indeed is that nation whose prince appoints the very same
persons for his confidants and ministers whom the people would have
Page 180
chosen themselves if they could have done so.
(24.) The mastering of the details of business and a diligent application
to the smallest necessities of the state are essential to a good administration,
though, in truth, too much neglected in these latter times by kings and their
ministers; it is a knowledge greatly to be desired in a prince who is ignorant
of it, and highly to be valued in him who has acquired it.516 Indeed, what
benefits and what increase of pleasure would accrue to a people by their
prince extending the bounds of his empire into the territories of his enemies,
by their sovereignties becoming provinces of his kingdom, by his
overcoming them in sieges and battles, by neither the plains nor the
strongest fortifications affording any security against him, by the
neighbouring nations asking aid of one another, and entering into leagues to
defend themselves and put a stop to his conquests, by their leagues being in
vain, by his continual advances and triumphs, by their last hopes being
frustrated by the monarch recovering his health,517 and thus affording him
the pleasure of seeing the young princes, his grandchildren, maintain and
enhance his glory, beholding them lead an army into the field, take the
strongest fortresses, conquer new states, command old and experienced
officers rather by their genius and merit than by the privilege of their noble
birth, observing them tread in the footsteps of their victorious father and
imitate his goodness, his willingness to learn, his justice, vigilance, and
magnanimity. What signifies it to me, in a word, or to any of my fellow-
subjects, that my sovereign be successful and overwhelmed with glory,
through his own actions as well as through those of his family and servants;
that my country is powerful and dreaded, if, sad and uneasy, I have to live
oppressed and poor; if, while I am secured against any inroads of the
enemy, I am exposed in the public squares or the streets of our cities to the
dagger of the assassin; or if rapine and violence are less to be feared in the
darkest nights amidst the densest forests than in our streets; if security,
order, and cleanliness have not rendered the residing in our cities so
delightful, and have not introduced there plenty as well as the pleasures of
social intercourse; or if, being weak and defenceless, my property is to be
encroached upon by some great man in the neighbourhood; if there is not a
provision made to protect me against his injustice; if I have not within reach
so many masters, and excellent masters too, to instruct my children in
sciences and arts, which will one day raise their fortunes; if the
improvement of trade will not facilitate my providing myself with more
(24.) The mastering of the details of business and a diligent application
to the smallest necessities of the state are essential to a good administration,
though, in truth, too much neglected in these latter times by kings and their
ministers; it is a knowledge greatly to be desired in a prince who is ignorant
of it, and highly to be valued in him who has acquired it.516 Indeed, what
benefits and what increase of pleasure would accrue to a people by their
prince extending the bounds of his empire into the territories of his enemies,
by their sovereignties becoming provinces of his kingdom, by his
overcoming them in sieges and battles, by neither the plains nor the
strongest fortifications affording any security against him, by the
neighbouring nations asking aid of one another, and entering into leagues to
defend themselves and put a stop to his conquests, by their leagues being in
vain, by his continual advances and triumphs, by their last hopes being
frustrated by the monarch recovering his health,517 and thus affording him
the pleasure of seeing the young princes, his grandchildren, maintain and
enhance his glory, beholding them lead an army into the field, take the
strongest fortresses, conquer new states, command old and experienced
officers rather by their genius and merit than by the privilege of their noble
birth, observing them tread in the footsteps of their victorious father and
imitate his goodness, his willingness to learn, his justice, vigilance, and
magnanimity. What signifies it to me, in a word, or to any of my fellow-
subjects, that my sovereign be successful and overwhelmed with glory,
through his own actions as well as through those of his family and servants;
that my country is powerful and dreaded, if, sad and uneasy, I have to live
oppressed and poor; if, while I am secured against any inroads of the
enemy, I am exposed in the public squares or the streets of our cities to the
dagger of the assassin; or if rapine and violence are less to be feared in the
darkest nights amidst the densest forests than in our streets; if security,
order, and cleanliness have not rendered the residing in our cities so
delightful, and have not introduced there plenty as well as the pleasures of
social intercourse; or if, being weak and defenceless, my property is to be
encroached upon by some great man in the neighbourhood; if there is not a
provision made to protect me against his injustice; if I have not within reach
so many masters, and excellent masters too, to instruct my children in
sciences and arts, which will one day raise their fortunes; if the
improvement of trade will not facilitate my providing myself with more
Page 181
decent clothing518 and wholesome food for my sustenance, at a reasonable
rate; if, to conclude, through the care my sovereign takes of me, I am not as
satisfied with my lot as his virtues must needs make him with his own?
(25.) Eight or ten thousand men are to a prince like money; with their
lives he buys a town or a victory; but, if he can obtain either at a cheaper
rate, and is sparing of them, he is like a man who is bargaining and knows
better than any other the value of money.
(26.) All things succeed in a monarchy where the interests of the state
are identical with those of the prince.
(27.) To call a king the father of his people519 is not so much to eulogise
him as to call him by his name and to define what he is.
(28.) There exists a sort of interchange or permutation of duties between
a sovereign and his subjects, and between them and him; and I shall not
decide which are most obligatory and most difficult. On the one hand, we
have to determine what are the bounden duties of reverence, assistance,
service, obedience, and dependence, and on the other what are the
indispensable obligations of goodness, justice, and protection. To say the
prince can dispose of the lives of the people, is to tell us only that through
their crimes men have become subjected to the laws and justice which the
king administers; to add that he is absolute master of all his subjectsʼ goods
without any considerations, without rendering any accounts, or without
discussion, is the language of flattery, the opinion of a favourite who will
recant on his deathbed.520
(29.) When on a fine evening a numerous flock of sheep is seen on a hill
quietly browsing thyme and wild thyme, or nibbling in a meadow the short
and tender grass which has escaped the scythe of the reaper, the careful and
diligent shepherd is amongst them; he does not lose sight of them, but
follows them, leads them, changes their pasture; if they wander, he calls
them together; if a hungry wolf approaches, he sets his dog on to beat him
off; he keeps them and defends them; and when the sun rises he is already
in the fields, which he leaves at its setting. What an amount of care,
watchfulness, and assiduity is needed! Which condition seems to you the
most delicious and the most unfettered, that of the sheep or of the shepherd?
Was the flock made for the shepherd or the shepherd for the flock? This is
an artless representation of a nation and its prince, but then the prince must
be good.
rate; if, to conclude, through the care my sovereign takes of me, I am not as
satisfied with my lot as his virtues must needs make him with his own?
(25.) Eight or ten thousand men are to a prince like money; with their
lives he buys a town or a victory; but, if he can obtain either at a cheaper
rate, and is sparing of them, he is like a man who is bargaining and knows
better than any other the value of money.
(26.) All things succeed in a monarchy where the interests of the state
are identical with those of the prince.
(27.) To call a king the father of his people519 is not so much to eulogise
him as to call him by his name and to define what he is.
(28.) There exists a sort of interchange or permutation of duties between
a sovereign and his subjects, and between them and him; and I shall not
decide which are most obligatory and most difficult. On the one hand, we
have to determine what are the bounden duties of reverence, assistance,
service, obedience, and dependence, and on the other what are the
indispensable obligations of goodness, justice, and protection. To say the
prince can dispose of the lives of the people, is to tell us only that through
their crimes men have become subjected to the laws and justice which the
king administers; to add that he is absolute master of all his subjectsʼ goods
without any considerations, without rendering any accounts, or without
discussion, is the language of flattery, the opinion of a favourite who will
recant on his deathbed.520
(29.) When on a fine evening a numerous flock of sheep is seen on a hill
quietly browsing thyme and wild thyme, or nibbling in a meadow the short
and tender grass which has escaped the scythe of the reaper, the careful and
diligent shepherd is amongst them; he does not lose sight of them, but
follows them, leads them, changes their pasture; if they wander, he calls
them together; if a hungry wolf approaches, he sets his dog on to beat him
off; he keeps them and defends them; and when the sun rises he is already
in the fields, which he leaves at its setting. What an amount of care,
watchfulness, and assiduity is needed! Which condition seems to you the
most delicious and the most unfettered, that of the sheep or of the shepherd?
Was the flock made for the shepherd or the shepherd for the flock? This is
an artless representation of a nation and its prince, but then the prince must
be good.
Page 182
A gorgeous and sumptuous monarch is like a shepherd adorned with
gold and jewels, with a golden crook in his hands, with a collar of gold
about his dogʼs neck, and a silken and golden string to lead him. What is his
flock the better for all this gold, or what avails it against the wolves?
(30.) How happy is that station which every instant furnishes
opportunities of doing good to thousands of men! how dangerous is that
post which every moment exposes its occupant to injure millions!
(31.) If men in this world cannot feel a more natural, praiseworthy, and
sensible pleasure than to know that they are beloved, and if kings are men,
can they purchase the hearts of their people at too high a rate?
(32.) There are very few general rules and unvariable regulations for
governing well; they depend on times and circumstances, as well as on the
prudence and designs of the rulers. A perfect government is, therefore, a
masterpiece of the intellect; and perhaps it would be impossible to attain it,
if the subjects did not contribute their moiety towards it by their habits of
dependence and submission.
(33.) Those persons who, under a very great monarch, fill the highest
offices, have no very intricate duties to perform, and they do this without
any trouble; everything goes on easily; the authority and the genius of the
prince smoothes their way, rids them of all difficulties, and makes
everything prosper beyond their expectations; their merit consists in being
subordinates.521
(34.) If the care of a single family be so burdensome, if a man has
enough to do to answer for himself, what a weight, what a heavy load must
be the charge of a whole realm! Is a sovereign rewarded for all his anxieties
by the pleasures which absolute power seems to afford and by the
prostrations of his courtiers? When I think of the difficult, hazardous, and
dangerous paths he sometimes is forced to tread to attain public tranquillity;
when I think of the extreme but necessary means he often is obliged to
employ to compass a good end; when I am aware he is accountable to God
for the welfare of his people, that good and evil are in his hands, and that he
cannot plead ignorance as an excuse, I cannot forbear asking myself the
question if I should like to reign? A man who is tolerably happy as a private
individual should not abandon it for a throne, for, even to one who occupies
it by hereditary right, it is almost unbearable to be born a monarch.
(35.) How many gifts Heaven must bestow on a prince for him to
become a good ruler! He must be of royal blood, have an august and
gold and jewels, with a golden crook in his hands, with a collar of gold
about his dogʼs neck, and a silken and golden string to lead him. What is his
flock the better for all this gold, or what avails it against the wolves?
(30.) How happy is that station which every instant furnishes
opportunities of doing good to thousands of men! how dangerous is that
post which every moment exposes its occupant to injure millions!
(31.) If men in this world cannot feel a more natural, praiseworthy, and
sensible pleasure than to know that they are beloved, and if kings are men,
can they purchase the hearts of their people at too high a rate?
(32.) There are very few general rules and unvariable regulations for
governing well; they depend on times and circumstances, as well as on the
prudence and designs of the rulers. A perfect government is, therefore, a
masterpiece of the intellect; and perhaps it would be impossible to attain it,
if the subjects did not contribute their moiety towards it by their habits of
dependence and submission.
(33.) Those persons who, under a very great monarch, fill the highest
offices, have no very intricate duties to perform, and they do this without
any trouble; everything goes on easily; the authority and the genius of the
prince smoothes their way, rids them of all difficulties, and makes
everything prosper beyond their expectations; their merit consists in being
subordinates.521
(34.) If the care of a single family be so burdensome, if a man has
enough to do to answer for himself, what a weight, what a heavy load must
be the charge of a whole realm! Is a sovereign rewarded for all his anxieties
by the pleasures which absolute power seems to afford and by the
prostrations of his courtiers? When I think of the difficult, hazardous, and
dangerous paths he sometimes is forced to tread to attain public tranquillity;
when I think of the extreme but necessary means he often is obliged to
employ to compass a good end; when I am aware he is accountable to God
for the welfare of his people, that good and evil are in his hands, and that he
cannot plead ignorance as an excuse, I cannot forbear asking myself the
question if I should like to reign? A man who is tolerably happy as a private
individual should not abandon it for a throne, for, even to one who occupies
it by hereditary right, it is almost unbearable to be born a monarch.
(35.) How many gifts Heaven must bestow on a prince for him to
become a good ruler! He must be of royal blood, have an august and
Page 183
commanding air, a presence to satisfy the curiosity of a crowd anxious to
see the prince, as well as to command respect from his courtiers.522 His
temper must be always the same; he must be averse to ill-natured raillery,
or, at least, be so sensible as to refrain from it; he must never threaten,
reproach, nor give way to passion, yet he must be always obeyed; he should
be complacent and engaging, so frank and sincere that all may think they
plainly see the bottom of his heart, which will tend to gain him friends,
partisans, and allies; yet he must be secret, close, and impenetrable in his
motives and plans; he must be very grave and serious in public; be brief,
precise, and dignified in his answers to ambassadors, as well as in his
expressions in council; be careful in choosing fit objects for his favours, and
bestow them with that peculiar charm which enhances them; great must be
his sagacity to penetrate into the minds, qualifications, and tempers of men,
to nominate them to various posts and places, as well as to select his
generals and ministers of state. His opinions should be so settled, sound,
and decisive in matters of state, as immediately to point out what is the best
and most honest thing to do; his mind ought to be so upright and just as
sometimes to decide against himself and in favour of his subjects, allies, or
enemies; so comprehensive and ready should be his memory as to
remember the necessities of his subjects, their faces, names, and
petitions.523 His capacious intelligence should not only exercise itself on
foreign affairs, commerce, maxims of state, political designs, extension of
the frontiers by conquering new provinces, and ensuring their safety by
numerous and inaccessible forts; but also look after the affairs of his own
kingdom, and study them in detail; banish from it a false, insidious, and anti
monarchical sect,524 if such a one exists; abolish all barbarous and impious
customs, if they are to be found there;525 reform the abuses of laws and
usages, for such may have crept in;526 render his cities more safe and
comfortable by establishing new police regulations, more splendid and
magnificent by sumptuous edifices; punish severely scandalous vices;
increase the influence of religion and virtue by his authority and
example;527 protect the Church and clergy, their rights and liberties;528 and
govern the nation like a father, always intent on relieving it and making the
subsidies as light as those levied in the provinces529 without impoverishing
them. He must have great talents for war, be vigilant, diligent, and
unwearied, able to command numerous armies, and be composed in the
see the prince, as well as to command respect from his courtiers.522 His
temper must be always the same; he must be averse to ill-natured raillery,
or, at least, be so sensible as to refrain from it; he must never threaten,
reproach, nor give way to passion, yet he must be always obeyed; he should
be complacent and engaging, so frank and sincere that all may think they
plainly see the bottom of his heart, which will tend to gain him friends,
partisans, and allies; yet he must be secret, close, and impenetrable in his
motives and plans; he must be very grave and serious in public; be brief,
precise, and dignified in his answers to ambassadors, as well as in his
expressions in council; be careful in choosing fit objects for his favours, and
bestow them with that peculiar charm which enhances them; great must be
his sagacity to penetrate into the minds, qualifications, and tempers of men,
to nominate them to various posts and places, as well as to select his
generals and ministers of state. His opinions should be so settled, sound,
and decisive in matters of state, as immediately to point out what is the best
and most honest thing to do; his mind ought to be so upright and just as
sometimes to decide against himself and in favour of his subjects, allies, or
enemies; so comprehensive and ready should be his memory as to
remember the necessities of his subjects, their faces, names, and
petitions.523 His capacious intelligence should not only exercise itself on
foreign affairs, commerce, maxims of state, political designs, extension of
the frontiers by conquering new provinces, and ensuring their safety by
numerous and inaccessible forts; but also look after the affairs of his own
kingdom, and study them in detail; banish from it a false, insidious, and anti
monarchical sect,524 if such a one exists; abolish all barbarous and impious
customs, if they are to be found there;525 reform the abuses of laws and
usages, for such may have crept in;526 render his cities more safe and
comfortable by establishing new police regulations, more splendid and
magnificent by sumptuous edifices; punish severely scandalous vices;
increase the influence of religion and virtue by his authority and
example;527 protect the Church and clergy, their rights and liberties;528 and
govern the nation like a father, always intent on relieving it and making the
subsidies as light as those levied in the provinces529 without impoverishing
them. He must have great talents for war, be vigilant, diligent, and
unwearied, able to command numerous armies, and be composed in the
Page 184
midst of danger; he ought to be sparing of his own life for the good of the
state, and prefer its welfare and glory to that very life; his power must be
absolute, to leave no room for indirect influence, intrigues and factions, and
sometimes to lessen that vast distance which exists between the great and
the common people, so that they may be drawn closer together, and obey
that power equally; the knowledge of the prince should be extensive, that he
may see everything with his own eyes, act immediately and by himself, so
that his generals, though at a distance, are but his lieutenants, and his
ministers but his ministers;530 he should be sagacious enough to know when
to declare war, when to conquer and make the best use of a victory, when to
make peace, and when to break it; when, sometimes, to compel his enemies
to accept it, according to the various interests at stake; to set bounds to his
vast ambition, and how far to extend his conquests; he should find leisure
for games, festivals, and spectacles; cultivate arts and sciences, and erect
magnificent structures, even when surrounded by secret and declared
enemies. To conclude, he should possess a superior and commanding
genius, which renders him beloved by his subjects and feared by strangers,
and makes of his court, and even of his entire realm, as it were, one family,
governed by one head, living in perfect unison and harmony with one
another, and thus formidable to the rest of the world. All these admirable
virtues seem to me comprised in the notion of what a sovereign ought to be.
It is true we rarely see them all combined in one man, for too many
adventitious qualities, such as intelligence, feelings, outward appearances,
and natural disposition, must be found at the same time in him; it therefore
appears to me that a prince who unites all these in his single person well
deserves the name of Great.531
state, and prefer its welfare and glory to that very life; his power must be
absolute, to leave no room for indirect influence, intrigues and factions, and
sometimes to lessen that vast distance which exists between the great and
the common people, so that they may be drawn closer together, and obey
that power equally; the knowledge of the prince should be extensive, that he
may see everything with his own eyes, act immediately and by himself, so
that his generals, though at a distance, are but his lieutenants, and his
ministers but his ministers;530 he should be sagacious enough to know when
to declare war, when to conquer and make the best use of a victory, when to
make peace, and when to break it; when, sometimes, to compel his enemies
to accept it, according to the various interests at stake; to set bounds to his
vast ambition, and how far to extend his conquests; he should find leisure
for games, festivals, and spectacles; cultivate arts and sciences, and erect
magnificent structures, even when surrounded by secret and declared
enemies. To conclude, he should possess a superior and commanding
genius, which renders him beloved by his subjects and feared by strangers,
and makes of his court, and even of his entire realm, as it were, one family,
governed by one head, living in perfect unison and harmony with one
another, and thus formidable to the rest of the world. All these admirable
virtues seem to me comprised in the notion of what a sovereign ought to be.
It is true we rarely see them all combined in one man, for too many
adventitious qualities, such as intelligence, feelings, outward appearances,
and natural disposition, must be found at the same time in him; it therefore
appears to me that a prince who unites all these in his single person well
deserves the name of Great.531
Page 185
LOUIS XIV
Page 186
XI.
OF MANKIND.
(1.)
L ET us not be angry with men when we see them cruel, ungrateful,
unjust, proud, egotists, and forgetful of others; they are made so; it
is their nature; we might just as well quarrel with a stone for
falling to the ground, or with a fire when the flames ascend.
(2.) In one sense men are not fickle, or only in trifles; they change their
habits, language, outward appearance, their rules of propriety, and
sometimes their taste; but they always preserve their bad morals, and adhere
tenaciously to what is ill and to their indifference for virtue.
(3.) Stoicism is a mere fancy, a fiction, like Platoʼs Republic. The Stoics
pretend a man may laugh at poverty; not feel insults, ingratitude, loss of
property, relatives, and friends; look unconcernedly on death, and regard it
as a matter of indifference which ought neither to make him merry nor
melancholy; not let pleasure or pain conquer him; be wounded or burned
without breathing the slightest sigh or shedding a single tear; and this
phantasm of courage and imaginary firmness they are pleased to call a
philosopher. They have left man with the same faults they found in him, and
did not blame his smallest foible. Instead of depicting vice as something
terrible or ridiculous, which might have corrected him, they have limned an
OF MANKIND.
(1.)
L ET us not be angry with men when we see them cruel, ungrateful,
unjust, proud, egotists, and forgetful of others; they are made so; it
is their nature; we might just as well quarrel with a stone for
falling to the ground, or with a fire when the flames ascend.
(2.) In one sense men are not fickle, or only in trifles; they change their
habits, language, outward appearance, their rules of propriety, and
sometimes their taste; but they always preserve their bad morals, and adhere
tenaciously to what is ill and to their indifference for virtue.
(3.) Stoicism is a mere fancy, a fiction, like Platoʼs Republic. The Stoics
pretend a man may laugh at poverty; not feel insults, ingratitude, loss of
property, relatives, and friends; look unconcernedly on death, and regard it
as a matter of indifference which ought neither to make him merry nor
melancholy; not let pleasure or pain conquer him; be wounded or burned
without breathing the slightest sigh or shedding a single tear; and this
phantasm of courage and imaginary firmness they are pleased to call a
philosopher. They have left man with the same faults they found in him, and
did not blame his smallest foible. Instead of depicting vice as something
terrible or ridiculous, which might have corrected him, they have limned an
Page 187
idea of perfection and heroism of which man is not capable, and they
exhorted him to aim at what is impossible. Thus, the philosopher that is to
be, but will never exist except in imagination, finds himself naturally, and
without any exertions of his own, above all events and all ills; the most
excruciating fit of the gout, the most severe attack of colic, cannot draw
from him the least complaint; Heaven and earth may be overturned, without
dragging him along in their downfall; and he remains calm and collected
amidst the ruins of the universe, whilst a man really beside himself utters
loud exclamations, despairs, looks fierce, and is in an agony for the loss of a
dog or for a China dish broken into pieces.
(4.) Restlessness of mind, inequality of temper, fickleness of affections,
and instability of conduct, are all vices of the mind, but they are all
different; and, in spite532 of their appearing analogous, are not always found
in one and the same subject.
(5.) It is difficult to decide whether irresolution makes a man more
unfortunate than contemptible, or even whether it is always a greater
disadvantage to take a wrong step than to take none at all.
(6.) A man of variable mind is not one man, but several men in one; he
multiplies himself as often as he changes his taste and manners; he is not
this minute what he was the last, and will not be the next what he is now; he
is his own successor. Do not ask what is his nature, but what are his
proclivities; nor what mood he is in, but how many sorts of moods he has.
Are you not mistaken, and is it Eutichrates whom you accost? To-day he is
cool to you, but yesterday he was anxious to see you, and was so
demonstrative that his friends were jealous of you. Surely he does not
remember you; tell him your name.
(7.) Menalcas533 goes down-stairs, opens the door to go out, and shuts it
again; he perceives that he has his nightcap on, and on looking at himself
with a little more attention, he finds that he is but half shaved, that he has
fastened his sword on the wrong side, that his stockings are hanging on his
heels, and that his shirt is bulging out above his breeches. If he walks about,
he feels something strike him all at once in the stomach or in the face, and
he cannot imagine what it is, until he opens his eyes and wakes up, when he
finds himself before the shaft of a cart, or behind a long plank a workman is
carrying. He has been seen to run his head against a blind man, and to get
entangled between his legs, so that both fell backwards. Often he meets a
prince face to face, who wishes to pass; he recollects himself with some
exhorted him to aim at what is impossible. Thus, the philosopher that is to
be, but will never exist except in imagination, finds himself naturally, and
without any exertions of his own, above all events and all ills; the most
excruciating fit of the gout, the most severe attack of colic, cannot draw
from him the least complaint; Heaven and earth may be overturned, without
dragging him along in their downfall; and he remains calm and collected
amidst the ruins of the universe, whilst a man really beside himself utters
loud exclamations, despairs, looks fierce, and is in an agony for the loss of a
dog or for a China dish broken into pieces.
(4.) Restlessness of mind, inequality of temper, fickleness of affections,
and instability of conduct, are all vices of the mind, but they are all
different; and, in spite532 of their appearing analogous, are not always found
in one and the same subject.
(5.) It is difficult to decide whether irresolution makes a man more
unfortunate than contemptible, or even whether it is always a greater
disadvantage to take a wrong step than to take none at all.
(6.) A man of variable mind is not one man, but several men in one; he
multiplies himself as often as he changes his taste and manners; he is not
this minute what he was the last, and will not be the next what he is now; he
is his own successor. Do not ask what is his nature, but what are his
proclivities; nor what mood he is in, but how many sorts of moods he has.
Are you not mistaken, and is it Eutichrates whom you accost? To-day he is
cool to you, but yesterday he was anxious to see you, and was so
demonstrative that his friends were jealous of you. Surely he does not
remember you; tell him your name.
(7.) Menalcas533 goes down-stairs, opens the door to go out, and shuts it
again; he perceives that he has his nightcap on, and on looking at himself
with a little more attention, he finds that he is but half shaved, that he has
fastened his sword on the wrong side, that his stockings are hanging on his
heels, and that his shirt is bulging out above his breeches. If he walks about,
he feels something strike him all at once in the stomach or in the face, and
he cannot imagine what it is, until he opens his eyes and wakes up, when he
finds himself before the shaft of a cart, or behind a long plank a workman is
carrying. He has been seen to run his head against a blind man, and to get
entangled between his legs, so that both fell backwards. Often he meets a
prince face to face, who wishes to pass; he recollects himself with some
Page 188
difficulty, and scarcely has time to squeeze himself up against the wall to
make room for him.534 He searches about, rummages, shouts, gets excited,
calls his servants one after another, and complains that everything is lost or
mislaid; he asks for his gloves which he holds in his hands, like the woman
who asked for the mask she had on her face. He enters the rooms at
Versailles,535 and passing under a chandelier, his wig gets hooked on to one
of the brackets and is left hanging, whilst all the courtiers stare and laugh.
Menalcas looks also, and laughs louder than any of them, staring in the
meanwhile at all the company to see what man shows his ears and has lost
his wig.536 If he goes into town,537 before he has gone far he thinks he has
lost his way, gets uneasy, and asks some of the passers-by where he is, who
name to him the very street he lives in; he enters his own house, runs out in
haste, and fancies he is mistaken. He comes out of the Palais de Justice,
and finding a carriage waiting at the bottom of the great staircase, he thinks
it is his own and enters it; the coachman just touches the horses with his
whip, and supposes all the while he is driving his master home; Menalcas
jumps out, crosses the courtyard, mounts the stairs, and passes through the
ante-chamber and ordinary rooms into the study; but nothing is strange or
new to him; he sits down, takes a rest, and feels himself at home. When the
real master of the house arrives, he rises to receive him, treats him very
politely, begs him to be seated, and believes he is doing the honours of his
own room; he talks, muses, and talks again; the master of the house is tired
and amazed, and Menalcas as much as he, though he does not say what he
thinks, but supposes the other is some bore who has nothing to do, and will
leave soon—at least he hopes so, and remains patient; yet it is almost night
before he is undeceived, and that with some difficulty. Another time he pays
a visit to a lady, and imagines that she is visiting him; he sits down in her
arm-chair538 without any thought of giving it up; it then seems to him that
the lady is somewhat long in her visit, and he expects every moment that
she will rise and leave him at liberty; but as she delays, he is growing
hungry, and night coming on, he invites her to have some supper with him,
at which she bursts out in such loud laughter that he comes to himself. He
marries in the morning, but has forgotten it at night, and does not sleep at
home on his wedding-night; some time afterwards his wife dies in his arms,
and he is present at her funeral; the next day one of the servants informs
him that dinner is on the table, when he asks if his wife is already dressed
and if they have told her it is served up. He enters a church, and takes a
make room for him.534 He searches about, rummages, shouts, gets excited,
calls his servants one after another, and complains that everything is lost or
mislaid; he asks for his gloves which he holds in his hands, like the woman
who asked for the mask she had on her face. He enters the rooms at
Versailles,535 and passing under a chandelier, his wig gets hooked on to one
of the brackets and is left hanging, whilst all the courtiers stare and laugh.
Menalcas looks also, and laughs louder than any of them, staring in the
meanwhile at all the company to see what man shows his ears and has lost
his wig.536 If he goes into town,537 before he has gone far he thinks he has
lost his way, gets uneasy, and asks some of the passers-by where he is, who
name to him the very street he lives in; he enters his own house, runs out in
haste, and fancies he is mistaken. He comes out of the Palais de Justice,
and finding a carriage waiting at the bottom of the great staircase, he thinks
it is his own and enters it; the coachman just touches the horses with his
whip, and supposes all the while he is driving his master home; Menalcas
jumps out, crosses the courtyard, mounts the stairs, and passes through the
ante-chamber and ordinary rooms into the study; but nothing is strange or
new to him; he sits down, takes a rest, and feels himself at home. When the
real master of the house arrives, he rises to receive him, treats him very
politely, begs him to be seated, and believes he is doing the honours of his
own room; he talks, muses, and talks again; the master of the house is tired
and amazed, and Menalcas as much as he, though he does not say what he
thinks, but supposes the other is some bore who has nothing to do, and will
leave soon—at least he hopes so, and remains patient; yet it is almost night
before he is undeceived, and that with some difficulty. Another time he pays
a visit to a lady, and imagines that she is visiting him; he sits down in her
arm-chair538 without any thought of giving it up; it then seems to him that
the lady is somewhat long in her visit, and he expects every moment that
she will rise and leave him at liberty; but as she delays, he is growing
hungry, and night coming on, he invites her to have some supper with him,
at which she bursts out in such loud laughter that he comes to himself. He
marries in the morning, but has forgotten it at night, and does not sleep at
home on his wedding-night; some time afterwards his wife dies in his arms,
and he is present at her funeral; the next day one of the servants informs
him that dinner is on the table, when he asks if his wife is already dressed
and if they have told her it is served up. He enters a church, and takes a
Page 189
blind man, always stationed at the door, for a pillar, and the plate he holds
in his hands for a holy-water basin, into which he dips his hands; and when
he makes the sign of the cross on his forehead, he, on a sudden, hears the
pillar speak and beg for alms; he walks through the aisle, and fancying he
sees a praying-chair, throws himself heavily on it; the chair bends, gives
way, and strives to cry out;539 Menalcas is surprised to find himself
kneeling on the legs of a very little man, and leaning on his back, with both
his arms on his shoulders, his folded hands extended, taking him by the
nose and stopping his mouth; he is quite confused, withdraws, and goes and
kneels elsewhere. He takes out his prayer-book as he thinks, but he pulls out
a slipper instead, which he had inadvertently put into his pocket before he
went out; he has hardly left the church when a footman runs after him,
comes up to him, and asks him, with a laugh, if he has not got the bishopʼs
slipper; Menalcas produces his, and assures him that he has no other
slippers about him; but, however, after searching he finds the slipper of his
lordship, whom he has just been visiting, had found indisposed at his
fireside, and whose slipper he had pocketed before he took his leave,
instead of one of his gloves he had dropt; so that Menalcas returns home
with one slipper less. One day whilst gambling he lost all the money he had
about him, and, as he wished to continue, he went into his private room,
unlocked a cupboard, took out his cash-box, helped himself to whatever he
pleased, and then thought he put it back again in its former place; but he
heard some barking going on in the cupboard he just locked, and, quite
astonished at this marvellous occurrence, he opened it again, and burst out
laughing on beholding his dog he had locked up instead of his cash-box.
Whilst he is playing backgammon he asks for something to drink, which is
brought him; it is his turn to play, and, holding the box in one hand and the
glass in the other, and being very thirsty, he gulps down the dice and almost
the box, whilst the water is thrown on the board, and quite wets the person
he is playing with. One day being in a room with a family with whom he
was very intimate, he spits on the bed, and throws his hat on the ground,
thinking he is spitting on the floor and shying his hat on the bed. Once on
the river he asked what oʼclock it was; they hand him a watch, but it is
scarcely in his hands when he forgets both the time and the watch, and
throws the latter into the river as a thing which bothers him. He writes a
long letter, throws some sand on his paper,540 and then pours the sand into
the inkstand; but that is not all. He writes a second letter, and after having
in his hands for a holy-water basin, into which he dips his hands; and when
he makes the sign of the cross on his forehead, he, on a sudden, hears the
pillar speak and beg for alms; he walks through the aisle, and fancying he
sees a praying-chair, throws himself heavily on it; the chair bends, gives
way, and strives to cry out;539 Menalcas is surprised to find himself
kneeling on the legs of a very little man, and leaning on his back, with both
his arms on his shoulders, his folded hands extended, taking him by the
nose and stopping his mouth; he is quite confused, withdraws, and goes and
kneels elsewhere. He takes out his prayer-book as he thinks, but he pulls out
a slipper instead, which he had inadvertently put into his pocket before he
went out; he has hardly left the church when a footman runs after him,
comes up to him, and asks him, with a laugh, if he has not got the bishopʼs
slipper; Menalcas produces his, and assures him that he has no other
slippers about him; but, however, after searching he finds the slipper of his
lordship, whom he has just been visiting, had found indisposed at his
fireside, and whose slipper he had pocketed before he took his leave,
instead of one of his gloves he had dropt; so that Menalcas returns home
with one slipper less. One day whilst gambling he lost all the money he had
about him, and, as he wished to continue, he went into his private room,
unlocked a cupboard, took out his cash-box, helped himself to whatever he
pleased, and then thought he put it back again in its former place; but he
heard some barking going on in the cupboard he just locked, and, quite
astonished at this marvellous occurrence, he opened it again, and burst out
laughing on beholding his dog he had locked up instead of his cash-box.
Whilst he is playing backgammon he asks for something to drink, which is
brought him; it is his turn to play, and, holding the box in one hand and the
glass in the other, and being very thirsty, he gulps down the dice and almost
the box, whilst the water is thrown on the board, and quite wets the person
he is playing with. One day being in a room with a family with whom he
was very intimate, he spits on the bed, and throws his hat on the ground,
thinking he is spitting on the floor and shying his hat on the bed. Once on
the river he asked what oʼclock it was; they hand him a watch, but it is
scarcely in his hands when he forgets both the time and the watch, and
throws the latter into the river as a thing which bothers him. He writes a
long letter, throws some sand on his paper,540 and then pours the sand into
the inkstand; but that is not all. He writes a second letter, and after having
Page 190
sealed both, he makes a mistake in addressing them; one of them is sent to a
duke and peer of the realm, who, on opening it, reads: “Mr. Oliver,—Pray
donʼt fail to send me my provision of hay as soon as you receive this letter.”
His farmer receives the other letter, opens it, has it read to him, and finds in
it: “My lord,—I receive with the utmost submission the orders which it has
pleased your highness,” and so on. He writes another letter at night, and
after sealing it, puts out the light; yet is surprised to be on a sudden in the
dark, and is at a loss to conceive how it has happened. Coming down the
Louvre staircase, Menalcas meets another person coming up, and exclaims
that the latter is the very man he is looking for; he takes him by the hand,
and they go down-stairs together, cross several courtyards, enter some
apartments, and come out again; he moves about, and returns whence he
started; then, looking more narrowly at the man he has thus been dragging
after him for a quarter of an hour, he wonders who it is, has nothing to say
to him, lets go his hand, and turns another way. He often asks a question,
and is almost out of sight before it is possible to answer him; or else he will
ask you, whilst he is running about, how your father is, and when you
answer him that he is seriously unwell, he will shout to you that he is very
glad to hear it. Another time, if you fall in his way, he is delighted to meet
you, and says he has just come from your house to talk to you on a certain
matter of business; then, looking at your hand, he exclaims, “Thatʼs a fine
ruby you wear; is it a balass ruby?”541 and then he leaves you, and goes on
his way; this is the important matter of business he was so anxious to talk to
you about. If he is in the country, he tells some person he must feel happy
he has been able to leave the court in the autumn and to have spent on his
estate all the time the court was at Fontainebleau;542 whilst to other people
he talks about something else; then, going back to the first, he says to him,
“You have had some very fine weather at Fontainebleau, and you must have
followed the royal hunt pretty often.” He begins a story which he forgets to
finish; he laughs to himself, and that aloud, at something he is thinking of,
and replies to his own thoughts; he hums a tune, whistles, throws himself
into a chair, sends forth a pitiful whine, yawns, and thinks himself alone.
When he is at a dinner-party he gradually gathers all the bread on his own
plate, and his neighbours have none; and he does the same with the knives
and forks, which do not remain long in their hands. Lately some large
spoons, convenient for helping every one, have been introduced at certain
tables; he takes one of these spoons, plunges it into the dish, fills it, puts it
duke and peer of the realm, who, on opening it, reads: “Mr. Oliver,—Pray
donʼt fail to send me my provision of hay as soon as you receive this letter.”
His farmer receives the other letter, opens it, has it read to him, and finds in
it: “My lord,—I receive with the utmost submission the orders which it has
pleased your highness,” and so on. He writes another letter at night, and
after sealing it, puts out the light; yet is surprised to be on a sudden in the
dark, and is at a loss to conceive how it has happened. Coming down the
Louvre staircase, Menalcas meets another person coming up, and exclaims
that the latter is the very man he is looking for; he takes him by the hand,
and they go down-stairs together, cross several courtyards, enter some
apartments, and come out again; he moves about, and returns whence he
started; then, looking more narrowly at the man he has thus been dragging
after him for a quarter of an hour, he wonders who it is, has nothing to say
to him, lets go his hand, and turns another way. He often asks a question,
and is almost out of sight before it is possible to answer him; or else he will
ask you, whilst he is running about, how your father is, and when you
answer him that he is seriously unwell, he will shout to you that he is very
glad to hear it. Another time, if you fall in his way, he is delighted to meet
you, and says he has just come from your house to talk to you on a certain
matter of business; then, looking at your hand, he exclaims, “Thatʼs a fine
ruby you wear; is it a balass ruby?”541 and then he leaves you, and goes on
his way; this is the important matter of business he was so anxious to talk to
you about. If he is in the country, he tells some person he must feel happy
he has been able to leave the court in the autumn and to have spent on his
estate all the time the court was at Fontainebleau;542 whilst to other people
he talks about something else; then, going back to the first, he says to him,
“You have had some very fine weather at Fontainebleau, and you must have
followed the royal hunt pretty often.” He begins a story which he forgets to
finish; he laughs to himself, and that aloud, at something he is thinking of,
and replies to his own thoughts; he hums a tune, whistles, throws himself
into a chair, sends forth a pitiful whine, yawns, and thinks himself alone.
When he is at a dinner-party he gradually gathers all the bread on his own
plate, and his neighbours have none; and he does the same with the knives
and forks, which do not remain long in their hands. Lately some large
spoons, convenient for helping every one, have been introduced at certain
tables; he takes one of these spoons, plunges it into the dish, fills it, puts it
Page 191
into his mouth, and is highly astonished to see the soup he has just taken all
over his clothes and linen. He forgets to drink at dinner, or, if he remembers
it, thinks there is too much wine poured out for him; he flings more than
half of it in the face of a gentleman seated at his right hand, drinks the rest
with a great deal of composure, and cannot understand why everybody
should burst out laughing for throwing on the floor the wine he did not wish
to drink.543 He keeps his bed a day or two for a slight indisposition, and a
goodly number of ladies and gentlemen visit him, and converse with him in
the ruelle;544 in their presence he lifts up the blankets and spits in the
sheets. He is taken to the Convent of the Carthusians, where they show him
a gallery adorned with paintings, all executed by the hand of a master;545
the monk who explains the subjects persistently expatiates on the life of
Saint Bruno, and points out the adventure with the canon in one of the
pictures.546 Menalcas, whose thoughts are all the while wandering away
from the gallery, and far beyond it, returns to it at last, and asks the monk
whether it is the canon or Saint Bruno who is damned. Being once, as it
happened, with a young widow, he talks to her of her deceased husband,
and asks of what he died; this conversation renews all the sorrows of the
lady, who, amidst tears and sobs, tells him all the particulars of her late
husbandʼs illness, from the night he first was attacked by fever to his final
agony; whereupon Menalcas, who apparently listens to her narrative with
great attention, asks her if the deceased was her only husband. One morning
he gets it into his head to hurry on everything for dinner; but he rises before
the dessert is brought on, and leaves his guests by themselves. That day he
is sure to be seen everywhere in town except on the spot where he has made
an appointment about the very business which prevented him finishing his
dinner, and made him walk, for fear it would take too long a time to get the
horses and carriage ready. You may frequently hear him shout, scold, and
get in a rage about one of his servants being out of the way. “Where can that
man be?” says he;
“what can he be doing? what has become of him? Let him never more
present himself before me; I discharge him this very minute!” The servant
makes his appearance, and he asks him, in a contemptuous tone, where he
comes from; the man replies he has been where he was sent to, and gives a
faithful account of his errand. You would often take Menalcas for what he is
not, for an idiot; for he does not listen, and speaks still less; for a madman,
because he talks to himself, and indulges in certain grimaces and
over his clothes and linen. He forgets to drink at dinner, or, if he remembers
it, thinks there is too much wine poured out for him; he flings more than
half of it in the face of a gentleman seated at his right hand, drinks the rest
with a great deal of composure, and cannot understand why everybody
should burst out laughing for throwing on the floor the wine he did not wish
to drink.543 He keeps his bed a day or two for a slight indisposition, and a
goodly number of ladies and gentlemen visit him, and converse with him in
the ruelle;544 in their presence he lifts up the blankets and spits in the
sheets. He is taken to the Convent of the Carthusians, where they show him
a gallery adorned with paintings, all executed by the hand of a master;545
the monk who explains the subjects persistently expatiates on the life of
Saint Bruno, and points out the adventure with the canon in one of the
pictures.546 Menalcas, whose thoughts are all the while wandering away
from the gallery, and far beyond it, returns to it at last, and asks the monk
whether it is the canon or Saint Bruno who is damned. Being once, as it
happened, with a young widow, he talks to her of her deceased husband,
and asks of what he died; this conversation renews all the sorrows of the
lady, who, amidst tears and sobs, tells him all the particulars of her late
husbandʼs illness, from the night he first was attacked by fever to his final
agony; whereupon Menalcas, who apparently listens to her narrative with
great attention, asks her if the deceased was her only husband. One morning
he gets it into his head to hurry on everything for dinner; but he rises before
the dessert is brought on, and leaves his guests by themselves. That day he
is sure to be seen everywhere in town except on the spot where he has made
an appointment about the very business which prevented him finishing his
dinner, and made him walk, for fear it would take too long a time to get the
horses and carriage ready. You may frequently hear him shout, scold, and
get in a rage about one of his servants being out of the way. “Where can that
man be?” says he;
“what can he be doing? what has become of him? Let him never more
present himself before me; I discharge him this very minute!” The servant
makes his appearance, and he asks him, in a contemptuous tone, where he
comes from; the man replies he has been where he was sent to, and gives a
faithful account of his errand. You would often take Menalcas for what he is
not, for an idiot; for he does not listen, and speaks still less; for a madman,
because he talks to himself, and indulges in certain grimaces and
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involuntary motions of the head; for proud and discourteous, because when
you bow to him, he may pass without looking at you, or look at you and not
return your bow; for a man without any feeling, for he talks of bankruptcy
in a family where there is such a blot; of executions and the scaffold before
a person whose father has been beheaded; of plebeians before plebeians
who have become rich and pretend to be of noble birth. He even intends to
bring up his illegitimate son in his house, and pretends he is a servant; and
though he would have his wife and children know nothing about the matter,
he cannot forbear calling him his son every hour of the day. He resolves to
let his son marry the daughter of some man of business, yet he now and
then boasts of his birth and ancestors, and that no Menalcas has ever made a
misalliance. In short, he seems to be absent minded, and to pay no attention
to the conversation going on; he thinks and speaks at the same time, but
what he says is seldom about what he thinks; so that there is hardly any
coherence and sequence in his talk; he often says “yes” when he should say
“no,” and when he says “no,” you must suppose he would say “yes.” When
he answers you so pertinently, his eyes are fixed on your countenance, but it
does not follow that he sees you; he looks neither at you nor at any one, nor
at anything in the world. All that you can draw from him, even when he is
most sociable and most attentive, are some such words as these: “Yes,
indeed; it is true; very well; really; indeed; I believe so; certainly; O
Heaven!” and some other monosyllables, even not always used on the right
occasions. He never is with those with whom he appears to be; he calls his
footman very seriously “Sir,” and his friend “La Verdure;”547 says “Your
Reverence” to a prince of the royal blood, and “Your Highness” to a Jesuit.
When he is at mass, and the priest sneezes, he cries out aloud, “God bless
you!” He is in the company of a magistrate of serious disposition, and
venerable by his age and dignity, who asks him whether a certain event
happened in such and such a way, and Menalcas replies, “Yes, miss.” As he
came one day from the country, his footmen plotted to rob him and
succeeded; they jumped down from behind his coach, presented the end of a
torch to his breast, and demanded his purse, which he gave up.548 When he
came home he told his friends what had happened, and when they asked for
details he said they had better inquire of his servants, who also were
present.
(8.) Impoliteness is not a vice of the mind, but the consequence of
several vices; of foolish vanity, of ignorance of oneʼs duties, of idleness, of
you bow to him, he may pass without looking at you, or look at you and not
return your bow; for a man without any feeling, for he talks of bankruptcy
in a family where there is such a blot; of executions and the scaffold before
a person whose father has been beheaded; of plebeians before plebeians
who have become rich and pretend to be of noble birth. He even intends to
bring up his illegitimate son in his house, and pretends he is a servant; and
though he would have his wife and children know nothing about the matter,
he cannot forbear calling him his son every hour of the day. He resolves to
let his son marry the daughter of some man of business, yet he now and
then boasts of his birth and ancestors, and that no Menalcas has ever made a
misalliance. In short, he seems to be absent minded, and to pay no attention
to the conversation going on; he thinks and speaks at the same time, but
what he says is seldom about what he thinks; so that there is hardly any
coherence and sequence in his talk; he often says “yes” when he should say
“no,” and when he says “no,” you must suppose he would say “yes.” When
he answers you so pertinently, his eyes are fixed on your countenance, but it
does not follow that he sees you; he looks neither at you nor at any one, nor
at anything in the world. All that you can draw from him, even when he is
most sociable and most attentive, are some such words as these: “Yes,
indeed; it is true; very well; really; indeed; I believe so; certainly; O
Heaven!” and some other monosyllables, even not always used on the right
occasions. He never is with those with whom he appears to be; he calls his
footman very seriously “Sir,” and his friend “La Verdure;”547 says “Your
Reverence” to a prince of the royal blood, and “Your Highness” to a Jesuit.
When he is at mass, and the priest sneezes, he cries out aloud, “God bless
you!” He is in the company of a magistrate of serious disposition, and
venerable by his age and dignity, who asks him whether a certain event
happened in such and such a way, and Menalcas replies, “Yes, miss.” As he
came one day from the country, his footmen plotted to rob him and
succeeded; they jumped down from behind his coach, presented the end of a
torch to his breast, and demanded his purse, which he gave up.548 When he
came home he told his friends what had happened, and when they asked for
details he said they had better inquire of his servants, who also were
present.
(8.) Impoliteness is not a vice of the mind, but the consequence of
several vices; of foolish vanity, of ignorance of oneʼs duties, of idleness, of
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stupidity, of absence of mind, of contempt for others, and of jealousy.
Though it only shows itself outwardly, it is not the less odious, because it is
a fault which is always visible and manifest; however, it gives more or less
offence, according as the motives for displaying it are more or less
offensive.
(9.) If we say of an angry, captious, quarrelsome, melancholy, formal,
capricious person, that it is all owing to his temper, it is not to find an
excuse for him, whatever people may think, but an involuntary
acknowledgment that such great faults admit of no remedy.
What we call good temper is a thing too much neglected among men;
they ought to understand that they should not alone be good, but also appear
to be so, at least if they are inclined to be sociable and disposed to friendly
intercourse; in other words, if they would be men. We do not require wicked
men to be gentle and urbane; in these qualities they are never wanting, for
they employ them to ensnare the simple, and to find a larger field for their
operations; but we wish kind-hearted men always to be tractable,
accessible, and courteous; so that there should no longer be any reason for
saying that wicked men do harm and that good men make others
uncomfortable.
(10.) The generality of men proceed from anger to insults; others act
differently, for they first give offence and then grow angry; our surprise at
such behaviour always supersedes resentment.
(11.) Men do not sufficiently take advantage of every opportunity for
pleasing other people. When a person accepts a certain post, it seems that he
intends to acquire the power of obliging others without using it; nothing is
quicker and more readily given than a refusal, whilst nothing is ever granted
until after mature reflection.
(12.) Know exactly what you are to expect from men in general, and
from each of them in particular, and then mix with the people around you.
(13.) If poverty is the mother of all crimes, lack of intelligence is their
father.
(14.) A knave can hardly be a very intelligent man; a clear and far-
seeing mind leads to regularity, honesty, and virtue; it is want of sense and
penetration which begets obstinacy in wickedness as well as in duplicity; in
vain we endeavour to correct such a man by satire; it may describe him to
others, but he himself will not know his own picture; it is like scolding a
deaf man. It would be well, please gentlemen of sense and culture, and
Though it only shows itself outwardly, it is not the less odious, because it is
a fault which is always visible and manifest; however, it gives more or less
offence, according as the motives for displaying it are more or less
offensive.
(9.) If we say of an angry, captious, quarrelsome, melancholy, formal,
capricious person, that it is all owing to his temper, it is not to find an
excuse for him, whatever people may think, but an involuntary
acknowledgment that such great faults admit of no remedy.
What we call good temper is a thing too much neglected among men;
they ought to understand that they should not alone be good, but also appear
to be so, at least if they are inclined to be sociable and disposed to friendly
intercourse; in other words, if they would be men. We do not require wicked
men to be gentle and urbane; in these qualities they are never wanting, for
they employ them to ensnare the simple, and to find a larger field for their
operations; but we wish kind-hearted men always to be tractable,
accessible, and courteous; so that there should no longer be any reason for
saying that wicked men do harm and that good men make others
uncomfortable.
(10.) The generality of men proceed from anger to insults; others act
differently, for they first give offence and then grow angry; our surprise at
such behaviour always supersedes resentment.
(11.) Men do not sufficiently take advantage of every opportunity for
pleasing other people. When a person accepts a certain post, it seems that he
intends to acquire the power of obliging others without using it; nothing is
quicker and more readily given than a refusal, whilst nothing is ever granted
until after mature reflection.
(12.) Know exactly what you are to expect from men in general, and
from each of them in particular, and then mix with the people around you.
(13.) If poverty is the mother of all crimes, lack of intelligence is their
father.
(14.) A knave can hardly be a very intelligent man; a clear and far-
seeing mind leads to regularity, honesty, and virtue; it is want of sense and
penetration which begets obstinacy in wickedness as well as in duplicity; in
vain we endeavour to correct such a man by satire; it may describe him to
others, but he himself will not know his own picture; it is like scolding a
deaf man. It would be well, please gentlemen of sense and culture, and
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avenge everybody, if a rogue were not so constituted as to be without any
feeling whatever.
(15.) There are some vices for which we are indebted to none but
ourselves, which are innate in us, and are strengthened by habit; there are
others we contract which are foreign to us. Sometimes men are naturally
inclined to yield without much difficulty, to be urbane, and to desire to
please; but by the treatment they meet from those whom they frequent and
on whom they depend, they soon lose all moderation, and even change their
disposition; they grow melancholy and peevish to a degree ere this
unknown to them; their temper is completely changed, and they are
themselves astonished at their being rude and tetchy.
(16.) Some people ask why the whole bulk of mankind does not
constitute one nation, and does not like to speak the same language, obey
the same laws, and agree among themselves to adopt the same customs and
the same worship? For my part, observing how greatly minds, tastes, and
sentiments differ, I am astonished to see seven or eight persons, living
under the same roof and within the same walls, constitute one family.549
(17.) There are some extraordinary fathers, who seem, during the whole
course of their lives, to be preparing reasons for their children for being
consoled at their deaths.550
(18.) Everything is strange in the dispositions, morals, and manners of
men: one person who during his whole lifetime has been melancholy,
passionate, avaricious, fawning, submissive, laborious, and egotistical, was
born lively, peaceable, indolent, ostentatious, and with lofty feelings,
abhorring anything base; want, circumstances, and dire necessity have
compelled him and caused such a great change. Such a manʼs inmost
feelings can really not be described, for too many external things have
altered, changed, and upset him, so that he is not exactly what he thinks he
is himself or what he appears to be.
(19.) Life is short and tedious, and is wholly spent in wishing; we trust
to find rest and enjoyment at some future time, often at an age when our
best blessings, youth and health, have already left us. When at last that time
has arrived, it surprises us in the midst of fresh desires; we have got no
farther when we are attacked by a fever which kills us; if we had been
cured, it would only have been to give us more time for other desires.
(20.) A man requesting a favour from another, surrenders himself at
discretion to the personage from whom he expects it, but when he is quite
feeling whatever.
(15.) There are some vices for which we are indebted to none but
ourselves, which are innate in us, and are strengthened by habit; there are
others we contract which are foreign to us. Sometimes men are naturally
inclined to yield without much difficulty, to be urbane, and to desire to
please; but by the treatment they meet from those whom they frequent and
on whom they depend, they soon lose all moderation, and even change their
disposition; they grow melancholy and peevish to a degree ere this
unknown to them; their temper is completely changed, and they are
themselves astonished at their being rude and tetchy.
(16.) Some people ask why the whole bulk of mankind does not
constitute one nation, and does not like to speak the same language, obey
the same laws, and agree among themselves to adopt the same customs and
the same worship? For my part, observing how greatly minds, tastes, and
sentiments differ, I am astonished to see seven or eight persons, living
under the same roof and within the same walls, constitute one family.549
(17.) There are some extraordinary fathers, who seem, during the whole
course of their lives, to be preparing reasons for their children for being
consoled at their deaths.550
(18.) Everything is strange in the dispositions, morals, and manners of
men: one person who during his whole lifetime has been melancholy,
passionate, avaricious, fawning, submissive, laborious, and egotistical, was
born lively, peaceable, indolent, ostentatious, and with lofty feelings,
abhorring anything base; want, circumstances, and dire necessity have
compelled him and caused such a great change. Such a manʼs inmost
feelings can really not be described, for too many external things have
altered, changed, and upset him, so that he is not exactly what he thinks he
is himself or what he appears to be.
(19.) Life is short and tedious, and is wholly spent in wishing; we trust
to find rest and enjoyment at some future time, often at an age when our
best blessings, youth and health, have already left us. When at last that time
has arrived, it surprises us in the midst of fresh desires; we have got no
farther when we are attacked by a fever which kills us; if we had been
cured, it would only have been to give us more time for other desires.
(20.) A man requesting a favour from another, surrenders himself at
discretion to the personage from whom he expects it, but when he is quite
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sure it will be granted, he temporises, parleys, and capitulates.
(21.) It is so usual for men not to be happy, and so essential for every
blessing to be acquired with infinite trouble, that what is obtained easily is
looked upon with suspicion. We can hardly understand how anything which
costs us so little can be greatly to our advantage, or how by strictly honest
means we can so easily obtain what we want; we may think we deserve our
success, but we ought very seldom to depend on it.
(22.) A man who says he is not born happy may at least become so by
the happiness his friends and relatives enjoy, but envy deprives him even of
this last resource.
(23.) Whatever I may somewhere have said,551 it is, perhaps, wrong to
be dejected. Men seem born to misfortune, pain, and poverty, and as few
escape this, and as every kind of calamity seems to befall them, they ought
to be prepared for every misfortune.
(24.) Men find it so very difficult to make business arrangements, they
are so very touchy where their smallest interests are concerned, they are so
bristling over with difficulties, so willing to deceive and so unwilling to be
deceived, they place so high a value on what belongs to themselves, and are
so apt to undervalue what belongs to others, that I admit I cannot
understand how and in what way marriages, contracts, acquisitions,
conventions, truces, treaties, and alliances are brought about.
(25.) Among some people arrogance supplies the place of grandeur,
inhumanity of decision, and roguery of intelligence.
Knaves easily believe others as bad as themselves; there is no deceiving
them, neither do they long deceive.
I would rather at any time be considered a fool than a rogue.
We never deceive people to benefit them, for knavery is a compound of
wickedness and falsehood.
(26.) If there were not so many dupes in this world there would be fewer
of those men called shrewd or sharp, who are honoured for having been
artful enough in deceiving others during the whole course of their lives, and
are proud of having done so. Why should you expect Erophilus not to
presume on himself and his shrewdness, whose breach of faith, bad actions,
and roguery, instead of doing him any harm, have procured him favours and
rewards, even from those whom he has either never served or to whom he
has done an ill turn?
(21.) It is so usual for men not to be happy, and so essential for every
blessing to be acquired with infinite trouble, that what is obtained easily is
looked upon with suspicion. We can hardly understand how anything which
costs us so little can be greatly to our advantage, or how by strictly honest
means we can so easily obtain what we want; we may think we deserve our
success, but we ought very seldom to depend on it.
(22.) A man who says he is not born happy may at least become so by
the happiness his friends and relatives enjoy, but envy deprives him even of
this last resource.
(23.) Whatever I may somewhere have said,551 it is, perhaps, wrong to
be dejected. Men seem born to misfortune, pain, and poverty, and as few
escape this, and as every kind of calamity seems to befall them, they ought
to be prepared for every misfortune.
(24.) Men find it so very difficult to make business arrangements, they
are so very touchy where their smallest interests are concerned, they are so
bristling over with difficulties, so willing to deceive and so unwilling to be
deceived, they place so high a value on what belongs to themselves, and are
so apt to undervalue what belongs to others, that I admit I cannot
understand how and in what way marriages, contracts, acquisitions,
conventions, truces, treaties, and alliances are brought about.
(25.) Among some people arrogance supplies the place of grandeur,
inhumanity of decision, and roguery of intelligence.
Knaves easily believe others as bad as themselves; there is no deceiving
them, neither do they long deceive.
I would rather at any time be considered a fool than a rogue.
We never deceive people to benefit them, for knavery is a compound of
wickedness and falsehood.
(26.) If there were not so many dupes in this world there would be fewer
of those men called shrewd or sharp, who are honoured for having been
artful enough in deceiving others during the whole course of their lives, and
are proud of having done so. Why should you expect Erophilus not to
presume on himself and his shrewdness, whose breach of faith, bad actions,
and roguery, instead of doing him any harm, have procured him favours and
rewards, even from those whom he has either never served or to whom he
has done an ill turn?
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(27.) We hear nothing in the squares and in the streets of great cities,
and out of the mouths of the passers-by, but such words as “writs,
executions, interrogatories, bonds, and pleadings.” Is there not the smallest
equity more left in this world? Or is it, on the contrary, full of people who
coolly ask for what is not due to them, or who distinctly refuse to pay what
they owe?
The invention of legal documents to remind men of what they promised,
and to convince them that they did so, is a shame to humanity.
If you suppress passion, interest, and injustice, how quiet would the
greatest cities be! The necessities of life, and the means of satisfying them,
are the cause of nearly half the difficulties.
(28.) Nothing is of greater assistance to a man for bearing quietly the
wrongs done to him by relatives and friends than his reflections on the vices
of humanity; on the difficulty men have in being constant, generous, and
faithful, or on their loving anything better than their own interests. He
knows the extent of their power, and does not require them to penetrate
solid bodies, to fly in the air, or to give every one his due; he may dislike
mankind in general for having no greater respect for virtue; but he finds
excuses for individuals, and even loves them from higher motives, whilst he
does his best to require himself as little indulgence as possible.
(29.) There are certain things which we most passionately desire, and of
which the mere thought carries us away and throws us into an ecstasy: if we
happen to obtain them, we are less sensible of them than we thought we
should be, and we enjoy them the less because we aspire to get some of
greater importance.
(30.) There exist some evils so terrible and some misfortunes so horrible
that we dare not think of them, whilst their very aspect makes us shudder;
but if they happen to fall on us, we find ourselves stronger than we
imagined; we grapple with our ill luck, and behave better than we expected
we should.
(31.) Sometimes a pretty house which we inherit, or a fine horse, or a
handsome dog which is given to us, or some hangings, or a clock presented
to us, will alleviate a great grief, and make us feel less acutely a great loss.
(32.) Suppose men were to live for ever in this world, I do not think I
could discover what more they could do than they do at present.
(33.) If life be wretched, it is hard to bear it; if it be happy, it is horrible
to lose it; both come to the same thing.
and out of the mouths of the passers-by, but such words as “writs,
executions, interrogatories, bonds, and pleadings.” Is there not the smallest
equity more left in this world? Or is it, on the contrary, full of people who
coolly ask for what is not due to them, or who distinctly refuse to pay what
they owe?
The invention of legal documents to remind men of what they promised,
and to convince them that they did so, is a shame to humanity.
If you suppress passion, interest, and injustice, how quiet would the
greatest cities be! The necessities of life, and the means of satisfying them,
are the cause of nearly half the difficulties.
(28.) Nothing is of greater assistance to a man for bearing quietly the
wrongs done to him by relatives and friends than his reflections on the vices
of humanity; on the difficulty men have in being constant, generous, and
faithful, or on their loving anything better than their own interests. He
knows the extent of their power, and does not require them to penetrate
solid bodies, to fly in the air, or to give every one his due; he may dislike
mankind in general for having no greater respect for virtue; but he finds
excuses for individuals, and even loves them from higher motives, whilst he
does his best to require himself as little indulgence as possible.
(29.) There are certain things which we most passionately desire, and of
which the mere thought carries us away and throws us into an ecstasy: if we
happen to obtain them, we are less sensible of them than we thought we
should be, and we enjoy them the less because we aspire to get some of
greater importance.
(30.) There exist some evils so terrible and some misfortunes so horrible
that we dare not think of them, whilst their very aspect makes us shudder;
but if they happen to fall on us, we find ourselves stronger than we
imagined; we grapple with our ill luck, and behave better than we expected
we should.
(31.) Sometimes a pretty house which we inherit, or a fine horse, or a
handsome dog which is given to us, or some hangings, or a clock presented
to us, will alleviate a great grief, and make us feel less acutely a great loss.
(32.) Suppose men were to live for ever in this world, I do not think I
could discover what more they could do than they do at present.
(33.) If life be wretched, it is hard to bear it; if it be happy, it is horrible
to lose it; both come to the same thing.
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(34.) There is nothing men are so anxious to keep, and yet are so
careless about, as life.
(35.) Irene is at great cost conveyed to Epidaurus;552 she visits
Æsculapius in his temple, and consults him about all her ailings. She
complains first that she is weary and excessively fatigued, and the god
replies that the long journey she just made is the cause of this; she says that
she is not inclined to eat any supper, and the oracle orders her to eat less
dinner; she adds she cannot sleep at night, and he prescribes her to lie a-bed
by day; she complains of her corpulency, and asks how it can be prevented;
the oracle replies she should get up before noon and now and then use her
legs to walk; she declares that wine disagrees with her, the oracle bids her
drink water; she suffers from indigestion, and he tells her she must diet
herself. “My sight begins to fail me,” says Irene. “Use spectacles,” says
Æsculapius. “I grow weak,” continues she; “I am not half so strong nor so
healthy as I was.” “You grow old,” says the god. “But how,” asks she, “can
I get rid of this disease?” “The shortest way to cure it, Irene, is to die, as
your mother and grandmother have done.” “Son of Apollo!” exclaimed
Irene, “is this all the advice you give me? Is this the skill praised by all, and
for which every one reveres you? What rare and secret things did you tell
me, and what remedies have you prescribed for me, which I did not know
before?” “Why did you not take these, then,” the god replied, “without
coming such a long distance to consult me, and shortening your days by
such a tedious journey?”553
(36.) Death happens but once, yet we feel it every moment of our lives;
it is worse to dread it than to suffer it.
(37.) Restlessness, fear, and dejection cannot delay death, but, on the
contrary, hasten it; I only question whether man, who is mortal, should
indulge in much laughing.
(38.) Whatever is certain in death is slightly alleviated by what is not so
infallible; the time when it shall happen is undefined, but it is more or less
connected with the infinite, and what we call eternity.
(39.) When we are sighing for the loss of our past blooming youth,
which will return no more, let us think that decrepitude will come, when we
shall regret the mature age we have reached and do not sufficiently value.
(40.) The fear of old age disturbs us, yet we are not certain of becoming
old.
careless about, as life.
(35.) Irene is at great cost conveyed to Epidaurus;552 she visits
Æsculapius in his temple, and consults him about all her ailings. She
complains first that she is weary and excessively fatigued, and the god
replies that the long journey she just made is the cause of this; she says that
she is not inclined to eat any supper, and the oracle orders her to eat less
dinner; she adds she cannot sleep at night, and he prescribes her to lie a-bed
by day; she complains of her corpulency, and asks how it can be prevented;
the oracle replies she should get up before noon and now and then use her
legs to walk; she declares that wine disagrees with her, the oracle bids her
drink water; she suffers from indigestion, and he tells her she must diet
herself. “My sight begins to fail me,” says Irene. “Use spectacles,” says
Æsculapius. “I grow weak,” continues she; “I am not half so strong nor so
healthy as I was.” “You grow old,” says the god. “But how,” asks she, “can
I get rid of this disease?” “The shortest way to cure it, Irene, is to die, as
your mother and grandmother have done.” “Son of Apollo!” exclaimed
Irene, “is this all the advice you give me? Is this the skill praised by all, and
for which every one reveres you? What rare and secret things did you tell
me, and what remedies have you prescribed for me, which I did not know
before?” “Why did you not take these, then,” the god replied, “without
coming such a long distance to consult me, and shortening your days by
such a tedious journey?”553
(36.) Death happens but once, yet we feel it every moment of our lives;
it is worse to dread it than to suffer it.
(37.) Restlessness, fear, and dejection cannot delay death, but, on the
contrary, hasten it; I only question whether man, who is mortal, should
indulge in much laughing.
(38.) Whatever is certain in death is slightly alleviated by what is not so
infallible; the time when it shall happen is undefined, but it is more or less
connected with the infinite, and what we call eternity.
(39.) When we are sighing for the loss of our past blooming youth,
which will return no more, let us think that decrepitude will come, when we
shall regret the mature age we have reached and do not sufficiently value.
(40.) The fear of old age disturbs us, yet we are not certain of becoming
old.
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(41.) We hope to grow old, and yet we dread old age; or, in other words,
we are willing to live, and afraid to die.
(42.) A man had better yield to nature and fear death, than be engaged in
continual conflicts, provide himself with arguments and reflections, and be
always combating his own feelings in order not to fear it.
(43.) If some persons died, and others did not die, death would indeed
be a terrible affliction.
(44.) A long disease seems to be a halting-place between life and death,
that death itself may be a comfort to those who die and to those who are left
behind.
(45.) Humanly speaking, there is something good in death, namely, that
it puts an end to old age. That death which prevents decrepitude comes
more seasonably than that which ends it.
(46.) Men regret their life has been ill-spent, but this does not always
induce them to make a better use of the time they have yet to live.
(47.) Life is a kind of sleep; old men have slept longer than others, and
only begin to wake again when they are to die. If, then, they take a
retrospect of the whole course of their lives, they frequently discover
neither virtues nor commendable actions to distinguish one year from
another; they confound one time of their life with another time, and see
nothing of sufficient note by which to measure how long they have lived.
They have dreamt in a confused, indistinct, and incoherent way; but,
nevertheless, they are aware, as all people who wake up, that they have
slept for a long while.
(48.) There are but three events which concern man: birth, life, and
death. They are unconscious of their birth, they suffer when they die, and
they neglect to live.
(49.) There is a time preceding the power of reasoning, when, like
animals, we live by instinct alone, and of which memory retains no
vestiges. There is a second period, when reason is developed, formed, and
might act, if it were not obscured and partly extinguished by vices of the
constitution, and a sequence of passions following one another till the third
and last age; reason then, being in its full strength, should produce
something; but it is chilled and impaired by years, disease, and sorrow, and
rendered useless by the machinery getting old and out of gear; yet these
three periods constitute the whole life of man.
we are willing to live, and afraid to die.
(42.) A man had better yield to nature and fear death, than be engaged in
continual conflicts, provide himself with arguments and reflections, and be
always combating his own feelings in order not to fear it.
(43.) If some persons died, and others did not die, death would indeed
be a terrible affliction.
(44.) A long disease seems to be a halting-place between life and death,
that death itself may be a comfort to those who die and to those who are left
behind.
(45.) Humanly speaking, there is something good in death, namely, that
it puts an end to old age. That death which prevents decrepitude comes
more seasonably than that which ends it.
(46.) Men regret their life has been ill-spent, but this does not always
induce them to make a better use of the time they have yet to live.
(47.) Life is a kind of sleep; old men have slept longer than others, and
only begin to wake again when they are to die. If, then, they take a
retrospect of the whole course of their lives, they frequently discover
neither virtues nor commendable actions to distinguish one year from
another; they confound one time of their life with another time, and see
nothing of sufficient note by which to measure how long they have lived.
They have dreamt in a confused, indistinct, and incoherent way; but,
nevertheless, they are aware, as all people who wake up, that they have
slept for a long while.
(48.) There are but three events which concern man: birth, life, and
death. They are unconscious of their birth, they suffer when they die, and
they neglect to live.
(49.) There is a time preceding the power of reasoning, when, like
animals, we live by instinct alone, and of which memory retains no
vestiges. There is a second period, when reason is developed, formed, and
might act, if it were not obscured and partly extinguished by vices of the
constitution, and a sequence of passions following one another till the third
and last age; reason then, being in its full strength, should produce
something; but it is chilled and impaired by years, disease, and sorrow, and
rendered useless by the machinery getting old and out of gear; yet these
three periods constitute the whole life of man.
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(50.) Children are overbearing, supercilious, passionate, envious,
inquisitive, egotistical, idle, fickle, timid, intemperate, liars, and
dissemblers; they laugh and weep easily, are excessive in their joys and
sorrows, and that about the most trifling objects; they bear no pain, but like
to inflict it on others; already they are men.
(51.) Children are neither for the past nor the future, but enjoy the
present, which we rarely do.
(52.) There seems to be but one character in childhood; at that age
morals and manners are nearly all the same, and it is only by paying great
attention that we can perceive any difference, which, however, increases in
the same proportion as reason does, whilst the passions and vices gather
strength as well; these alone make men so unlike each other and so at
variance with themselves.
(53.) Children already possess those faculties which are extinct in old
men, namely, imagination and memory, and which are very useful to them
in their little sports and amusements; by the help of these they repeat what
they have heard, imitate what they see done, exercise all trades, either in
busying themselves with many small labours or in copying the movements
and gestures of various workmen; are guests at a sumptuous feast and
entertained most luxuriously; are transported to enchanted palaces and
places; have splendid carriages and a large retinue, though they are by
themselves; are at the head of armies, give battle, and enjoy the delights of
obtaining a victory; converse with kings and with the greatest princes; are
themselves monarchs, have subjects, possess treasures which they make of
leaves or sand; and know then, what they will ignore in after-life, to be
satisfied with their fortune and to be masters of their own happiness.
(54.) There are no outward vices, nor bodily defects, which children do
not perceive; they observe them at once, and know how to describe them in
suitable terms, for more exact definitions could not be invented; but when
they become men, they, in their turn, contract the same imperfections which
they ridiculed.
The only anxiety children have is to find out the weaknesses of their
masters, and of the persons they have to obey; as soon as they have taken
once advantage of these, they get the upper hand, and obtain an influence
over these people which they never part with: for what once deprived these
persons of their superiority will always prevent them recovering it.
inquisitive, egotistical, idle, fickle, timid, intemperate, liars, and
dissemblers; they laugh and weep easily, are excessive in their joys and
sorrows, and that about the most trifling objects; they bear no pain, but like
to inflict it on others; already they are men.
(51.) Children are neither for the past nor the future, but enjoy the
present, which we rarely do.
(52.) There seems to be but one character in childhood; at that age
morals and manners are nearly all the same, and it is only by paying great
attention that we can perceive any difference, which, however, increases in
the same proportion as reason does, whilst the passions and vices gather
strength as well; these alone make men so unlike each other and so at
variance with themselves.
(53.) Children already possess those faculties which are extinct in old
men, namely, imagination and memory, and which are very useful to them
in their little sports and amusements; by the help of these they repeat what
they have heard, imitate what they see done, exercise all trades, either in
busying themselves with many small labours or in copying the movements
and gestures of various workmen; are guests at a sumptuous feast and
entertained most luxuriously; are transported to enchanted palaces and
places; have splendid carriages and a large retinue, though they are by
themselves; are at the head of armies, give battle, and enjoy the delights of
obtaining a victory; converse with kings and with the greatest princes; are
themselves monarchs, have subjects, possess treasures which they make of
leaves or sand; and know then, what they will ignore in after-life, to be
satisfied with their fortune and to be masters of their own happiness.
(54.) There are no outward vices, nor bodily defects, which children do
not perceive; they observe them at once, and know how to describe them in
suitable terms, for more exact definitions could not be invented; but when
they become men, they, in their turn, contract the same imperfections which
they ridiculed.
The only anxiety children have is to find out the weaknesses of their
masters, and of the persons they have to obey; as soon as they have taken
once advantage of these, they get the upper hand, and obtain an influence
over these people which they never part with: for what once deprived these
persons of their superiority will always prevent them recovering it.
Page 200
(55.) Idleness, indolence, and laziness, vices so natural to children,
disappear as soon as they begin to play; they are then lively, attentive, exact
observers of rule and order, never pardon the least slip, and several times
begin again one and the same thing, in which they failed; these are sure
forebodings that they may, hereafter, neglect their duties, but will forget
nothing that can promote their pleasures.
(56.) To children everything seems great; courtyards, gardens, houses,
furniture, men, and animals; to men the things of the world appear so, and, I
dare say, for the same reason, because they are little.
(57.) Children begin among themselves with a democracy, where every
one is master; and what is very natural, it does not suit them for any length
of time, and then they adopt a monarchy. One of them distinguishes himself
from among the rest, either by greater vivacity, strength, and comeliness, or
by a more exact knowledge of their various sports and of the little laws
which regulate them; all the others submit to him, and then an absolute
government is established, but only in matters of pleasure.
(58.) Who can doubt but that children conceive, judge, and reason
consistently? If only in small things consider they are children, and without
much experience; if they make use of an indifferent phraseology it is less
their fault than their parentsʼ and mastersʼ.
(59.) It destroys all confidence in the minds of children, and alienates
them as well, to punish them for faults they have not committed, or even to
be severe with them for trifling offences; they know exactly, and better than
any one, what they deserve, and seldom deserve more than they dread;
when they are chastised, they know if it is justly or unjustly, whilst unjust
punishments do them more harm than not to be punished at all.
(60.) Man does not live long enough to be benefited by his faults; he is
committing them during the whole course of his life, and it is as much as he
can do, if, after many errors, he dies at last improved.
Nothing revives more a man than the knowledge that he has avoided
doing some foolish action.
(61.) Men are loath to particularise their faults; they conceal them or
blame some other person for them, and this gives the “spiritual director”554
an advantage over the father-confessor.
(62.) The faults of blockheads are sometimes so great and so difficult to
foresee, that wise men are puzzled by them; they are only of use to those
who commit them.
disappear as soon as they begin to play; they are then lively, attentive, exact
observers of rule and order, never pardon the least slip, and several times
begin again one and the same thing, in which they failed; these are sure
forebodings that they may, hereafter, neglect their duties, but will forget
nothing that can promote their pleasures.
(56.) To children everything seems great; courtyards, gardens, houses,
furniture, men, and animals; to men the things of the world appear so, and, I
dare say, for the same reason, because they are little.
(57.) Children begin among themselves with a democracy, where every
one is master; and what is very natural, it does not suit them for any length
of time, and then they adopt a monarchy. One of them distinguishes himself
from among the rest, either by greater vivacity, strength, and comeliness, or
by a more exact knowledge of their various sports and of the little laws
which regulate them; all the others submit to him, and then an absolute
government is established, but only in matters of pleasure.
(58.) Who can doubt but that children conceive, judge, and reason
consistently? If only in small things consider they are children, and without
much experience; if they make use of an indifferent phraseology it is less
their fault than their parentsʼ and mastersʼ.
(59.) It destroys all confidence in the minds of children, and alienates
them as well, to punish them for faults they have not committed, or even to
be severe with them for trifling offences; they know exactly, and better than
any one, what they deserve, and seldom deserve more than they dread;
when they are chastised, they know if it is justly or unjustly, whilst unjust
punishments do them more harm than not to be punished at all.
(60.) Man does not live long enough to be benefited by his faults; he is
committing them during the whole course of his life, and it is as much as he
can do, if, after many errors, he dies at last improved.
Nothing revives more a man than the knowledge that he has avoided
doing some foolish action.
(61.) Men are loath to particularise their faults; they conceal them or
blame some other person for them, and this gives the “spiritual director”554
an advantage over the father-confessor.
(62.) The faults of blockheads are sometimes so great and so difficult to
foresee, that wise men are puzzled by them; they are only of use to those
who commit them.
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(63.) A party spirit betrays the greatest men to act as meanly as the
vulgar herd.
(64.) Vanity and propriety lead us to act in the same way and in the
same manner as we should do through inclination or a feeling of duty; a
man died lately in Paris of a fever which he got by sitting up at night with
his wife, for whom he did not care.555
(65.) All men in their hearts covet esteem, but are loath any one should
discover their anxiety to be esteemed; for men wish to be considered
virtuous; and men would no longer be thought virtuous, but fond of esteem
and praises, and vain, were they to derive any other advantages from virtue
than virtue itself. Men are very vain, and of all things hate to be thought so.
(66.) A vain man finds it to his advantage to speak well or ill of himself;
a modest man never talks of himself.
We cannot better understand how ridiculous vanity is, and what a
disgraceful vice it is, than by observing how careful it is not to be seen, and
how often it hides itself underneath a semblance of modesty.
False modesty is the highest affectation of vanity; it never shows a vain
man in his true colours, but, on the contrary, enhances his reputation,
through the very virtue which is the opposite of the vice constituting his real
character; it is a falsehood. False glory is the rock on which vanity splits; it
induces a desire in men to be esteemed for things they indeed possess, but
which are frivolous and unworthy of being noticed; it is an error.
(67.) Men speak of themselves in such a manner, that though they admit
they are guilty of some trifling faults, these very faults imply noble talents
or great qualities. Thus they complain of a bad memory, though quite
satisfied with the large amount of common sense and sound judgment they
possess; submit to being reproached for absence of mind and musing,
imagining them the concomitants of intelligence; acknowledge being
awkward and not able to do anything with their hands, and comfort
themselves for being without these small qualities by the knowledge of
possessing those of the understanding or those innate feelings which every
one allows them. In owning their indolence they always intimate they are
disinterested and entirely cured of ambition; they are not ashamed of being
slovenly, which shows they merely are careless of little things, and seems to
imply that they solely occupy themselves with solid and important matters.
A military man affects to say that it was rashness or curiosity which carried
him into the trenches on a certain day, or in a dangerous spot, without being
vulgar herd.
(64.) Vanity and propriety lead us to act in the same way and in the
same manner as we should do through inclination or a feeling of duty; a
man died lately in Paris of a fever which he got by sitting up at night with
his wife, for whom he did not care.555
(65.) All men in their hearts covet esteem, but are loath any one should
discover their anxiety to be esteemed; for men wish to be considered
virtuous; and men would no longer be thought virtuous, but fond of esteem
and praises, and vain, were they to derive any other advantages from virtue
than virtue itself. Men are very vain, and of all things hate to be thought so.
(66.) A vain man finds it to his advantage to speak well or ill of himself;
a modest man never talks of himself.
We cannot better understand how ridiculous vanity is, and what a
disgraceful vice it is, than by observing how careful it is not to be seen, and
how often it hides itself underneath a semblance of modesty.
False modesty is the highest affectation of vanity; it never shows a vain
man in his true colours, but, on the contrary, enhances his reputation,
through the very virtue which is the opposite of the vice constituting his real
character; it is a falsehood. False glory is the rock on which vanity splits; it
induces a desire in men to be esteemed for things they indeed possess, but
which are frivolous and unworthy of being noticed; it is an error.
(67.) Men speak of themselves in such a manner, that though they admit
they are guilty of some trifling faults, these very faults imply noble talents
or great qualities. Thus they complain of a bad memory, though quite
satisfied with the large amount of common sense and sound judgment they
possess; submit to being reproached for absence of mind and musing,
imagining them the concomitants of intelligence; acknowledge being
awkward and not able to do anything with their hands, and comfort
themselves for being without these small qualities by the knowledge of
possessing those of the understanding or those innate feelings which every
one allows them. In owning their indolence they always intimate they are
disinterested and entirely cured of ambition; they are not ashamed of being
slovenly, which shows they merely are careless of little things, and seems to
imply that they solely occupy themselves with solid and important matters.
A military man affects to say that it was rashness or curiosity which carried
him into the trenches on a certain day, or in a dangerous spot, without being
Page 202
on duty or ordered to do so; and he adds that the general reprimanded him
for it. Thus a man possessing brains or a solid genius and an innate
circumspection which other men endeavour in vain to acquire; a man who
has strengthened his mind by a long experience; to whom the number,
weight, variety, difficulty, and importance of affairs merely procure some
occupation without embarrassing him; who, by his extensive knowledge
and penetration masters all events; who does not consult all the remarks
ever written on the art of governments and politics, but is, perhaps, one of
those sublime minds created to sway others, and from whose example those
rules were first made; who is diverted, by the great things he does, from
those pleasant and agreeable things he might read, and who, on the contrary,
loses nothing by recapitulating and turning over, as it were, his own life and
actions: a man, so constituted, may easily, and without compromising
himself, admit that he knows nothing of books and never reads.556
(68.) Men intend sometimes to conceal their imperfections, or attenuate
the opinion of others about them, by frankly acknowledging them. “I am
very ignorant,” says some man who knows nothing; “I am getting old,” says
a second above threescore; “I am far from rich,” says a third who is
wretchedly poor.
(69.) There is either no such thing as modesty, or it is mistaken for
something quite different, if we think it to be an inward sentiment, debasing
man in his own eyes, and which is a supernatural virtue we call humility.
Man naturally thinks of himself with pride and conceit, and thinks thus of
no one but himself; modesty only aims at modifying this disposition so that
no one shall suffer by it; it is an external virtue, which commands our looks,
gait, words, tone of voice, and obliges a man ostensibly to act with others as
if in reality he did not despise them.
(70.) There are many people in this world who inwardly and habitually
draw a comparison between themselves and others, always give a decision
in favour of their own merits, and behave accordingly.
(71.) You say, “Men must be modest;” that is what all intelligent men
desire; but then people tyrannise over those who yield through modesty, and
should not crush them when they give way.
Again some say, “People should be quiet in their dress;” intelligent men
do not wish for anything else; but the world requires ornaments, and we
comply with its demands; it runs eagerly after superfluities, and we display
them. Some people value others only for the fine linen or the rich silks they
for it. Thus a man possessing brains or a solid genius and an innate
circumspection which other men endeavour in vain to acquire; a man who
has strengthened his mind by a long experience; to whom the number,
weight, variety, difficulty, and importance of affairs merely procure some
occupation without embarrassing him; who, by his extensive knowledge
and penetration masters all events; who does not consult all the remarks
ever written on the art of governments and politics, but is, perhaps, one of
those sublime minds created to sway others, and from whose example those
rules were first made; who is diverted, by the great things he does, from
those pleasant and agreeable things he might read, and who, on the contrary,
loses nothing by recapitulating and turning over, as it were, his own life and
actions: a man, so constituted, may easily, and without compromising
himself, admit that he knows nothing of books and never reads.556
(68.) Men intend sometimes to conceal their imperfections, or attenuate
the opinion of others about them, by frankly acknowledging them. “I am
very ignorant,” says some man who knows nothing; “I am getting old,” says
a second above threescore; “I am far from rich,” says a third who is
wretchedly poor.
(69.) There is either no such thing as modesty, or it is mistaken for
something quite different, if we think it to be an inward sentiment, debasing
man in his own eyes, and which is a supernatural virtue we call humility.
Man naturally thinks of himself with pride and conceit, and thinks thus of
no one but himself; modesty only aims at modifying this disposition so that
no one shall suffer by it; it is an external virtue, which commands our looks,
gait, words, tone of voice, and obliges a man ostensibly to act with others as
if in reality he did not despise them.
(70.) There are many people in this world who inwardly and habitually
draw a comparison between themselves and others, always give a decision
in favour of their own merits, and behave accordingly.
(71.) You say, “Men must be modest;” that is what all intelligent men
desire; but then people tyrannise over those who yield through modesty, and
should not crush them when they give way.
Again some say, “People should be quiet in their dress;” intelligent men
do not wish for anything else; but the world requires ornaments, and we
comply with its demands; it runs eagerly after superfluities, and we display
them. Some people value others only for the fine linen or the rich silks they
Page 203
wear, and we do not always refuse to purchase esteem, even on those terms.
There are some places where every person shows himself, and where you
will be admitted or refused admittance according as your gold lace is
broader or narrower.
(72.) Vanity, and the high value we set upon ourselves, makes us
imagine that others treat us very haughtily, which is sometimes true and
often false; a modest man is not so susceptible.
(73.) We ought not to be so vain and imagine that others are anxious to
have a look at us, and to esteem us, and that our talents and merits are the
topics of their conversations, but we should have so much confidence in
ourselves as not to fancy when people whisper that they speak ill of us, or
laugh only to make fun of us.
(74.) What is the reason that to-day Alcippus bows to me, smiles and
almost throws himself out of his coach to take notice of me. I am not rich,
and on foot; therefore, according to the present fashion, he ought not to
have seen me. Is it not because a person of the highest rank is with him in
his carriage?
(75.) Men are so full of themselves, that everything they do is connected
with self; they like to be seen, to be shown about, even by those who do not
know them, and who, if they omit this, are said to be proud, for they should
guess who and what those men are.
(76.) We never look for happiness within ourselves, but in the opinions
of men we know to be flatterers, insincere, unjust, envious, whimsical and
prejudiced. How eccentric!
(77.) We might think that people laugh only at something really
ridiculous; yet there are certain people who laugh just as much at what is
not so as at what is. If you are foolish and thoughtless, and some
unbecoming expression escapes you, they laugh at you; if you are wise, and
say nothing but what is sensible, and as it should be said, they laugh at you
all the same.
(78.) Those who, by violence or injustice, steal our property, or rob us
of our honour by slander, show effectually that they hate us; but this is not
an undoubted proof that they no longer esteem us; therefore, it is not
impossible that we may forgive them, and, one day or other, again become
their friends. Ridicule, on the contrary, is of all wrongs the least to be
excused, for it is the language of contempt, and one of the ways in which it
is most plainly expressed; it attacks a man in his last intrenchment, namely,
There are some places where every person shows himself, and where you
will be admitted or refused admittance according as your gold lace is
broader or narrower.
(72.) Vanity, and the high value we set upon ourselves, makes us
imagine that others treat us very haughtily, which is sometimes true and
often false; a modest man is not so susceptible.
(73.) We ought not to be so vain and imagine that others are anxious to
have a look at us, and to esteem us, and that our talents and merits are the
topics of their conversations, but we should have so much confidence in
ourselves as not to fancy when people whisper that they speak ill of us, or
laugh only to make fun of us.
(74.) What is the reason that to-day Alcippus bows to me, smiles and
almost throws himself out of his coach to take notice of me. I am not rich,
and on foot; therefore, according to the present fashion, he ought not to
have seen me. Is it not because a person of the highest rank is with him in
his carriage?
(75.) Men are so full of themselves, that everything they do is connected
with self; they like to be seen, to be shown about, even by those who do not
know them, and who, if they omit this, are said to be proud, for they should
guess who and what those men are.
(76.) We never look for happiness within ourselves, but in the opinions
of men we know to be flatterers, insincere, unjust, envious, whimsical and
prejudiced. How eccentric!
(77.) We might think that people laugh only at something really
ridiculous; yet there are certain people who laugh just as much at what is
not so as at what is. If you are foolish and thoughtless, and some
unbecoming expression escapes you, they laugh at you; if you are wise, and
say nothing but what is sensible, and as it should be said, they laugh at you
all the same.
(78.) Those who, by violence or injustice, steal our property, or rob us
of our honour by slander, show effectually that they hate us; but this is not
an undoubted proof that they no longer esteem us; therefore, it is not
impossible that we may forgive them, and, one day or other, again become
their friends. Ridicule, on the contrary, is of all wrongs the least to be
excused, for it is the language of contempt, and one of the ways in which it
is most plainly expressed; it attacks a man in his last intrenchment, namely,
Page 204
the good opinion he has of himself; it aims at making him ridiculous in his
own eyes; and thus convinces him that the person who ridicules him is very
badly disposed towards him, so that he resolves never to be reconciled to
him.
It is monstrous to consider how easy it is for us to ridicule, censure, and
despise others, and how we enjoy it; and yet how enraged we are when
others ridicule, censure, and despise us.
(79.) Health and wealth prevent men from experiencing misfortunes,
and thus make them callous to their suffering fellow-creatures; whilst they
who already are burdened by their own miseries feel most tenderly those of
others.
(80.) In well-constituted minds,557 festivals, spectacles, and music bring
more vividly before us, and make us feel the more the misfortunes of our
relatives or friends.
(81.) A great mind is above insults, injustice, grief, and raillery, and
would be invulnerable were it not open to compassion.
(82.) We feel somewhat ashamed of being happy at the sight of certain
miseries.
(83.) Men have a very quick perception of their smallest advantages and
are as backward in discovering their faults. They never ignore they have
fine eyebrows and well-shaped nails, but scarcely know they have lost an
eye, and not at all when they are wanting in understanding.
Argyra pulls off her glove to show her fine hand, and does not forget to
let us have a peep of her little shoe, which makes us think she has a small
foot; she laughs at serious as well as at funny observations to show her fine
teeth; if she does not hide her ears it is because they are well shaped; and if
she does not dance, it is because she is not too well satisfied with her waist,
which is not very slender. She knows perfectly well what she is about, with
the exception of one thing: she is always talking, and has not one grain of
sense.
(84.) Men do not value very highly the affections of the heart, but
idolise the gifts of body and mind. A person who, in speaking of himself,
would coolly say that he is good, constant, faithful, sincere, just, and
grateful, does not imagine he offends against modesty; but he would not
venture to say that he is sprightly, or that he has fine teeth or a soft skin;
that would be rather too much of a good thing.
own eyes; and thus convinces him that the person who ridicules him is very
badly disposed towards him, so that he resolves never to be reconciled to
him.
It is monstrous to consider how easy it is for us to ridicule, censure, and
despise others, and how we enjoy it; and yet how enraged we are when
others ridicule, censure, and despise us.
(79.) Health and wealth prevent men from experiencing misfortunes,
and thus make them callous to their suffering fellow-creatures; whilst they
who already are burdened by their own miseries feel most tenderly those of
others.
(80.) In well-constituted minds,557 festivals, spectacles, and music bring
more vividly before us, and make us feel the more the misfortunes of our
relatives or friends.
(81.) A great mind is above insults, injustice, grief, and raillery, and
would be invulnerable were it not open to compassion.
(82.) We feel somewhat ashamed of being happy at the sight of certain
miseries.
(83.) Men have a very quick perception of their smallest advantages and
are as backward in discovering their faults. They never ignore they have
fine eyebrows and well-shaped nails, but scarcely know they have lost an
eye, and not at all when they are wanting in understanding.
Argyra pulls off her glove to show her fine hand, and does not forget to
let us have a peep of her little shoe, which makes us think she has a small
foot; she laughs at serious as well as at funny observations to show her fine
teeth; if she does not hide her ears it is because they are well shaped; and if
she does not dance, it is because she is not too well satisfied with her waist,
which is not very slender. She knows perfectly well what she is about, with
the exception of one thing: she is always talking, and has not one grain of
sense.
(84.) Men do not value very highly the affections of the heart, but
idolise the gifts of body and mind. A person who, in speaking of himself,
would coolly say that he is good, constant, faithful, sincere, just, and
grateful, does not imagine he offends against modesty; but he would not
venture to say that he is sprightly, or that he has fine teeth or a soft skin;
that would be rather too much of a good thing.
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It cannot be denied that men admire two virtues, courage and liberality,
because they highly value two things which these virtues cause us to
neglect, namely, life and money; yet no one boasts that he is courageous or
liberal.
No one in speaking of himself will say, especially without any
foundation, that he is handsome, generous, eminent, for men value those
qualities too highly, and so they are satisfied with thinking they possess
them.
(85.) Whatever similarity is apparent between jealousy and emulation,
they differ as much as vice and virtue.
Jealousy and emulation have the same object, which is the prosperity or
merit of another, but with this difference, that the latter is a voluntary
sentiment, as courageous as sincere, which fertilises the mind and induces it
to take advantage of great examples, so that it not seldom excels what it
admires; whilst the first, on the contrary, is violent in its action, and, as it
were, a forced acknowledgment of a merit it does not possess; it goes so far
as even to deny merit whenever it exists; or, if it is compelled to admit its
existence, refuses to commend it, and envies the reward it receives.
Jealousy is a barren passion, which leaves a man in the same state it finds
him, fills him with high ideas of himself and of his reputation; causes him
to become callous and insensible to the actions and labours of others; and
inspires him with astonishment on perceiving in this world other talents
than his own, or other men with the same talents on which he prides
himself; this disgraceful vice, which by its very excess always turns to
vanity and presumption, does not so much persuade the person infected
with it that he has more intelligence and merit than others, as that he alone
is intelligent and praiseworthy.
Emulation and jealousy are always found in persons practising the same
art, possessing the same talents, and filling the same positions. The meanest
artisans are most subject to jealousy; those persons who follow the liberal
arts or literature, as artists, musicians, orators, poets, and all who pretend to
write, ought not to be capable of anything but emulation.
Jealousy is never free from some sort of envy; and these two passions
are often taken for one another. But this is wrong: envy may sometimes
exist without jealousy, as, for example, when a position very superior to our
own, a large fortune, royal favour, or a secretaryship of state have caused it.
because they highly value two things which these virtues cause us to
neglect, namely, life and money; yet no one boasts that he is courageous or
liberal.
No one in speaking of himself will say, especially without any
foundation, that he is handsome, generous, eminent, for men value those
qualities too highly, and so they are satisfied with thinking they possess
them.
(85.) Whatever similarity is apparent between jealousy and emulation,
they differ as much as vice and virtue.
Jealousy and emulation have the same object, which is the prosperity or
merit of another, but with this difference, that the latter is a voluntary
sentiment, as courageous as sincere, which fertilises the mind and induces it
to take advantage of great examples, so that it not seldom excels what it
admires; whilst the first, on the contrary, is violent in its action, and, as it
were, a forced acknowledgment of a merit it does not possess; it goes so far
as even to deny merit whenever it exists; or, if it is compelled to admit its
existence, refuses to commend it, and envies the reward it receives.
Jealousy is a barren passion, which leaves a man in the same state it finds
him, fills him with high ideas of himself and of his reputation; causes him
to become callous and insensible to the actions and labours of others; and
inspires him with astonishment on perceiving in this world other talents
than his own, or other men with the same talents on which he prides
himself; this disgraceful vice, which by its very excess always turns to
vanity and presumption, does not so much persuade the person infected
with it that he has more intelligence and merit than others, as that he alone
is intelligent and praiseworthy.
Emulation and jealousy are always found in persons practising the same
art, possessing the same talents, and filling the same positions. The meanest
artisans are most subject to jealousy; those persons who follow the liberal
arts or literature, as artists, musicians, orators, poets, and all who pretend to
write, ought not to be capable of anything but emulation.
Jealousy is never free from some sort of envy; and these two passions
are often taken for one another. But this is wrong: envy may sometimes
exist without jealousy, as, for example, when a position very superior to our
own, a large fortune, royal favour, or a secretaryship of state have caused it.
Page 206
Envy and hatred are always united, and fortify each other in one and the
same person; they can only be distinguished from one another in this, that
the latter aims at the individual, the former at his position and condition in
life.
An intelligent man is not jealous of a cutler who has made a first-rate
sword, nor of a sculptor who has just finished a fine piece of statuary; he
knows there are rules and methods in those arts beyond his ken; that tools
have to be handled with which he is unacquainted, and of whose very
names and shapes he is ignorant; it is sufficient for him to be aware that he
has never served an apprenticeship to such a trade, and he consoles himself,
therefore, that he has not mastered them. But he may, on the contrary, envy,
and even be jealous of a minister of state, and of those who govern; as if
reason and common sense, of which he has a share as well as they have, are
the only things required for ruling a nation and for the administration of
public affairs, and as if they could take the place of regulations, directions,
and experience.
(86.) We meet with few utterly dull and stupid men, but with fewer
sublime and transcendental ones. The generality of mankind hovers
between these two extremes; the gap is filled by a great number of men of
ordinary talents, but who are very useful and serviceable to the State, and
efficient as well as agreeable; as, for example, in commerce, finances,
during war, in navigation, arts, trades, in the possession of a good memory,
in gambling,558 in society, and in conversation.
(87.) All the intelligence of the world is useless to a man who has none,
for having no ideas himself, he cannot be improved by those of others.
(88.) To feel the want of reasoning faculties is the next thing to
possessing them; a madman cannot have this sensation. Thus the next best
thing to intelligence is the consciousness that we have none, for then we
might do what is considered impossible, and, without intelligence, neither
be a fool nor a fop nor impertinent.
(89.) A man who has not a large amount of intelligence is grave and all
of a piece; he does not laugh, he never jokes nor trifles; and is as incapable
of rising to great things as of suiting himself, by way of change, to small
ones; he hardly knows how to play with his children.
(90.) Everybody says of a coxcomb that he is a coxcomb, but no one
dares to tell him so; he dies without knowing it and without anybody being
avenged on him.
same person; they can only be distinguished from one another in this, that
the latter aims at the individual, the former at his position and condition in
life.
An intelligent man is not jealous of a cutler who has made a first-rate
sword, nor of a sculptor who has just finished a fine piece of statuary; he
knows there are rules and methods in those arts beyond his ken; that tools
have to be handled with which he is unacquainted, and of whose very
names and shapes he is ignorant; it is sufficient for him to be aware that he
has never served an apprenticeship to such a trade, and he consoles himself,
therefore, that he has not mastered them. But he may, on the contrary, envy,
and even be jealous of a minister of state, and of those who govern; as if
reason and common sense, of which he has a share as well as they have, are
the only things required for ruling a nation and for the administration of
public affairs, and as if they could take the place of regulations, directions,
and experience.
(86.) We meet with few utterly dull and stupid men, but with fewer
sublime and transcendental ones. The generality of mankind hovers
between these two extremes; the gap is filled by a great number of men of
ordinary talents, but who are very useful and serviceable to the State, and
efficient as well as agreeable; as, for example, in commerce, finances,
during war, in navigation, arts, trades, in the possession of a good memory,
in gambling,558 in society, and in conversation.
(87.) All the intelligence of the world is useless to a man who has none,
for having no ideas himself, he cannot be improved by those of others.
(88.) To feel the want of reasoning faculties is the next thing to
possessing them; a madman cannot have this sensation. Thus the next best
thing to intelligence is the consciousness that we have none, for then we
might do what is considered impossible, and, without intelligence, neither
be a fool nor a fop nor impertinent.
(89.) A man who has not a large amount of intelligence is grave and all
of a piece; he does not laugh, he never jokes nor trifles; and is as incapable
of rising to great things as of suiting himself, by way of change, to small
ones; he hardly knows how to play with his children.
(90.) Everybody says of a coxcomb that he is a coxcomb, but no one
dares to tell him so; he dies without knowing it and without anybody being
avenged on him.
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(91.) What a dissonance is there between the mind and the heart! Some
philosophers lead bad lives though they have large stores of “wise saws;”
and some politicians, full of schemes and ideas, cannot govern themselves.
(92.) The mind wears out like other things; sciences are its aliment; they
nourish it and wear it out.
(93.) Men of inferior rank are sometimes burdened with a thousand
useless virtues, but they have no opportunities of making use of them.
(94.) We meet with some men who bear with ease the weight of the
royal favour and of power, who get accustomed to their grandeur, and
remain steady though they occupy the highest posts. On the contrary, those
men whom fortune, without any choice or discrimination, has almost
blindly overwhelmed with its blessings, behave insolently and
extravagantly; their looks, their carriage, their tone of voice, and their
manner of receiving people, show for some time the admiration they have
for themselves, as well as for beholding themselves on such an eminence;
they become at last so restless that their downfall alone can tame them.
(95.) A stout and robust fellow, who has a wide chest and a broad pair of
shoulders, carries heavy burdens quickly and gracefully, and has still one
hand at liberty, while a dwarf would be crushed by half his load. Thus
eminent stations make great men yet more great, and little ones less.
(96.) Some men gain by being eccentric; they scud along in full sail in a
sea where others are lost and dashed to pieces; they are successful by the
very means which would seem to prevent all success; they reap from their
irregularity and folly all the advantages of consummate wisdom; they are
men who devote themselves to other men, to high-born nobles, for whom
they have sacrificed everything, and in whom they have placed their last
hope; they do not serve, but amuse them. Obsequious men of merit are
useful to the great; they are necessary to them, and grow old whilst retailing
their witticisms, for which they expect to be rewarded as if they had done
some noble deeds; by dint of being funny they obtain posts of great
importance, and rise to the highest dignities by continually buffooning, until
finally and unexpectedly they find themselves in a position they neither
dreaded nor anticipated. Nothing remains of them in this world but an
example of their success, which it would be dangerous to imitate.559
(97.) People might expect that certain persons who once performed
some noble and heroic actions known to the entire world, would not be
exhausted by so arduous an effort, and should at least be as rational and
philosophers lead bad lives though they have large stores of “wise saws;”
and some politicians, full of schemes and ideas, cannot govern themselves.
(92.) The mind wears out like other things; sciences are its aliment; they
nourish it and wear it out.
(93.) Men of inferior rank are sometimes burdened with a thousand
useless virtues, but they have no opportunities of making use of them.
(94.) We meet with some men who bear with ease the weight of the
royal favour and of power, who get accustomed to their grandeur, and
remain steady though they occupy the highest posts. On the contrary, those
men whom fortune, without any choice or discrimination, has almost
blindly overwhelmed with its blessings, behave insolently and
extravagantly; their looks, their carriage, their tone of voice, and their
manner of receiving people, show for some time the admiration they have
for themselves, as well as for beholding themselves on such an eminence;
they become at last so restless that their downfall alone can tame them.
(95.) A stout and robust fellow, who has a wide chest and a broad pair of
shoulders, carries heavy burdens quickly and gracefully, and has still one
hand at liberty, while a dwarf would be crushed by half his load. Thus
eminent stations make great men yet more great, and little ones less.
(96.) Some men gain by being eccentric; they scud along in full sail in a
sea where others are lost and dashed to pieces; they are successful by the
very means which would seem to prevent all success; they reap from their
irregularity and folly all the advantages of consummate wisdom; they are
men who devote themselves to other men, to high-born nobles, for whom
they have sacrificed everything, and in whom they have placed their last
hope; they do not serve, but amuse them. Obsequious men of merit are
useful to the great; they are necessary to them, and grow old whilst retailing
their witticisms, for which they expect to be rewarded as if they had done
some noble deeds; by dint of being funny they obtain posts of great
importance, and rise to the highest dignities by continually buffooning, until
finally and unexpectedly they find themselves in a position they neither
dreaded nor anticipated. Nothing remains of them in this world but an
example of their success, which it would be dangerous to imitate.559
(97.) People might expect that certain persons who once performed
some noble and heroic actions known to the entire world, would not be
exhausted by so arduous an effort, and should at least be as rational and
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judicious in their behaviour as men commonly are; that they should be
above any meanness unworthy of the great reputation they have acquired;
and that by mixing less with the people they should not give them an
opportunity of viewing them too closely, so that curiosity and admiration
might not change to indifference, and perhaps to contempt.560
(98.) It is easier for some men to enrich themselves with a thousand
virtues than to correct a single vice; it is unfortunate for them that this vice
is often the least suitable to their condition in life, and renders them highly
ridiculous; it weakens their splendid and grand qualities, and prevents them
from becoming perfect and keeping their reputation stainless. We do not
require these men to be more enlightened and incorruptible, more fond of
order and discipline, more assiduous in doing their duties, more zealous for
the public good, or more solemn in their deportment; we could only desire
them to be less amorous.561
(99.) Some men in the course of their lives alter so much in feeling and
intelligence, that we are sure to make a mistake if we judge merely of them
by what they appeared in their early youth. Some were pious, wise, and
learned, who have been spoiled by the favours fortune bestowed on them,
and are so no longer;562 others began their lives amidst pleasures, and
devoted all their intelligence in their pursuit, but, being no longer in favour,
they now are religious, wise, and temperate.563 These latter commonly
become great men, who may be relied upon; their honesty has been tried by
patience and adversity; they, moreover, show great politeness, which they
owe to the society of ladies, and display in every circumstance, as well as a
spirit of order, thoughtfulness, and sometimes lofty capacities, acquired by
study and the leisure of a shattered fortune.
All menʼs misfortunes proceed from their aversion to being alone;
hence gambling, extravagance, dissipation, wine, women, ignorance,
slander, envy, and forgetfulness of what we owe to God and ourselves.
(100.) Men are sometimes unbearable to themselves; darkness and
solitude unsettle them, and throw them into a state of imaginary dread and
groundless terror; at such a time the least harm that can befall them is a
lassitude of everything.
(101.) Idleness is the mother of listlessness, and chiefly induces men to
hunt after diversions, gambling, and company. He who loves work requires
nothing else.
above any meanness unworthy of the great reputation they have acquired;
and that by mixing less with the people they should not give them an
opportunity of viewing them too closely, so that curiosity and admiration
might not change to indifference, and perhaps to contempt.560
(98.) It is easier for some men to enrich themselves with a thousand
virtues than to correct a single vice; it is unfortunate for them that this vice
is often the least suitable to their condition in life, and renders them highly
ridiculous; it weakens their splendid and grand qualities, and prevents them
from becoming perfect and keeping their reputation stainless. We do not
require these men to be more enlightened and incorruptible, more fond of
order and discipline, more assiduous in doing their duties, more zealous for
the public good, or more solemn in their deportment; we could only desire
them to be less amorous.561
(99.) Some men in the course of their lives alter so much in feeling and
intelligence, that we are sure to make a mistake if we judge merely of them
by what they appeared in their early youth. Some were pious, wise, and
learned, who have been spoiled by the favours fortune bestowed on them,
and are so no longer;562 others began their lives amidst pleasures, and
devoted all their intelligence in their pursuit, but, being no longer in favour,
they now are religious, wise, and temperate.563 These latter commonly
become great men, who may be relied upon; their honesty has been tried by
patience and adversity; they, moreover, show great politeness, which they
owe to the society of ladies, and display in every circumstance, as well as a
spirit of order, thoughtfulness, and sometimes lofty capacities, acquired by
study and the leisure of a shattered fortune.
All menʼs misfortunes proceed from their aversion to being alone;
hence gambling, extravagance, dissipation, wine, women, ignorance,
slander, envy, and forgetfulness of what we owe to God and ourselves.
(100.) Men are sometimes unbearable to themselves; darkness and
solitude unsettle them, and throw them into a state of imaginary dread and
groundless terror; at such a time the least harm that can befall them is a
lassitude of everything.
(101.) Idleness is the mother of listlessness, and chiefly induces men to
hunt after diversions, gambling, and company. He who loves work requires
nothing else.
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(102.) Most men employ the first years of their life in making the last
miserable.
(103.) There are some works which begin with the first letter of the
alphabet and end with the last; good, bad, and indifferent things are all
inserted; nothing of a certain nature is forgotten; and these, though made up
of far-fetched jokes and affectations, are called “sports of wit.”564 The same
kind of sport also rules our conduct; a certain matter once commenced must
be finished, and we have to go on till the end. It would have been much
better to alter our plan or entirely to drop it; but it is far more odd and
difficult to proceed with it, and therefore we go on, and are stimulated by
contradiction; vanity encourages us, and takes the place of reason, which
abandons and leaves us. Such eccentricity is even carried on in the most
virtuous actions, and often in some of a religious nature.
(104.) To do our duty is an effort to us, because when we do it we only
perform our obligations, and seldom receive those eulogies which are the
greatest incentive to commendable actions, and support us in our
enterprises. N ... loves to make a display of his charity, so he is appointed a
superintendent of a charity-board, and a steward to its revenues, whilst his
house becomes a public office for the distribution of them;565 his doors are
open to all clergymen or to Sisters of Charity;566 and every one sees and
talks about his liberality in relieving the poor. Who would dare to imagine
N ... was not an honest man, unless it were his creditors?
(105.) Géronte dies of mere decrepitude, and without having made the
will he intended to make for those last thirty years; as he died intestate,
about half a score of relatives share his estate among them. For a long time
he was only kept alive through the care taken of him by his wife, Asteria,
who, though young, always attended on him, never let him go out of her
sight, nursed him in his old age, and at last closed his eyes. He has not left
her money enough to rid her of the necessity of taking another old man for a
husband.
(106.) When people are loth to sell or give up their posts and offices,
even when in extreme old age, it is a token they are possessed of the notion
that they are immortal; or if they think they may die, it is a sign they love
nobody but themselves.567
(107.) Faustus is a rake, a prodigal, a free-thinker, as well as ungrateful
and passionate; yet his uncle Aurelius neither hates him nor disinherits him.
miserable.
(103.) There are some works which begin with the first letter of the
alphabet and end with the last; good, bad, and indifferent things are all
inserted; nothing of a certain nature is forgotten; and these, though made up
of far-fetched jokes and affectations, are called “sports of wit.”564 The same
kind of sport also rules our conduct; a certain matter once commenced must
be finished, and we have to go on till the end. It would have been much
better to alter our plan or entirely to drop it; but it is far more odd and
difficult to proceed with it, and therefore we go on, and are stimulated by
contradiction; vanity encourages us, and takes the place of reason, which
abandons and leaves us. Such eccentricity is even carried on in the most
virtuous actions, and often in some of a religious nature.
(104.) To do our duty is an effort to us, because when we do it we only
perform our obligations, and seldom receive those eulogies which are the
greatest incentive to commendable actions, and support us in our
enterprises. N ... loves to make a display of his charity, so he is appointed a
superintendent of a charity-board, and a steward to its revenues, whilst his
house becomes a public office for the distribution of them;565 his doors are
open to all clergymen or to Sisters of Charity;566 and every one sees and
talks about his liberality in relieving the poor. Who would dare to imagine
N ... was not an honest man, unless it were his creditors?
(105.) Géronte dies of mere decrepitude, and without having made the
will he intended to make for those last thirty years; as he died intestate,
about half a score of relatives share his estate among them. For a long time
he was only kept alive through the care taken of him by his wife, Asteria,
who, though young, always attended on him, never let him go out of her
sight, nursed him in his old age, and at last closed his eyes. He has not left
her money enough to rid her of the necessity of taking another old man for a
husband.
(106.) When people are loth to sell or give up their posts and offices,
even when in extreme old age, it is a token they are possessed of the notion
that they are immortal; or if they think they may die, it is a sign they love
nobody but themselves.567
(107.) Faustus is a rake, a prodigal, a free-thinker, as well as ungrateful
and passionate; yet his uncle Aurelius neither hates him nor disinherits him.
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Frontin, his other nephew, after twenty years of acknowledged honesty
and of blind complacency for the old man, never gained his favour; and the
only legacy left to him is a small pension, which Faustus, the sole heir, has
to pay him.
(108.) Hatred is so lasting and stubborn, that reconciliation on a sick-
bed certainly forebodes death.
(109.) We insinuate ourselves into the favour of others, either by
flattering those passions which animate them, or by pitying the infirmities
which afflict their bodies; and this is the only way by which we can show
our regard for them; hence the healthy and those who do not desire
anything, are less easy to be swayed.
(110.) Want of vigour and voluptuousness are innate in man and cease
with him, and fortunate or unfortunate circumstances never make him
abandon them; they are the fruits of prosperity or become a solace in
adversity.
(111.) The most unnatural sight in the world is an old man in love.
(112.) Few men remember that they have been young, and how hard it
was then to live chaste and temperate.
The first thing men do when they have renounced pleasure, through
decency, lassitude, or for the sake of health, is to condemn it in others. Such
conduct denotes a kind of latent affection for the very things they left off;
they would like no one to enjoy a pleasure they can no longer indulge in;
and thus they show their feelings of jealousy.
(113.) It is not the dread of one day wanting money which renders old
men avaricious, for some of them have such a large quantity of it that this
cannot make them uneasy; besides, how can the fear disturb them of being
in want of the common necessities of life when they are old, since by their
own free will they deprive themselves of these to satisfy their avarice.
Neither do they wish to leave great riches to their children, for they
naturally love nobody better than themselves; moreover, there are many
misers who have no heirs. Avarice seems rather an effect of age and of the
disposition of old men, who as naturally give themselves up to it as they did
to pleasure in their youth, or to ambition in their manhood. Neither vigour,
youth, nor health are needed to become a miser; nor is there any necessity
for people hurrying themselves, nor for those who hoard being in the
slightest degree active; a man has nothing to do but let the money lie in his
and of blind complacency for the old man, never gained his favour; and the
only legacy left to him is a small pension, which Faustus, the sole heir, has
to pay him.
(108.) Hatred is so lasting and stubborn, that reconciliation on a sick-
bed certainly forebodes death.
(109.) We insinuate ourselves into the favour of others, either by
flattering those passions which animate them, or by pitying the infirmities
which afflict their bodies; and this is the only way by which we can show
our regard for them; hence the healthy and those who do not desire
anything, are less easy to be swayed.
(110.) Want of vigour and voluptuousness are innate in man and cease
with him, and fortunate or unfortunate circumstances never make him
abandon them; they are the fruits of prosperity or become a solace in
adversity.
(111.) The most unnatural sight in the world is an old man in love.
(112.) Few men remember that they have been young, and how hard it
was then to live chaste and temperate.
The first thing men do when they have renounced pleasure, through
decency, lassitude, or for the sake of health, is to condemn it in others. Such
conduct denotes a kind of latent affection for the very things they left off;
they would like no one to enjoy a pleasure they can no longer indulge in;
and thus they show their feelings of jealousy.
(113.) It is not the dread of one day wanting money which renders old
men avaricious, for some of them have such a large quantity of it that this
cannot make them uneasy; besides, how can the fear disturb them of being
in want of the common necessities of life when they are old, since by their
own free will they deprive themselves of these to satisfy their avarice.
Neither do they wish to leave great riches to their children, for they
naturally love nobody better than themselves; moreover, there are many
misers who have no heirs. Avarice seems rather an effect of age and of the
disposition of old men, who as naturally give themselves up to it as they did
to pleasure in their youth, or to ambition in their manhood. Neither vigour,
youth, nor health are needed to become a miser; nor is there any necessity
for people hurrying themselves, nor for those who hoard being in the
slightest degree active; a man has nothing to do but let the money lie in his
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coffers, and deny himself everything; this is not very difficult for old
people, who must have some passion or other because they are men.568
(114.) There are some people who dwell in wretched houses, have
hardly any beds, are badly clad and worse fed; who are exposed to all the
severity of the seasons, deprive themselves of the society of their fellow-
creatures, and live in continual solitude; who grieve for the present, the
past, and the future; whose lives are a perpetual penance, and who have thus
discovered the secret of going to perdition by the most troublesome way: I
mean misers.
(115.) The remembrance of their youth remains green in the heart of old
men; they love the places where they lived; and the persons with whom
they then began an acquaintance are dear to them; they still affect certain
words in use when they first began to speak; they prefer the ancient style of
singing and dancing; and boast of the old fashions in dress, furnishing, and
carriages; they cannot bring themselves to disapprove of those things which
served their passions, and are always recalling them. Can any one imagine
these old men would prefer new customs and the latest fashions, which they
do not adopt, and from which they have nothing to expect, which young
men have invented, and which give them, in their turn, such a great
advantage over their elders?
(116.) An old man who is careless in his dress, or else overdressed,
increases his wrinkles, and looks as senile as he really is.
(117.) An old man is proud, disdainful, and unsociable if he is not very
intelligent.
(118.) A courtier of a ripe old age, who is a sensible man and has a good
memory, is an inestimable treasure; he is full of anecdotes and maxims; he
knows a good many curious circumstances of the history of the age, which
are never met with in books; and from him we may learn such rules for our
conduct and manners which can be depended upon, because they are based
on experience.569
(119.) Young men can bear solitude better than old people, because their
passions occupy their thoughts.
(120.) Though Philip570 is rather old, he is over-natty and effeminate,
and only cares for little dainties; he has studied the art of eating, drinking,
sleeping, and taking exercise, and scrupulously observes the smallest rules
he has prescribed for himself, which all tend to his comfort; even a mistress,
if his system allowed him to keep one, could not tempt him to break them;
people, who must have some passion or other because they are men.568
(114.) There are some people who dwell in wretched houses, have
hardly any beds, are badly clad and worse fed; who are exposed to all the
severity of the seasons, deprive themselves of the society of their fellow-
creatures, and live in continual solitude; who grieve for the present, the
past, and the future; whose lives are a perpetual penance, and who have thus
discovered the secret of going to perdition by the most troublesome way: I
mean misers.
(115.) The remembrance of their youth remains green in the heart of old
men; they love the places where they lived; and the persons with whom
they then began an acquaintance are dear to them; they still affect certain
words in use when they first began to speak; they prefer the ancient style of
singing and dancing; and boast of the old fashions in dress, furnishing, and
carriages; they cannot bring themselves to disapprove of those things which
served their passions, and are always recalling them. Can any one imagine
these old men would prefer new customs and the latest fashions, which they
do not adopt, and from which they have nothing to expect, which young
men have invented, and which give them, in their turn, such a great
advantage over their elders?
(116.) An old man who is careless in his dress, or else overdressed,
increases his wrinkles, and looks as senile as he really is.
(117.) An old man is proud, disdainful, and unsociable if he is not very
intelligent.
(118.) A courtier of a ripe old age, who is a sensible man and has a good
memory, is an inestimable treasure; he is full of anecdotes and maxims; he
knows a good many curious circumstances of the history of the age, which
are never met with in books; and from him we may learn such rules for our
conduct and manners which can be depended upon, because they are based
on experience.569
(119.) Young men can bear solitude better than old people, because their
passions occupy their thoughts.
(120.) Though Philip570 is rather old, he is over-natty and effeminate,
and only cares for little dainties; he has studied the art of eating, drinking,
sleeping, and taking exercise, and scrupulously observes the smallest rules
he has prescribed for himself, which all tend to his comfort; even a mistress,
if his system allowed him to keep one, could not tempt him to break them;
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he is overburdened with superfluities, to which he is so accustomed that he
cannot do without them. He thus increases and strengthens the ties which
bind him to life, and employs the remainder of it in making its loss more
grievous. Was he not already sufficiently afraid of dying?
(121.) Gnathon571 lives for no one but himself, and the rest of the world
are to him as if they did not exist. He is not satisfied with occupying the
best seat at table, but he must take the seats of two other guests, and forgets
that the dinner was not provided for him alone, but for the company as well;
he lays hold of every dish, and looks on each course as his own; he never
sticks to one single dish until he has tried them all, and would like to enjoy
them all at one and the same time. At table his hands serve for a knife and
fork; he paws the meat over and over again, and tears it to pieces, so that if
the other guests wish to dine, it must be on his leavings. He does not spare
them any of those filthy and disgusting habits which are enough to spoil the
appetite of the most hungry; the gravy and sauce run over his chin and
beard; if he takes part of a stew out of a dish, he spills it by the way over
another dish and on the cloth, so you may distinguish him by his track. He
eats with a great deal of smacking and noise, rolls his eyes, and uses the
table as a manger, picks his teeth and continues eating; he makes every
place his home, and will have as much elbow-room in church and in a
theatre as if he were in his own room. When he rides in a coach, it must
always be forward, for he says that any other seat will make him fall in a
swoon, if we can believe him. When he travels he is always in advance of
his companions, so as to get first to the inn, and choose the best room and
the best bed for himself; he makes use of everybody, and his own and other
peopleʼs servants run about and do his errands; everything is his he lays his
hands on, even clothes and luggage; he disturbs every one, but does not
inconvenience himself for anybody; he pities no one, and knows no other
indispositions but his own, his over-feeding and biliousness; he laments no
personʼs death, fears no oneʼs but his own, and to redeem his own life,
would willingly consent to see the entire human race become extinct.
(122.) Clito572 never had but two things to do in his life, to dine at noon
and to eat supper in the evening;573 he seems only born for digestion, and
has only one subject of conversation, namely, the entrées of the last dinner
he was present at, and how many different kinds of potages574 there were;
he then talks of the roasts and entremets; remembers precisely what dishes
were brought up after the first course, does not forget the side-dishes, the
cannot do without them. He thus increases and strengthens the ties which
bind him to life, and employs the remainder of it in making its loss more
grievous. Was he not already sufficiently afraid of dying?
(121.) Gnathon571 lives for no one but himself, and the rest of the world
are to him as if they did not exist. He is not satisfied with occupying the
best seat at table, but he must take the seats of two other guests, and forgets
that the dinner was not provided for him alone, but for the company as well;
he lays hold of every dish, and looks on each course as his own; he never
sticks to one single dish until he has tried them all, and would like to enjoy
them all at one and the same time. At table his hands serve for a knife and
fork; he paws the meat over and over again, and tears it to pieces, so that if
the other guests wish to dine, it must be on his leavings. He does not spare
them any of those filthy and disgusting habits which are enough to spoil the
appetite of the most hungry; the gravy and sauce run over his chin and
beard; if he takes part of a stew out of a dish, he spills it by the way over
another dish and on the cloth, so you may distinguish him by his track. He
eats with a great deal of smacking and noise, rolls his eyes, and uses the
table as a manger, picks his teeth and continues eating; he makes every
place his home, and will have as much elbow-room in church and in a
theatre as if he were in his own room. When he rides in a coach, it must
always be forward, for he says that any other seat will make him fall in a
swoon, if we can believe him. When he travels he is always in advance of
his companions, so as to get first to the inn, and choose the best room and
the best bed for himself; he makes use of everybody, and his own and other
peopleʼs servants run about and do his errands; everything is his he lays his
hands on, even clothes and luggage; he disturbs every one, but does not
inconvenience himself for anybody; he pities no one, and knows no other
indispositions but his own, his over-feeding and biliousness; he laments no
personʼs death, fears no oneʼs but his own, and to redeem his own life,
would willingly consent to see the entire human race become extinct.
(122.) Clito572 never had but two things to do in his life, to dine at noon
and to eat supper in the evening;573 he seems only born for digestion, and
has only one subject of conversation, namely, the entrées of the last dinner
he was present at, and how many different kinds of potages574 there were;
he then talks of the roasts and entremets; remembers precisely what dishes
were brought up after the first course, does not forget the side-dishes, the
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fruit and the assiettes;575 names all the wines and every kind of liquor he
has drunk; shows himself as well acquainted as a man can possibly be with
culinary language, and makes his hearer long to be at a good dinner,
provided he were not there. He prides himself on his palate which cannot be
imposed upon, and has never been exposed to the terrible inconvenience of
being compelled to eat a wretched stew or to drink an indifferent wine. He
is a remarkable person in his way, who has brought the art of good living to
the highest perfection; there never will be another man who ate so much
and so nicely; he is, therefore, the supreme arbiter of dainty bits, and it
would hardly be allowable to like anything he did not approve of. But he is
no more! When he was almost dying he still would be carried to the table,
and had guests to dinner on the day of his death. Wherever he may be he is
sure to eat; and should he rise from the grave it will be to eat.
(123.) Ruffinusʼ hair begins to turn grey, but he is healthy; his ruddy
cheeks and sparkling eyes promise him at least twenty years more; he is
lively, jovial, familiar, and does not care for anything; he laughs heartily,
even when he is alone, and without any cause; he is satisfied with himself,
with his family, his little fortune, and calls himself fortunate. Some time
since he lost his only son, a young man of great promise, who might have
become an honour to his family; other people shed tears, but he did not, and
merely said, “My son is dead, and his mother will soon follow him,” and
then he was comforted. He has no passions, no friends nor enemies; no one
troubles him; everybody and everything suits him; he speaks to those he
never saw before with the same freedom and confidence as to those he calls
his old friends, and very soon tells them his bad jokes and stories. Some
people address him and then leave him, but he does not mind it, and the tale
he began to one person he finishes to another who has just come.
(124.) N ... is less worn with age than disease, for he is not more than
threescore and eight, but he has the gout and suffers from nephritic colic; he
looks quite emaciated and has a greenish complexion, which forebodes no
good; yet he has his lands marled, and reckons he has no need to manure
them these fifteen years; he has some young wood planted, and hopes that
in less than twenty years it will afford him a delicious shade. He has a house
built of free-stone, and at the corners are iron clasps to make it stronger; he
assures you, coughing, and in a weak and feeble tone of voice, that it will
last for ever. He walks every day among the workmen, leaning on one of his
servantsʼ arms, shows his friends what he has done, and tells them what he
has drunk; shows himself as well acquainted as a man can possibly be with
culinary language, and makes his hearer long to be at a good dinner,
provided he were not there. He prides himself on his palate which cannot be
imposed upon, and has never been exposed to the terrible inconvenience of
being compelled to eat a wretched stew or to drink an indifferent wine. He
is a remarkable person in his way, who has brought the art of good living to
the highest perfection; there never will be another man who ate so much
and so nicely; he is, therefore, the supreme arbiter of dainty bits, and it
would hardly be allowable to like anything he did not approve of. But he is
no more! When he was almost dying he still would be carried to the table,
and had guests to dinner on the day of his death. Wherever he may be he is
sure to eat; and should he rise from the grave it will be to eat.
(123.) Ruffinusʼ hair begins to turn grey, but he is healthy; his ruddy
cheeks and sparkling eyes promise him at least twenty years more; he is
lively, jovial, familiar, and does not care for anything; he laughs heartily,
even when he is alone, and without any cause; he is satisfied with himself,
with his family, his little fortune, and calls himself fortunate. Some time
since he lost his only son, a young man of great promise, who might have
become an honour to his family; other people shed tears, but he did not, and
merely said, “My son is dead, and his mother will soon follow him,” and
then he was comforted. He has no passions, no friends nor enemies; no one
troubles him; everybody and everything suits him; he speaks to those he
never saw before with the same freedom and confidence as to those he calls
his old friends, and very soon tells them his bad jokes and stories. Some
people address him and then leave him, but he does not mind it, and the tale
he began to one person he finishes to another who has just come.
(124.) N ... is less worn with age than disease, for he is not more than
threescore and eight, but he has the gout and suffers from nephritic colic; he
looks quite emaciated and has a greenish complexion, which forebodes no
good; yet he has his lands marled, and reckons he has no need to manure
them these fifteen years; he has some young wood planted, and hopes that
in less than twenty years it will afford him a delicious shade. He has a house
built of free-stone, and at the corners are iron clasps to make it stronger; he
assures you, coughing, and in a weak and feeble tone of voice, that it will
last for ever. He walks every day among the workmen, leaning on one of his
servantsʼ arms, shows his friends what he has done, and tells them what he
Page 214
purposes to do. He does not build for his children, for he has none, nor for
his heirs, who are scoundrels and who have quarrelled with him; he only
builds to enjoy it himself, and to-morrow he will be dead.
(125.) Antagoras has a familiar576 and popular countenance; he is as
well known to the mob as the parish beadle or as the saint carved in stone
adorning the high altar. Every morning he runs up and down the courts and
the offices of parliament,577 and every evening up and down the streets and
highways of the town. He has had a lawsuit these forty years, and has
always been nearer his death than the end of his legal troubles. There has
not been any celebrated case or any long and difficult lawsuit tried that he
has not had something to do with; his name is in the mouth of every
barrister, and agrees as naturally with such words as “plaintiff” or
“defendant” as an adjective does with a substantive. He is everybodyʼs
kinsman, and disliked by all; there is scarcely a family of whom he does not
complain, or who does not complain of him; he is perpetually engaged in
seizing some property, in asking for an injunction578 to prevent the sale of
an office579 or some stocks, in using the privilege of pleading in certain
cases580 or of seeing some judgments put into execution; besides this, he is
every day at some meeting of creditors, is appointed chairman of their
committee,581 and loses money by every bankruptcy; he finds some spare
moments for a few private visits, and like an old gossip582 talks about
lawsuits, and tells you all the news about them. You leave him one hour at
one end of the town and find him the next at another end,583 where he
arrived before you, and has been giving again all the details of his lawsuit.
If you yourself are engaged in a lawsuit and wait early the next morning on
your judge,584 you are sure to meet Antagoras, who must first leave before
you can be admitted.585
(126.) Some men pass their long lives in defending themselves and in
injuring other people, and die at last, worn out with age, after having caused
as many evils as they suffered.
(127.) There must, I confess, be seizures of land, distraint on furniture,
prisons, and punishments; but without taking into consideration justice, law,
and stern necessity, it has always astonished me to observe with what
violence some men treat other men.
(128.) Certain wild animals, male and female, are scattered over the
country, dark, livid, and quite tanned by the sun, who are chained, as it
his heirs, who are scoundrels and who have quarrelled with him; he only
builds to enjoy it himself, and to-morrow he will be dead.
(125.) Antagoras has a familiar576 and popular countenance; he is as
well known to the mob as the parish beadle or as the saint carved in stone
adorning the high altar. Every morning he runs up and down the courts and
the offices of parliament,577 and every evening up and down the streets and
highways of the town. He has had a lawsuit these forty years, and has
always been nearer his death than the end of his legal troubles. There has
not been any celebrated case or any long and difficult lawsuit tried that he
has not had something to do with; his name is in the mouth of every
barrister, and agrees as naturally with such words as “plaintiff” or
“defendant” as an adjective does with a substantive. He is everybodyʼs
kinsman, and disliked by all; there is scarcely a family of whom he does not
complain, or who does not complain of him; he is perpetually engaged in
seizing some property, in asking for an injunction578 to prevent the sale of
an office579 or some stocks, in using the privilege of pleading in certain
cases580 or of seeing some judgments put into execution; besides this, he is
every day at some meeting of creditors, is appointed chairman of their
committee,581 and loses money by every bankruptcy; he finds some spare
moments for a few private visits, and like an old gossip582 talks about
lawsuits, and tells you all the news about them. You leave him one hour at
one end of the town and find him the next at another end,583 where he
arrived before you, and has been giving again all the details of his lawsuit.
If you yourself are engaged in a lawsuit and wait early the next morning on
your judge,584 you are sure to meet Antagoras, who must first leave before
you can be admitted.585
(126.) Some men pass their long lives in defending themselves and in
injuring other people, and die at last, worn out with age, after having caused
as many evils as they suffered.
(127.) There must, I confess, be seizures of land, distraint on furniture,
prisons, and punishments; but without taking into consideration justice, law,
and stern necessity, it has always astonished me to observe with what
violence some men treat other men.
(128.) Certain wild animals, male and female, are scattered over the
country, dark, livid, and quite tanned by the sun, who are chained, as it
Page 215
were, to the land they are always digging and turning up and down with an
unwearied stubbornness; their voice is somewhat articulate, and when they
stand erect they discover a human face, and, indeed, are men. At night they
retire to their burrows, where they live on black bread, water, and roots;
they spare other men the trouble of sowing, tilling the ground, and reaping
for their sustenance, and, therefore, deserve not to be in want of that bread
they sow themselves.
(129.) Don Fernando resides in his province, and is idle, ignorant,
slanderous, quarrelsome, knavish, intemperate, and impertinent; but he
draws his sword against his neighbours, and exposes his life for the smallest
trifle; he has killed several men, and will be killed in his turn.586
(130.) A provincial nobleman, useless to his country, his family and
himself, often without a roof to cover himself, without clothes or the least
merit, tells you ten times a day that he is of noble lineage, despises all
graduates, doctors, and presidents of parliaments587 as upstarts, and spends
all his time among parchments and old title-deeds, which he would not part
with to be appointed chancellor.588
(131.) Power, favour, genius, riches, dignity, nobility, force, industry,
capacity, virtue, vice, weakness, stupidity, poverty, impotence, plebeianism,
and servility generally are combined in men in endless variety. These
qualities mixed together in a thousand various manners, and compensating
one another in many ways, form the different states and conditions of
human life. Moreover, people who are acquainted with each otherʼs strength
and weakness act reciprocally, for they believe it their duty; they know their
equals, are conscious that some men are their superiors, and that they are
superior to some others; and hence familiarity, respect or deference, pride or
contempt. This is the reason why, in places of public resort, we see each
moment some persons we wish to accost or bow to, and others we pretend
not to know, and still less desire to meet; and why we are proud of being
with the first and ashamed of the others. Hence it even happens that the
very person with whom you think it an honour to be seen, and with whom
you are desirous to converse, deems you troublesome and leaves you; and
that often the very person who blushes when he meets others, receives the
same treatment when others meet him, and that a man who treated others
with contempt is himself disdained, for it is common enough to despise
those who despise us. How wretched is such a behaviour; and since it is
certain that in this strange interchange we gain on one side what we lose on
unwearied stubbornness; their voice is somewhat articulate, and when they
stand erect they discover a human face, and, indeed, are men. At night they
retire to their burrows, where they live on black bread, water, and roots;
they spare other men the trouble of sowing, tilling the ground, and reaping
for their sustenance, and, therefore, deserve not to be in want of that bread
they sow themselves.
(129.) Don Fernando resides in his province, and is idle, ignorant,
slanderous, quarrelsome, knavish, intemperate, and impertinent; but he
draws his sword against his neighbours, and exposes his life for the smallest
trifle; he has killed several men, and will be killed in his turn.586
(130.) A provincial nobleman, useless to his country, his family and
himself, often without a roof to cover himself, without clothes or the least
merit, tells you ten times a day that he is of noble lineage, despises all
graduates, doctors, and presidents of parliaments587 as upstarts, and spends
all his time among parchments and old title-deeds, which he would not part
with to be appointed chancellor.588
(131.) Power, favour, genius, riches, dignity, nobility, force, industry,
capacity, virtue, vice, weakness, stupidity, poverty, impotence, plebeianism,
and servility generally are combined in men in endless variety. These
qualities mixed together in a thousand various manners, and compensating
one another in many ways, form the different states and conditions of
human life. Moreover, people who are acquainted with each otherʼs strength
and weakness act reciprocally, for they believe it their duty; they know their
equals, are conscious that some men are their superiors, and that they are
superior to some others; and hence familiarity, respect or deference, pride or
contempt. This is the reason why, in places of public resort, we see each
moment some persons we wish to accost or bow to, and others we pretend
not to know, and still less desire to meet; and why we are proud of being
with the first and ashamed of the others. Hence it even happens that the
very person with whom you think it an honour to be seen, and with whom
you are desirous to converse, deems you troublesome and leaves you; and
that often the very person who blushes when he meets others, receives the
same treatment when others meet him, and that a man who treated others
with contempt is himself disdained, for it is common enough to despise
those who despise us. How wretched is such a behaviour; and since it is
certain that in this strange interchange we gain on one side what we lose on
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another, should we not do better to abandon all haughtiness and pride,
qualities so unsuited to frail humanity, and make an arrangement to treat
one another with mutual kindness, by which we should at once gain the
advantage of never being mortified ourselves, and the happiness, which is
just as great, of never mortifying others?
(132.) Instead of being frightened, or even ashamed, at being called a
philosopher, everybody in this world ought to have a strong tincture of
philosophy;589 it suits every one: its practice is useful to people of all ages,
sexes, and conditions; it consoles us for the happiness of others, for the
promotion of those whom we think undeserving, for failures, and decay of
strength and beauty; it steels us against poverty, age, sickness, and death,
against fools and buffoons; it will help us to pass away our life without a
wife, or to bear with the one with whom we have to live.
(133.) Men are one hour overjoyed at trifles, and the next overcome
with grief for a mere disappointment; nothing is more unequal and
incoherent than the emotions stirring their hearts and minds in so short a
time. If they would set no higher value on the things of this world than they
really deserve, this evil would be cured.
(134.) It is as difficult to find a vain man who believes himself as happy
as he deserves, as a modest man who believes himself too unhappy.
(135.) When I contemplate the fortune of princes and of their Ministers,
which is not mine, I am prevented from thinking myself unhappy by
considering, at the same time, the fate of the vine-dresser, the soldier, and
the stone-cutter.
(136.) There is but one real misfortune which can befall a man, and that
is to find himself at fault, and to have something to reproach himself with.
(137.) The generality of men are more capable of great efforts to obtain
their ends than of continuous perseverance; their occupation and
inconstancy deprives them of the fruits of the most promising beginnings;
they are often overtaken by those who started some time after them, and
who walk slowly but without intermission.
(138.) I almost dare affirm that men know better how to plan certain
measures than to pursue them, how to resolve what they must needs do and
say than to do or to say what is necessary. A man is firmly determined not to
mention a certain subject when negotiating some business; and afterwards,
either through passion, garrulity, or in the heat of conversation, it is the first
thing which escapes him.
qualities so unsuited to frail humanity, and make an arrangement to treat
one another with mutual kindness, by which we should at once gain the
advantage of never being mortified ourselves, and the happiness, which is
just as great, of never mortifying others?
(132.) Instead of being frightened, or even ashamed, at being called a
philosopher, everybody in this world ought to have a strong tincture of
philosophy;589 it suits every one: its practice is useful to people of all ages,
sexes, and conditions; it consoles us for the happiness of others, for the
promotion of those whom we think undeserving, for failures, and decay of
strength and beauty; it steels us against poverty, age, sickness, and death,
against fools and buffoons; it will help us to pass away our life without a
wife, or to bear with the one with whom we have to live.
(133.) Men are one hour overjoyed at trifles, and the next overcome
with grief for a mere disappointment; nothing is more unequal and
incoherent than the emotions stirring their hearts and minds in so short a
time. If they would set no higher value on the things of this world than they
really deserve, this evil would be cured.
(134.) It is as difficult to find a vain man who believes himself as happy
as he deserves, as a modest man who believes himself too unhappy.
(135.) When I contemplate the fortune of princes and of their Ministers,
which is not mine, I am prevented from thinking myself unhappy by
considering, at the same time, the fate of the vine-dresser, the soldier, and
the stone-cutter.
(136.) There is but one real misfortune which can befall a man, and that
is to find himself at fault, and to have something to reproach himself with.
(137.) The generality of men are more capable of great efforts to obtain
their ends than of continuous perseverance; their occupation and
inconstancy deprives them of the fruits of the most promising beginnings;
they are often overtaken by those who started some time after them, and
who walk slowly but without intermission.
(138.) I almost dare affirm that men know better how to plan certain
measures than to pursue them, how to resolve what they must needs do and
say than to do or to say what is necessary. A man is firmly determined not to
mention a certain subject when negotiating some business; and afterwards,
either through passion, garrulity, or in the heat of conversation, it is the first
thing which escapes him.
Page 217
(139.) Men are indolent in what is their particular duty, whilst they think
it very deserving, or rather whilst it pleases their vanity, to busy themselves
about those things which do not concern them, nor suit their condition of
life or character.
(140.) There is as much difference between a heterogeneous character a
man adopts and his real character as there is between a mask and a
countenance of flesh and blood.
(141.) Telephus has some intelligence, but ten times less, if rightly
computed, than he imagines he has; therefore, in everything he says, does,
meditates, and projects, he goes ten times beyond his capacity, and thus
always exceeds the true measure of his intellectual power and grasp. And
this argument is well founded. He is limited by a barrier, as it were, and
should be warned not to pass it; but he leaps over it, launches out of his
sphere, and though he knows his own weakness, always displays it; he
speaks about what he does not understand, or badly understands; attempts
things above his power, and aims at what is too much for him; he thinks
himself the equal of the very best men ever seen. Whatever is good and
commendable in him is obscured by an affectation of doing something great
and wonderful; people can easily see what he is not, but have to guess what
he really is. He is a man who never measures his ability, and does not know
himself; his true character is not to be satisfied with the one that suits him,
and which is his own.
(142.) The intelligence of a highly cultivated man is not always the
same, and has its ebbs and flows; sometimes he is full of animation, but
cannot keep it up; then, if he be wise, he will say little, not write at all, and
not endeavour either to draw upon his imagination, or try to please. Does a
man sing who has a cold? and should he not rather wait till he recovers his
voice?
A blockhead is an automaton,590 a piece of machinery moved by springs
and weights, always turning him about in one direction; he always displays
the same equanimity, is uniform, and never alters; if you have seen him
once you have seen him as he ever was, and will be; he is at best but like a
lowing ox or a whistling blackbird; I may say, he acts according to the
persistence and doggedness of his nature and species. What you see least is
his torpid soul, which is never stirring, but always dormant.
(143.) A blockhead never dies; or if, according to our manner of
speaking, he dies at one time or other, I may truly say he gains by it, and
it very deserving, or rather whilst it pleases their vanity, to busy themselves
about those things which do not concern them, nor suit their condition of
life or character.
(140.) There is as much difference between a heterogeneous character a
man adopts and his real character as there is between a mask and a
countenance of flesh and blood.
(141.) Telephus has some intelligence, but ten times less, if rightly
computed, than he imagines he has; therefore, in everything he says, does,
meditates, and projects, he goes ten times beyond his capacity, and thus
always exceeds the true measure of his intellectual power and grasp. And
this argument is well founded. He is limited by a barrier, as it were, and
should be warned not to pass it; but he leaps over it, launches out of his
sphere, and though he knows his own weakness, always displays it; he
speaks about what he does not understand, or badly understands; attempts
things above his power, and aims at what is too much for him; he thinks
himself the equal of the very best men ever seen. Whatever is good and
commendable in him is obscured by an affectation of doing something great
and wonderful; people can easily see what he is not, but have to guess what
he really is. He is a man who never measures his ability, and does not know
himself; his true character is not to be satisfied with the one that suits him,
and which is his own.
(142.) The intelligence of a highly cultivated man is not always the
same, and has its ebbs and flows; sometimes he is full of animation, but
cannot keep it up; then, if he be wise, he will say little, not write at all, and
not endeavour either to draw upon his imagination, or try to please. Does a
man sing who has a cold? and should he not rather wait till he recovers his
voice?
A blockhead is an automaton,590 a piece of machinery moved by springs
and weights, always turning him about in one direction; he always displays
the same equanimity, is uniform, and never alters; if you have seen him
once you have seen him as he ever was, and will be; he is at best but like a
lowing ox or a whistling blackbird; I may say, he acts according to the
persistence and doggedness of his nature and species. What you see least is
his torpid soul, which is never stirring, but always dormant.
(143.) A blockhead never dies; or if, according to our manner of
speaking, he dies at one time or other, I may truly say he gains by it, and
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that, when others die, he begins to live. His mind then thinks, reasons,
draws inferences and conclusions, judges, foresees, and does everything it
never did before; it finds itself released from a lump of flesh, in which it
seemed buried without having anything to do, and without any motion, or at
least any worthy of that name; I should almost say, it blushes to have lodged
in such a body, as well as for its own crude and imperfect organs, to which
it has been shackled so long, and with which it could only produce a
blockhead or a fool. Now it is equal to the greatest of those minds which
animated the bodies of the cleverest or the most intellectual men, and the
mind of the merest clodhopper591 is no longer to be distinguished from
those of Condé, Richelieu, Pascal, and Lingendes.592
(144.) A false delicacy in familiar actions, in manners or conduct, is not
so called because it is simulated, but because it is really employed in things
and on occasions where it is utterly out of place. On the other hand, a false
delicacy in taste or temper is only so when it is feigned or affected. Emilia
screams as loud as she can when a trifling accident happens, and when she
is not a bit afraid; another lady affectedly turns pale at the sight of a mouse,
or is fond of violets, and swoons at the scent of a tuberose.
(145.) Who would venture and flatter himself to satisfy mankind? Let
no prince, however good and powerful, pretend to do so. Let him promote
their pleasures,593 let him open his palace to his courtiers, and even admit
them amongst his own followers; let him show them other spectacles in
those very places of which the mere sight is a spectacle;594 let him give
them their choice of games, concerts, and refreshments, and add to this
magnificent cheer, amidst the most complete liberty; join with them in their
amusements; let the great man become affable, and the hero humane and
familiar, and this would not be sufficient. Men finally tire of the very things
which at first enraptured them; they would forsake the table of the gods;
and nectar, in time, would become insipid. Through vanity and wretched
over-refinement, they do not hesitate to criticise things which are perfect; in
spite of every exertion, their taste, if we may believe them, can never be
gratified, and even regal expenditure would be unsuccessful; malice
prompts them to do what they can to lessen the joy others may feel in
satisfying them. These same people, commonly so sycophantic and
complaisant, are liable to forget themselves; sometimes they are scarcely to
be recognised, and we see the man even in the courtier.
draws inferences and conclusions, judges, foresees, and does everything it
never did before; it finds itself released from a lump of flesh, in which it
seemed buried without having anything to do, and without any motion, or at
least any worthy of that name; I should almost say, it blushes to have lodged
in such a body, as well as for its own crude and imperfect organs, to which
it has been shackled so long, and with which it could only produce a
blockhead or a fool. Now it is equal to the greatest of those minds which
animated the bodies of the cleverest or the most intellectual men, and the
mind of the merest clodhopper591 is no longer to be distinguished from
those of Condé, Richelieu, Pascal, and Lingendes.592
(144.) A false delicacy in familiar actions, in manners or conduct, is not
so called because it is simulated, but because it is really employed in things
and on occasions where it is utterly out of place. On the other hand, a false
delicacy in taste or temper is only so when it is feigned or affected. Emilia
screams as loud as she can when a trifling accident happens, and when she
is not a bit afraid; another lady affectedly turns pale at the sight of a mouse,
or is fond of violets, and swoons at the scent of a tuberose.
(145.) Who would venture and flatter himself to satisfy mankind? Let
no prince, however good and powerful, pretend to do so. Let him promote
their pleasures,593 let him open his palace to his courtiers, and even admit
them amongst his own followers; let him show them other spectacles in
those very places of which the mere sight is a spectacle;594 let him give
them their choice of games, concerts, and refreshments, and add to this
magnificent cheer, amidst the most complete liberty; join with them in their
amusements; let the great man become affable, and the hero humane and
familiar, and this would not be sufficient. Men finally tire of the very things
which at first enraptured them; they would forsake the table of the gods;
and nectar, in time, would become insipid. Through vanity and wretched
over-refinement, they do not hesitate to criticise things which are perfect; in
spite of every exertion, their taste, if we may believe them, can never be
gratified, and even regal expenditure would be unsuccessful; malice
prompts them to do what they can to lessen the joy others may feel in
satisfying them. These same people, commonly so sycophantic and
complaisant, are liable to forget themselves; sometimes they are scarcely to
be recognised, and we see the man even in the courtier.
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(146.) Affectation in gesture, speech, and manners is frequently the
outcome of indolence or indifference; whereas a great passion or matters of
importance seem to compel a man to become natural.
(147.) Men have no characters, or if they have, it is that of having no
constant and invariable one, by which they may at all times be known; they
cannot bear to be always the same, to persevere either in regularity or
license; and if they sometimes forsake one virtue for another, they more
often get disgusted with one vice through another vice. Their passions run
counter to another, and their foibles contradict each other; extremes are
easier to them than a regular and natural conduct would be; they dislike
moderation, and are extravagant in good as well as evil things; and when
they no longer are able to stand excesses they relieve themselves by change.
Adrastes was such a profligate libertine that he found it comparatively easy
to comply with the fashion and to become devout; he would have found it
much more difficult to become an honest man.595
(148.) What is the reason that some people, who can meet the most
trying disasters with coolness, lose all command over themselves and fly
into a passion at the least inconvenience? Such conduct is not wise, for
virtue is always the same and does not contradict itself; it is a vice, then,
and nothing else but vanity, roused and stirred up by those events which
make a noise in the world and when there is something to be gained, but
which is negligent in all other things.
(149.) We seldom repent talking too little, but very often talking too
much; this is a common and well-known maxim, which everybody knows
and nobody practises.
(150.) To say things of our enemies which are not true, and to lie to
defame them, is to avenge ourselves on ourselves, and give them too great
an advantage over us.
(151.) If men knew how to blush at their own actions, how many
crimes, and not only those that are hidden, but those that are public and well
known, would never be committed!
(152.) If some men are not so honest as they might be, the fault lies in
their bringing up.
(153.) There exists in some people a happy mediocrity of intelligence
which contributes to keep them discreet.
(154.) Rods and ferulas are for children;596 crowns, sceptres, caps,
gowns, fasces, kettledrums, archersʼ dresses for men.597 Reason and justice,
outcome of indolence or indifference; whereas a great passion or matters of
importance seem to compel a man to become natural.
(147.) Men have no characters, or if they have, it is that of having no
constant and invariable one, by which they may at all times be known; they
cannot bear to be always the same, to persevere either in regularity or
license; and if they sometimes forsake one virtue for another, they more
often get disgusted with one vice through another vice. Their passions run
counter to another, and their foibles contradict each other; extremes are
easier to them than a regular and natural conduct would be; they dislike
moderation, and are extravagant in good as well as evil things; and when
they no longer are able to stand excesses they relieve themselves by change.
Adrastes was such a profligate libertine that he found it comparatively easy
to comply with the fashion and to become devout; he would have found it
much more difficult to become an honest man.595
(148.) What is the reason that some people, who can meet the most
trying disasters with coolness, lose all command over themselves and fly
into a passion at the least inconvenience? Such conduct is not wise, for
virtue is always the same and does not contradict itself; it is a vice, then,
and nothing else but vanity, roused and stirred up by those events which
make a noise in the world and when there is something to be gained, but
which is negligent in all other things.
(149.) We seldom repent talking too little, but very often talking too
much; this is a common and well-known maxim, which everybody knows
and nobody practises.
(150.) To say things of our enemies which are not true, and to lie to
defame them, is to avenge ourselves on ourselves, and give them too great
an advantage over us.
(151.) If men knew how to blush at their own actions, how many
crimes, and not only those that are hidden, but those that are public and well
known, would never be committed!
(152.) If some men are not so honest as they might be, the fault lies in
their bringing up.
(153.) There exists in some people a happy mediocrity of intelligence
which contributes to keep them discreet.
(154.) Rods and ferulas are for children;596 crowns, sceptres, caps,
gowns, fasces, kettledrums, archersʼ dresses for men.597 Reason and justice,
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without their gewgaws, would neither convince nor intimidate; man who
has intelligence, is led by his eyes and his ears.
(155.) Timon, or the misanthrope, may have an austere and savage
mind, but outwardly he is polite, and even ceremonious; he does not lose all
command over himself, and does not become familiar with other men; on
the contrary, he treats them politely and gravely, and in a manner that does
not encourage any freedom to be taken; he does not desire to be better
acquainted with them nor to make friends of them, and is somewhat like a
lady visiting another lady.598
(156.) Reason is ever allied to truth, and is almost identical with it; only
one way leads to it, but a thousand roads can lead us astray. The study of
wisdom is not so extensive as that of fools and coxcombs; he who has seen
none but polite and reasonable men, either does not know men, or knows
them only by halves. Whatever difference may be noticed in disposition and
manners, intercourse with the world and politeness produce the same
appearance in all, and externally make men resemble one another in some
way which mutually pleases, and being common to all, leads us to believe
that everything else is in the same proportion. A man, on the contrary, who
mixes with the common people, or retires into the country, will, if he has
eyes, in a short time make some strange discoveries, and see things which
are new to him, and which he never before imagined existed; gradually and
by experience he increases his knowledge of humanity, and almost
calculates in how many different ways man may become unbearable.
(157.) After having maturely considered mankind and found out the
insincerity of their thoughts, opinions, inclinations, and affections, we are
compelled to acknowledge that stubbornness does them more harm than
inconstancy.
(158.) How many weak, effeminate, careless minds exist without any
extraordinary faults, and who yet are proper subjects for satire! How many
various kinds of ridicule are disseminated amongst the whole human race,
which by their very eccentricity are of little consequence, and are not
ameliorated by instruction or morality. Such vices are individual and not
contagious, and are rather personal than belonging to humanity in general.
has intelligence, is led by his eyes and his ears.
(155.) Timon, or the misanthrope, may have an austere and savage
mind, but outwardly he is polite, and even ceremonious; he does not lose all
command over himself, and does not become familiar with other men; on
the contrary, he treats them politely and gravely, and in a manner that does
not encourage any freedom to be taken; he does not desire to be better
acquainted with them nor to make friends of them, and is somewhat like a
lady visiting another lady.598
(156.) Reason is ever allied to truth, and is almost identical with it; only
one way leads to it, but a thousand roads can lead us astray. The study of
wisdom is not so extensive as that of fools and coxcombs; he who has seen
none but polite and reasonable men, either does not know men, or knows
them only by halves. Whatever difference may be noticed in disposition and
manners, intercourse with the world and politeness produce the same
appearance in all, and externally make men resemble one another in some
way which mutually pleases, and being common to all, leads us to believe
that everything else is in the same proportion. A man, on the contrary, who
mixes with the common people, or retires into the country, will, if he has
eyes, in a short time make some strange discoveries, and see things which
are new to him, and which he never before imagined existed; gradually and
by experience he increases his knowledge of humanity, and almost
calculates in how many different ways man may become unbearable.
(157.) After having maturely considered mankind and found out the
insincerity of their thoughts, opinions, inclinations, and affections, we are
compelled to acknowledge that stubbornness does them more harm than
inconstancy.
(158.) How many weak, effeminate, careless minds exist without any
extraordinary faults, and who yet are proper subjects for satire! How many
various kinds of ridicule are disseminated amongst the whole human race,
which by their very eccentricity are of little consequence, and are not
ameliorated by instruction or morality. Such vices are individual and not
contagious, and are rather personal than belonging to humanity in general.
Page 221
XII.
OF OPINIONS.
(1.)
N OTHING is more like a deep-rooted conviction than obstinate
conceit; whence proceed parties, intrigues, and heresies.
(2.) We do not always let our thoughts run on one and the
same subject without varying them: infatuation599 and disgust closely
follow on one another.
(3.) Great things astonish and small dishearten us; custom familiarises
us with both.
(4.) Two qualities quite opposed to one another equally bias our minds:
custom and novelty.
(5.) There is nothing so mean and so truly vulgar as extravagantly to
praise those very persons of whom we had but very indifferent opinions
before their promotion.
(6.) A princeʼs favour does not exclude merit, nor does it even suppose
its existence.
(7.) We are puffed up with pride and entertain a high opinion of
ourselves and of the correctness of our judgment, and yet it is surprising we
neglect to make use of it in speaking of other peopleʼs merit; fashion, the
OF OPINIONS.
(1.)
N OTHING is more like a deep-rooted conviction than obstinate
conceit; whence proceed parties, intrigues, and heresies.
(2.) We do not always let our thoughts run on one and the
same subject without varying them: infatuation599 and disgust closely
follow on one another.
(3.) Great things astonish and small dishearten us; custom familiarises
us with both.
(4.) Two qualities quite opposed to one another equally bias our minds:
custom and novelty.
(5.) There is nothing so mean and so truly vulgar as extravagantly to
praise those very persons of whom we had but very indifferent opinions
before their promotion.
(6.) A princeʼs favour does not exclude merit, nor does it even suppose
its existence.
(7.) We are puffed up with pride and entertain a high opinion of
ourselves and of the correctness of our judgment, and yet it is surprising we
neglect to make use of it in speaking of other peopleʼs merit; fashion, the
Page 222
fancy of the people or of the prince, carry us away like a torrent; we extol
rather what is praised than what is praiseworthy.
(8.) I doubt whether anything is approved and commended more
reluctantly than what deserves most to be approved and praised; and
whether virtue, merit, beauty, good actions, and the best writings produce a
more natural and certain impression than envy, jealousy, and antipathy. A
pious person600 does not speak well of a saint, but of another pious person.
If a handsome woman allows that another woman is beautiful, we may
safely conclude she excels her; or if a poet praises a brother poetʼs verses, it
is pretty sure they are wretched and spiritless.
(9.) Men do not easily like one another, and are not much inclined to
commend each other. Neither actions, behaviour, thoughts, nor expression
please them nor are satisfactory; they substitute for what is recited, told, or
read to them what they themselves would have done in such a circumstance,
or what they think and have written on such a subject; and are so full of
their own ideas that they have no room for anotherʼs.
(10.) Men are generally inclined to become dissolute and frivolous, and
such a large number of pernicious or ridiculous examples is to be found in
this world, that I should feel inclined to believe that eccentricity, if kept
within bounds and not gone too far, would almost be like correct reasoning
and regular behaviour.
“We must do as others do” is a dangerous maxim, which nearly always
means “we must do wrong” if it is applied to any but external things of no
consequence, and depending on custom, fashion, or decency.
(11.) If men were not more like bears and panthers than men, if they
were honest, just to themselves and to others, what would become of the
law, the text and the prodigious amount of commentaries made on it; what
of petitions and actions,601 and everything people call jurisprudence? And
to what would those persons be reduced who owe all their importance and
pride to the authority with which they are invested for seeing those laws
executed? If those very men were honest and sincere, and had no
prejudices, the wrangles of the schoolmen, scholasticism, and all
controversies would vanish. If all men were temperate, chaste, and
moderate, what would be the use of that mysterious medical jargon, a gold-
mine for those persons who know how to use it? What a downfall would it
be for all lawyers, doctors, and physicians if we could all agree to become
wise!
rather what is praised than what is praiseworthy.
(8.) I doubt whether anything is approved and commended more
reluctantly than what deserves most to be approved and praised; and
whether virtue, merit, beauty, good actions, and the best writings produce a
more natural and certain impression than envy, jealousy, and antipathy. A
pious person600 does not speak well of a saint, but of another pious person.
If a handsome woman allows that another woman is beautiful, we may
safely conclude she excels her; or if a poet praises a brother poetʼs verses, it
is pretty sure they are wretched and spiritless.
(9.) Men do not easily like one another, and are not much inclined to
commend each other. Neither actions, behaviour, thoughts, nor expression
please them nor are satisfactory; they substitute for what is recited, told, or
read to them what they themselves would have done in such a circumstance,
or what they think and have written on such a subject; and are so full of
their own ideas that they have no room for anotherʼs.
(10.) Men are generally inclined to become dissolute and frivolous, and
such a large number of pernicious or ridiculous examples is to be found in
this world, that I should feel inclined to believe that eccentricity, if kept
within bounds and not gone too far, would almost be like correct reasoning
and regular behaviour.
“We must do as others do” is a dangerous maxim, which nearly always
means “we must do wrong” if it is applied to any but external things of no
consequence, and depending on custom, fashion, or decency.
(11.) If men were not more like bears and panthers than men, if they
were honest, just to themselves and to others, what would become of the
law, the text and the prodigious amount of commentaries made on it; what
of petitions and actions,601 and everything people call jurisprudence? And
to what would those persons be reduced who owe all their importance and
pride to the authority with which they are invested for seeing those laws
executed? If those very men were honest and sincere, and had no
prejudices, the wrangles of the schoolmen, scholasticism, and all
controversies would vanish. If all men were temperate, chaste, and
moderate, what would be the use of that mysterious medical jargon, a gold-
mine for those persons who know how to use it? What a downfall would it
be for all lawyers, doctors, and physicians if we could all agree to become
wise!
Page 223
We would have been obliged to do without many men great in peace
and war. Several arts and sciences have been brought to a high degree of
exquisite perfection, which, so far from being necessary, were introduced
into the world as remedies for those evils only caused by our wickedness.
How many things have sprung up since Varroʼs602 times, of which he
was ignorant! Such a knowledge as Plato or Socrates possessed would now
not satisfy us.
(12.) At a sermon, a concert, or in a picture gallery, we can hear in
different parts of the room quite contrary opinions expressed upon the very
same subject; and hence I draw the conclusion that in all kinds of works we
may venture to insert bad things as well as good ones; for the good please
some and the bad others; and we do not risk much more by putting in the
very worst, for it will find admirers.
(13.) The phœnix of vocal poetry rose out of his own ashes, and in one
and the same day saw his reputation lost and recovered. That same judge so
infallible and yet so decided—I mean the public—changed his views
regarding him, and either was, or is now, in error. He who should say to day
that Q ... is a wretched poet would pronounce as bad an opinion as he who
formerly said he was a good one.603
(14.) Chapelain was rich and Corneille was not; La Pucelle and
Rodogune deserved a different fate;604 therefore, it has always been a
question why, in certain professions, one man makes his fortune and
another fails? Men should look for the reason of this in their own whimsical
behaviour, which, on most important occasions, when their business, their
pleasures, their health, and their life are at stake, often makes them leave
what is best and take what is worst.
(15.) The profession of an actor was considered infamous among the
Romans, and honourable among the Greeks: how is it considered amongst
us? We think of them like the Romans, and live with them like the Greeks.
(16.) It was sufficient for Bathyllus to be a pantomimist to be courted by
the Roman ladies; for Rhoe to dance on the stage, or for Roscia and
Nerina605 to sing in the chorus to attract a crowd of lovers. Vanity and
impudence, the consequences of being too powerful, made the Romans lose
a taste for pleasures secretly and mysteriously enjoyed; they were fond of
loving actresses, without any jealousy of the audience, and shared with the
and war. Several arts and sciences have been brought to a high degree of
exquisite perfection, which, so far from being necessary, were introduced
into the world as remedies for those evils only caused by our wickedness.
How many things have sprung up since Varroʼs602 times, of which he
was ignorant! Such a knowledge as Plato or Socrates possessed would now
not satisfy us.
(12.) At a sermon, a concert, or in a picture gallery, we can hear in
different parts of the room quite contrary opinions expressed upon the very
same subject; and hence I draw the conclusion that in all kinds of works we
may venture to insert bad things as well as good ones; for the good please
some and the bad others; and we do not risk much more by putting in the
very worst, for it will find admirers.
(13.) The phœnix of vocal poetry rose out of his own ashes, and in one
and the same day saw his reputation lost and recovered. That same judge so
infallible and yet so decided—I mean the public—changed his views
regarding him, and either was, or is now, in error. He who should say to day
that Q ... is a wretched poet would pronounce as bad an opinion as he who
formerly said he was a good one.603
(14.) Chapelain was rich and Corneille was not; La Pucelle and
Rodogune deserved a different fate;604 therefore, it has always been a
question why, in certain professions, one man makes his fortune and
another fails? Men should look for the reason of this in their own whimsical
behaviour, which, on most important occasions, when their business, their
pleasures, their health, and their life are at stake, often makes them leave
what is best and take what is worst.
(15.) The profession of an actor was considered infamous among the
Romans, and honourable among the Greeks: how is it considered amongst
us? We think of them like the Romans, and live with them like the Greeks.
(16.) It was sufficient for Bathyllus to be a pantomimist to be courted by
the Roman ladies; for Rhoe to dance on the stage, or for Roscia and
Nerina605 to sing in the chorus to attract a crowd of lovers. Vanity and
impudence, the consequences of being too powerful, made the Romans lose
a taste for pleasures secretly and mysteriously enjoyed; they were fond of
loving actresses, without any jealousy of the audience, and shared with the
Page 224
multitude the charms of their mistresses; they only cared to show they loved
not a beauty nor an excellent actress, but an actress.606
(17.) Nothing better demonstrates how men regard science and
literature, and of what use they are considered in the State, than the
recompense assigned to them, and the idea generally entertained of those
persons who resolve to cultivate them. There is not a mere handicraft nor
ever so vile a position, that is not a surer, quicker, and more certain way to
wealth. An actor lolling in his coach607 bespatters the face of Corneille
walking on foot. With many people learning and pedantry are synonymous.
Often when a rich man speaks and speaks of science, the learned must
be silent, listen, and applaud, at least if they would be considered something
else besides learned.
(18.) A certain boldness is required to vindicate learning before some
persons strongly prejudiced against learned men, whom they call ill-
mannered, wanting in tact, unfit for society, and whom they send back,
stripped in this way, to their study and their books. As ignorance is easy,
and not difficult to acquire, many people embrace it; and these form a large
majority at court and in the city, and overpower the learned. If the latter
allege in their favour the names of dʼEstrées, de Harlay, Bossuet, Séguier,
Montausier, Wardes, Chevreuse, Novion, Lamoignon, Scudéry, Pellisson,608
and of many other personages equally learned and polite; nay, if they dare
mention the great names of Chartres, Condé, Conti, Bourbon, Maine, and
Vendôme,609 as princes who to the noblest and loftiest acquirements add
Greek atticism and Roman urbanity, those persons do not hesitate to reply
that such examples are exceptional; and the sound arguments brought
forward are powerless against public opinion. However, it seems that
people should be more careful in giving their decisions, and at least not take
the trouble of asserting that intellects producing such great progress in
science, and making persons think well, judge well, speak well, and write
well, could not acquire polite accomplishments.
No very great intelligence is necessary to have polished manners, but a
great deal is needed to polish the mind.
(19.) A politician says: “Such a man is learned, and therefore not fit for
business; I would not trust him to take an inventory of my wardrobe;” and
he is quite right, Ossat, Ximenes, and Richelieu610 were learned, but were
they men of ability and considered able ministers? “He understands Greek,”
not a beauty nor an excellent actress, but an actress.606
(17.) Nothing better demonstrates how men regard science and
literature, and of what use they are considered in the State, than the
recompense assigned to them, and the idea generally entertained of those
persons who resolve to cultivate them. There is not a mere handicraft nor
ever so vile a position, that is not a surer, quicker, and more certain way to
wealth. An actor lolling in his coach607 bespatters the face of Corneille
walking on foot. With many people learning and pedantry are synonymous.
Often when a rich man speaks and speaks of science, the learned must
be silent, listen, and applaud, at least if they would be considered something
else besides learned.
(18.) A certain boldness is required to vindicate learning before some
persons strongly prejudiced against learned men, whom they call ill-
mannered, wanting in tact, unfit for society, and whom they send back,
stripped in this way, to their study and their books. As ignorance is easy,
and not difficult to acquire, many people embrace it; and these form a large
majority at court and in the city, and overpower the learned. If the latter
allege in their favour the names of dʼEstrées, de Harlay, Bossuet, Séguier,
Montausier, Wardes, Chevreuse, Novion, Lamoignon, Scudéry, Pellisson,608
and of many other personages equally learned and polite; nay, if they dare
mention the great names of Chartres, Condé, Conti, Bourbon, Maine, and
Vendôme,609 as princes who to the noblest and loftiest acquirements add
Greek atticism and Roman urbanity, those persons do not hesitate to reply
that such examples are exceptional; and the sound arguments brought
forward are powerless against public opinion. However, it seems that
people should be more careful in giving their decisions, and at least not take
the trouble of asserting that intellects producing such great progress in
science, and making persons think well, judge well, speak well, and write
well, could not acquire polite accomplishments.
No very great intelligence is necessary to have polished manners, but a
great deal is needed to polish the mind.
(19.) A politician says: “Such a man is learned, and therefore not fit for
business; I would not trust him to take an inventory of my wardrobe;” and
he is quite right, Ossat, Ximenes, and Richelieu610 were learned, but were
they men of ability and considered able ministers? “He understands Greek,”
Page 225
continues our statesman, “he is a pedant,611 a philosopher.” According to
this argument an Athenian fruit-woman who probably spoke Greek was a
philosopher, and the Bignons and Lamoignons612 are mere pedants, and
nobody can doubt it, for they know Greek. How whimsical and crack-
brained was the great, the wise, and judicious Antoninus to say: “That a
people would be happy whose ruler was philosophising, or who should be
governed by a philosopher or a scribbler.”613
Languages are but the keys or entrance-gates of sciences, and nothing
more; he that despises the one slights the other. It matters little whether
languages are ancient or modern, dead or living, but whether they are
barbarous or polite and whether the books written in them are good or bad.
Suppose the French language should one day meet with the fate of the
Greek and Latin tongues; would it be considered pedantic to read Molière
or La Fontaine some ages after French had ceased to be a living language?
(20.) If I mention Eurypilus, you say he is a wit.
You also call a man who shapes a beam a carpenter, and him who builds
a wall a bricklayer. Let me ask you where this wit has his workshop, and
what is his sign? Can we recognise him by his dress? What are his tools? Is
it a wedge, a hammer, an anvil? Where does he rough-hew or shape his
work, and where is it for sale? A workman is proud of his trade; is
Eurypilus proud of being a wit? If he is proud of it, he is a coxcomb, who
debases the natural dignity of his intellect, and has a low and mechanical
mind, which never seriously applies itself to what is either lofty or
intellectual; and if he is not proud of anything, and this I understand to be
his real character, then he is a sensible and intelligent man. Do you not
bestow the title of “wit” on every pretender to learning and on every
wretched poet? Do you not think you have some intelligence, and if so, no
doubt a first-rate and practical one? But do you consider yourself, therefore,
a wit, and would you not deem it an insult to be called so? However, I give
you leave to call Eurypilus so, and this ironically, as fools do, and without
the least discrimination, or as ignorant people do who console themselves
by irony for the want of a certain culture which they perceive in others.
(21.) I do not wish to hear anything more about pen, ink, or paper, style,
printer, or press! Venture no more to tell me: “Antisthenes, you are a first-
rate author; continue to write. Shall we never see a folio volume of yours?
Speak of all the virtues and vices in one connected and methodical treatise,
without end,” and they should also add, “without any sale.” I renounce
this argument an Athenian fruit-woman who probably spoke Greek was a
philosopher, and the Bignons and Lamoignons612 are mere pedants, and
nobody can doubt it, for they know Greek. How whimsical and crack-
brained was the great, the wise, and judicious Antoninus to say: “That a
people would be happy whose ruler was philosophising, or who should be
governed by a philosopher or a scribbler.”613
Languages are but the keys or entrance-gates of sciences, and nothing
more; he that despises the one slights the other. It matters little whether
languages are ancient or modern, dead or living, but whether they are
barbarous or polite and whether the books written in them are good or bad.
Suppose the French language should one day meet with the fate of the
Greek and Latin tongues; would it be considered pedantic to read Molière
or La Fontaine some ages after French had ceased to be a living language?
(20.) If I mention Eurypilus, you say he is a wit.
You also call a man who shapes a beam a carpenter, and him who builds
a wall a bricklayer. Let me ask you where this wit has his workshop, and
what is his sign? Can we recognise him by his dress? What are his tools? Is
it a wedge, a hammer, an anvil? Where does he rough-hew or shape his
work, and where is it for sale? A workman is proud of his trade; is
Eurypilus proud of being a wit? If he is proud of it, he is a coxcomb, who
debases the natural dignity of his intellect, and has a low and mechanical
mind, which never seriously applies itself to what is either lofty or
intellectual; and if he is not proud of anything, and this I understand to be
his real character, then he is a sensible and intelligent man. Do you not
bestow the title of “wit” on every pretender to learning and on every
wretched poet? Do you not think you have some intelligence, and if so, no
doubt a first-rate and practical one? But do you consider yourself, therefore,
a wit, and would you not deem it an insult to be called so? However, I give
you leave to call Eurypilus so, and this ironically, as fools do, and without
the least discrimination, or as ignorant people do who console themselves
by irony for the want of a certain culture which they perceive in others.
(21.) I do not wish to hear anything more about pen, ink, or paper, style,
printer, or press! Venture no more to tell me: “Antisthenes, you are a first-
rate author; continue to write. Shall we never see a folio volume of yours?
Speak of all the virtues and vices in one connected and methodical treatise,
without end,” and they should also add, “without any sale.” I renounce
Page 226
everything that either was, is, or will be a book! Beryllus swoons when he
sees a cat,614 and I on beholding a book. Am I better fed or warmer clothed;
is my room sheltered against northern blasts; have I so much as a feather-
bed,615 after having had my works for sale for more than twenty years? You
say I have a great name and a first-rate reputation: you may just as well tell
me that I have a stock of air I cannot dispose of. Have I one grain of that
metal which procures all things? The low pettifogger616 swells his bill, get
costs paid which never came out of his pocket, and a count or a magistrate
becomes his son-in-law. A man in a red or filemot-coloured dress617 is
changed into a secretary, and in a little time is richer than his master, who
remains a commoner whilst he buys a title for hard cash. B ...618 enriches
himself by some waxwork show; B ... by selling some bottled river-
water.619 Another quack620 arrives with one trunk from the other side of the
Pyrenees; it is scarcely unpacked when pensions rain on him, and he is
ready to return whence he came with plenty of mules and cartloads full of
property. Mercury is Mercury,621 and nothing else; and as gold alone cannot
pay his go-betweens and his intrigues, he obtains, moreover, favour and
distinctions. To confine myself to lawful gain, you pay a tiler for his tiles
and a workman for his time and labour; but do you pay an author for his
thoughts and writings? and if his thoughts are excellent, do you pay him
liberally? Does he furnish his house or become ennobled by thinking or
writing well? Men must be clothed and shaved,622 have houses with doors
that shut close; but where is the necessity of their being well informed? It
were folly, simplicity, stupidity, continues Antisthenes, to set up for an
author or a philosopher! Get me, if possible, some lucrative post which may
make my life easy, enable me to lend some money to a friend, and give to
those who cannot return it; and then I can write for recreation or indolently,
just as Tityrus623 whistles or plays on the flute; Iʼll have that or nothing, and
will write on those conditions; I will yield to the violence of those who take
me by the throat and exclaim, “You shall write!” I have the title of my new
book ready for them: “Of beauty, goodness, truth, ideas, of first principles,
by Antisthenes, a fishmonger.”
(22.) If the ambassadors of some foreign princes624 were apes who had
learned to walk on their hind-legs, and to make themselves understood by
interpreters, it could not surprise us more than the correctness of their
answers, and the common sense which at times appears in their discourse.
sees a cat,614 and I on beholding a book. Am I better fed or warmer clothed;
is my room sheltered against northern blasts; have I so much as a feather-
bed,615 after having had my works for sale for more than twenty years? You
say I have a great name and a first-rate reputation: you may just as well tell
me that I have a stock of air I cannot dispose of. Have I one grain of that
metal which procures all things? The low pettifogger616 swells his bill, get
costs paid which never came out of his pocket, and a count or a magistrate
becomes his son-in-law. A man in a red or filemot-coloured dress617 is
changed into a secretary, and in a little time is richer than his master, who
remains a commoner whilst he buys a title for hard cash. B ...618 enriches
himself by some waxwork show; B ... by selling some bottled river-
water.619 Another quack620 arrives with one trunk from the other side of the
Pyrenees; it is scarcely unpacked when pensions rain on him, and he is
ready to return whence he came with plenty of mules and cartloads full of
property. Mercury is Mercury,621 and nothing else; and as gold alone cannot
pay his go-betweens and his intrigues, he obtains, moreover, favour and
distinctions. To confine myself to lawful gain, you pay a tiler for his tiles
and a workman for his time and labour; but do you pay an author for his
thoughts and writings? and if his thoughts are excellent, do you pay him
liberally? Does he furnish his house or become ennobled by thinking or
writing well? Men must be clothed and shaved,622 have houses with doors
that shut close; but where is the necessity of their being well informed? It
were folly, simplicity, stupidity, continues Antisthenes, to set up for an
author or a philosopher! Get me, if possible, some lucrative post which may
make my life easy, enable me to lend some money to a friend, and give to
those who cannot return it; and then I can write for recreation or indolently,
just as Tityrus623 whistles or plays on the flute; Iʼll have that or nothing, and
will write on those conditions; I will yield to the violence of those who take
me by the throat and exclaim, “You shall write!” I have the title of my new
book ready for them: “Of beauty, goodness, truth, ideas, of first principles,
by Antisthenes, a fishmonger.”
(22.) If the ambassadors of some foreign princes624 were apes who had
learned to walk on their hind-legs, and to make themselves understood by
interpreters, it could not surprise us more than the correctness of their
answers, and the common sense which at times appears in their discourse.
Page 227
Our prepossession in favour of our native country and our national pride
makes us forget that common sense is found in all climates, and correctness
of thought wherever there are men. We should not like to be so treated by
those we call barbarians; and if some barbarity still exists amongst us, it is
in being amazed on hearing natives of other countries reason like ourselves.
All strangers are not barbarians, nor are all our countrymen civilised; in
like manner every country is not savage,625 nor every town polished. There
exists in Europe, in a large kingdom, a certain place in a maritime province
where the villagers are gentle and affable, and, on the contrary, the
burgesses and the magistrates coarse, with a boorishness inherited from
their ancestors.626
(23.) In spite of our pure language, our neatness in dress, our cultivated
manners, our good laws and fair complexion, we are considered barbarians
by some nations.
(24.) If we should hear it reported of an Eastern nation that they
habitually drink a liquor which flies to their head, drives them mad, and
makes them very sick, we should say they are barbarians.
(25.) This prelate seldom comes to court, lives retired, and is never seen
in the company of ladies: he neither plays grand nor little primero,627 is not
present at feasts or spectacles, is not a party man, and does not intrigue; he
is always in his diocese, where he resides, devotes himself to instructing his
people by preaching and edifying them by his example; spends his wealth
in charity, and wastes away through doing penance; he is strict in the
observance of his duties, but his zeal and piety are like those of the apostles.
Times are changed, and in the present reign he is threatened with a higher
clerical dignity.628
(26.) Persons of a certain position, and members of a profession of great
dignity, to say no more,629 should understand that they are not to gamble,
sing, and be as jocular as other men, so that the world may talk about them;
if they see them so pleasant and agreeable, it will not be believed that they
are elsewhere staid and severe. May we venture to hint that by acting in
such an undignified manner they offend against those polished manners
upon which they pride themselves, and which, on the contrary, modify
outward behaviour and make it suit any condition of life, cause them to
avoid strong contrasts, and never show the same man in these various
shapes as a compound of eccentricity and extravagance.
makes us forget that common sense is found in all climates, and correctness
of thought wherever there are men. We should not like to be so treated by
those we call barbarians; and if some barbarity still exists amongst us, it is
in being amazed on hearing natives of other countries reason like ourselves.
All strangers are not barbarians, nor are all our countrymen civilised; in
like manner every country is not savage,625 nor every town polished. There
exists in Europe, in a large kingdom, a certain place in a maritime province
where the villagers are gentle and affable, and, on the contrary, the
burgesses and the magistrates coarse, with a boorishness inherited from
their ancestors.626
(23.) In spite of our pure language, our neatness in dress, our cultivated
manners, our good laws and fair complexion, we are considered barbarians
by some nations.
(24.) If we should hear it reported of an Eastern nation that they
habitually drink a liquor which flies to their head, drives them mad, and
makes them very sick, we should say they are barbarians.
(25.) This prelate seldom comes to court, lives retired, and is never seen
in the company of ladies: he neither plays grand nor little primero,627 is not
present at feasts or spectacles, is not a party man, and does not intrigue; he
is always in his diocese, where he resides, devotes himself to instructing his
people by preaching and edifying them by his example; spends his wealth
in charity, and wastes away through doing penance; he is strict in the
observance of his duties, but his zeal and piety are like those of the apostles.
Times are changed, and in the present reign he is threatened with a higher
clerical dignity.628
(26.) Persons of a certain position, and members of a profession of great
dignity, to say no more,629 should understand that they are not to gamble,
sing, and be as jocular as other men, so that the world may talk about them;
if they see them so pleasant and agreeable, it will not be believed that they
are elsewhere staid and severe. May we venture to hint that by acting in
such an undignified manner they offend against those polished manners
upon which they pride themselves, and which, on the contrary, modify
outward behaviour and make it suit any condition of life, cause them to
avoid strong contrasts, and never show the same man in these various
shapes as a compound of eccentricity and extravagance.
Page 228
(27.) At a first and single glance we ought not to judge of men as of a
picture or statue; there is an inner man, and a heart to be searched; a veil of
modesty covers merit, and a mask of hypocrisy covers wickedness. Few
there are whose discernment authorises them to decide; it is but gradually,
and even then, perhaps, compelled by time and circumstances, that perfect
virtue or absolute vice show themselves in their true colours.
(28.) A Fragment.... “He said that the intelligence of this fair lady was
like a diamond in a handsome setting,” and, continuing to speak of her, he
added: “Her common sense and agreeable manners charm the eyes and
hearts of all who converse with her, so that they do not know whether to
love or to admire her most; she can be a perfect friend, or produce such an
impression that her admirers feel inclined to transgress the bounds of
friendship. Too young and healthy-looking not to please, but too modest to
affect it, she esteems men only for their merit, and believes she has only
friends; her vivacity and sentiment surprise and interest us, and though she
knows perfectly the delicacies and niceties of conversation, she sometimes
suddenly makes some happy observations, which give a great deal of
pleasure and need not be answered. She speaks to you like one who is not
learned, who is not certain of anything, and wants to be informed; and she
listens to you as a person who knows a great deal, highly values what you
say, and on whom nothing of what you say is lost. Far from pretending to be
witty by contradicting you, and by imitating Elvira, who had rather be
thought sprightly than a woman of sense and sound judgment, she adopts
your thoughts, thinks they are her own, enlarges on them, and embellishes
them; and makes you pleased you have thought so correctly and expressed
yourself better than you believed you did. She shows her contempt for
vanity in her conversation and in her writings, and never employs
witticisms instead of arguments, for she is aware that true eloquence is
always unaffected. If it is to serve any one and to induce you to do the
same, Arténice leaves to Elvira all pretty speeches and literary phraseology,
and only tries to convince you by her sincerity, ardour, and earnestness.
What she likes above everything is reading, as well as conversing with
persons of merit and reputation, and this not so much to be known to them,
as to know them. We may already commend her for all the wisdom she will
have one day, and for all the merit she will have in time to come; her
behaviour is without reproach; she has the best intentions, and principles
which cannot be shaken, and are very useful to those who, like her, are
picture or statue; there is an inner man, and a heart to be searched; a veil of
modesty covers merit, and a mask of hypocrisy covers wickedness. Few
there are whose discernment authorises them to decide; it is but gradually,
and even then, perhaps, compelled by time and circumstances, that perfect
virtue or absolute vice show themselves in their true colours.
(28.) A Fragment.... “He said that the intelligence of this fair lady was
like a diamond in a handsome setting,” and, continuing to speak of her, he
added: “Her common sense and agreeable manners charm the eyes and
hearts of all who converse with her, so that they do not know whether to
love or to admire her most; she can be a perfect friend, or produce such an
impression that her admirers feel inclined to transgress the bounds of
friendship. Too young and healthy-looking not to please, but too modest to
affect it, she esteems men only for their merit, and believes she has only
friends; her vivacity and sentiment surprise and interest us, and though she
knows perfectly the delicacies and niceties of conversation, she sometimes
suddenly makes some happy observations, which give a great deal of
pleasure and need not be answered. She speaks to you like one who is not
learned, who is not certain of anything, and wants to be informed; and she
listens to you as a person who knows a great deal, highly values what you
say, and on whom nothing of what you say is lost. Far from pretending to be
witty by contradicting you, and by imitating Elvira, who had rather be
thought sprightly than a woman of sense and sound judgment, she adopts
your thoughts, thinks they are her own, enlarges on them, and embellishes
them; and makes you pleased you have thought so correctly and expressed
yourself better than you believed you did. She shows her contempt for
vanity in her conversation and in her writings, and never employs
witticisms instead of arguments, for she is aware that true eloquence is
always unaffected. If it is to serve any one and to induce you to do the
same, Arténice leaves to Elvira all pretty speeches and literary phraseology,
and only tries to convince you by her sincerity, ardour, and earnestness.
What she likes above everything is reading, as well as conversing with
persons of merit and reputation, and this not so much to be known to them,
as to know them. We may already commend her for all the wisdom she will
have one day, and for all the merit she will have in time to come; her
behaviour is without reproach; she has the best intentions, and principles
which cannot be shaken, and are very useful to those who, like her, are
Page 229
exposed to be courted and flattered. She rather likes to be alone, without,
however, altogether shunning society, and indeed without even being
inclined to retirement, so that perhaps she wants nothing but opportunities,
or, as some would call it, a large stage for the display of all her qualities.630
(29.) The more natural a handsome woman is, the more amiable she
appears; she loses nothing by being not in full dress, and without any other
ornaments than her beauty and her youth. An artless charm beams on her
countenance and animates every little action, so that there would be less
danger in seeing her adorned in splendid and fashionable apparel. Thus an
honest man is respected for his own sake, independent of any outward
deportment by which he endeavours to give himself a graver appearance
and to make his virtue more apparent. An austere look, an exaggerated
modesty, eccentricity in dress, and a large skull-cap, add nothing to his
probity nor heighten his merit;631 they conceal it, and perhaps make it
appear less pure and ingenuous than it is.
Gravity too affected becomes comical; it is like extremities which join
one another, and of which the centre is dignity; this cannot be called being
grave, but acting the part of a grave man; a person who studies to assume a
serious appearance will never succeed. Either gravity is natural, or there is
no such thing, and it is easier to descend from it than to attain it.
(30.) A man of talent and of good repute, if he is peevish and austere,
frightens young people and gives them a bad opinion of virtue, as they are
afraid it requires too much austerity, and is too tiresome. If, on the contrary,
he is cheerful and easily accessible, his example is instructive to them, for it
teaches them that men may live happy, do a good deal of work, and yet be
serious without giving up decent diversions; he thus is an exemplar they can
follow.
(31.) We should not judge of men by their countenance; but it may serve
to make a guess at their character.
(32.) A clever look in men is the same as regularity of features among
women; it is a kind of beauty which the vainest endeavour to acquire.
(33.) When a man is known to have merit and intelligence, he is never
ugly, however plain he may be; or if even he is ugly, it leaves no bad
impression.632
(34.) A good deal of art is needed to return to nature; a good deal of
time, practice, attention, and labour to dance with the same freedom and
ease we walk with; to sing as we speak; to throw as much vivacity, passion,
however, altogether shunning society, and indeed without even being
inclined to retirement, so that perhaps she wants nothing but opportunities,
or, as some would call it, a large stage for the display of all her qualities.630
(29.) The more natural a handsome woman is, the more amiable she
appears; she loses nothing by being not in full dress, and without any other
ornaments than her beauty and her youth. An artless charm beams on her
countenance and animates every little action, so that there would be less
danger in seeing her adorned in splendid and fashionable apparel. Thus an
honest man is respected for his own sake, independent of any outward
deportment by which he endeavours to give himself a graver appearance
and to make his virtue more apparent. An austere look, an exaggerated
modesty, eccentricity in dress, and a large skull-cap, add nothing to his
probity nor heighten his merit;631 they conceal it, and perhaps make it
appear less pure and ingenuous than it is.
Gravity too affected becomes comical; it is like extremities which join
one another, and of which the centre is dignity; this cannot be called being
grave, but acting the part of a grave man; a person who studies to assume a
serious appearance will never succeed. Either gravity is natural, or there is
no such thing, and it is easier to descend from it than to attain it.
(30.) A man of talent and of good repute, if he is peevish and austere,
frightens young people and gives them a bad opinion of virtue, as they are
afraid it requires too much austerity, and is too tiresome. If, on the contrary,
he is cheerful and easily accessible, his example is instructive to them, for it
teaches them that men may live happy, do a good deal of work, and yet be
serious without giving up decent diversions; he thus is an exemplar they can
follow.
(31.) We should not judge of men by their countenance; but it may serve
to make a guess at their character.
(32.) A clever look in men is the same as regularity of features among
women; it is a kind of beauty which the vainest endeavour to acquire.
(33.) When a man is known to have merit and intelligence, he is never
ugly, however plain he may be; or if even he is ugly, it leaves no bad
impression.632
(34.) A good deal of art is needed to return to nature; a good deal of
time, practice, attention, and labour to dance with the same freedom and
ease we walk with; to sing as we speak; to throw as much vivacity, passion,
Page 230
and persuasion in a studied speech to be publicly delivered as in one which
we sometimes naturally use, without any preparation, and in familiar
conversation.
(35.) They who without sufficient knowledge have a bad opinion of us,
do not wrong us; they do not attack us, but a phantom of their own
imagination.
(36.) Some trifling regulations have to be followed in certain places,
some duties have to be fulfilled at certain times, and some decorum has to
be observed by certain persons, which could not be divined by the most
intelligent people, and which custom teaches without any trouble: we
should, therefore, not condemn men who omit these things, as they have not
been taught them, neither should we decide their characters by the shape of
their nails or the curl of their hair; if we do form such a judgment we shall
soon find out our error.
(37.) I doubt whether it be lawful to judge of some men by a single
fault, or if extreme necessity, a violent passion, or a sudden impulse prove
anything.
(38.) If we wish to know the truth about certain affairs or certain
persons, we should believe the very opposite of the reports circulated about
them.
(39.) Unless we are very firm and pay continual attention to what we
utter, we are liable to say “yes” and “no” about the same thing or person in
an hourʼs time, induced to do this merely by a sociable and friendly
disposition, which naturally leads a person not to contradict men who hold
different opinions.
(40.) A partial man is exposed to frequent mortifications; for it is as
impossible for his favourites always to be happy or wise as for those who
are out of his favour always to be at fault or unfortunate; and, therefore, he
often is put out of countenance either through the failure of his friends, or
some glorious deed done by those whom he dislikes.
(41.) A man liable to be prejudiced who ventures to accept an
ecclesiastical or civil dignity is like a blind man wishing to be an artist, a
dumb man who would be an orator, or a deaf man desiring to judge a
symphony; these are but faint comparisons imperfectly expressing the
wretchedness of prejudice. Besides, prejudice is a desperate and incurable
disease, contaminating all who approach the patient, so that his equals,
inferiors, relatives, friends, and even the doctors abandon him; it is past
we sometimes naturally use, without any preparation, and in familiar
conversation.
(35.) They who without sufficient knowledge have a bad opinion of us,
do not wrong us; they do not attack us, but a phantom of their own
imagination.
(36.) Some trifling regulations have to be followed in certain places,
some duties have to be fulfilled at certain times, and some decorum has to
be observed by certain persons, which could not be divined by the most
intelligent people, and which custom teaches without any trouble: we
should, therefore, not condemn men who omit these things, as they have not
been taught them, neither should we decide their characters by the shape of
their nails or the curl of their hair; if we do form such a judgment we shall
soon find out our error.
(37.) I doubt whether it be lawful to judge of some men by a single
fault, or if extreme necessity, a violent passion, or a sudden impulse prove
anything.
(38.) If we wish to know the truth about certain affairs or certain
persons, we should believe the very opposite of the reports circulated about
them.
(39.) Unless we are very firm and pay continual attention to what we
utter, we are liable to say “yes” and “no” about the same thing or person in
an hourʼs time, induced to do this merely by a sociable and friendly
disposition, which naturally leads a person not to contradict men who hold
different opinions.
(40.) A partial man is exposed to frequent mortifications; for it is as
impossible for his favourites always to be happy or wise as for those who
are out of his favour always to be at fault or unfortunate; and, therefore, he
often is put out of countenance either through the failure of his friends, or
some glorious deed done by those whom he dislikes.
(41.) A man liable to be prejudiced who ventures to accept an
ecclesiastical or civil dignity is like a blind man wishing to be an artist, a
dumb man who would be an orator, or a deaf man desiring to judge a
symphony; these are but faint comparisons imperfectly expressing the
wretchedness of prejudice. Besides, prejudice is a desperate and incurable
disease, contaminating all who approach the patient, so that his equals,
inferiors, relatives, friends, and even the doctors abandon him; it is past
Page 231
their skill to work any cure if they cannot make him confess what is his
disease, and acknowledge that the remedies to heal it are to listen, to doubt,
to inquire, and to examine. Flatterers, rogues, and slanderers, those who
never open their mouths but to lie or to advance their own interests, are the
quacks in whom he trusts, and who make him swallow all they please; they
thus poison and kill him.
(42.) Descartesʼ rule never to decide on the slightest truth before it is
clearly and distinctly understood is sufficiently grand and correct to extend
to the judgment we form of persons.
(43.) Some men have a bad opinion of our intellect, morals, and
manners; but we are well revenged when we see the worthless and base
character of their favourites.
On this principle a man of merit is neglected and a blockhead admired.
(44.) A blockhead is a man without enough intelligence to be a
coxcomb.
(45.) A blockhead thinks a coxcomb a man of merit.
(46.) An impertinent man is an egregious coxcomb; a coxcomb wearies,
bores, disgusts, and repels you; an impertinent man repels, embitters,
irritates, and offends; he begins where the other ends.
A coxcomb is somewhat of an impertinent man and of a blockhead, and
is a medley of both.
(47.) Vices arise from a depraved heart; faults from some defect in our
constitution; ridicule from want of sense.
A ridiculous man is one who, whilst he is so, has the appearance of a
blockhead.
A blockhead is always ridiculous, for that is his character; an intelligent
man may sometimes be ridiculous, but will not be so long.
An error in conduct makes a wise man ridiculous.
Foolishness is a criterion of a blockhead, vanity of a coxcomb, and
impertinence of an impertinent man; ridicule seems sometimes to dwell in
those who are really ridiculous, and sometimes in the imagination of those
who believe they perceive ridicule where it neither is nor can be.
(48.) Coarseness, clownishness, and brutality may be the vices of an
intelligent man.
(49.) A stupid man is a silent blockhead, and is more bearable than a
talkative blockhead.
disease, and acknowledge that the remedies to heal it are to listen, to doubt,
to inquire, and to examine. Flatterers, rogues, and slanderers, those who
never open their mouths but to lie or to advance their own interests, are the
quacks in whom he trusts, and who make him swallow all they please; they
thus poison and kill him.
(42.) Descartesʼ rule never to decide on the slightest truth before it is
clearly and distinctly understood is sufficiently grand and correct to extend
to the judgment we form of persons.
(43.) Some men have a bad opinion of our intellect, morals, and
manners; but we are well revenged when we see the worthless and base
character of their favourites.
On this principle a man of merit is neglected and a blockhead admired.
(44.) A blockhead is a man without enough intelligence to be a
coxcomb.
(45.) A blockhead thinks a coxcomb a man of merit.
(46.) An impertinent man is an egregious coxcomb; a coxcomb wearies,
bores, disgusts, and repels you; an impertinent man repels, embitters,
irritates, and offends; he begins where the other ends.
A coxcomb is somewhat of an impertinent man and of a blockhead, and
is a medley of both.
(47.) Vices arise from a depraved heart; faults from some defect in our
constitution; ridicule from want of sense.
A ridiculous man is one who, whilst he is so, has the appearance of a
blockhead.
A blockhead is always ridiculous, for that is his character; an intelligent
man may sometimes be ridiculous, but will not be so long.
An error in conduct makes a wise man ridiculous.
Foolishness is a criterion of a blockhead, vanity of a coxcomb, and
impertinence of an impertinent man; ridicule seems sometimes to dwell in
those who are really ridiculous, and sometimes in the imagination of those
who believe they perceive ridicule where it neither is nor can be.
(48.) Coarseness, clownishness, and brutality may be the vices of an
intelligent man.
(49.) A stupid man is a silent blockhead, and is more bearable than a
talkative blockhead.
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(50.) What is often a slip of the tongue or a jest from a man of sense is a
blunder when said by a blockhead.
(51.) If a coxcomb would be afraid of saying something not exactly
right he would no longer be a coxcomb.
(52.) One proof of a commonplace intellect is to be always relating
stories.
(53.) A blockhead does not know what to do with himself; a coxcomb is
free, easy, and confident in his manners; an impertinent man becomes
impudent; and merit is always modest.
(54.) A conceited man is one in whom a knowledge of certain details,
dignified by the name of business, is added to a very middling intellect.
One grain of sense and one ounce633 of business more than there are in
a conceited man, make the man of importance.
While people only laugh at a man of importance he has no other name;
but when they begin to complain of him he may be called arrogant.
(55.) A gentleman is between a clever man and an honest man, though
not as distant from the one as from the other.634
The difference between a gentleman and a clever man diminishes each
day, and will soon disappear altogether.
A clever man does not blaze forth his passions, understands his own
interests, sacrifices many things to them, has acquired some wealth, and
knows how to keep it.
A gentleman is not a highwayman, commits no murders, and, in one
word, has no flagrant vices.
It is very well known that an honest man is a gentleman; but it is
comical to think that every gentleman is not an honest man.
An honest man is neither a saint nor a pretender in religion, but has only
confined himself to being virtuous.
(56.) Genius, taste, intelligence, good sense, are all different, but not
incompatible.
Between good sense and good taste there is as much difference as
between cause and effect.
Intelligence is to genius as the whole is in proportion to its part.
(57.) Shall I call a man sensible who only practises one art, or even a
certain science, in which I allow him to be perfect, but beyond that displays
neither judgment, memory, animation, morals, nor manners; does not
understand me; thinks not, and expresses himself badly; a musician, for
blunder when said by a blockhead.
(51.) If a coxcomb would be afraid of saying something not exactly
right he would no longer be a coxcomb.
(52.) One proof of a commonplace intellect is to be always relating
stories.
(53.) A blockhead does not know what to do with himself; a coxcomb is
free, easy, and confident in his manners; an impertinent man becomes
impudent; and merit is always modest.
(54.) A conceited man is one in whom a knowledge of certain details,
dignified by the name of business, is added to a very middling intellect.
One grain of sense and one ounce633 of business more than there are in
a conceited man, make the man of importance.
While people only laugh at a man of importance he has no other name;
but when they begin to complain of him he may be called arrogant.
(55.) A gentleman is between a clever man and an honest man, though
not as distant from the one as from the other.634
The difference between a gentleman and a clever man diminishes each
day, and will soon disappear altogether.
A clever man does not blaze forth his passions, understands his own
interests, sacrifices many things to them, has acquired some wealth, and
knows how to keep it.
A gentleman is not a highwayman, commits no murders, and, in one
word, has no flagrant vices.
It is very well known that an honest man is a gentleman; but it is
comical to think that every gentleman is not an honest man.
An honest man is neither a saint nor a pretender in religion, but has only
confined himself to being virtuous.
(56.) Genius, taste, intelligence, good sense, are all different, but not
incompatible.
Between good sense and good taste there is as much difference as
between cause and effect.
Intelligence is to genius as the whole is in proportion to its part.
(57.) Shall I call a man sensible who only practises one art, or even a
certain science, in which I allow him to be perfect, but beyond that displays
neither judgment, memory, animation, morals, nor manners; does not
understand me; thinks not, and expresses himself badly; a musician, for
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example, who, after he has enraptured me with his harmony, seems to be
shut up with his lute in the same case, and when he is without his
instrument is like a machine taken to pieces, in which there is something
wanting and from which nothing more is to be expected?
Again, what shall I say of a certain talent for playing various games, and
who can define it to me? Is there no need of foresight, shrewdness, or skill
in playing ombre635 or chess? And if there is, how does it happen that we
see men of hardly any intellect excel in these games, and others of great
talent scarcely show moderate ability, and get confused and bewildered
when they have to move a pawn or play a card?
There is something in this world, which, if possible, is still more
difficult to understand. Some person seems dull, heavy, and stupefied; he
knows neither how to speak, nor to relate what he has just seen; but, if he
puts pen to paper, he can tell a tale better than any man; he makes animals,
stones, and trees talk, and everything which does not speak; his works are
light, elegant, natural, and full of delicacy.636
Another is simple, timorous, and tiresome in conversation; he mistakes
one word for another, and judges of the excellence of his work merely by
the money it brings him; he cannot read this work aloud, nor decipher his
own handwriting. But let him compose, and he is not inferior to Augustus,
Pompey, Nicomedes, and Heraclius; he is a king, and a great king, a
politician and a philosopher; he undertakes to make heroes speak and act;
he depicts the Romans, and in his verse they are greater, and more like
Romans, than in their own history.637
Should you like to have an outline of another prodigy? Imagine a man,
easy, gentle, affable, yielding, and then all of a sudden violent, enraged,
furious, and capricious; represent to yourself a man simple, artless,
credulous, sportive, and flighty, a grey-haired child; but let him recollect
himself, or rather give himself up to the genius dwelling within him, and
perhaps quite independent of him and without his knowledge, he will
display rapture, lofty thoughts, splendid imagery, and pure latinity. You may
well ask if I speak of one and the same man? Yes, of Theodas,638 and of no
one else. He shrieks, is quite agitated, rolls on the ground, rises, shouts, and
roars; and yet amidst this whirlwind of words shines forth a brilliant
effulgence which delights us. To speak plainly, he talks like a fool and
thinks like a wise man; he utters truth in a ridiculous way, and sensible and
reasonable sayings in a foolish manner; people are surprised to hear
shut up with his lute in the same case, and when he is without his
instrument is like a machine taken to pieces, in which there is something
wanting and from which nothing more is to be expected?
Again, what shall I say of a certain talent for playing various games, and
who can define it to me? Is there no need of foresight, shrewdness, or skill
in playing ombre635 or chess? And if there is, how does it happen that we
see men of hardly any intellect excel in these games, and others of great
talent scarcely show moderate ability, and get confused and bewildered
when they have to move a pawn or play a card?
There is something in this world, which, if possible, is still more
difficult to understand. Some person seems dull, heavy, and stupefied; he
knows neither how to speak, nor to relate what he has just seen; but, if he
puts pen to paper, he can tell a tale better than any man; he makes animals,
stones, and trees talk, and everything which does not speak; his works are
light, elegant, natural, and full of delicacy.636
Another is simple, timorous, and tiresome in conversation; he mistakes
one word for another, and judges of the excellence of his work merely by
the money it brings him; he cannot read this work aloud, nor decipher his
own handwriting. But let him compose, and he is not inferior to Augustus,
Pompey, Nicomedes, and Heraclius; he is a king, and a great king, a
politician and a philosopher; he undertakes to make heroes speak and act;
he depicts the Romans, and in his verse they are greater, and more like
Romans, than in their own history.637
Should you like to have an outline of another prodigy? Imagine a man,
easy, gentle, affable, yielding, and then all of a sudden violent, enraged,
furious, and capricious; represent to yourself a man simple, artless,
credulous, sportive, and flighty, a grey-haired child; but let him recollect
himself, or rather give himself up to the genius dwelling within him, and
perhaps quite independent of him and without his knowledge, he will
display rapture, lofty thoughts, splendid imagery, and pure latinity. You may
well ask if I speak of one and the same man? Yes, of Theodas,638 and of no
one else. He shrieks, is quite agitated, rolls on the ground, rises, shouts, and
roars; and yet amidst this whirlwind of words shines forth a brilliant
effulgence which delights us. To speak plainly, he talks like a fool and
thinks like a wise man; he utters truth in a ridiculous way, and sensible and
reasonable sayings in a foolish manner; people are surprised to hear
Page 234
common sense arise and bud amidst so much buffoonery, so many grimaces
and contortions. I may say also that he speaks and acts better than he
understands; he has within him, as it were, two souls, which are
unconnected and do not depend on one another, but act each in their turn
and have quite distinct functions. This astonishing picture would want
another touch should I omit to state that he is anxiously craving for praise,
has never enough of it, and is ready to fly at any of his critics, but in reality
is docile enough to profit by their censure. I begin to imagine I have drawn
the portraits of two wholly different persons; and yet to find a third in
Theodas is not quite impossible, for he is kind-hearted, agreeable, and has
excellent qualities.
Next to sound judgment, diamonds and pearls are the rarest things to be
met with.
(58.) One man is well known for his abilities, and is honoured and
cherished wherever he goes, but he is slighted by his household and his own
family, whom he cannot induce to esteem him; another man, on the
contrary, is a prophet in his own country, has a great reputation among his
friends, which does, however, not extend beyond his house, and prides
himself on the rare and singular merit his family—whose idol he is—
believe he is possessed of, but which he leaves at home every time he goes
out, and takes nowhere with him.639
(59.) Every one attacks a man whose reputation is rising; the very
persons he thinks his friends hardly pardon his growing merit, or that early
popularity which seems to give him a share of the renown they already
enjoy; they hold out as long as they can, until the king declares himself in
his favour and rewards him; then they immediately gather in crowds round
him, and only from that day he ranks as a man of merit.
(60.) We often pretend to praise immoderately some men who hardly
deserve it, and to raise them, if it were possible, on a level with those who
are really eminent, either because we are tired of admiring always the same
persons, or because their fame, being divided, is less offensive to behold,
and seems to us less brilliant and easier to be borne.
(61.) We see some men carried along by the propitious gale of favour,
and, in one moment, they lose sight of land, and continue their course;
everything smiles on them, and they are successful in whatever they
undertake; their deeds and their works are extolled and well rewarded, and
when they appear they are caressed and congratulated. A firm rock stands
and contortions. I may say also that he speaks and acts better than he
understands; he has within him, as it were, two souls, which are
unconnected and do not depend on one another, but act each in their turn
and have quite distinct functions. This astonishing picture would want
another touch should I omit to state that he is anxiously craving for praise,
has never enough of it, and is ready to fly at any of his critics, but in reality
is docile enough to profit by their censure. I begin to imagine I have drawn
the portraits of two wholly different persons; and yet to find a third in
Theodas is not quite impossible, for he is kind-hearted, agreeable, and has
excellent qualities.
Next to sound judgment, diamonds and pearls are the rarest things to be
met with.
(58.) One man is well known for his abilities, and is honoured and
cherished wherever he goes, but he is slighted by his household and his own
family, whom he cannot induce to esteem him; another man, on the
contrary, is a prophet in his own country, has a great reputation among his
friends, which does, however, not extend beyond his house, and prides
himself on the rare and singular merit his family—whose idol he is—
believe he is possessed of, but which he leaves at home every time he goes
out, and takes nowhere with him.639
(59.) Every one attacks a man whose reputation is rising; the very
persons he thinks his friends hardly pardon his growing merit, or that early
popularity which seems to give him a share of the renown they already
enjoy; they hold out as long as they can, until the king declares himself in
his favour and rewards him; then they immediately gather in crowds round
him, and only from that day he ranks as a man of merit.
(60.) We often pretend to praise immoderately some men who hardly
deserve it, and to raise them, if it were possible, on a level with those who
are really eminent, either because we are tired of admiring always the same
persons, or because their fame, being divided, is less offensive to behold,
and seems to us less brilliant and easier to be borne.
(61.) We see some men carried along by the propitious gale of favour,
and, in one moment, they lose sight of land, and continue their course;
everything smiles on them, and they are successful in whatever they
undertake; their deeds and their works are extolled and well rewarded, and
when they appear they are caressed and congratulated. A firm rock stands
Page 235
on the coast, and breakers dash against its base; all the blasts of power,
riches, violence, flattery, authority, and favour cannot shake it. The public is
the rock against which these men are dashed to pieces.
(62.) It is usual, and, as it were, natural to judge of other menʼs labour
only by the affinity it bears to our own. Thus a poet, filled with grand and
sublime ideas, does not greatly prize an oratorʼs speech, which is often
merely about simple facts; and a man who writes the history of his native
land cannot understand how any person of sense can spend his whole life in
contriving fictions or hunting after a rhyme; and a divine, immersed in the
study of the first four centuries,640 thinks all other learning and science sad,
idle, and useless, whilst he perhaps is as much despised by a mathematician.
(63.) A man may have intelligence enough to excel in a particular thing
and lecture on it, and yet not have sense enough to know he ought to be
silent on some other subject of which he has but a slight knowledge; if such
an illustrious man ventures beyond the bounds of his capacity, he loses his
way, and talks like a fool.
(64.) Whether Herillus talks, declaims, or writes, he is continually
quoting; he brings in the prince of philosophers641 to tell you that wine will
make you intoxicated, and the Roman orator642 to say that water qualifies it.
When he discourses of morals, it is not he, but the divine Plato who assures
us that virtue is amiable, vice odious, and that both will become habitual.
The most common and well-known things, which he himself might have
thought out, he attributes to the ancients, the Romans and Greeks; it is not
to give more authority to what he says, nor perhaps to get more credit for
learning, but merely for the sake of employing quotations.
(65.) We often pretend that a witticism is our own, and by doing this we
run the risk of destroying its effect; it falls flat, and witty people, or those
who think themselves so, receive it coldly, because they ought to have said
it, and did not. On the contrary, if told as anotherʼs, it would meet with a
better reception; it is but a jest which no one is obliged to know; it is related
in a more insinuating manner, and causes less jealousy; it offends nobody; if
it is amusing it is laughed at, and if excellent is admired.
(66.) Socrates was said to be insane, to be “an intelligent madman;” but
those Greeks who gave such a name to so wise a man passed for madmen
themselves. They exclaimed, “What odd portraits does this philosopher
present us with! What strange and peculiar manners does he describe! In
what dreams did he discover and collect such extraordinary ideas! What
riches, violence, flattery, authority, and favour cannot shake it. The public is
the rock against which these men are dashed to pieces.
(62.) It is usual, and, as it were, natural to judge of other menʼs labour
only by the affinity it bears to our own. Thus a poet, filled with grand and
sublime ideas, does not greatly prize an oratorʼs speech, which is often
merely about simple facts; and a man who writes the history of his native
land cannot understand how any person of sense can spend his whole life in
contriving fictions or hunting after a rhyme; and a divine, immersed in the
study of the first four centuries,640 thinks all other learning and science sad,
idle, and useless, whilst he perhaps is as much despised by a mathematician.
(63.) A man may have intelligence enough to excel in a particular thing
and lecture on it, and yet not have sense enough to know he ought to be
silent on some other subject of which he has but a slight knowledge; if such
an illustrious man ventures beyond the bounds of his capacity, he loses his
way, and talks like a fool.
(64.) Whether Herillus talks, declaims, or writes, he is continually
quoting; he brings in the prince of philosophers641 to tell you that wine will
make you intoxicated, and the Roman orator642 to say that water qualifies it.
When he discourses of morals, it is not he, but the divine Plato who assures
us that virtue is amiable, vice odious, and that both will become habitual.
The most common and well-known things, which he himself might have
thought out, he attributes to the ancients, the Romans and Greeks; it is not
to give more authority to what he says, nor perhaps to get more credit for
learning, but merely for the sake of employing quotations.
(65.) We often pretend that a witticism is our own, and by doing this we
run the risk of destroying its effect; it falls flat, and witty people, or those
who think themselves so, receive it coldly, because they ought to have said
it, and did not. On the contrary, if told as anotherʼs, it would meet with a
better reception; it is but a jest which no one is obliged to know; it is related
in a more insinuating manner, and causes less jealousy; it offends nobody; if
it is amusing it is laughed at, and if excellent is admired.
(66.) Socrates was said to be insane, to be “an intelligent madman;” but
those Greeks who gave such a name to so wise a man passed for madmen
themselves. They exclaimed, “What odd portraits does this philosopher
present us with! What strange and peculiar manners does he describe! In
what dreams did he discover and collect such extraordinary ideas! What
Page 236
colours and what a brush has he! They are only idle fancies!” They were
mistaken—all those monsters and vices were painted from life, so that
people imagined they saw them, and were terrified. Socrates was far from a
cynic; he did not indulge in personalities, but lashed the morals and
manners which were bad.643
(67.) A man who has acquired wealth by his knowledge of the world is
acquainted with a philosopher, and with his precepts, morals, and conduct;
but not imagining that mankind can have any other goal in whatever they do
than the one he marked out for himself during his whole lifetime, he says in
his heart, “I pity this rigid critic; his life has been a failure; he is on a wrong
track, and has lost his way; no wind will ever waft him to a prosperous
harbour of preferment;” and, according to his own principles, he is right in
his arguments.
Antisthius says: “I pardon those I have praised in my works, if they will
forget me, for I did nothing for them, as they deserved to be commended.
But I will not so easily pardon forgetfulness in those whose vices I have
attacked, without touching their persons, if they owe me the invaluable
boon of being amended; but as such an event never happens, it follows that
neither the one nor the other are obliged to make me any return.”
This philosopher continued saying: “People may envy my writings or
refuse them their reward, but they are unable to diminish their reputation;
and if they did, what should hinder me from scorning their opinions?”
(68.) It is a good thing to be a philosopher, but it does not much benefit
a man to be thought one. It will be considered an insult to call any one a
philosopher till the general voice of mankind has declared it otherwise,
given its true meaning to this beautiful word, and granted it all the esteem it
deserves.
(69.) There is a philosophy which raises us above ambition and fortune,
and not only makes us the equals of the rich, the great, and the powerful,
but places us above them; makes us contemn office and those who appoint
to it; exempts us from wishing, asking, praying, soliciting, and begging for
anything, and even restrains our emotion and our excessive exultation when
successful. There is another philosophy which inclines and subjects us to all
these things for the sake of our relatives and friends; and this is the better of
the two.
(70.) It will shorten and rid us of a thousand tedious discussions to take
it for granted that some persons are not capable of talking correctly, and to
mistaken—all those monsters and vices were painted from life, so that
people imagined they saw them, and were terrified. Socrates was far from a
cynic; he did not indulge in personalities, but lashed the morals and
manners which were bad.643
(67.) A man who has acquired wealth by his knowledge of the world is
acquainted with a philosopher, and with his precepts, morals, and conduct;
but not imagining that mankind can have any other goal in whatever they do
than the one he marked out for himself during his whole lifetime, he says in
his heart, “I pity this rigid critic; his life has been a failure; he is on a wrong
track, and has lost his way; no wind will ever waft him to a prosperous
harbour of preferment;” and, according to his own principles, he is right in
his arguments.
Antisthius says: “I pardon those I have praised in my works, if they will
forget me, for I did nothing for them, as they deserved to be commended.
But I will not so easily pardon forgetfulness in those whose vices I have
attacked, without touching their persons, if they owe me the invaluable
boon of being amended; but as such an event never happens, it follows that
neither the one nor the other are obliged to make me any return.”
This philosopher continued saying: “People may envy my writings or
refuse them their reward, but they are unable to diminish their reputation;
and if they did, what should hinder me from scorning their opinions?”
(68.) It is a good thing to be a philosopher, but it does not much benefit
a man to be thought one. It will be considered an insult to call any one a
philosopher till the general voice of mankind has declared it otherwise,
given its true meaning to this beautiful word, and granted it all the esteem it
deserves.
(69.) There is a philosophy which raises us above ambition and fortune,
and not only makes us the equals of the rich, the great, and the powerful,
but places us above them; makes us contemn office and those who appoint
to it; exempts us from wishing, asking, praying, soliciting, and begging for
anything, and even restrains our emotion and our excessive exultation when
successful. There is another philosophy which inclines and subjects us to all
these things for the sake of our relatives and friends; and this is the better of
the two.
(70.) It will shorten and rid us of a thousand tedious discussions to take
it for granted that some persons are not capable of talking correctly, and to
Page 237
condemn all they have said, do say, or will say.
(71.) We only approve in others those qualities in which we imagine
they resemble us; thus, to esteem any one seems to make him an equal of
ourselves.
(72.) The same faults which are dull and unbearable in others are in
their right place when we have them; they do not weigh us down, and are
hardly felt. One man, speaking of another, draws a terrible likeness of him,
and does not in the least imagine that at the same time he is painting
himself.
If we could see the faults in other people, and could be brought to
acknowledge that we possess the same faults, we would more readily
amend them; it is when we are at a right distance from them, and when they
appear what they really are, that we dislike them as much as they deserve.
(73.) A wise manʼs behaviour turns on two pivots, the past and the
future. If he has a good memory and a keen foresight, he runs no danger of
censuring in others what perhaps he has done himself, or of condemning an
action which, in a parallel case, and in like circumstances, he sees it will be
impossible for him to avoid.
(74.) Neither a soldier, a politician, nor a skilful gambler644 create luck,
but they prepare it, allure it, and seem almost to fix it. They not only know
what a fool and a coward ignore, I mean, to make use of luck when it does
come, but by their precautions and measures they know how to take
advantage of a lucky chance, or of several chances together. If a certain deal
or throw succeeds, they gain; if another happens, they also win; and often
profit by one and the same in various ways. These sharp men may be
commended both for their good fortune and prudent conduct, and they
should be rewarded for their luck as other men are for their virtue.
(75.) I place nobody above a great politician but a man who does not
care to become one, and who is more and more convinced that it is not
worth troubling himself about what is going on in the world.
(76.) In the best of counsels there is something to displease us; they are
not our own thoughts; and, therefore, presumption and caprice at first cause
them to be rejected, whilst we only follow them through necessity or after
having reflected.
(77.) This favourite has been wonderfully fortunate during his whole
lifetime; he enjoyed an uninterrupted good fortune, was never in disgrace,
occupied the highest posts, was in the kingʼs confidence, had vast treasures,
(71.) We only approve in others those qualities in which we imagine
they resemble us; thus, to esteem any one seems to make him an equal of
ourselves.
(72.) The same faults which are dull and unbearable in others are in
their right place when we have them; they do not weigh us down, and are
hardly felt. One man, speaking of another, draws a terrible likeness of him,
and does not in the least imagine that at the same time he is painting
himself.
If we could see the faults in other people, and could be brought to
acknowledge that we possess the same faults, we would more readily
amend them; it is when we are at a right distance from them, and when they
appear what they really are, that we dislike them as much as they deserve.
(73.) A wise manʼs behaviour turns on two pivots, the past and the
future. If he has a good memory and a keen foresight, he runs no danger of
censuring in others what perhaps he has done himself, or of condemning an
action which, in a parallel case, and in like circumstances, he sees it will be
impossible for him to avoid.
(74.) Neither a soldier, a politician, nor a skilful gambler644 create luck,
but they prepare it, allure it, and seem almost to fix it. They not only know
what a fool and a coward ignore, I mean, to make use of luck when it does
come, but by their precautions and measures they know how to take
advantage of a lucky chance, or of several chances together. If a certain deal
or throw succeeds, they gain; if another happens, they also win; and often
profit by one and the same in various ways. These sharp men may be
commended both for their good fortune and prudent conduct, and they
should be rewarded for their luck as other men are for their virtue.
(75.) I place nobody above a great politician but a man who does not
care to become one, and who is more and more convinced that it is not
worth troubling himself about what is going on in the world.
(76.) In the best of counsels there is something to displease us; they are
not our own thoughts; and, therefore, presumption and caprice at first cause
them to be rejected, whilst we only follow them through necessity or after
having reflected.
(77.) This favourite has been wonderfully fortunate during his whole
lifetime; he enjoyed an uninterrupted good fortune, was never in disgrace,
occupied the highest posts, was in the kingʼs confidence, had vast treasures,
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perfect health, and died quietly. But what an extraordinary account he will
have to render of a life spent as a favourite, of advice given, of advice
which was not tendered or not listened to, of good deeds omitted, and, on
the contrary, of evil ones committed, either by himself or his instruments; in
a word, of all his prosperity.645
(78.) When we are dead we are praised by those who survive us, though
we frequently have no other merit than that of being no longer alive; the
same commendations serve then for Cato and for Piso.646
“There is a report that Piso is dead; it is a great loss; he was an honest
man, who deserved to live longer; he was intelligent and agreeable, resolute
and courageous, to be depended upon, generous and faithful;” add:
“provided he be really dead.”
(79.) The way in which we exclaim about certain persons being
distinguished for their good faith, disinterestedness, and honesty is not so
much to their praise as to the disrepute of all mankind.
(80.) A certain person relieves the necessitous, but neglects his own
family and leaves his son a beggar; another builds a new house though he
has not paid for the lead of the one finished ten years before; a third makes
presents and is very liberal, but ruins his creditors. I would fain know
whether pity, liberality, and magnificence can be the virtues of a man
without sense, or whether eccentricity and vanity are not rather the causes
of this want of sense.647
(81.) If we wish to be essentially just to others, we should be quick and
not dilatory; to let people wait is to commit an injustice.
Those persons do well, or do their duty, who do what they ought. A man
who allows the world to speak always of him in the future tense, and to say
he will do well, behaves really very badly.
(82.) People say of a great man who has two meals a day, and spends
the rest of his time in digesting what he has eaten, that he starves; all that
they mean to express by this is that he is not rich, or that his affairs are not
very prosperous; the remark about starving might be better applied to his
creditors.
(83.) The culture, good manners, and politeness of persons of either sex,
advanced in years, give me a good opinion of what we call “former
times.”648
(84.) Parents are over-confident in expecting too much from the good
education of their children, and commit a grievous error if they expect
have to render of a life spent as a favourite, of advice given, of advice
which was not tendered or not listened to, of good deeds omitted, and, on
the contrary, of evil ones committed, either by himself or his instruments; in
a word, of all his prosperity.645
(78.) When we are dead we are praised by those who survive us, though
we frequently have no other merit than that of being no longer alive; the
same commendations serve then for Cato and for Piso.646
“There is a report that Piso is dead; it is a great loss; he was an honest
man, who deserved to live longer; he was intelligent and agreeable, resolute
and courageous, to be depended upon, generous and faithful;” add:
“provided he be really dead.”
(79.) The way in which we exclaim about certain persons being
distinguished for their good faith, disinterestedness, and honesty is not so
much to their praise as to the disrepute of all mankind.
(80.) A certain person relieves the necessitous, but neglects his own
family and leaves his son a beggar; another builds a new house though he
has not paid for the lead of the one finished ten years before; a third makes
presents and is very liberal, but ruins his creditors. I would fain know
whether pity, liberality, and magnificence can be the virtues of a man
without sense, or whether eccentricity and vanity are not rather the causes
of this want of sense.647
(81.) If we wish to be essentially just to others, we should be quick and
not dilatory; to let people wait is to commit an injustice.
Those persons do well, or do their duty, who do what they ought. A man
who allows the world to speak always of him in the future tense, and to say
he will do well, behaves really very badly.
(82.) People say of a great man who has two meals a day, and spends
the rest of his time in digesting what he has eaten, that he starves; all that
they mean to express by this is that he is not rich, or that his affairs are not
very prosperous; the remark about starving might be better applied to his
creditors.
(83.) The culture, good manners, and politeness of persons of either sex,
advanced in years, give me a good opinion of what we call “former
times.”648
(84.) Parents are over-confident in expecting too much from the good
education of their children, and commit a grievous error if they expect
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nothing from it and neglect it.
(85.) Were it true, as several persons affirm, that education does not
alter the heart and constitution of man, and that in reality the changes it
produces transform nothing and are merely superficial, yet I would still
maintain that it is beneficial to him.
(86.) He who speaks little has this advantage, that he is presumed to
have some intelligence, and if he really is not deficient in it, it is presumed
to be first-rate.
(87.) To think only of ourselves and of the present time is a source of
error in politics.
(88.) Next to being convicted of a crime, it is often the greatest
misfortune for a man his being accused of having committed one, and being
obliged to clear himself from the charge. He may be acquitted in a court of
justice and yet be found guilty by the voice of the people.649
(89.) One man faithfully observes certain religious duties and discharges
them carefully, yet he is neither commended nor censured, he is not so
much as thought of; another, after ten yearsʼ utter neglect of such duties,
attends again to them and is commended and extolled. Every person has a
right to his own opinion; I, for my part, blame the second man for having so
long neglected those duties, and think his reformation fortunate for himself.
(90.) A flatterer has not a sufficiently good opinion of himself or others.
(91.) Some men are forgotten in the distribution of favours, and we ask
what can be the reason of this; if they had not been forgotten we should
have raised the question why they had received them. Whence proceeds this
dissimilitude? Is it from the character of these persons, or the instability of
our opinions, or rather from both?
(92.) We often hear the question asked, “Who shall be chancellor,
primate,650 pope?” People go even farther, and, according to their own
wishes or caprice, often promote persons more aged and infirm than those
who at present fill certain posts; and as there is no reason why any post
should kill its occupant, but, on the contrary, often makes him young again,
and reinvigorates his body and soul, it is not unusual for an official
personage to outlive his appointed successor.651
(93.) Disgrace extinguishes hatred and jealousy. As soon as a person is
no longer a favourite, and when we do not envy him any more, we admit
that his actions are good, and we can pardon in him any merit and a good
many virtues; he might even be a hero, and not vex us.
(85.) Were it true, as several persons affirm, that education does not
alter the heart and constitution of man, and that in reality the changes it
produces transform nothing and are merely superficial, yet I would still
maintain that it is beneficial to him.
(86.) He who speaks little has this advantage, that he is presumed to
have some intelligence, and if he really is not deficient in it, it is presumed
to be first-rate.
(87.) To think only of ourselves and of the present time is a source of
error in politics.
(88.) Next to being convicted of a crime, it is often the greatest
misfortune for a man his being accused of having committed one, and being
obliged to clear himself from the charge. He may be acquitted in a court of
justice and yet be found guilty by the voice of the people.649
(89.) One man faithfully observes certain religious duties and discharges
them carefully, yet he is neither commended nor censured, he is not so
much as thought of; another, after ten yearsʼ utter neglect of such duties,
attends again to them and is commended and extolled. Every person has a
right to his own opinion; I, for my part, blame the second man for having so
long neglected those duties, and think his reformation fortunate for himself.
(90.) A flatterer has not a sufficiently good opinion of himself or others.
(91.) Some men are forgotten in the distribution of favours, and we ask
what can be the reason of this; if they had not been forgotten we should
have raised the question why they had received them. Whence proceeds this
dissimilitude? Is it from the character of these persons, or the instability of
our opinions, or rather from both?
(92.) We often hear the question asked, “Who shall be chancellor,
primate,650 pope?” People go even farther, and, according to their own
wishes or caprice, often promote persons more aged and infirm than those
who at present fill certain posts; and as there is no reason why any post
should kill its occupant, but, on the contrary, often makes him young again,
and reinvigorates his body and soul, it is not unusual for an official
personage to outlive his appointed successor.651
(93.) Disgrace extinguishes hatred and jealousy. As soon as a person is
no longer a favourite, and when we do not envy him any more, we admit
that his actions are good, and we can pardon in him any merit and a good
many virtues; he might even be a hero, and not vex us.
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Nothing seems right that a man does who has fallen into disgrace; his
virtues and merit are slighted, misinterpreted, or called vices. If he is
courageous, dreads neither fire nor sword, and faces the enemy with as
much bravery as Bayard and Montrevel,652 he is called a “braggadocio,”
and they make fun of him, for there is nothing of the true hero about him.
I contradict myself; I own it; do not blame me, but blame those men
whose judgments I merely give, and who are the very same persons, though
they differ so much and are so variable in their opinions.
(94.) We need not wait twenty years to see a general alter his opinion on
the most serious things as well as on those which appear most certain and
true. I shall not venture to maintain that fire in its own nature, and
independent of our sensations, is void of heat,653 that is to say, nothing like
what we feel in ourselves on approaching it, lest some time or other it may
become as hot as ever it was thought; nor shall I advance that one straight
line falling on another makes two right angles, or two angles equal to two
right angles, for fear something more or less be discovered, and my
proposition be laughed at; nor, to mention something else, shall I say, with
the whole of France, that Vauban is infallible, and that this is an undoubted
fact,654 for who will guarantee me but that in a short time it may be hinted
that even in sieges, in which lies his peculiar pre-eminence, and of which he
is considered the best judge, he does not make some blunders, and is as
liable to mistakes as Antiphilus is?655
(95.) If you believe people who are exasperated against one another, and
swayed by passion, a scholar is a mere sciolist,656 a magistrate a boor or a
pettifogger,657 a financier an extortioner, and a nobleman an upstart; but it
is strange these scurrilous names, invented by anger and hatred, should
become so familiar to us, and that contempt, though cold and inert, should
dare to employ them.
(96.) You agitate yourself, and give yourself a good deal of trouble,
especially when the enemy begins to fly, and the victory is no longer
doubtful, or when a town has capitulated; in a fight or during a siege you
like to be seen everywhere in order to be nowhere; to forestall the orders of
the general for fear of obeying them, and to seek opportunities rather than
to wait for them or receive them. Is your courage a mere pretence?
(97.) Order your soldiers to keep some post where they may be killed,
and where nevertheless they are not killed, and they prove they love both
virtues and merit are slighted, misinterpreted, or called vices. If he is
courageous, dreads neither fire nor sword, and faces the enemy with as
much bravery as Bayard and Montrevel,652 he is called a “braggadocio,”
and they make fun of him, for there is nothing of the true hero about him.
I contradict myself; I own it; do not blame me, but blame those men
whose judgments I merely give, and who are the very same persons, though
they differ so much and are so variable in their opinions.
(94.) We need not wait twenty years to see a general alter his opinion on
the most serious things as well as on those which appear most certain and
true. I shall not venture to maintain that fire in its own nature, and
independent of our sensations, is void of heat,653 that is to say, nothing like
what we feel in ourselves on approaching it, lest some time or other it may
become as hot as ever it was thought; nor shall I advance that one straight
line falling on another makes two right angles, or two angles equal to two
right angles, for fear something more or less be discovered, and my
proposition be laughed at; nor, to mention something else, shall I say, with
the whole of France, that Vauban is infallible, and that this is an undoubted
fact,654 for who will guarantee me but that in a short time it may be hinted
that even in sieges, in which lies his peculiar pre-eminence, and of which he
is considered the best judge, he does not make some blunders, and is as
liable to mistakes as Antiphilus is?655
(95.) If you believe people who are exasperated against one another, and
swayed by passion, a scholar is a mere sciolist,656 a magistrate a boor or a
pettifogger,657 a financier an extortioner, and a nobleman an upstart; but it
is strange these scurrilous names, invented by anger and hatred, should
become so familiar to us, and that contempt, though cold and inert, should
dare to employ them.
(96.) You agitate yourself, and give yourself a good deal of trouble,
especially when the enemy begins to fly, and the victory is no longer
doubtful, or when a town has capitulated; in a fight or during a siege you
like to be seen everywhere in order to be nowhere; to forestall the orders of
the general for fear of obeying them, and to seek opportunities rather than
to wait for them or receive them. Is your courage a mere pretence?
(97.) Order your soldiers to keep some post where they may be killed,
and where nevertheless they are not killed, and they prove they love both
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honour and life.
(98.) Can we imagine that men who are so fond of life should love
anything better, and that glory, which they prefer to life, is often no more
than an opinion of themselves, entertained by a thousand people whom
either they do not know or do not esteem?658
(99.) Some persons who are neither soldiers nor courtiers make a
campaign and follow the court; they do not assist in besieging a town, but
are merely spectators,659 and are soon cured of their curiosity about a
fortified place, however wonderful; about trenches; the effects of shells and
cannon, about surprises, and the order and success of an attack of which
they catch a mere glimpse. The place holds out, bad weather comes on,
fatigues increase, the mud has to be waded through, and the seasons have to
be encountered as well as the enemy; the lines may be forced, and we may
find ourselves between the town and an army, and reduced to dire
extremities. The besiegers lose heart, begin to murmur, and ask if the
raising of the siege will be of such great consequence, and if the safety of
the State depends on one citadel. They further add “that the heavens
themselves declare against them; and that it is best to submit, and put off
the siege until another season.” They no longer understand the firmness,
and, if they may say so, the obstinacy of the general, who is not to be
overcome by obstacles, but is stimulated by the difficulty of his
undertaking, and watches by night and exposes his life by day to
accomplish his design. But as soon as the enemy has capitulated, the very
men who lost heart boast of the importance of the conquest, foretell the
consequences it will have, exaggerate the necessity there was in
undertaking it, as well as the danger and shame there would have been in
raising it, and prove that the army opposed to the enemy was invincible.660
They return with the court, and as they pass through the towns and
villages, are proud to be looked upon by the inhabitants, who are all at their
windows, as the very men who took the place; thus they triumph all along
the road and fancy themselves very courageous. When they are home again
they deafen you with flanks, redans, ravelins, counter breastworks,661
curtains, and covert-ways; give you an account of the spots where curiosity
led them, and where it was pretty dangerous, and of the risks they ran on
returning of being killed or made prisoners; but they do not say one word
about the mortal terror they were in.
(98.) Can we imagine that men who are so fond of life should love
anything better, and that glory, which they prefer to life, is often no more
than an opinion of themselves, entertained by a thousand people whom
either they do not know or do not esteem?658
(99.) Some persons who are neither soldiers nor courtiers make a
campaign and follow the court; they do not assist in besieging a town, but
are merely spectators,659 and are soon cured of their curiosity about a
fortified place, however wonderful; about trenches; the effects of shells and
cannon, about surprises, and the order and success of an attack of which
they catch a mere glimpse. The place holds out, bad weather comes on,
fatigues increase, the mud has to be waded through, and the seasons have to
be encountered as well as the enemy; the lines may be forced, and we may
find ourselves between the town and an army, and reduced to dire
extremities. The besiegers lose heart, begin to murmur, and ask if the
raising of the siege will be of such great consequence, and if the safety of
the State depends on one citadel. They further add “that the heavens
themselves declare against them; and that it is best to submit, and put off
the siege until another season.” They no longer understand the firmness,
and, if they may say so, the obstinacy of the general, who is not to be
overcome by obstacles, but is stimulated by the difficulty of his
undertaking, and watches by night and exposes his life by day to
accomplish his design. But as soon as the enemy has capitulated, the very
men who lost heart boast of the importance of the conquest, foretell the
consequences it will have, exaggerate the necessity there was in
undertaking it, as well as the danger and shame there would have been in
raising it, and prove that the army opposed to the enemy was invincible.660
They return with the court, and as they pass through the towns and
villages, are proud to be looked upon by the inhabitants, who are all at their
windows, as the very men who took the place; thus they triumph all along
the road and fancy themselves very courageous. When they are home again
they deafen you with flanks, redans, ravelins, counter breastworks,661
curtains, and covert-ways; give you an account of the spots where curiosity
led them, and where it was pretty dangerous, and of the risks they ran on
returning of being killed or made prisoners; but they do not say one word
about the mortal terror they were in.
Page 242
(100.) It is no great disadvantage for a speaker to stop short in the
middle of a sermon or a speech; it does not deprive him of his intelligence,
good sense, imagination, morals, and learning; it robs him of nothing; but it
is very surprising that, though it is considered more or less disgraceful and
ridiculous, some men will expose themselves to so great a risk by tedious
and often unprofitable discourses.
(101.) Those who make the worst use of their time are the first to
complain of its brevity; as they waste it in dressing themselves, in eating
and sleeping, in foolish conversations, in making up their minds what to do,
and, generally, in doing nothing at all, they want some more for their
business or for their pleasures, whilst those who make the best use of it
have some to spare.
There is no minister of State so busy but he knows he loses two hours
every day, which amounts to a great deal in a long life; and if this waste is
still greater among other conditions of men, what a large loss is there of
what is most precious in this world, and of which every one complains he
has not enough.
(102.) There exist some of Godʼs creatures called men, who have a
spiritual soul, and who spend their whole lives in the sawing of marble, and
devote all their attention to it; this is a very humble business and of not
much consequence; there are other people who are astonished at this, yet
who are of no use whatever, and spend their days in doing nothing, which is
inferior to sawing marble.
(103.) Most men are so oblivious of their souls, and act and live in such
a manner, that to them it seems to be of no use whatever; we therefore deem
it no small commendation of any man to say he thinks; this has become a
common eulogy, and yet it places a man only above a dog or a horse.
(104.) “How do you amuse yourself? How do you pass your time?”
fools and clever people ask you. If I answer, in opening my eyes, in seeing,
hearing, and understanding, in enjoying health, rest, and freedom, that is
nothing; the solid, the great, and the only advantages of life are of no
account. “I gamble, I intrigue,” are the answers they expect.
Is it good for a man to have too great and extensive a freedom, which
only induces him to wish for something else, which would be to have less
liberty?
Liberty is not indolence; it is a free use of time; it is to choose our
labour and our relaxation; in one word, to be free is not to do nothing, but to
middle of a sermon or a speech; it does not deprive him of his intelligence,
good sense, imagination, morals, and learning; it robs him of nothing; but it
is very surprising that, though it is considered more or less disgraceful and
ridiculous, some men will expose themselves to so great a risk by tedious
and often unprofitable discourses.
(101.) Those who make the worst use of their time are the first to
complain of its brevity; as they waste it in dressing themselves, in eating
and sleeping, in foolish conversations, in making up their minds what to do,
and, generally, in doing nothing at all, they want some more for their
business or for their pleasures, whilst those who make the best use of it
have some to spare.
There is no minister of State so busy but he knows he loses two hours
every day, which amounts to a great deal in a long life; and if this waste is
still greater among other conditions of men, what a large loss is there of
what is most precious in this world, and of which every one complains he
has not enough.
(102.) There exist some of Godʼs creatures called men, who have a
spiritual soul, and who spend their whole lives in the sawing of marble, and
devote all their attention to it; this is a very humble business and of not
much consequence; there are other people who are astonished at this, yet
who are of no use whatever, and spend their days in doing nothing, which is
inferior to sawing marble.
(103.) Most men are so oblivious of their souls, and act and live in such
a manner, that to them it seems to be of no use whatever; we therefore deem
it no small commendation of any man to say he thinks; this has become a
common eulogy, and yet it places a man only above a dog or a horse.
(104.) “How do you amuse yourself? How do you pass your time?”
fools and clever people ask you. If I answer, in opening my eyes, in seeing,
hearing, and understanding, in enjoying health, rest, and freedom, that is
nothing; the solid, the great, and the only advantages of life are of no
account. “I gamble, I intrigue,” are the answers they expect.
Is it good for a man to have too great and extensive a freedom, which
only induces him to wish for something else, which would be to have less
liberty?
Liberty is not indolence; it is a free use of time; it is to choose our
labour and our relaxation; in one word, to be free is not to do nothing, but to
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be the sole judge of what we wish to do and to leave undone; in this sense
liberty is a great boon.
(105.) Cæsar was not too old to think of conquering the entire world; his
sole happiness was to lead a noble life and to leave behind him a great
name; being naturally proud and ambitious, and enjoying robust health, he
could not better employ his time than in subjugating all nations. Alexander
was very young for so serious a design; it is surprising that women or wine
did not sooner ruin the undertaking of a man of such tender years.662
(106.) A young prince, of an august race,663 the love and hope of his
people, granted by Heaven to prolong the felicity of this earth, greater than
his ancestors, the son of a hero who is his exemplar, has by his divine
qualities and anticipated virtues already convinced the universe that the
sons of heroes are nearer being so than other men.664
(107.) If the world is only to last a hundred million years, it is still in all
its freshness, and has but just begun; we ourselves are so near the first men
and the patriarchs, that remote ages will not fail to reckon us among them.
But if we may judge of what is to come by what is past, what new things
will spring up in arts, sciences, in nature, and, I venture to say, even in
history, which are as yet unknown to us! What discoveries will be made!
What various revolutions will happen in states and empires! What
ignorance must be ours, and how slight is an experience of not above six or
seven thousand years!
(108.) No way is too tedious for him who travels slowly and without
being in a hurry; no advantages are too remote for those who have patience.
(109.) To court nobody, and not to expect to be courted by any one, is a
happy condition, a golden age, and the most natural state of man.665
(110.) Those who follow courts or live in towns only care for the world;
but those who dwell in the country care for nature, for they alone live, or at
least know that they live.
(111.) Why this coldness, and why do you complain of some
expressions which escaped me about some of our young courtiers? You are
not vicious, Thrasyllus? If you are, it is unknown to me; but you yourself
tell me so; what I do know is that you are no longer young.
You are personally offended at what I said of some great men, but you
should not cry out when other people are hurt. Are you haughty, wicked, a
buffoon, a flatterer, or a hypocrite? I protest I was ignorant of it, and did not
think of you; I was speaking of men of high rank.
liberty is a great boon.
(105.) Cæsar was not too old to think of conquering the entire world; his
sole happiness was to lead a noble life and to leave behind him a great
name; being naturally proud and ambitious, and enjoying robust health, he
could not better employ his time than in subjugating all nations. Alexander
was very young for so serious a design; it is surprising that women or wine
did not sooner ruin the undertaking of a man of such tender years.662
(106.) A young prince, of an august race,663 the love and hope of his
people, granted by Heaven to prolong the felicity of this earth, greater than
his ancestors, the son of a hero who is his exemplar, has by his divine
qualities and anticipated virtues already convinced the universe that the
sons of heroes are nearer being so than other men.664
(107.) If the world is only to last a hundred million years, it is still in all
its freshness, and has but just begun; we ourselves are so near the first men
and the patriarchs, that remote ages will not fail to reckon us among them.
But if we may judge of what is to come by what is past, what new things
will spring up in arts, sciences, in nature, and, I venture to say, even in
history, which are as yet unknown to us! What discoveries will be made!
What various revolutions will happen in states and empires! What
ignorance must be ours, and how slight is an experience of not above six or
seven thousand years!
(108.) No way is too tedious for him who travels slowly and without
being in a hurry; no advantages are too remote for those who have patience.
(109.) To court nobody, and not to expect to be courted by any one, is a
happy condition, a golden age, and the most natural state of man.665
(110.) Those who follow courts or live in towns only care for the world;
but those who dwell in the country care for nature, for they alone live, or at
least know that they live.
(111.) Why this coldness, and why do you complain of some
expressions which escaped me about some of our young courtiers? You are
not vicious, Thrasyllus? If you are, it is unknown to me; but you yourself
tell me so; what I do know is that you are no longer young.
You are personally offended at what I said of some great men, but you
should not cry out when other people are hurt. Are you haughty, wicked, a
buffoon, a flatterer, or a hypocrite? I protest I was ignorant of it, and did not
think of you; I was speaking of men of high rank.
Page 244
(112.) Moderation and a certain prudent behaviour leave men unknown;
in order to be known and admired they must have great virtues, or perhaps
great vices.
(113.) Whether men are of a superior or of an inferior condition, as soon
as they are successful, their fellow-men are prejudiced in their favour,
delighted and in raptures; a crime which has not failed is almost as much
commended as real virtue, and luck supplies the place of all qualities; it
must be an atrocious action, a foul and nefarious attempt indeed, which
success cannot justify.666
(114.) Men, led away by fair appearances and specious pretences, are
easily induced to like and approve an ambitious scheme contrived by some
great man; they speak feelingly of it; its boldness or novelty pleases them; it
is already familiar to them, and they expect naught but its success. But
should it happen to miscarry, they confidently, and without any regard for
their former judgment, decide that the plan was rash and could never
succeed.667
(115.) Certain designs are of such great splendour and of such enormous
consequence, that people talk about them for a long time; that they lead
nations to fear or to hope, according to their various interests, and that a
man stakes his glory and his entire fortune on them. After appearing on the
worldʼs stage with such pomp he cannot slink away in silence; whatever
terrible dangers he foresees will be the consequences of his undertaking; he
must commence it; the smallest evil he has to expect will be a failure.
(116.) You cannot make a great man of a wicked man; you may
commend his plans and contrivances, admire his conduct, extol his skill in
employing the surest and shortest means to obtain his end; but if his
purpose be bad, prudence has no share in it, and where prudence is wanting
no greatness can ever exist.
(117.) An enemy is dead who was at the head of a formidable army, and
intended to cross the Rhine; he understood the art of war, and his
experience might have been seconded by fortune. What bonfires were lit,
and what rejoicings took place! But there are other men, naturally odious,
who are disliked by every one; it is therefore not on account of their
success, nor because people fear they might be successful, that the voice of
the public is lifted up, and that the very childrenʼs hearts leap for joy as
soon as it is rumoured abroad that the earth is at length rid of them.668
in order to be known and admired they must have great virtues, or perhaps
great vices.
(113.) Whether men are of a superior or of an inferior condition, as soon
as they are successful, their fellow-men are prejudiced in their favour,
delighted and in raptures; a crime which has not failed is almost as much
commended as real virtue, and luck supplies the place of all qualities; it
must be an atrocious action, a foul and nefarious attempt indeed, which
success cannot justify.666
(114.) Men, led away by fair appearances and specious pretences, are
easily induced to like and approve an ambitious scheme contrived by some
great man; they speak feelingly of it; its boldness or novelty pleases them; it
is already familiar to them, and they expect naught but its success. But
should it happen to miscarry, they confidently, and without any regard for
their former judgment, decide that the plan was rash and could never
succeed.667
(115.) Certain designs are of such great splendour and of such enormous
consequence, that people talk about them for a long time; that they lead
nations to fear or to hope, according to their various interests, and that a
man stakes his glory and his entire fortune on them. After appearing on the
worldʼs stage with such pomp he cannot slink away in silence; whatever
terrible dangers he foresees will be the consequences of his undertaking; he
must commence it; the smallest evil he has to expect will be a failure.
(116.) You cannot make a great man of a wicked man; you may
commend his plans and contrivances, admire his conduct, extol his skill in
employing the surest and shortest means to obtain his end; but if his
purpose be bad, prudence has no share in it, and where prudence is wanting
no greatness can ever exist.
(117.) An enemy is dead who was at the head of a formidable army, and
intended to cross the Rhine; he understood the art of war, and his
experience might have been seconded by fortune. What bonfires were lit,
and what rejoicings took place! But there are other men, naturally odious,
who are disliked by every one; it is therefore not on account of their
success, nor because people fear they might be successful, that the voice of
the public is lifted up, and that the very childrenʼs hearts leap for joy as
soon as it is rumoured abroad that the earth is at length rid of them.668
Page 245
(118.) “O times! O morals!”669 exclaims Heraclitus.670 “O unfortunate
age, rich in bad examples, when virtue is persecuted and crime is
predominant and triumphant!” I will turn a Lycaon or an Ægistheus,671 for I
can never meet with a better opportunity nor a more favourable
conjuncture; if, at least, I desire to be prosperous and to flourish. A certain
personage672 says, “I will cross the sea; I will dispossess my father of his
patrimony; I will drive him, his wife, and his heir from their territory and
kingdom;” and he not only says it but does it. What he had reason to dread
was the resentment of many kings, insulted in the person of one monarch.
But they side with him; they almost have said to him: “Cross the sea, rob
your father; and let the entire world witness how a king can be driven from
his kingdom, as if he were a petty lord turned out from his castle, or a
farmer from his farm; show them that there is no longer any difference
between private persons and ourselves. We are tired of these distinctions;
teach the world that the nations whom God has placed underneath our feet
may abandon us, betray us, and give us up, and themselves as well, into the
hands of the stranger, and that they have less to fear from us than we have
to dread them and their power.”673 What person can behold such a sad
scene without shedding tears or being deeply moved! Every office has its
privileges, and every official speaks, pleads, and agitates to defend them;
the royal dignity alone enjoys no longer such privileges, and the kings
themselves have renounced them. Only one among them, ever kind-hearted
and magnanimous, opens his arms to receive an unhappy family;674 all the
others league themselves against him as if to avenge the assistance he lends
to a cause which is theirs as well; spite and jealousy have more weight with
them than considerations for their honour, religion, and rule, and even than
domestic and personal interests; they do not perceive that, I will not say
their election, but their very succession, and even their hereditary rights are
at stake. Finally, in every one of them personal feelings prevail over those
of a sovereign. One prince was going to set Europe free, and free himself as
well from an ominous enemy; he was just on the point of reaping the glory
of having destroyed a mighty empire when he abandoned his plan, and
joined in a war in which success is far from certain.675 Those rulers who by
virtue of their position are arbitrators and mediators temporise; and when
they could already have interfered and done some good, they only promise
they will do so.676 “O shepherds,” continues Heraclitus, “O ye rustics who
age, rich in bad examples, when virtue is persecuted and crime is
predominant and triumphant!” I will turn a Lycaon or an Ægistheus,671 for I
can never meet with a better opportunity nor a more favourable
conjuncture; if, at least, I desire to be prosperous and to flourish. A certain
personage672 says, “I will cross the sea; I will dispossess my father of his
patrimony; I will drive him, his wife, and his heir from their territory and
kingdom;” and he not only says it but does it. What he had reason to dread
was the resentment of many kings, insulted in the person of one monarch.
But they side with him; they almost have said to him: “Cross the sea, rob
your father; and let the entire world witness how a king can be driven from
his kingdom, as if he were a petty lord turned out from his castle, or a
farmer from his farm; show them that there is no longer any difference
between private persons and ourselves. We are tired of these distinctions;
teach the world that the nations whom God has placed underneath our feet
may abandon us, betray us, and give us up, and themselves as well, into the
hands of the stranger, and that they have less to fear from us than we have
to dread them and their power.”673 What person can behold such a sad
scene without shedding tears or being deeply moved! Every office has its
privileges, and every official speaks, pleads, and agitates to defend them;
the royal dignity alone enjoys no longer such privileges, and the kings
themselves have renounced them. Only one among them, ever kind-hearted
and magnanimous, opens his arms to receive an unhappy family;674 all the
others league themselves against him as if to avenge the assistance he lends
to a cause which is theirs as well; spite and jealousy have more weight with
them than considerations for their honour, religion, and rule, and even than
domestic and personal interests; they do not perceive that, I will not say
their election, but their very succession, and even their hereditary rights are
at stake. Finally, in every one of them personal feelings prevail over those
of a sovereign. One prince was going to set Europe free, and free himself as
well from an ominous enemy; he was just on the point of reaping the glory
of having destroyed a mighty empire when he abandoned his plan, and
joined in a war in which success is far from certain.675 Those rulers who by
virtue of their position are arbitrators and mediators temporise; and when
they could already have interfered and done some good, they only promise
they will do so.676 “O shepherds,” continues Heraclitus, “O ye rustics who
Page 246
dwell in hovels and cottages; if the course of events does not affect you, if
your hearts are not pierced by the malice of men, if man is no longer
mentioned among you, but foxes and lynxes are the only subjects of your
conversation, allow me to dwell with you, to appease my hunger with your
black bread, and to quench my thirst with the water from your wells.”
WILLIAM III
(119.) Ye little men, only six feet high, or at most seven, who, as soon as
you have reached eight feet, are to be seen for money in booths at the fairs,
as giants and wonders; who, without blushing, give yourselves the titles of
your hearts are not pierced by the malice of men, if man is no longer
mentioned among you, but foxes and lynxes are the only subjects of your
conversation, allow me to dwell with you, to appease my hunger with your
black bread, and to quench my thirst with the water from your wells.”
WILLIAM III
(119.) Ye little men, only six feet high, or at most seven, who, as soon as
you have reached eight feet, are to be seen for money in booths at the fairs,
as giants and wonders; who, without blushing, give yourselves the titles of
Page 247
“highnesses” and “eminences,” which is the utmost that can be granted to
those mountain-tops so near the sky that they see the clouds form
underneath them; ye haughty, vain-glorious animals who despise all other
creatures, and who cannot even be compared to an elephant or a whale,
draw near, ye men, and answer Democritus. Do you not commonly speak of
“hungry wolves, furious lions, and mischievous monkeys?” Pray, who are
you? “Man is a rational creature” is continually dinned in my ears. Who
gave you this appellation? Did the wolves, or the lions, or the monkeys do
so, or did you take it yourselves? It is already very ridiculous that you
should bestow on animals, your fellow-creatures, all the bad epithets, and
take the best for yourselves; leave it to them to give names, and you will see
that they will not forget themselves, and how you will be treated. I do not
mention, O men, your frivolities, your follies and caprices, which place you
lower than the mole or the tortoise, who wisely move along quietly and
follow invariably their own natural instinct; but listen to me for a moment:
You say of a goshawk if it be very swift-winged and swoops well down on a
partridge, that it is a good bird; of a greyhound following a hare very close
and catching it, that it is a first-rate dog; it is also quite right that you should
say of a man who hunts the wild boar, brings it to bay, walks up to it and
kills it with a spear, that he is a courageous man. But if you see two dogs
barking at each other, provoke, bite, and tear one another to pieces, you say
they are foolish creatures, and take a stick to part them. If any one should
come and tell you that all the cats of a large country met in a plain in their
thousands and tens of thousands, and that after they had squalled to their
heartsʼ content they had fallen upon each other tooth and nail; that about ten
thousand of them had been left dead on the spot and infected the air for ten
leagues round with their evil-smelling carcasses; would you not say that it
was the most disgraceful row you ever heard? And if the wolves acted in
the same way, what a butchery would there be, and what howls would be
heard! Now, if these two kind of animals were to tell you they love glory,
would you come to the conclusion that this glory consists in their meeting
together in such a way to destroy and annihilate their own species; and if
you have come to such a conclusion, would you not laugh heartily at the
folly of these poor animals? Like rational creatures, and to distinguish
yourselves from those which only make use of their teeth and claws, you
have invented spears, pikes, darts, sabres, and scimitars, and, in my opinion,
very judiciously; for what could you have done to one another merely with
those mountain-tops so near the sky that they see the clouds form
underneath them; ye haughty, vain-glorious animals who despise all other
creatures, and who cannot even be compared to an elephant or a whale,
draw near, ye men, and answer Democritus. Do you not commonly speak of
“hungry wolves, furious lions, and mischievous monkeys?” Pray, who are
you? “Man is a rational creature” is continually dinned in my ears. Who
gave you this appellation? Did the wolves, or the lions, or the monkeys do
so, or did you take it yourselves? It is already very ridiculous that you
should bestow on animals, your fellow-creatures, all the bad epithets, and
take the best for yourselves; leave it to them to give names, and you will see
that they will not forget themselves, and how you will be treated. I do not
mention, O men, your frivolities, your follies and caprices, which place you
lower than the mole or the tortoise, who wisely move along quietly and
follow invariably their own natural instinct; but listen to me for a moment:
You say of a goshawk if it be very swift-winged and swoops well down on a
partridge, that it is a good bird; of a greyhound following a hare very close
and catching it, that it is a first-rate dog; it is also quite right that you should
say of a man who hunts the wild boar, brings it to bay, walks up to it and
kills it with a spear, that he is a courageous man. But if you see two dogs
barking at each other, provoke, bite, and tear one another to pieces, you say
they are foolish creatures, and take a stick to part them. If any one should
come and tell you that all the cats of a large country met in a plain in their
thousands and tens of thousands, and that after they had squalled to their
heartsʼ content they had fallen upon each other tooth and nail; that about ten
thousand of them had been left dead on the spot and infected the air for ten
leagues round with their evil-smelling carcasses; would you not say that it
was the most disgraceful row you ever heard? And if the wolves acted in
the same way, what a butchery would there be, and what howls would be
heard! Now, if these two kind of animals were to tell you they love glory,
would you come to the conclusion that this glory consists in their meeting
together in such a way to destroy and annihilate their own species; and if
you have come to such a conclusion, would you not laugh heartily at the
folly of these poor animals? Like rational creatures, and to distinguish
yourselves from those which only make use of their teeth and claws, you
have invented spears, pikes, darts, sabres, and scimitars, and, in my opinion,
very judiciously; for what could you have done to one another merely with
Page 248
your hands, except tearing your hair, scratching your faces, and, at best,
gouging one anotherʼs eyes out; whilst now you are provided with
convenient instruments for making large wounds and for letting out the
utmost drop of your blood, without there being any fear of your remaining
alive? But as you grow more rational from year to year, you have greatly
improved the old fashion of destroying yourselves; you use certain little
globes677 which kill at once, if they but hit you on the head or chest; you
have other globes, heavier and more massive,678 which cleverly cut you in
two or disembowel you, without counting those falling on your roof,679
breaking through the floors from the garret to the cellar, which they destroy,
and blowing up your wife who is lying-in, and the child, the nurse, and the
house as well. And yet this is glory, which delights in all this hurly-burly
and mighty hubbub! You have also defensive arms, and according to the
rules and regulations, when waging war, you should put on a suit of iron, no
doubt a pretty becoming dress, which always puts me in mind of those four
famous fleas, formerly shown by a cunning artist, a quack, who knew how
to keep them alive in a glass phial; each of those little animals wore a
helmet, their bodies were covered by a breastplate; they had vambraces,
knee-pieces, and a spear at their side; their accoutrements were quite
perfect, and thus they skipped and jumped about in their bottle. Fancy a
man of the size of Mount Athos,680 and why not? Would a soul be puzzled
to animate such a body, for it would have plenty of room to move about in?
If such a manʼs sight were piercing enough to discover you somewhere
upon earth, with your offensive and defensive arms, what do you think
would be his opinion of a parcel of little marmosets thus equipped, and of
what you call war, cavalry, infantry, a memorable siege, a famous battle?
Shall I never hear any other sound buzz in my ears? Is the world only filled
with regiments and companies? Has everything been changed to battalions
and squadrons?—He takes a town, then a second, then a third; he wins a
battle, two battles, he drives away the enemy, he conquers by sea, by land.
—Do you say these things of one of you, or of a giant, a Mount Athos?
There is a remarkable man amongst you, pale and livid,681 with not ten
ounces of flesh on his bones, and who would be blown down by the least
gust of wind, one would think, and yet he makes more noise than half-a-
dozen men, and sets everything in a blaze; he has just now been fishing in
troubled waters, and caught a whole island at once; in another place, it is
gouging one anotherʼs eyes out; whilst now you are provided with
convenient instruments for making large wounds and for letting out the
utmost drop of your blood, without there being any fear of your remaining
alive? But as you grow more rational from year to year, you have greatly
improved the old fashion of destroying yourselves; you use certain little
globes677 which kill at once, if they but hit you on the head or chest; you
have other globes, heavier and more massive,678 which cleverly cut you in
two or disembowel you, without counting those falling on your roof,679
breaking through the floors from the garret to the cellar, which they destroy,
and blowing up your wife who is lying-in, and the child, the nurse, and the
house as well. And yet this is glory, which delights in all this hurly-burly
and mighty hubbub! You have also defensive arms, and according to the
rules and regulations, when waging war, you should put on a suit of iron, no
doubt a pretty becoming dress, which always puts me in mind of those four
famous fleas, formerly shown by a cunning artist, a quack, who knew how
to keep them alive in a glass phial; each of those little animals wore a
helmet, their bodies were covered by a breastplate; they had vambraces,
knee-pieces, and a spear at their side; their accoutrements were quite
perfect, and thus they skipped and jumped about in their bottle. Fancy a
man of the size of Mount Athos,680 and why not? Would a soul be puzzled
to animate such a body, for it would have plenty of room to move about in?
If such a manʼs sight were piercing enough to discover you somewhere
upon earth, with your offensive and defensive arms, what do you think
would be his opinion of a parcel of little marmosets thus equipped, and of
what you call war, cavalry, infantry, a memorable siege, a famous battle?
Shall I never hear any other sound buzz in my ears? Is the world only filled
with regiments and companies? Has everything been changed to battalions
and squadrons?—He takes a town, then a second, then a third; he wins a
battle, two battles, he drives away the enemy, he conquers by sea, by land.
—Do you say these things of one of you, or of a giant, a Mount Athos?
There is a remarkable man amongst you, pale and livid,681 with not ten
ounces of flesh on his bones, and who would be blown down by the least
gust of wind, one would think, and yet he makes more noise than half-a-
dozen men, and sets everything in a blaze; he has just now been fishing in
troubled waters, and caught a whole island at once; in another place, it is
Page 249
true, he is beaten and pursued, but escapes into the bogs,682 and will
hearken neither to peace nor to truce. He began betimes to show what he
could do, and so severely bit his nurseʼs breast683 that the poor woman died
of it; I know what I mean, and that is sufficient. To conclude: he was born a
subject and is no longer one; on the contrary, he is now the master, and
those whom he has overcome and brought under his yoke are harnessed to
the plough and till the ground with might and main; those good people seem
even afraid of being unyoked one day and of becoming free, for they have
pulled out the thong and lengthened the handle of the whip of the man who
drives them; they forget nothing that can increase their slavery; they let him
cross the water so that he may get new vassals and acquire fresh territories;
and to succeed in this he has, it is true, only to take his father and mother by
the shoulders and throw them out of doors, and they aid him in this virtuous
undertaking. The people on this side and that side of the water subscribe,
and each pays his share, to render him every day more and more formidable
to all; the Picts and the Saxons compel the Batavians to be silent, and the
latter act in the same manner to the Picts and Saxons; they may all boast of
being his humble slaves, as they wished to be. But what do I hear of certain
personages who wear crowns? I do not mean counts or marquesses, who
swarm on this earth, but princes and sovereigns. This man does but whistle,
and they come at his call; they uncover as soon as they are in his anteroom,
and never speak but when he asks them a question.684 Are these the same
princes who cavil so much and are so precise about rank and precedence,
and who spend whole months in regulating such questions whilst some Diet
is assembled? What shall this new ruler685 do to reward so blind a
submission, and to satisfy the high opinion they have of him? If a battle is
to be fought, he must win it, and in person; if the enemy besieges a town, he
must go raise the siege and drive him away with ignominy, unless the ocean
be between him and the enemy;686 it is the least he can do to please his
courtiers. Cæsar687 himself comes and swells their number; at least he
expects important services from him; for either the “archon” and his allies
will fail, which is more difficult than impossible to conceive, or, if he
succeeds, and nothing resists him, he is ready with his allies, who are
jealous of Cæsarʼs religion and greatness, to rush upon him, snatch away
his eagle, and reduce him and his heir to the “fasces argent”688 and to his
hereditary dominions. But there is no use saying anything more; they have
hearken neither to peace nor to truce. He began betimes to show what he
could do, and so severely bit his nurseʼs breast683 that the poor woman died
of it; I know what I mean, and that is sufficient. To conclude: he was born a
subject and is no longer one; on the contrary, he is now the master, and
those whom he has overcome and brought under his yoke are harnessed to
the plough and till the ground with might and main; those good people seem
even afraid of being unyoked one day and of becoming free, for they have
pulled out the thong and lengthened the handle of the whip of the man who
drives them; they forget nothing that can increase their slavery; they let him
cross the water so that he may get new vassals and acquire fresh territories;
and to succeed in this he has, it is true, only to take his father and mother by
the shoulders and throw them out of doors, and they aid him in this virtuous
undertaking. The people on this side and that side of the water subscribe,
and each pays his share, to render him every day more and more formidable
to all; the Picts and the Saxons compel the Batavians to be silent, and the
latter act in the same manner to the Picts and Saxons; they may all boast of
being his humble slaves, as they wished to be. But what do I hear of certain
personages who wear crowns? I do not mean counts or marquesses, who
swarm on this earth, but princes and sovereigns. This man does but whistle,
and they come at his call; they uncover as soon as they are in his anteroom,
and never speak but when he asks them a question.684 Are these the same
princes who cavil so much and are so precise about rank and precedence,
and who spend whole months in regulating such questions whilst some Diet
is assembled? What shall this new ruler685 do to reward so blind a
submission, and to satisfy the high opinion they have of him? If a battle is
to be fought, he must win it, and in person; if the enemy besieges a town, he
must go raise the siege and drive him away with ignominy, unless the ocean
be between him and the enemy;686 it is the least he can do to please his
courtiers. Cæsar687 himself comes and swells their number; at least he
expects important services from him; for either the “archon” and his allies
will fail, which is more difficult than impossible to conceive, or, if he
succeeds, and nothing resists him, he is ready with his allies, who are
jealous of Cæsarʼs religion and greatness, to rush upon him, snatch away
his eagle, and reduce him and his heir to the “fasces argent”688 and to his
hereditary dominions. But there is no use saying anything more; they have
Page 250
all voluntarily given themselves up to the man whom they should perhaps
have distrusted the most. Would Esop not have told them that “the feathered
tribe of a certain country got alarmed and frightened at being near a lion,
whose mere roar terrified them; they went to the animal, who persuaded
them he would come to some arrangement, and take them under his
protection. The end of it was that he gobbled them all up one after another.”
have distrusted the most. Would Esop not have told them that “the feathered
tribe of a certain country got alarmed and frightened at being near a lion,
whose mere roar terrified them; they went to the animal, who persuaded
them he would come to some arrangement, and take them under his
protection. The end of it was that he gobbled them all up one after another.”
Page 251
XIII.
OF FASHION.
(1.)
IT is very foolish, and betrays what a small mind we have, to allow
fashion to sway us in everything that regards taste, in our way of
living, our health, and our conscience. Game is out of fashion, and
therefore insipid, and fashion forbids to cure a fever by bleeding. This long
while it has also not been fashionable to depart this life shriven by
Theotimus; now none but the common people are saved by his pious
exhortations, and he has already beheld his successor.689
(2.) To have a hobby is not to have a taste for what is good and
beautiful, but for what is rare and singular, and for what no one else can
match; it is not to like things which are perfect, but those which are most
sought after and fashionable. It is not an amusement but a passion, and
often so violent that in the meanness of its object it only yields to love and
ambition. Neither is it a passion for everything scarce and in vogue, but
only for some particular object which is rare, and yet in fashion.
The lover of flowers has a garden in the suburbs, where he spends all
his time from sunrise till sunset. You see him standing there, and would
think he had taken root in the midst of his tulips before his “Solitaire;” he
OF FASHION.
(1.)
IT is very foolish, and betrays what a small mind we have, to allow
fashion to sway us in everything that regards taste, in our way of
living, our health, and our conscience. Game is out of fashion, and
therefore insipid, and fashion forbids to cure a fever by bleeding. This long
while it has also not been fashionable to depart this life shriven by
Theotimus; now none but the common people are saved by his pious
exhortations, and he has already beheld his successor.689
(2.) To have a hobby is not to have a taste for what is good and
beautiful, but for what is rare and singular, and for what no one else can
match; it is not to like things which are perfect, but those which are most
sought after and fashionable. It is not an amusement but a passion, and
often so violent that in the meanness of its object it only yields to love and
ambition. Neither is it a passion for everything scarce and in vogue, but
only for some particular object which is rare, and yet in fashion.
The lover of flowers has a garden in the suburbs, where he spends all
his time from sunrise till sunset. You see him standing there, and would
think he had taken root in the midst of his tulips before his “Solitaire;” he
Page 252
opens his eyes wide, rubs his hands, stoops down and looks closer at it; it
never before seemed to him so handsome; he is in an ecstasy of joy, and
leaves it to go to the “Orient,” then to the “Veuve,” from thence to the
“Cloth of Gold,” on to the “Agatha,” and at last returns to the “Solitaire,”
where he remains, is tired out, sits down, and forgets his dinner; he looks at
the tulip and admires its shade, shape, colour, sheen, and edges, its beautiful
form and calix; but God and nature are not in his thoughts, for they do not
go beyond the bulb of his tulip, which he would not sell for a thousand
crowns, though he will give it to you for nothing when tulips are no longer
in fashion, and carnations are all the rage. This rational being, who has a
soul and professes some religion, comes home tired and half-starved, but
very pleased with his dayʼs work; he has seen some tulips.690
Talk to another of the healthy look of the crops, of a plentiful harvest, of
a good vintage, and you will find he only cares for fruit, and understands
not a single word you say; then turn to figs and melons; tell him that this
year the pear-trees are so heavily laden with fruit that the branches almost
break, that there are abundance of peaches, and you address him in a
language he completely ignores, and he will not answer you, for his sole
hobby is plum-trees. Do not even speak to him of your plum-trees, for he
only is fond of a certain kind, and laughs and sneers at the mention of any
others; he takes you to his tree and cautiously gathers this exquisite plum,
divides it, gives you one half, keeps the other himself, and exclaims: “How
delicious! do you like it? is it not heavenly? You cannot find its equal
anywhere;” and then his nostrils dilate, and he can hardly contain his joy
and pride under an appearance of modesty. What a wonderful person, never
enough praised and admired, whose name will be handed down to future
ages! Let me look at his mien and shape whilst he is still in the land of the
living, that I may study the features and the countenance of a man who,
alone amongst mortals, is the happy possessor of such a plum.691
Visit a third, and he will talk to you about his brother collectors, but
especially of Diognetes.692 He admits that he admires him, but that he
understands him less than ever. “Perhaps you imagine,” he continues, “that
he endeavours to learn something of his medals, and considers them
speaking evidences of certain facts that have happened, fixed and
unquestionable monuments of ancient history. If you do, you are wholly
wrong. Perhaps you think that all the trouble he takes to become master of a
medallion with a certain head on it is because he will be delighted to
never before seemed to him so handsome; he is in an ecstasy of joy, and
leaves it to go to the “Orient,” then to the “Veuve,” from thence to the
“Cloth of Gold,” on to the “Agatha,” and at last returns to the “Solitaire,”
where he remains, is tired out, sits down, and forgets his dinner; he looks at
the tulip and admires its shade, shape, colour, sheen, and edges, its beautiful
form and calix; but God and nature are not in his thoughts, for they do not
go beyond the bulb of his tulip, which he would not sell for a thousand
crowns, though he will give it to you for nothing when tulips are no longer
in fashion, and carnations are all the rage. This rational being, who has a
soul and professes some religion, comes home tired and half-starved, but
very pleased with his dayʼs work; he has seen some tulips.690
Talk to another of the healthy look of the crops, of a plentiful harvest, of
a good vintage, and you will find he only cares for fruit, and understands
not a single word you say; then turn to figs and melons; tell him that this
year the pear-trees are so heavily laden with fruit that the branches almost
break, that there are abundance of peaches, and you address him in a
language he completely ignores, and he will not answer you, for his sole
hobby is plum-trees. Do not even speak to him of your plum-trees, for he
only is fond of a certain kind, and laughs and sneers at the mention of any
others; he takes you to his tree and cautiously gathers this exquisite plum,
divides it, gives you one half, keeps the other himself, and exclaims: “How
delicious! do you like it? is it not heavenly? You cannot find its equal
anywhere;” and then his nostrils dilate, and he can hardly contain his joy
and pride under an appearance of modesty. What a wonderful person, never
enough praised and admired, whose name will be handed down to future
ages! Let me look at his mien and shape whilst he is still in the land of the
living, that I may study the features and the countenance of a man who,
alone amongst mortals, is the happy possessor of such a plum.691
Visit a third, and he will talk to you about his brother collectors, but
especially of Diognetes.692 He admits that he admires him, but that he
understands him less than ever. “Perhaps you imagine,” he continues, “that
he endeavours to learn something of his medals, and considers them
speaking evidences of certain facts that have happened, fixed and
unquestionable monuments of ancient history. If you do, you are wholly
wrong. Perhaps you think that all the trouble he takes to become master of a
medallion with a certain head on it is because he will be delighted to
Page 253
possess an uninterrupted series of emperors. If you do, you are more
hopelessly wrong than ever. Diognetes knows when a coin is worn, when
the edges are rougher than they ought to be, or when it looks as if it had
been newly struck; all the drawers of his cabinet are full, and there only is
room for one coin; this vacancy so shocks him that in reality he spends all
his property and literally devotes his whole lifetime to fill it.”
“Will you look at my prints?” asks Democedes,693 and in a moment he
brings them out and shows them to you. You see one among them neither
well printed nor well engraved, and badly drawn, and, therefore, more fit on
a public holiday to be stuck against the wall of some house on the “Petit-
Pont” or in the “Rue Neuve”694 than to be kept in a collection. He allows it
to be badly engraved and worse drawn; but assures you it was done by an
Italian who produced very little, and that hardly any of these prints have
been struck off, so that he has the only one in France, for which he paid a
very heavy price, and would not part with it for the very best print to be got.
“I labour under a very serious affliction,” he continues, “which will one day
or other cause me to give up collecting engravings; I have all Callotʼs
etchings,695 except one, which, to tell the truth, so far from being the best, is
the worst he ever did, but which would complete my collection; I have
hunted after this print these twenty years, and now I despair of ever getting
it; it is very trying!”
Another man criticises those people who make long voyages either
through nervousness or to gratify their curiosity; who write no narrative or
memoirs, and do not even keep a journal; who go to see and see nothing, or
forget what they have seen; who only wish to get a look at towers or
steeples they never saw before, and to cross other rivers than the Seine or
the Loire; who leave their own country merely to return again, and like to
be absent, so that one day it may be said they have come from afar; so far
this critic is right and is worth listening to.
But when he adds that books are more instructive than travelling, and
gives me to understand he has a library, I wish to see it. I call on this
gentleman, and at the very foot of the stairs I almost faint with the smell of
the Russia leather bindings of his books. In vain he shouts in my ears, to
encourage me, that they are all with gilt edges and hand-tooled, that they
are the best editions, and he names some of them one after another, and that
his library is full of them, except a few places painted so carefully that
everybody takes them for shelves and real books, and is deceived. He also
hopelessly wrong than ever. Diognetes knows when a coin is worn, when
the edges are rougher than they ought to be, or when it looks as if it had
been newly struck; all the drawers of his cabinet are full, and there only is
room for one coin; this vacancy so shocks him that in reality he spends all
his property and literally devotes his whole lifetime to fill it.”
“Will you look at my prints?” asks Democedes,693 and in a moment he
brings them out and shows them to you. You see one among them neither
well printed nor well engraved, and badly drawn, and, therefore, more fit on
a public holiday to be stuck against the wall of some house on the “Petit-
Pont” or in the “Rue Neuve”694 than to be kept in a collection. He allows it
to be badly engraved and worse drawn; but assures you it was done by an
Italian who produced very little, and that hardly any of these prints have
been struck off, so that he has the only one in France, for which he paid a
very heavy price, and would not part with it for the very best print to be got.
“I labour under a very serious affliction,” he continues, “which will one day
or other cause me to give up collecting engravings; I have all Callotʼs
etchings,695 except one, which, to tell the truth, so far from being the best, is
the worst he ever did, but which would complete my collection; I have
hunted after this print these twenty years, and now I despair of ever getting
it; it is very trying!”
Another man criticises those people who make long voyages either
through nervousness or to gratify their curiosity; who write no narrative or
memoirs, and do not even keep a journal; who go to see and see nothing, or
forget what they have seen; who only wish to get a look at towers or
steeples they never saw before, and to cross other rivers than the Seine or
the Loire; who leave their own country merely to return again, and like to
be absent, so that one day it may be said they have come from afar; so far
this critic is right and is worth listening to.
But when he adds that books are more instructive than travelling, and
gives me to understand he has a library, I wish to see it. I call on this
gentleman, and at the very foot of the stairs I almost faint with the smell of
the Russia leather bindings of his books. In vain he shouts in my ears, to
encourage me, that they are all with gilt edges and hand-tooled, that they
are the best editions, and he names some of them one after another, and that
his library is full of them, except a few places painted so carefully that
everybody takes them for shelves and real books, and is deceived. He also
Page 254
informs me that he never reads nor sets foot in this library, and now only
accompanies me to oblige me. I thank him for his politeness, but feel as he
does on the subject, and would not like to visit the tan-pit which he calls a
library.
Some people immoderately thirst after knowledge, and are unwilling to
ignore any branch of it, so they study them all and master none; they are
fonder of knowing much than of knowing some things well, and had rather
be superficial smatterers in several sciences than be well and thoroughly
acquainted with one. They everywhere meet with some person who
enlightens and corrects them; they are deceived by their idle curiosity, and
often, after very long and painful efforts, can but just extricate themselves
from the grossest ignorance.
Other people have a master-key to all sciences, but never enter there;
they spend their lives in trying to decipher the Eastern and Northern
languages, those of both the Indies, of the two poles, nay, the language
spoken in the moon itself. The most useless idioms, the oddest and most
hieroglyphical-looking characters, are just those which awaken their
passion and induce them to study; they pity those persons who ingenuously
content themselves with knowing their own language, or, at most, the Greek
and Latin tongues. Such men read all historians and know nothing of
history; they run through all books, but are not the wiser for any; they are
absolutely ignorant of all facts and principles, but they possess as abundant
a store and garner-house of words and phrases as can well be imagined,
which weighs them down, and with which they overload their memory,
whilst their mind remains a blank.
A certain citizen loves building, and had a mansion erected so
handsome, noble, and splendid that no one can live in it.696 The proprietor
is ashamed to occupy it, and as he cannot make up his mind to let it to a
prince or a man of business, he retires to the garret, where he spends his
life, whilst the suite of rooms and the inlaid floors are the prey of travelling
Englishmen and Germans, who come to visit it after having seen the Palais-
Royal, the palace L ... G ...697 and the Luxembourg. There is a continual
knocking going on at these handsome doors, and all visitors ask to see the
house, but none the master.
There are other persons who have grown-up daughters, but they cannot
afford to give them a dowry, nay, these girls are scarcely clothed and fed;
they are so poor that they have not even a bed to lie upon nor a change of
accompanies me to oblige me. I thank him for his politeness, but feel as he
does on the subject, and would not like to visit the tan-pit which he calls a
library.
Some people immoderately thirst after knowledge, and are unwilling to
ignore any branch of it, so they study them all and master none; they are
fonder of knowing much than of knowing some things well, and had rather
be superficial smatterers in several sciences than be well and thoroughly
acquainted with one. They everywhere meet with some person who
enlightens and corrects them; they are deceived by their idle curiosity, and
often, after very long and painful efforts, can but just extricate themselves
from the grossest ignorance.
Other people have a master-key to all sciences, but never enter there;
they spend their lives in trying to decipher the Eastern and Northern
languages, those of both the Indies, of the two poles, nay, the language
spoken in the moon itself. The most useless idioms, the oddest and most
hieroglyphical-looking characters, are just those which awaken their
passion and induce them to study; they pity those persons who ingenuously
content themselves with knowing their own language, or, at most, the Greek
and Latin tongues. Such men read all historians and know nothing of
history; they run through all books, but are not the wiser for any; they are
absolutely ignorant of all facts and principles, but they possess as abundant
a store and garner-house of words and phrases as can well be imagined,
which weighs them down, and with which they overload their memory,
whilst their mind remains a blank.
A certain citizen loves building, and had a mansion erected so
handsome, noble, and splendid that no one can live in it.696 The proprietor
is ashamed to occupy it, and as he cannot make up his mind to let it to a
prince or a man of business, he retires to the garret, where he spends his
life, whilst the suite of rooms and the inlaid floors are the prey of travelling
Englishmen and Germans, who come to visit it after having seen the Palais-
Royal, the palace L ... G ...697 and the Luxembourg. There is a continual
knocking going on at these handsome doors, and all visitors ask to see the
house, but none the master.
There are other persons who have grown-up daughters, but they cannot
afford to give them a dowry, nay, these girls are scarcely clothed and fed;
they are so poor that they have not even a bed to lie upon nor a change of
Page 255
linen. The cause of their misery is not very far to seek; it is a collection
crowded with rare busts, covered with dust and filth, of which the sale
would bring in a goodly sum; but the owners cannot be prevailed upon to
part with them.
Diphilus is a lover of birds, he begins with one and ends with a
thousand; his house is not enlivened, but infested by them; the courtyard,
the parlour, the staircase, the hall, all the rooms, and even the private study
are so many aviaries; we no longer hear warbling, but a perfect discord; the
autumnal winds and the most rapid cataracts do not produce so shrill and
piercing a noise; there is no hearing one another speak but in those
apartments set apart for visitors, where people will have to wait until some
little curs have yelped, before there is a chance of seeing the master of the
house. These birds are no longer an agreeable amusement for Diphilus, but
a toilsome fatigue, for which he can scarcely find leisure; he spends his
days—days which pass away and never come back—in feeding his birds
and cleaning them; he pays a man a salary698 for teaching his birds to sing
with a bird-organ, and for attending to the hatching of his young canaries. It
is true that what he spends on the one hand he spares on the other, for his
children have neither teachers nor education. In the evening, worn out by
his hobby, he shuts himself up, without being able to enjoy any rest until his
birds have gone to roost, and these little creatures, on which he dotes only
for their song, have ceased to warble. He dreams of them whilst asleep, and
imagines he is himself a tufted bird, chirping on his perch; during the night
he even fancies he is moulting and brooding.
Who can describe all the different kinds of hobbies? Can you imagine
when you hear a certain person speak of his “Panther Cowry,” his “Pen
Shell,” and his “Music Shell,”699 and brag of them as something very rare
and marvellous, that he intends to sell these shells? Why not? He has
bought them for their weight in gold.
Another is an admirer of insects, and augments his collection every day;
in Europe he is the best judge of butterflies, and has some of all sizes and
colours.700 What an unfortunate time you have chosen to pay him a visit!
He is overwhelmed with grief, and in a fearful temper, which he vents on
his family; he has suffered an irreparable loss; draw near him and observe
what he shows you on his finger; it is a caterpillar, but such a caterpillar,
lifeless, and but just expired.
crowded with rare busts, covered with dust and filth, of which the sale
would bring in a goodly sum; but the owners cannot be prevailed upon to
part with them.
Diphilus is a lover of birds, he begins with one and ends with a
thousand; his house is not enlivened, but infested by them; the courtyard,
the parlour, the staircase, the hall, all the rooms, and even the private study
are so many aviaries; we no longer hear warbling, but a perfect discord; the
autumnal winds and the most rapid cataracts do not produce so shrill and
piercing a noise; there is no hearing one another speak but in those
apartments set apart for visitors, where people will have to wait until some
little curs have yelped, before there is a chance of seeing the master of the
house. These birds are no longer an agreeable amusement for Diphilus, but
a toilsome fatigue, for which he can scarcely find leisure; he spends his
days—days which pass away and never come back—in feeding his birds
and cleaning them; he pays a man a salary698 for teaching his birds to sing
with a bird-organ, and for attending to the hatching of his young canaries. It
is true that what he spends on the one hand he spares on the other, for his
children have neither teachers nor education. In the evening, worn out by
his hobby, he shuts himself up, without being able to enjoy any rest until his
birds have gone to roost, and these little creatures, on which he dotes only
for their song, have ceased to warble. He dreams of them whilst asleep, and
imagines he is himself a tufted bird, chirping on his perch; during the night
he even fancies he is moulting and brooding.
Who can describe all the different kinds of hobbies? Can you imagine
when you hear a certain person speak of his “Panther Cowry,” his “Pen
Shell,” and his “Music Shell,”699 and brag of them as something very rare
and marvellous, that he intends to sell these shells? Why not? He has
bought them for their weight in gold.
Another is an admirer of insects, and augments his collection every day;
in Europe he is the best judge of butterflies, and has some of all sizes and
colours.700 What an unfortunate time you have chosen to pay him a visit!
He is overwhelmed with grief, and in a fearful temper, which he vents on
his family; he has suffered an irreparable loss; draw near him and observe
what he shows you on his finger; it is a caterpillar, but such a caterpillar,
lifeless, and but just expired.
Page 256
(3.) Duelling is the triumph of fashion, which it sways tyrannically and
most conspicuously. This custom does not allow a coward to live, but
compels him to go and be killed by a man of more valour than himself, and
to be mistaken for a man of courage. The maddest and most absurd action
has been called honourable and glorious; it has been sanctioned by the
presence of kings; in some cases it has even been considered a sort of duty
to countenance it; it has decided the innocence of some persons,701 and the
truth or falsity of certain accusations of capital crimes; it was so deeply
rooted in the opinion of all nations, and had obtained such a complete
possession of the feelings and minds of men, that to cure them of this folly
has been one of the most glorious actions of the greatest of monarchs.702
(4.) Some persons were formerly in high repute for commanding
armies, for diplomacy, for pulpit eloquence, or for poetry, and now they are
no longer fashionable. Do certain men degenerate from what they formerly
were, and have their merits become antiquated, or is our liking for them
worn out?
(5.) A fashionable man is not long the rage, for fashions are ephemeral;
but if he happens to be a man of merit, he is not totally eclipsed, but
something or other of him will still survive; he is as estimable as he
formerly was, but only less esteemed.
Virtue is fortunate enough to be able to do without any help, and can
exist without admirers, partisans, and protectors; lack of support and
approbation does not harm it, but, on the contrary, strengthens, purifies, and
perfects it; whether in or out of fashion, it is still virtue.
(6.) If you tell some men, and especially the great, that a certain person
is virtuous, they will say to you, “they trust he may long remain so;” that he
is very clever, and above all, agreeable and entertaining, they will answer
you, “that it is so much the better for him;” that he is a man of culture and
knows a great deal, they will ask you “what oʼclock it is, or what sort of
weather we have?” But if you inform them that a Tigellinus703 has been
gulping down a glass of brandy,704 and, wonderful to relate, that he has
repeated this several times during his repast, they will ask where he is, and
tell you to bring him with you the next day, or that same evening, if
possible. We bring him with us, and that very man, only fit for a fair or to
be shown for money, is treated by them as a familiar acquaintance.
most conspicuously. This custom does not allow a coward to live, but
compels him to go and be killed by a man of more valour than himself, and
to be mistaken for a man of courage. The maddest and most absurd action
has been called honourable and glorious; it has been sanctioned by the
presence of kings; in some cases it has even been considered a sort of duty
to countenance it; it has decided the innocence of some persons,701 and the
truth or falsity of certain accusations of capital crimes; it was so deeply
rooted in the opinion of all nations, and had obtained such a complete
possession of the feelings and minds of men, that to cure them of this folly
has been one of the most glorious actions of the greatest of monarchs.702
(4.) Some persons were formerly in high repute for commanding
armies, for diplomacy, for pulpit eloquence, or for poetry, and now they are
no longer fashionable. Do certain men degenerate from what they formerly
were, and have their merits become antiquated, or is our liking for them
worn out?
(5.) A fashionable man is not long the rage, for fashions are ephemeral;
but if he happens to be a man of merit, he is not totally eclipsed, but
something or other of him will still survive; he is as estimable as he
formerly was, but only less esteemed.
Virtue is fortunate enough to be able to do without any help, and can
exist without admirers, partisans, and protectors; lack of support and
approbation does not harm it, but, on the contrary, strengthens, purifies, and
perfects it; whether in or out of fashion, it is still virtue.
(6.) If you tell some men, and especially the great, that a certain person
is virtuous, they will say to you, “they trust he may long remain so;” that he
is very clever, and above all, agreeable and entertaining, they will answer
you, “that it is so much the better for him;” that he is a man of culture and
knows a great deal, they will ask you “what oʼclock it is, or what sort of
weather we have?” But if you inform them that a Tigellinus703 has been
gulping down a glass of brandy,704 and, wonderful to relate, that he has
repeated this several times during his repast, they will ask where he is, and
tell you to bring him with you the next day, or that same evening, if
possible. We bring him with us, and that very man, only fit for a fair or to
be shown for money, is treated by them as a familiar acquaintance.
Page 257
(7.) Nothing brings a man sooner into fashion and renders him of
greater importance than gambling;705 it is almost as good as getting
fuddled.706 I should like to see any polished, lively, witty gentleman, even if
he were Catullus himself or his disciple,707 dare to compare himself with a
man who loses eight hundred pistoles708 at a sitting.
(8.) A fashionable person is like a certain blue flower which grows wild
in the fields, chokes the corn, spoils the crops, and takes up the room of
something better; it has no beauty nor value but what is owing to a
momentary caprice, which dies out almost as soon as sprung up. To-day it is
all the rage, and the ladies are decked with it; to-morrow it is neglected and
left to the common herd.709
A person of merit, on the contrary, is a flower we do not describe by its
colour, but call by its name, which we cultivate for its beauty or fragrance,
such as a lily or a rose; one of the charms of nature, one of those things
which beautify the world, belonging to all times, admired and popular for
centuries, valued by our fathers, and by us in imitation of them, and not at
all harmed by the dislike or antipathy of a few.
(9.) Eustrates is seated in his small boat, delighted with the fresh air and
a clear sky; he is seen sailing with a fair wind, likely to last for some time,
but a lull comes on all of a sudden, the sky becomes overcast, a storm bursts
forth, the boat is caught by a whirlwind, and is upset. Eustrates rises to the
surface of the waters and exerts himself; it is to be hoped he will at least
save himself and get hold of the boat; but another wave sinks him, and he is
considered lost: a second time he appears above the water, and hope
revives, when a billow all of a sudden swallows him up; he is never more
seen again, he is drowned.
(10.) Voiture and Sarrazin710 just suited the age they lived in, and
appeared at the right time, when it seems they were expected; if they had
not made such haste they would have come too late; and I question if, at
present, they would have been what they were then. Light conversation,
literary society, delicate raillery, lively and familiar epistolary interchange,
and a select circle of friends, where intelligence was the only passport of
admittance, have all disappeared. To say that these authors would have
revived them is too much; all I can venture to admit in favour of their
intellect is, that perhaps they might have excelled in another way. But the
ladies of the present time are either devotees, coquettes, fond of gambling,
greater importance than gambling;705 it is almost as good as getting
fuddled.706 I should like to see any polished, lively, witty gentleman, even if
he were Catullus himself or his disciple,707 dare to compare himself with a
man who loses eight hundred pistoles708 at a sitting.
(8.) A fashionable person is like a certain blue flower which grows wild
in the fields, chokes the corn, spoils the crops, and takes up the room of
something better; it has no beauty nor value but what is owing to a
momentary caprice, which dies out almost as soon as sprung up. To-day it is
all the rage, and the ladies are decked with it; to-morrow it is neglected and
left to the common herd.709
A person of merit, on the contrary, is a flower we do not describe by its
colour, but call by its name, which we cultivate for its beauty or fragrance,
such as a lily or a rose; one of the charms of nature, one of those things
which beautify the world, belonging to all times, admired and popular for
centuries, valued by our fathers, and by us in imitation of them, and not at
all harmed by the dislike or antipathy of a few.
(9.) Eustrates is seated in his small boat, delighted with the fresh air and
a clear sky; he is seen sailing with a fair wind, likely to last for some time,
but a lull comes on all of a sudden, the sky becomes overcast, a storm bursts
forth, the boat is caught by a whirlwind, and is upset. Eustrates rises to the
surface of the waters and exerts himself; it is to be hoped he will at least
save himself and get hold of the boat; but another wave sinks him, and he is
considered lost: a second time he appears above the water, and hope
revives, when a billow all of a sudden swallows him up; he is never more
seen again, he is drowned.
(10.) Voiture and Sarrazin710 just suited the age they lived in, and
appeared at the right time, when it seems they were expected; if they had
not made such haste they would have come too late; and I question if, at
present, they would have been what they were then. Light conversation,
literary society, delicate raillery, lively and familiar epistolary interchange,
and a select circle of friends, where intelligence was the only passport of
admittance, have all disappeared. To say that these authors would have
revived them is too much; all I can venture to admit in favour of their
intellect is, that perhaps they might have excelled in another way. But the
ladies of the present time are either devotees, coquettes, fond of gambling,
Page 258
or ambitious, and some of them all these together; court favour, gambling,
gallants, and spiritual directors, have taken their places, and they defend
them against men of culture.711
(11.) A coxcomb, who makes himself ridiculous as well, wears a tall hat,
a doublet with puffs on the shoulders, breeches with ribbons or tags, and
jackboots; at night he dreams what he shall do to be taken notice of the
following day. A wise man leaves the fashion of his clothes to his tailor; it
shows as much weakness to run counter to the fashion as to affect to follow
it.
(12.) We blame a fashion that divides the shape of a man into two equal
parts, and takes one of it for the waist, whilst leaving the other for the rest
of the body; we condemn the fashion of making of a ladyʼs head the basis
of an edifice of several heights, the build and shape of which change
according to fancy; which removes the hair from the face, though Nature
designed it to adorn it; and ties it up and makes it bristle so that the ladies
look like Bacchantes; this fashion seems to have been intended to make the
fair sex change its mild and modest air for one much more haughty and
bold. People exclaim against certain fashions as ridiculous; but they adopt
them as long as they last, to adorn and embellish themselves, and they
derive from them all the advantages they can expect, namely, to please.
Methinks the inconstancy and fickle-mindedness of men is to be admired;
for they successively call agreeable and ornamental things directly opposed
to one another; they use in plays and masquerades those same dresses and
ornaments which, until then, were considered as denoting gravity and
sedateness; a short time makes all the difference.712
(13.) N ... is wealthy; she eats and sleeps well; but the fashion of head-
dresses alters, and whilst she does not think anything at all about it, and
believes herself quite happy, her head-dress has quite grown out of fashion.
(14.) Iphis attends church, and sees there a new-fashioned shoe; he
looks upon his own with a blush, and no longer believes he is well dressed.
He only comes to hear mass to show himself, but now he refuses to go out,
and keeps his room all day on account of his foot. He has a soft hand, which
he preserves so by scented paste, laughs often to show his teeth, purses up
his mouth, and is perpetually smiling; he looks at his legs and surveys
himself in the glass, and no man can have a better opinion of his personal
appearance than he has; he has adopted a clear and delicate voice, but
fortunately lisps;713 he moves his head about and has a sort of sweetness in
gallants, and spiritual directors, have taken their places, and they defend
them against men of culture.711
(11.) A coxcomb, who makes himself ridiculous as well, wears a tall hat,
a doublet with puffs on the shoulders, breeches with ribbons or tags, and
jackboots; at night he dreams what he shall do to be taken notice of the
following day. A wise man leaves the fashion of his clothes to his tailor; it
shows as much weakness to run counter to the fashion as to affect to follow
it.
(12.) We blame a fashion that divides the shape of a man into two equal
parts, and takes one of it for the waist, whilst leaving the other for the rest
of the body; we condemn the fashion of making of a ladyʼs head the basis
of an edifice of several heights, the build and shape of which change
according to fancy; which removes the hair from the face, though Nature
designed it to adorn it; and ties it up and makes it bristle so that the ladies
look like Bacchantes; this fashion seems to have been intended to make the
fair sex change its mild and modest air for one much more haughty and
bold. People exclaim against certain fashions as ridiculous; but they adopt
them as long as they last, to adorn and embellish themselves, and they
derive from them all the advantages they can expect, namely, to please.
Methinks the inconstancy and fickle-mindedness of men is to be admired;
for they successively call agreeable and ornamental things directly opposed
to one another; they use in plays and masquerades those same dresses and
ornaments which, until then, were considered as denoting gravity and
sedateness; a short time makes all the difference.712
(13.) N ... is wealthy; she eats and sleeps well; but the fashion of head-
dresses alters, and whilst she does not think anything at all about it, and
believes herself quite happy, her head-dress has quite grown out of fashion.
(14.) Iphis attends church, and sees there a new-fashioned shoe; he
looks upon his own with a blush, and no longer believes he is well dressed.
He only comes to hear mass to show himself, but now he refuses to go out,
and keeps his room all day on account of his foot. He has a soft hand, which
he preserves so by scented paste, laughs often to show his teeth, purses up
his mouth, and is perpetually smiling; he looks at his legs and surveys
himself in the glass, and no man can have a better opinion of his personal
appearance than he has; he has adopted a clear and delicate voice, but
fortunately lisps;713 he moves his head about and has a sort of sweetness in
Page 259
his eyes which he does not forget to use to set himself off; his gait is
indolent, and his attitudes are as pretty as he can contrive them; he
sometimes rouges his face, but not very often, and does not do so
habitually. In truth, he always wears breeches and a hat, but neither earrings
nor a pearl necklace; therefore I have not given him a place in my chapter
“Of Women.”
(15.) Those very fashions which men so willingly adopt to adorn
themselves are apt to be laid aside when their portraits are taken, as if they
felt and foresaw how crude714 and ridiculous these would look when they
had lost the bloom and charm of novelty; they prefer to be depicted with
some fancy ornaments, some imaginary drapery, just as it pleases the artist,
and which often are as little suited to their air and face as they recall their
character and personage. They affect strained or indecent attitudes, harsh,
uncultivated, and foreign manners, which transform a young abbé into a
swaggerer, and a magistrate into a swashbuckler, a Diana into a woman of
the town, an amazon or a Pallas into a simple and timid woman, a Laïs into
a respectable girl, and a Scythian, an Attila,715 into a just and magnanimous
prince.
Such is our giddiness, that one fashion has hardly destroyed another,
when it is driven away by a newer one, again to make way for its successor,
which will not be the last. Whilst these changes are going on, a century
elapses, and all these gewgaws are ranked amongst things of the past, and
exist no longer. Then the oldest fashion becomes again the most elegant,
and charms the eye the most, it pleases as much in portraits as the sagum or
the Roman dress on the stage, as a long black veil, an ordinary veil, and a
tiara716 do on our hangings and our pictures.
Our fathers have transmitted to us the history of their lives as well as a
knowledge of their dresses, their arms,717 and their favourite ornaments; a
benefit for which we can make no other return than by doing our posterity
the same service.
(16.) Formerly a courtier wore his own hair, breeches, and doublet, as
well as large canions,718 and was a freethinker;719 but this is no longer
becoming; now he wears a wig, a tight suit, plain stockings, and is devout.
All this because it is the fashion.
(17.) Any man who, after having dwelt for a considerable time at court,
remains devout, and contrary to all reason, narrowly escapes being thought
indolent, and his attitudes are as pretty as he can contrive them; he
sometimes rouges his face, but not very often, and does not do so
habitually. In truth, he always wears breeches and a hat, but neither earrings
nor a pearl necklace; therefore I have not given him a place in my chapter
“Of Women.”
(15.) Those very fashions which men so willingly adopt to adorn
themselves are apt to be laid aside when their portraits are taken, as if they
felt and foresaw how crude714 and ridiculous these would look when they
had lost the bloom and charm of novelty; they prefer to be depicted with
some fancy ornaments, some imaginary drapery, just as it pleases the artist,
and which often are as little suited to their air and face as they recall their
character and personage. They affect strained or indecent attitudes, harsh,
uncultivated, and foreign manners, which transform a young abbé into a
swaggerer, and a magistrate into a swashbuckler, a Diana into a woman of
the town, an amazon or a Pallas into a simple and timid woman, a Laïs into
a respectable girl, and a Scythian, an Attila,715 into a just and magnanimous
prince.
Such is our giddiness, that one fashion has hardly destroyed another,
when it is driven away by a newer one, again to make way for its successor,
which will not be the last. Whilst these changes are going on, a century
elapses, and all these gewgaws are ranked amongst things of the past, and
exist no longer. Then the oldest fashion becomes again the most elegant,
and charms the eye the most, it pleases as much in portraits as the sagum or
the Roman dress on the stage, as a long black veil, an ordinary veil, and a
tiara716 do on our hangings and our pictures.
Our fathers have transmitted to us the history of their lives as well as a
knowledge of their dresses, their arms,717 and their favourite ornaments; a
benefit for which we can make no other return than by doing our posterity
the same service.
(16.) Formerly a courtier wore his own hair, breeches, and doublet, as
well as large canions,718 and was a freethinker;719 but this is no longer
becoming; now he wears a wig, a tight suit, plain stockings, and is devout.
All this because it is the fashion.
(17.) Any man who, after having dwelt for a considerable time at court,
remains devout, and contrary to all reason, narrowly escapes being thought
Page 260
ridiculous, can never flatter himself with becoming the fashion.
(18.) What will not a courtier do for the sake of advancing his interests?
Rather than not advance them he will turn pious.720
(19.) The colours are all prepared, and the canvas is stretched, but how
shall I fix this restless, giddy, and variable man, who adopts so many
thousand different shapes? I depict him as devout, and I think I have caught
his likeness; but I have missed it, and he is already a freethinker. Let him
remain even in this bad position, and I shall succeed in portraying his
irregularity of heart and mind so that he will be known; but another fashion
is in vogue, and again he becomes devout.
(20.) A man who thoroughly knows the court is well aware what virtue
and what piety is;721 there is no imposing upon him.
(21.) To neglect going to vespers as obsolete and not fashionable; to
keep oneʼs place for morning service; to know all the ins and outs of the
chapel at Versailles, and who sits in the seats next722 to the royal tribune,
and what is the best place where a man can be seen or remain unobserved;
to be thinking at church of God and business; to receive visits there; to
order people about and send them on messages or wait for answers; to trust
more to the advice of a spiritual director than to the teachings of the Gospel;
to derive all sanctity and notoriety from the reputation of our director; to
despise all people whose director is not fashionable, and scarcely allow
them to be in a state of salvation; to like the word of God only when
preached at home or from the mouth of our own director; to prefer hearing a
mass said by him to any other mass, and the sacraments administered by
him to any others, which are considered of less value; to satiate ourselves
with mystical books, as if there were neither Gospels, Epistles of the
Apostles, nor morals of the fathers; to read or speak a jargon unknown in
the early centuries;723 to be very circumstantial in amplifying the sins of
others and in palliating our own; to enlarge on our own sufferings and
patience; to lament our small progress in heroism as a sin; to be in a secret
alliance with some persons against others; to value only ourselves and our
own set; to suspect even virtue itself; to enjoy and relish prosperity and
favour, and to wish to keep them only for ourselves; never to assist merit; to
make piety subservient to ambition; to obtain our salvation through fortune
and dignities; these are, at least in our days, the greatest efforts of the piety
of this age.
(18.) What will not a courtier do for the sake of advancing his interests?
Rather than not advance them he will turn pious.720
(19.) The colours are all prepared, and the canvas is stretched, but how
shall I fix this restless, giddy, and variable man, who adopts so many
thousand different shapes? I depict him as devout, and I think I have caught
his likeness; but I have missed it, and he is already a freethinker. Let him
remain even in this bad position, and I shall succeed in portraying his
irregularity of heart and mind so that he will be known; but another fashion
is in vogue, and again he becomes devout.
(20.) A man who thoroughly knows the court is well aware what virtue
and what piety is;721 there is no imposing upon him.
(21.) To neglect going to vespers as obsolete and not fashionable; to
keep oneʼs place for morning service; to know all the ins and outs of the
chapel at Versailles, and who sits in the seats next722 to the royal tribune,
and what is the best place where a man can be seen or remain unobserved;
to be thinking at church of God and business; to receive visits there; to
order people about and send them on messages or wait for answers; to trust
more to the advice of a spiritual director than to the teachings of the Gospel;
to derive all sanctity and notoriety from the reputation of our director; to
despise all people whose director is not fashionable, and scarcely allow
them to be in a state of salvation; to like the word of God only when
preached at home or from the mouth of our own director; to prefer hearing a
mass said by him to any other mass, and the sacraments administered by
him to any others, which are considered of less value; to satiate ourselves
with mystical books, as if there were neither Gospels, Epistles of the
Apostles, nor morals of the fathers; to read or speak a jargon unknown in
the early centuries;723 to be very circumstantial in amplifying the sins of
others and in palliating our own; to enlarge on our own sufferings and
patience; to lament our small progress in heroism as a sin; to be in a secret
alliance with some persons against others; to value only ourselves and our
own set; to suspect even virtue itself; to enjoy and relish prosperity and
favour, and to wish to keep them only for ourselves; never to assist merit; to
make piety subservient to ambition; to obtain our salvation through fortune
and dignities; these are, at least in our days, the greatest efforts of the piety
of this age.
Page 261
A pious person724 is one who, under an atheistical king, would be an
atheist.
(22.) Devout people know no other crime but incontinence, or, to speak
more exactly, the scandal and appearance of incontinence. If Pherecides
passes for a man who is cured of his fondness for women, or Pherenicia for
a wife who is faithful to her husband, they are quite satisfied; allow these
devotees to continue a game that finally will be their undoing; it is their
business to ruin their creditors, to rejoice at the misfortunes of other people
and take advantage of it, to idolise the great, to despise their inferiors, to get
intoxicated with their own merit, to pine away with vexation, to lie, slander,
intrigue, and do as much harm as they can. Would you like them to usurp
the functions of those honest men725 who avoid pride and injustice as well
as the more latent vices?
(23.) When a courtier shall be humble, divested of pride and ambition,
cease to advance his own interests by ruining his rivals, be just and relieve
the misery of his vassals, pay his creditors, be neither a knave nor a
slanderer, shall abandon luxurious feasting and unlawful amours, pray not
only with his lips, and even when the prince is not present, shall not be
morose and inaccessible, not show an austere countenance and a sour mien,
shall not be lazy and buried in thought, reconcile a multiplicity of
employments by conscientious application, shall be able and willing to
devote his whole mind and all his attention to those great and arduous
affairs which especially concern the welfare of the people and of the entire
state; when his character shall make me afraid of mentioning him in this
paragraph, and his modesty prevent him from knowing himself, if I should
not give his name; then I shall say of such a man that he is devout, or rather
that he is a man given to this age as an example of sincere virtue as well as
to detect hypocrites.726
(24.) Onuphriusʼ bed727 has only grey serge valances, but he sleeps on
flock and down; he also wears plain but comfortable clothes, I mean, made
of a light material in summer, and of very soft cloth in winter; his body-
linen is very fine, but he takes very good care not to show it; he does not
call out for his “hair-shirt and scourge,”728 for then he would show himself
in his true colours, as a hypocrite, whilst he intends to pass for what he is
not, for a religious man; however, he acts in such a way that people believe,
without his telling it them, that he wears a hair-shirt and scourges himself.
atheist.
(22.) Devout people know no other crime but incontinence, or, to speak
more exactly, the scandal and appearance of incontinence. If Pherecides
passes for a man who is cured of his fondness for women, or Pherenicia for
a wife who is faithful to her husband, they are quite satisfied; allow these
devotees to continue a game that finally will be their undoing; it is their
business to ruin their creditors, to rejoice at the misfortunes of other people
and take advantage of it, to idolise the great, to despise their inferiors, to get
intoxicated with their own merit, to pine away with vexation, to lie, slander,
intrigue, and do as much harm as they can. Would you like them to usurp
the functions of those honest men725 who avoid pride and injustice as well
as the more latent vices?
(23.) When a courtier shall be humble, divested of pride and ambition,
cease to advance his own interests by ruining his rivals, be just and relieve
the misery of his vassals, pay his creditors, be neither a knave nor a
slanderer, shall abandon luxurious feasting and unlawful amours, pray not
only with his lips, and even when the prince is not present, shall not be
morose and inaccessible, not show an austere countenance and a sour mien,
shall not be lazy and buried in thought, reconcile a multiplicity of
employments by conscientious application, shall be able and willing to
devote his whole mind and all his attention to those great and arduous
affairs which especially concern the welfare of the people and of the entire
state; when his character shall make me afraid of mentioning him in this
paragraph, and his modesty prevent him from knowing himself, if I should
not give his name; then I shall say of such a man that he is devout, or rather
that he is a man given to this age as an example of sincere virtue as well as
to detect hypocrites.726
(24.) Onuphriusʼ bed727 has only grey serge valances, but he sleeps on
flock and down; he also wears plain but comfortable clothes, I mean, made
of a light material in summer, and of very soft cloth in winter; his body-
linen is very fine, but he takes very good care not to show it; he does not
call out for his “hair-shirt and scourge,”728 for then he would show himself
in his true colours, as a hypocrite, whilst he intends to pass for what he is
not, for a religious man; however, he acts in such a way that people believe,
without his telling it them, that he wears a hair-shirt and scourges himself.
Page 262
Several books lie about his apartments, such as the “Spiritual Fight,” the
“Inward Christian,” the “Holy Year;”729 his other books are under lock and
key; if he goes along the streets and perceives from afar a man to whom he
ought to seem devout, downcast looks, a slow and demure gait, and a
contemplative air are at his command; he plays his part. If he enters a
church, he observes whose eyes are upon him, and accordingly kneels down
and prays, or else, never thinks of kneeling down and praying; if he sees an
honest man and a man of authority approach him, by whom he is sure to be
perceived, and who, perhaps, may hear him, he not only prays but
meditates, has outbursts of devotion, and sighs aloud; but as soon as this
honest man is gone, he becomes calm, and does not say a single word more.
Another time he enters a chapel, rushes through the crowd, and chooses a
spot to commune with himself, and where everybody may see how he
humbles himself;730 if he hears any courtiers speaking or laughing loud, and
behave in chapel more boisterously than they would in an ante-chamber,731
he makes a greater noise than they to silence them, and returns to his
meditations, in which he always disdainfully compares those persons to
himself, to his own advantage. He avoids an empty church where he could
hear two masses one after another, as well as a sermon, vespers, and
compline, with no one between God and himself, without any other
witnesses, and without any one thanking him for it; but he likes his own
parish, and frequents those churches where the greatest number of people
congregate, for there he does not labour in vain and is observed. He chooses
two or three days of the year to fast in or to abstain from meat, without any
occasion; but at the end of the winter he coughs; there is something wrong
with his chest, he is more or less splenetic,732 and feels very feverish;
people entreat him, urge him, and even quarrel with him to compel him to
break his fast as soon as it has begun, and he obeys them out of politeness.
If Onuphrius is chosen as an umpire by relatives who have quarrelled, or in
a lawsuit amongst members of one and the same family, he always takes the
side of the strongest, I mean the wealthiest, and cannot be convinced that
any person of property can ever be in the wrong. If he is comfortable at the
house of a rich man whom he can deceive, whose parasite he is, and from
whom he may derive great advantages, he never cajoles his patronʼs wife,
nor makes the least advances to her, nor declares his love;733 but rather
avoids her, and will leave his cloak behind,734 unless he is as sure of her as
“Inward Christian,” the “Holy Year;”729 his other books are under lock and
key; if he goes along the streets and perceives from afar a man to whom he
ought to seem devout, downcast looks, a slow and demure gait, and a
contemplative air are at his command; he plays his part. If he enters a
church, he observes whose eyes are upon him, and accordingly kneels down
and prays, or else, never thinks of kneeling down and praying; if he sees an
honest man and a man of authority approach him, by whom he is sure to be
perceived, and who, perhaps, may hear him, he not only prays but
meditates, has outbursts of devotion, and sighs aloud; but as soon as this
honest man is gone, he becomes calm, and does not say a single word more.
Another time he enters a chapel, rushes through the crowd, and chooses a
spot to commune with himself, and where everybody may see how he
humbles himself;730 if he hears any courtiers speaking or laughing loud, and
behave in chapel more boisterously than they would in an ante-chamber,731
he makes a greater noise than they to silence them, and returns to his
meditations, in which he always disdainfully compares those persons to
himself, to his own advantage. He avoids an empty church where he could
hear two masses one after another, as well as a sermon, vespers, and
compline, with no one between God and himself, without any other
witnesses, and without any one thanking him for it; but he likes his own
parish, and frequents those churches where the greatest number of people
congregate, for there he does not labour in vain and is observed. He chooses
two or three days of the year to fast in or to abstain from meat, without any
occasion; but at the end of the winter he coughs; there is something wrong
with his chest, he is more or less splenetic,732 and feels very feverish;
people entreat him, urge him, and even quarrel with him to compel him to
break his fast as soon as it has begun, and he obeys them out of politeness.
If Onuphrius is chosen as an umpire by relatives who have quarrelled, or in
a lawsuit amongst members of one and the same family, he always takes the
side of the strongest, I mean the wealthiest, and cannot be convinced that
any person of property can ever be in the wrong. If he is comfortable at the
house of a rich man whom he can deceive, whose parasite he is, and from
whom he may derive great advantages, he never cajoles his patronʼs wife,
nor makes the least advances to her, nor declares his love;733 but rather
avoids her, and will leave his cloak behind,734 unless he is as sure of her as
Page 263
he is of himself; still less will he make use of devotional735 cant to flatter
and seduce her, for he does not employ it habitually, but intentionally, when
it suits him, and never when it would only make him ridiculous. He knows
where to find ladies more sociable and pliable than his friendʼs wife; and
very seldom absents himself from these ladies for any length of time, if it
were only to have it publicly stated that he has gone into religious
retirement; for who can doubt the truth of this report, when people see him
reappear quite emaciated, like one who has, not spared himself?
Moreover, those women who improve and thrive under the shelter of
piety736 suit him, but with this trifling difference, that he neglects those who
are declining in years, and courts the young, and amongst these is only
attracted by the best looking and the finest shape; he goes where they go,
and returns when they return, and if they stay anywhere he stays there also;
he has the consolation of seeing them at all times and places, and nobody
needs be shocked about this, for they are devout, and so is he. Onuphrius is
sure to make the best use he can of his friendʼs cecity and of his
prepossession; sometimes he borrows money of him; at other times he acts
so artfully that his friend offers to lend him some; people are very angry
with him because he does not apply to his other friends when he needs
money; now and then he refuses to receive a small sum unless he gives his
note of hand for it, though he is quite certain never to take it up; at another
time he says, with a certain air, he is not in want of anything, and that is,
when he only needs a trifling amount; and on a certain occasion he publicly
extols the generosity of his friend, on purpose to induce him to give him a
considerable sum. He does not expect to succeed to the whole of the real
estate of his friend, nor to get a deed of gift of all his property, especially if
the son, the right and lawful heir, has to be set aside.737 A pious man is
neither a miser, nor prejudiced, unjust, nor selfish; and, though Onuphrius is
not a pious man, he wishes to be thought one, and perfectly to imitate piety,
though he does not feel it, in order secretly to forward his interests; he,
therefore, would never aim at robbing the direct heirs of any family, nor
insinuate himself where there is a daughter to portion, and a son to
establish;738 he knows their rights are too strong and inviolable to be upset
without loud clamours, which he dreads, and without such an undertaking
coming to the ears of the prince,739 from whom he conceals his intrigues for
fear of his true character being discovered. He selects collateral heirs,
and seduce her, for he does not employ it habitually, but intentionally, when
it suits him, and never when it would only make him ridiculous. He knows
where to find ladies more sociable and pliable than his friendʼs wife; and
very seldom absents himself from these ladies for any length of time, if it
were only to have it publicly stated that he has gone into religious
retirement; for who can doubt the truth of this report, when people see him
reappear quite emaciated, like one who has, not spared himself?
Moreover, those women who improve and thrive under the shelter of
piety736 suit him, but with this trifling difference, that he neglects those who
are declining in years, and courts the young, and amongst these is only
attracted by the best looking and the finest shape; he goes where they go,
and returns when they return, and if they stay anywhere he stays there also;
he has the consolation of seeing them at all times and places, and nobody
needs be shocked about this, for they are devout, and so is he. Onuphrius is
sure to make the best use he can of his friendʼs cecity and of his
prepossession; sometimes he borrows money of him; at other times he acts
so artfully that his friend offers to lend him some; people are very angry
with him because he does not apply to his other friends when he needs
money; now and then he refuses to receive a small sum unless he gives his
note of hand for it, though he is quite certain never to take it up; at another
time he says, with a certain air, he is not in want of anything, and that is,
when he only needs a trifling amount; and on a certain occasion he publicly
extols the generosity of his friend, on purpose to induce him to give him a
considerable sum. He does not expect to succeed to the whole of the real
estate of his friend, nor to get a deed of gift of all his property, especially if
the son, the right and lawful heir, has to be set aside.737 A pious man is
neither a miser, nor prejudiced, unjust, nor selfish; and, though Onuphrius is
not a pious man, he wishes to be thought one, and perfectly to imitate piety,
though he does not feel it, in order secretly to forward his interests; he,
therefore, would never aim at robbing the direct heirs of any family, nor
insinuate himself where there is a daughter to portion, and a son to
establish;738 he knows their rights are too strong and inviolable to be upset
without loud clamours, which he dreads, and without such an undertaking
coming to the ears of the prince,739 from whom he conceals his intrigues for
fear of his true character being discovered. He selects collateral heirs,
Page 264
whom he can attack with greater impunity, and is the terror of male and
female cousins, nephews and nieces, and of the flatterers and professed
friends of all rich uncles; he gives himself out to be the legitimate heir of
every wealthy old man who dies without issue, and who will have to
disinherit him, if he wishes his relatives to get possession of his estate. If
Onuphrius does not find means740 to deprive them of the whole, he will, at
least, rob them of a good share of it; a trifling calumny or even the slightest
slander are sufficient for this pious purpose, and, indeed, Onuphrius is a
perfect master of the art of slandering, and considers it sometimes his duty
not to let it lie dormant, for there are men and women whom, according to
him, he must decry for conscienceʼ sake; and these are the people he does
not like, whom he wishes to harm, and whose spoils he desires to get hold
of. He compasses his ends without so much as opening his mouth; some
persons talk to him of Eudoxus, he smiles or he weeps; they ask him why
he does so, and they ask him again and again, but he does not reply; and he
is right, for he has said quite enough.
(25.) “Laugh, Zelia,741 be gay and frolicsome as you used to be. What
has become of your mirth?” “I am wealthy,” you reply, “I can do as I please,
and I begin to breathe freely.” “Laugh louder, Zelia, and louder still; what is
the use of more riches if it makes you thoughtful and sad? Imitate the great,
who are born in the lap of luxury; they laugh sometimes, and yield to their
inclination; follow therefore yours, and do not let it be said that a new
place, or a few thousand livres a year more or less, drive you from one
extreme to another.” “I only value favour because I can be thoughtful and
sad,” you answer. “I thought so, Zelia; but, believe me, do not leave off
laughing, and smile on me, when I pass, as you did formerly: fear nothing; I
shall not have a worse opinion of you and your post; I shall as firmly
believe that you are wealthy and a favourite as well.” “I have decided
religious opinions,” you answer. “Thatʼs quite enough, Zelia; and I ought to
remember that persons whose conscience is at rest no longer care to show a
calm and joyful countenance; gloomy and austere feelings are in the
ascendancy and outwardly displayed; but such feelings proceed still further,
and we are no longer surprised to observe that piety742 makes a woman still
more proud and disdainful than beauty and youth.”
(26.) Arts and sciences have been greatly improved during this century,
and have become highly refined; even salvation has now been reduced to
rule and method, and to it have been added the most beautiful and sublime
female cousins, nephews and nieces, and of the flatterers and professed
friends of all rich uncles; he gives himself out to be the legitimate heir of
every wealthy old man who dies without issue, and who will have to
disinherit him, if he wishes his relatives to get possession of his estate. If
Onuphrius does not find means740 to deprive them of the whole, he will, at
least, rob them of a good share of it; a trifling calumny or even the slightest
slander are sufficient for this pious purpose, and, indeed, Onuphrius is a
perfect master of the art of slandering, and considers it sometimes his duty
not to let it lie dormant, for there are men and women whom, according to
him, he must decry for conscienceʼ sake; and these are the people he does
not like, whom he wishes to harm, and whose spoils he desires to get hold
of. He compasses his ends without so much as opening his mouth; some
persons talk to him of Eudoxus, he smiles or he weeps; they ask him why
he does so, and they ask him again and again, but he does not reply; and he
is right, for he has said quite enough.
(25.) “Laugh, Zelia,741 be gay and frolicsome as you used to be. What
has become of your mirth?” “I am wealthy,” you reply, “I can do as I please,
and I begin to breathe freely.” “Laugh louder, Zelia, and louder still; what is
the use of more riches if it makes you thoughtful and sad? Imitate the great,
who are born in the lap of luxury; they laugh sometimes, and yield to their
inclination; follow therefore yours, and do not let it be said that a new
place, or a few thousand livres a year more or less, drive you from one
extreme to another.” “I only value favour because I can be thoughtful and
sad,” you answer. “I thought so, Zelia; but, believe me, do not leave off
laughing, and smile on me, when I pass, as you did formerly: fear nothing; I
shall not have a worse opinion of you and your post; I shall as firmly
believe that you are wealthy and a favourite as well.” “I have decided
religious opinions,” you answer. “Thatʼs quite enough, Zelia; and I ought to
remember that persons whose conscience is at rest no longer care to show a
calm and joyful countenance; gloomy and austere feelings are in the
ascendancy and outwardly displayed; but such feelings proceed still further,
and we are no longer surprised to observe that piety742 makes a woman still
more proud and disdainful than beauty and youth.”
(26.) Arts and sciences have been greatly improved during this century,
and have become highly refined; even salvation has now been reduced to
rule and method, and to it have been added the most beautiful and sublime
Page 265
inventions of the human understanding. Devotion and geometry have each
their own phraseology, or what are called “artistic expressions,” and a
person who ignores them is neither devout nor a mathematician. The first
devout men, even those who were taught by the apostles, did not know
them; those simple-minded people only had faith, practised good works,
merely believed, and led righteous lives.
(27.) It is a delicate thing for a prince to reform his court and to
introduce piety;743 for knowing to what extent courtiers will carry their
complaisance, and that they will make any sacrifices to advance their
interests, he manages them with prudence, bears with them and dissembles,
lest they should be driven to hypocrisy or sacrilege; he expects that
Providence and time will be more successful than his zeal and his activity
are.
(28.) Already in ancient times courts granted pensions and bestowed
favours on musicians, dancing-masters, buffoons, flute-players, flatterers,
and sycophants; they possess undoubted merits, and their talents are
recognised and well known, for they amuse the great and give them a little
breathing-time during the intervals of grandeur. It is well known that Fabien
is a fine dancer, and that Lorenzani744 composes beautiful anthems; but who
can tell if a pious man be really virtuous? There is no pension to be got for
him from the kingʼs private purse, nor from the public treasury; and this is
quite right, for piety is easy to counterfeit; and if it were rewarded, it would
expose the prince to honour dissimulation and knavery, and to pension a
hypocrite.
(29.) It is to be hoped the piety of the court, such as it is, will at least
oblige prelates to reside in their dioceses.745
(30.) I am convinced that true piety is the source from which repose
flows; it renders life bearable and death without sting; hypocrisy does not
possess such advantages.
(31.) Every hour in itself, and in respect to us, is unique; when once it is
gone, it is entirely lost, and millions of ages will not bring it back again;
days, months, and years, are swallowed up and irrevocably lost in the abyss
of time; time itself shall be destroyed; it is but a point in the immense space
of eternity, and will be erased. There are several slight and frivolous periods
of time which are unstable, pass away, and may be called fashions, such as
grandeur, favour, riches, power, authority, independence, pleasure, joy and
superfluities. What will become of such fashions when time itself shall have
their own phraseology, or what are called “artistic expressions,” and a
person who ignores them is neither devout nor a mathematician. The first
devout men, even those who were taught by the apostles, did not know
them; those simple-minded people only had faith, practised good works,
merely believed, and led righteous lives.
(27.) It is a delicate thing for a prince to reform his court and to
introduce piety;743 for knowing to what extent courtiers will carry their
complaisance, and that they will make any sacrifices to advance their
interests, he manages them with prudence, bears with them and dissembles,
lest they should be driven to hypocrisy or sacrilege; he expects that
Providence and time will be more successful than his zeal and his activity
are.
(28.) Already in ancient times courts granted pensions and bestowed
favours on musicians, dancing-masters, buffoons, flute-players, flatterers,
and sycophants; they possess undoubted merits, and their talents are
recognised and well known, for they amuse the great and give them a little
breathing-time during the intervals of grandeur. It is well known that Fabien
is a fine dancer, and that Lorenzani744 composes beautiful anthems; but who
can tell if a pious man be really virtuous? There is no pension to be got for
him from the kingʼs private purse, nor from the public treasury; and this is
quite right, for piety is easy to counterfeit; and if it were rewarded, it would
expose the prince to honour dissimulation and knavery, and to pension a
hypocrite.
(29.) It is to be hoped the piety of the court, such as it is, will at least
oblige prelates to reside in their dioceses.745
(30.) I am convinced that true piety is the source from which repose
flows; it renders life bearable and death without sting; hypocrisy does not
possess such advantages.
(31.) Every hour in itself, and in respect to us, is unique; when once it is
gone, it is entirely lost, and millions of ages will not bring it back again;
days, months, and years, are swallowed up and irrevocably lost in the abyss
of time; time itself shall be destroyed; it is but a point in the immense space
of eternity, and will be erased. There are several slight and frivolous periods
of time which are unstable, pass away, and may be called fashions, such as
grandeur, favour, riches, power, authority, independence, pleasure, joy and
superfluities. What will become of such fashions when time itself shall have
Page 266
disappeared? Virtue alone, now so little in fashion, will last longer than
time.
time.
Page 267
XIV.
OF CERTAIN CUSTOMS.
(1.)
C ERTAIN people want a fortune to become ennobled.746
Some of these would have been ennobled747 if they could
have put off their creditors half a year longer.
Others, again, are commoners when they lay down, and rise
noblemen.748
How many noblemen are there whose relatives are commoners?
(2.) Some man disowns his father, who is known to keep an office or a
shop, and only mentions his grandfather, who has been dead this long time,
is unknown and cannot be found now; he enjoys a large income, has a grand
post, great connections, and wants nothing but a title to become a
nobleman.
(3.) Formerly the words “granting letters of nobility” were considered
good French and habitually employed, but now they have become
antiquated and out of date, and the courts of justice use the word
“rehabilitation.”749 To rehabilitate supposes a wealthy man to be of noble
descent,—for it is absolutely requisite he should be so,—and also his father
OF CERTAIN CUSTOMS.
(1.)
C ERTAIN people want a fortune to become ennobled.746
Some of these would have been ennobled747 if they could
have put off their creditors half a year longer.
Others, again, are commoners when they lay down, and rise
noblemen.748
How many noblemen are there whose relatives are commoners?
(2.) Some man disowns his father, who is known to keep an office or a
shop, and only mentions his grandfather, who has been dead this long time,
is unknown and cannot be found now; he enjoys a large income, has a grand
post, great connections, and wants nothing but a title to become a
nobleman.
(3.) Formerly the words “granting letters of nobility” were considered
good French and habitually employed, but now they have become
antiquated and out of date, and the courts of justice use the word
“rehabilitation.”749 To rehabilitate supposes a wealthy man to be of noble
descent,—for it is absolutely requisite he should be so,—and also his father
Page 268
to have forfeited the title by ploughing, digging, by becoming a pedlar, or
by having been a lackey; it also supposes that the son only desires to be
restored to the rights of his ancestors, and to wear the coat of arms his
family always wore, though, perhaps, one of his own invention, and quite
different from that on his old pewter ware; thus the granting of letters of
nobility does not apply to his case, for they only confer an honour on a
commoner, that is, on a man who has not yet discovered the secret of
becoming rich.
(4.) A man of the people, by often affirming he was present when some
prodigy happened, persuades himself that he has really seen it; another
person, by concealing his age, comes to believe at last he is as young as he
would be thought; and thus a commoner, who habitually asserts he is
descended from some ancient baron, or from some noble lord, has the ideal
pleasure of fancying himself of such illustrious descent.
(5.) What man is there, however meanly born, who having acquired
some fortune, can be in want of a coat of arms, and with this coat, heraldic
devices of the highest rank, a crest, supporters, a motto, and perhaps a war-
cry? What is become of the distinction between head-pieces and helmets?
They are no longer in use and not even mentioned; it does no more matter if
they are worn in front or profile, open or closed, and with more or less bars;
such niceties are out of date; coronets are worn, which is far simpler, for
people think they deserve wearing them, and, therefore, bestow them on
themselves. Some of the better sort of citizens have still a little
shamefacedness left which prevents them using the coronet of a marquess,
and they content themselves with an earlʼs, whilst a few do not even go a
long way for their coat of arms, but take it from their sign-boards to put it
on their carriages.750
(6.) Provided a person is not born in a city, but in some lonely thatched
house in the country, or in some ruins in the midst of marshes, dignified
with the name of castle, he will be taken for a nobleman upon his own
affirmation.
(7.) A man of noble descent wishes to pass for a small lord, and he
compasses his end; a great lord pretends to be a prince, and employs so
many precautions that, thanks to some fine appellations, quarrels about rank
and precedence, and a genealogy not recognised by DʼHozier,751 he at last
is allowed to be a petty prince.
by having been a lackey; it also supposes that the son only desires to be
restored to the rights of his ancestors, and to wear the coat of arms his
family always wore, though, perhaps, one of his own invention, and quite
different from that on his old pewter ware; thus the granting of letters of
nobility does not apply to his case, for they only confer an honour on a
commoner, that is, on a man who has not yet discovered the secret of
becoming rich.
(4.) A man of the people, by often affirming he was present when some
prodigy happened, persuades himself that he has really seen it; another
person, by concealing his age, comes to believe at last he is as young as he
would be thought; and thus a commoner, who habitually asserts he is
descended from some ancient baron, or from some noble lord, has the ideal
pleasure of fancying himself of such illustrious descent.
(5.) What man is there, however meanly born, who having acquired
some fortune, can be in want of a coat of arms, and with this coat, heraldic
devices of the highest rank, a crest, supporters, a motto, and perhaps a war-
cry? What is become of the distinction between head-pieces and helmets?
They are no longer in use and not even mentioned; it does no more matter if
they are worn in front or profile, open or closed, and with more or less bars;
such niceties are out of date; coronets are worn, which is far simpler, for
people think they deserve wearing them, and, therefore, bestow them on
themselves. Some of the better sort of citizens have still a little
shamefacedness left which prevents them using the coronet of a marquess,
and they content themselves with an earlʼs, whilst a few do not even go a
long way for their coat of arms, but take it from their sign-boards to put it
on their carriages.750
(6.) Provided a person is not born in a city, but in some lonely thatched
house in the country, or in some ruins in the midst of marshes, dignified
with the name of castle, he will be taken for a nobleman upon his own
affirmation.
(7.) A man of noble descent wishes to pass for a small lord, and he
compasses his end; a great lord pretends to be a prince, and employs so
many precautions that, thanks to some fine appellations, quarrels about rank
and precedence, and a genealogy not recognised by DʼHozier,751 he at last
is allowed to be a petty prince.
Page 269
(8.) In everything great men mould themselves, and follow the example
of people of higher rank, who, on their side, that they may have nothing in
common with their inferiors, willingly abandon all honorific appellations
and distinctions with which their rank is burdened, and instead of their
slavery prefer a life of more freedom and ease.752 Those who follow their
steps vie already to observe the same simplicity and modesty. And thus,
through a feeling of pride, all will condescend to live naturally and as the
people do. How horribly inconvenient they must feel!
(9.) Some people are so fond of names that they have three for fear of
wanting some; one for the country, another for the town, and a third which
they use when on duty or in their office; others have a dissyllabic name
which they ennoble by the particle “du” or “de” as soon as their
circumstances improve; some, again, by suppressing a syllable make a
name illustrious which was before obscure; by changing one letter of his
name another person disguises himself, and he who formerly was Syrus
becomes Cyrus.753 Many suppress their whole names, though far from
ignominious, to adopt others which sound better, and by which they get
nothing but to be always compared to the great men from whom those
names are borrowed. Finally, there are some, who, though born within the
walls of Paris, pretend to be Flemish or Italian, as if every country had not
its commoners, lengthen their French names, and give them a foreign
termination, as if names were the better for being far-fetched.754
(10.) The want of money has reconciled the nobility to the commoners,
and put an end to all disputes about the quartering of escutcheons.755
(11.) How many persons would be gainers by a law which should
decree that nobility can be inherited from the motherʼs side, but how many
more would be losers by it.756
(12.) There are few families but who are related to the greatest princes
as well as to the common people.
(13.) There is nothing lost by being a nobleman; those who have a title
neither want franchises, immunities, exemptions, privileges. Do you think it
was purely for the pleasure of being ennobled that certain monks have
obtained a title? They are not so foolish; it is only for the advantages they
receive from it. It is, after all, much better than to get money by having an
interest in farming the salt tax, and that not alone for every individual of the
of people of higher rank, who, on their side, that they may have nothing in
common with their inferiors, willingly abandon all honorific appellations
and distinctions with which their rank is burdened, and instead of their
slavery prefer a life of more freedom and ease.752 Those who follow their
steps vie already to observe the same simplicity and modesty. And thus,
through a feeling of pride, all will condescend to live naturally and as the
people do. How horribly inconvenient they must feel!
(9.) Some people are so fond of names that they have three for fear of
wanting some; one for the country, another for the town, and a third which
they use when on duty or in their office; others have a dissyllabic name
which they ennoble by the particle “du” or “de” as soon as their
circumstances improve; some, again, by suppressing a syllable make a
name illustrious which was before obscure; by changing one letter of his
name another person disguises himself, and he who formerly was Syrus
becomes Cyrus.753 Many suppress their whole names, though far from
ignominious, to adopt others which sound better, and by which they get
nothing but to be always compared to the great men from whom those
names are borrowed. Finally, there are some, who, though born within the
walls of Paris, pretend to be Flemish or Italian, as if every country had not
its commoners, lengthen their French names, and give them a foreign
termination, as if names were the better for being far-fetched.754
(10.) The want of money has reconciled the nobility to the commoners,
and put an end to all disputes about the quartering of escutcheons.755
(11.) How many persons would be gainers by a law which should
decree that nobility can be inherited from the motherʼs side, but how many
more would be losers by it.756
(12.) There are few families but who are related to the greatest princes
as well as to the common people.
(13.) There is nothing lost by being a nobleman; those who have a title
neither want franchises, immunities, exemptions, privileges. Do you think it
was purely for the pleasure of being ennobled that certain monks have
obtained a title? They are not so foolish; it is only for the advantages they
receive from it. It is, after all, much better than to get money by having an
interest in farming the salt tax, and that not alone for every individual of the
Page 270
community, for it is against their vows, but even for the community
itself.757
(14.) I here declare openly and desire all men to take notice of it, that
none may hereafter be surprised: if ever any great man will think me worthy
of his patronage, if ever I happen to make my fortune, I then shall claim
descent from a certain Godfrey de la Bruyère, whom all chronicles of
France mention as one of the many French noblemen of the highest rank
who followed Godfrey of Bouillon to conquer the Holy Land.758
(15.) If nobility be virtue, a flagitious man loses his title; and if it be not
virtue, is a very trifling thing.
(16.) Certain things are astonishing and incomprehensible if we
consider their principles and why they were established. Who could
imagine, for example, that these abbés who dress and are as effeminate and
vain as any man or woman of rank can well be, and who vie for the ladiesʼ
favours with a marquess or a financier, and defeat them both, were
originally and etymologically the fathers and heads of holy monks and
humble anchorites to whom they should be exemplars. How powerful, how
absolute, how tyrannical is custom! And, not to mention greater
irregularities, is it not to be feared that one day or other some young abbés
will figure in grey-flowered velvet dresses like a certain cardinal, or will
paint and wear patches like women?759
(17.) That the obscenities of the gods, the Venus, the Ganymede, and all
the other nudities of Carracci are represented on pictures painted for certain
princes of the Church who style themselves successors of the apostles, may
be proved by visiting the palace of the Farnese.760
(18.) A thing, however handsome, loses somewhat of its beauty by
being out of place; decorum adds a certain perfection and is based on
reason; thus we never behold a jig danced in a chapel,761 or hear stagey
elocution in the pulpit; whilst no profane imagery is seen in churches, nor a
crucifix and a picture of the Judgment of Paris762 in these same holy places,
nor the dress and retinue of a military man in a churchman.763
(19.) Shall I freely declare my thoughts about what the world calls a
fine morning choral service, decorations often profane, places reserved and
paid for, books distributed as in the theatre,764 frequent assignations and
interviews, deafening murmurings and talk, a certain person mounted in the
pulpit, who holds forth in a familiar and jejune manner, without any other
itself.757
(14.) I here declare openly and desire all men to take notice of it, that
none may hereafter be surprised: if ever any great man will think me worthy
of his patronage, if ever I happen to make my fortune, I then shall claim
descent from a certain Godfrey de la Bruyère, whom all chronicles of
France mention as one of the many French noblemen of the highest rank
who followed Godfrey of Bouillon to conquer the Holy Land.758
(15.) If nobility be virtue, a flagitious man loses his title; and if it be not
virtue, is a very trifling thing.
(16.) Certain things are astonishing and incomprehensible if we
consider their principles and why they were established. Who could
imagine, for example, that these abbés who dress and are as effeminate and
vain as any man or woman of rank can well be, and who vie for the ladiesʼ
favours with a marquess or a financier, and defeat them both, were
originally and etymologically the fathers and heads of holy monks and
humble anchorites to whom they should be exemplars. How powerful, how
absolute, how tyrannical is custom! And, not to mention greater
irregularities, is it not to be feared that one day or other some young abbés
will figure in grey-flowered velvet dresses like a certain cardinal, or will
paint and wear patches like women?759
(17.) That the obscenities of the gods, the Venus, the Ganymede, and all
the other nudities of Carracci are represented on pictures painted for certain
princes of the Church who style themselves successors of the apostles, may
be proved by visiting the palace of the Farnese.760
(18.) A thing, however handsome, loses somewhat of its beauty by
being out of place; decorum adds a certain perfection and is based on
reason; thus we never behold a jig danced in a chapel,761 or hear stagey
elocution in the pulpit; whilst no profane imagery is seen in churches, nor a
crucifix and a picture of the Judgment of Paris762 in these same holy places,
nor the dress and retinue of a military man in a churchman.763
(19.) Shall I freely declare my thoughts about what the world calls a
fine morning choral service, decorations often profane, places reserved and
paid for, books distributed as in the theatre,764 frequent assignations and
interviews, deafening murmurings and talk, a certain person mounted in the
pulpit, who holds forth in a familiar and jejune manner, without any other
Page 271
ambition than to get the people together and to amuse them until an
orchestra begins to play, and, shall I say it, until singers are heard who have
rehearsed for a considerable time? Does it become me to exclaim that I burn
with zeal for the Lordʼs house? and must I draw aside the slender curtain
which covers those mysteries, witnesses of such gross indecencies? What!
must I call all this the church service because they do not yet dance at the
TT....765
(20.) We hear of no vows nor pilgrimages made to any saint, in order to
attain a higher degree of benignity, a more grateful heart, to be more just
and less evil-doing, and to be cured of vanity, restless activity, and a
propensity for buffoonery?
(21.) What can be more eccentric than for a number of Christians of
both sexes to meet on certain days in a large room to applaud and reward a
company of excommunicated persons, who are only excommunicated for
the very pleasure they give, and for which already they have been paid
beforehand? Methinks either all theatres should be shut or a less severe
anathema be fulminated against actors.766
(22.) On those days which are called holy a monk confesses, while the
vicar thunders from the pulpit against the monk and his followers. A pious
woman leaves the altar and then hears the preacher state in his sermon that
she has committed sacrilege. Has the church no power either to make a
clergyman hold his peace, or to suspend for a time the authority of a
Barnabite?767
(23.) The fees in a parish church are higher for a marriage than for a
christening, and amount to more for a christening than for confession;
people would think them a tax laid upon the sacraments, which seem to be
appreciated ad valorem; yet, after all, this is not the case; and those persons
who receive money for these holy things do not think they sell them, whilst
those who pay for them as little think they purchase them. Such an
appearance of evil might indeed be avoided as well for the sake of the weak
as for that of the scoffers.
(24.) A ruddy and quite healthy-looking parish priest,768 wearing fine
linen and Venice lace, has his seat in church near the cardinals and the
doctors of divinity,769 where he finishes to digest his dinner, whilst certain
Bernardine or Franciscan monks come out of their cells or deserts to which
decency and their own vows should confine them, to preach before him and
orchestra begins to play, and, shall I say it, until singers are heard who have
rehearsed for a considerable time? Does it become me to exclaim that I burn
with zeal for the Lordʼs house? and must I draw aside the slender curtain
which covers those mysteries, witnesses of such gross indecencies? What!
must I call all this the church service because they do not yet dance at the
TT....765
(20.) We hear of no vows nor pilgrimages made to any saint, in order to
attain a higher degree of benignity, a more grateful heart, to be more just
and less evil-doing, and to be cured of vanity, restless activity, and a
propensity for buffoonery?
(21.) What can be more eccentric than for a number of Christians of
both sexes to meet on certain days in a large room to applaud and reward a
company of excommunicated persons, who are only excommunicated for
the very pleasure they give, and for which already they have been paid
beforehand? Methinks either all theatres should be shut or a less severe
anathema be fulminated against actors.766
(22.) On those days which are called holy a monk confesses, while the
vicar thunders from the pulpit against the monk and his followers. A pious
woman leaves the altar and then hears the preacher state in his sermon that
she has committed sacrilege. Has the church no power either to make a
clergyman hold his peace, or to suspend for a time the authority of a
Barnabite?767
(23.) The fees in a parish church are higher for a marriage than for a
christening, and amount to more for a christening than for confession;
people would think them a tax laid upon the sacraments, which seem to be
appreciated ad valorem; yet, after all, this is not the case; and those persons
who receive money for these holy things do not think they sell them, whilst
those who pay for them as little think they purchase them. Such an
appearance of evil might indeed be avoided as well for the sake of the weak
as for that of the scoffers.
(24.) A ruddy and quite healthy-looking parish priest,768 wearing fine
linen and Venice lace, has his seat in church near the cardinals and the
doctors of divinity,769 where he finishes to digest his dinner, whilst certain
Bernardine or Franciscan monks come out of their cells or deserts to which
decency and their own vows should confine them, to preach before him and
Page 272
his flock, and to be paid for their sermons as if they were vendible
commodities. You will not let me continue, and you remark: “That such a
censure is novel and unexpected, and that this shepherd and his flock ought
not to be deprived from hearing the Word of God and receiving the bread of
life.” “By no means, I would have him himself preach that word as well as
administer that bread morning and evening, in the churches, in the houses,
on the market-places, from the housetops, and have none assume such a
grand and laborious office but with intentions, capacities, and physical
strength deserving of the handsome offerings and wealthy emoluments
belonging to it. However, I am compelled to excuse the vicarʼs conduct, for
it is customary, and he found it already established and will transmit it to his
successors; but still I must blame this strange, unreasonable, and
unwarrantable custom, whilst I approve still less the habit of his being paid
four times for the same funeral, once for himself, a second time as his fees,
a third for his being present, and a fourth for his officiating.”
(25.) Titus served the church these twenty years in a small living, and is
not yet held worthy of a better which becomes vacant; neither his talents,
knowledge, his exemplary life, nor the wishes of his parishioners are
sufficient to get him promoted; another clergyman starts up, as it were, from
underground, and he obtains the preference; Titus is sent back and put off,
but he does not complain, for custom will have it so.
(26.) “Who,” asks the precentor, “will compel me to come to matins?
Am I not master of the choir? My predecessor never went there, and I am as
good a man as ever he was! Shall I allow my dignity to be debased while I
hold office, or leave it to my successor as I found it?” The head of the
school says: “I do not battle for my own interests, but for those of the
prebend; it would be hard indeed for a superior canon to have to do duty
with the choir, whilst the treasurer, the archdeacon, the penitentiary, and the
grand vicar think themselves exempt from it.” “It is my right,” argues the
head of the chapter, “to claim my dues, even if I should never come to
prayers; for twenty years I slept every night without being disturbed; I will
go on as I began, and never act derogatory to my dignity. Else, why should I
be head of the chapter, if my example should be of no importance?” Thus
each strives not to praise the Lord, and to show that, for a long time, it was
neither customary nor compulsory to do so; whilst the emulation not to
repair to divine service cannot be greater nor more fervent. The bells toll in
the stillness of the night, and the same sounds which awaken the choristers
commodities. You will not let me continue, and you remark: “That such a
censure is novel and unexpected, and that this shepherd and his flock ought
not to be deprived from hearing the Word of God and receiving the bread of
life.” “By no means, I would have him himself preach that word as well as
administer that bread morning and evening, in the churches, in the houses,
on the market-places, from the housetops, and have none assume such a
grand and laborious office but with intentions, capacities, and physical
strength deserving of the handsome offerings and wealthy emoluments
belonging to it. However, I am compelled to excuse the vicarʼs conduct, for
it is customary, and he found it already established and will transmit it to his
successors; but still I must blame this strange, unreasonable, and
unwarrantable custom, whilst I approve still less the habit of his being paid
four times for the same funeral, once for himself, a second time as his fees,
a third for his being present, and a fourth for his officiating.”
(25.) Titus served the church these twenty years in a small living, and is
not yet held worthy of a better which becomes vacant; neither his talents,
knowledge, his exemplary life, nor the wishes of his parishioners are
sufficient to get him promoted; another clergyman starts up, as it were, from
underground, and he obtains the preference; Titus is sent back and put off,
but he does not complain, for custom will have it so.
(26.) “Who,” asks the precentor, “will compel me to come to matins?
Am I not master of the choir? My predecessor never went there, and I am as
good a man as ever he was! Shall I allow my dignity to be debased while I
hold office, or leave it to my successor as I found it?” The head of the
school says: “I do not battle for my own interests, but for those of the
prebend; it would be hard indeed for a superior canon to have to do duty
with the choir, whilst the treasurer, the archdeacon, the penitentiary, and the
grand vicar think themselves exempt from it.” “It is my right,” argues the
head of the chapter, “to claim my dues, even if I should never come to
prayers; for twenty years I slept every night without being disturbed; I will
go on as I began, and never act derogatory to my dignity. Else, why should I
be head of the chapter, if my example should be of no importance?” Thus
each strives not to praise the Lord, and to show that, for a long time, it was
neither customary nor compulsory to do so; whilst the emulation not to
repair to divine service cannot be greater nor more fervent. The bells toll in
the stillness of the night, and the same sounds which awaken the choristers
Page 273
and the singing-boys, lull the canons into a more sound and pleasant
slumber, interspersed by delicious dreams; they rise late, and go to church
to be paid for having slept.
(27.) Who would ever imagine, did not experience daily show it, how
difficult it is for people to resign themselves to their being happy; and that
there should be need of men dressed in a certain fashion, who by tender and
pathetic speeches prepared beforehand, by certain inflexions of the voice,
by tears and gestures, which make them perspire and exhaust them, finally
induce a Christian and sensible man, who is desperately ill, not to be lost
for ever but to ensure his own salvation.
(28.) Aristippusʼ daughter lies dangerously ill; she sends for her father,
and is anxious to be reconciled to him and die happy. Shall so wise a man,
the oracle of the whole town, take such a sensible step of his own accord,
and persuade his wife to do the same? No! they will not stir without the
interference of a spiritual director.
(29.) If a mother does not yield to the inclinations of her daughter, but
induces her to become a nun, she takes upon herself the charge of another
soul beside her own, and is responsible for such a soul to God. Such a
mother will be lost for ever if the daughter be not saved.
(30.) A certain man gambles and is ruined, but nevertheless, when the
eldest of his two daughters gets married, he gives her as a dowry all he has
been able to rescue out of the clutches of some cheat;770 the younger will
shortly become a nun, without any vocation for it, but compelled by the
losses of her father at play.
(31.) Certain maidens, virtuous, healthy, enthusiasts in religion, and
who feel they have a call, have not sufficient money to enter a wealthy
nunnery and to take the vows of poverty.
(32.) A woman who hesitates whether she shall enter an abbey or a
nunnery revives the old question about the advantages of a popular or a
despotic rule.771
(33.) To play the fool and marry for love is to marry Melita, a
handsome, sensible, thrifty, charming young woman who loves you, but is
not so wealthy as Ægina, whose hand is proposed to you, with a large
dowry, but who feels a strong inclination for spending it all, and your own
fortune as well.
(34.) Formerly it was considered no trifling affair to get married; it was
a settlement for life, a matter of importance which deserved a great deal of
slumber, interspersed by delicious dreams; they rise late, and go to church
to be paid for having slept.
(27.) Who would ever imagine, did not experience daily show it, how
difficult it is for people to resign themselves to their being happy; and that
there should be need of men dressed in a certain fashion, who by tender and
pathetic speeches prepared beforehand, by certain inflexions of the voice,
by tears and gestures, which make them perspire and exhaust them, finally
induce a Christian and sensible man, who is desperately ill, not to be lost
for ever but to ensure his own salvation.
(28.) Aristippusʼ daughter lies dangerously ill; she sends for her father,
and is anxious to be reconciled to him and die happy. Shall so wise a man,
the oracle of the whole town, take such a sensible step of his own accord,
and persuade his wife to do the same? No! they will not stir without the
interference of a spiritual director.
(29.) If a mother does not yield to the inclinations of her daughter, but
induces her to become a nun, she takes upon herself the charge of another
soul beside her own, and is responsible for such a soul to God. Such a
mother will be lost for ever if the daughter be not saved.
(30.) A certain man gambles and is ruined, but nevertheless, when the
eldest of his two daughters gets married, he gives her as a dowry all he has
been able to rescue out of the clutches of some cheat;770 the younger will
shortly become a nun, without any vocation for it, but compelled by the
losses of her father at play.
(31.) Certain maidens, virtuous, healthy, enthusiasts in religion, and
who feel they have a call, have not sufficient money to enter a wealthy
nunnery and to take the vows of poverty.
(32.) A woman who hesitates whether she shall enter an abbey or a
nunnery revives the old question about the advantages of a popular or a
despotic rule.771
(33.) To play the fool and marry for love is to marry Melita, a
handsome, sensible, thrifty, charming young woman who loves you, but is
not so wealthy as Ægina, whose hand is proposed to you, with a large
dowry, but who feels a strong inclination for spending it all, and your own
fortune as well.
(34.) Formerly it was considered no trifling affair to get married; it was
a settlement for life, a matter of importance which deserved a great deal of
Page 274
consideration; for a man had to take a wife for all his life, for better or
worse; the same table and the same bed served them both; there was no
getting rid of one another by separate maintenance, and a man with a
household and children did not seem a rollicking bachelor.
(35.) I commend the bashfulness of a man who avoids being seen with a
woman not his wife, and I can also understand his being loth to frequent
persons of bad reputation. But what an impertinence for a man to blush
being in the company of his own wife and being ashamed of appearing in
public with a lady whom he has chosen as his companion for life, who
should be his joy, his comfort, and his chief society; whom he loves and
esteems, who adorns his home, and whose intelligence, merits, virtue, and
connections reflect credit on him. Why did he not begin being ashamed of
his marriage?
I am well aware of the tyranny, of custom, how it sways the mind and
constrains the manners of men, even in things which are most senseless and
needless; but I feel, nevertheless, I could be bold enough to walk on the
Cours to be stared at in the company of the lady who is my wife.772
(36.) It is not a fault in a young man to marry a lady advanced in age,
nor should he be ashamed of it, for he not seldom shows his prudence and
foresight by acting thus. But it is infamous to treat his benefactress
disgracefully, and to let her see she has been imposed upon by a hypocrite
and an ungrateful fellow. If dissembling be ever excusable it is when it is
done out of kindness; if deception is ever to be allowed, it is when sincerity
would be cruelty. No man should behave cruelly even if his wife should live
longer than he expected; for he did not stipulate, when he married her, that
she should give up the ghost immediately after having made his fortune and
paid his debts. Has she no longer to draw breath, and has she to take a dose
of opium or hemlock after having performed such a fine stroke of business?
Is it a crime in her to live? And is she to be blamed if the man should die
before the woman, for whose funeral he had already made such nice
arrangements, and for whom he intended to have the biggest bells tolled and
the finest trappings brought out?
(37.) For some time a certain method has been in use for making the
most of oneʼs money,773 which is still practised by some of our gentlemanly
people, though it has been condemned by our most eminent divines.
(38.) In every commonwealth there are always some offices apparently
created for no other purpose but to enrich one man at the expense of many;
worse; the same table and the same bed served them both; there was no
getting rid of one another by separate maintenance, and a man with a
household and children did not seem a rollicking bachelor.
(35.) I commend the bashfulness of a man who avoids being seen with a
woman not his wife, and I can also understand his being loth to frequent
persons of bad reputation. But what an impertinence for a man to blush
being in the company of his own wife and being ashamed of appearing in
public with a lady whom he has chosen as his companion for life, who
should be his joy, his comfort, and his chief society; whom he loves and
esteems, who adorns his home, and whose intelligence, merits, virtue, and
connections reflect credit on him. Why did he not begin being ashamed of
his marriage?
I am well aware of the tyranny, of custom, how it sways the mind and
constrains the manners of men, even in things which are most senseless and
needless; but I feel, nevertheless, I could be bold enough to walk on the
Cours to be stared at in the company of the lady who is my wife.772
(36.) It is not a fault in a young man to marry a lady advanced in age,
nor should he be ashamed of it, for he not seldom shows his prudence and
foresight by acting thus. But it is infamous to treat his benefactress
disgracefully, and to let her see she has been imposed upon by a hypocrite
and an ungrateful fellow. If dissembling be ever excusable it is when it is
done out of kindness; if deception is ever to be allowed, it is when sincerity
would be cruelty. No man should behave cruelly even if his wife should live
longer than he expected; for he did not stipulate, when he married her, that
she should give up the ghost immediately after having made his fortune and
paid his debts. Has she no longer to draw breath, and has she to take a dose
of opium or hemlock after having performed such a fine stroke of business?
Is it a crime in her to live? And is she to be blamed if the man should die
before the woman, for whose funeral he had already made such nice
arrangements, and for whom he intended to have the biggest bells tolled and
the finest trappings brought out?
(37.) For some time a certain method has been in use for making the
most of oneʼs money,773 which is still practised by some of our gentlemanly
people, though it has been condemned by our most eminent divines.
(38.) In every commonwealth there are always some offices apparently
created for no other purpose but to enrich one man at the expense of many;
Page 275
the property and the monies of private people flow continually and
uninterruptedly in his coffers,774 and they hardly ever come back, or if they
do, it is after a long while. Each of these chests is like an abyss, a sea,
which receives the waters of many rivers but disgorges none; or, if it does,
it is imperceptibly, through secret and subterranean channels, without in the
least abating its size and volume, and not till it has enjoyed these waters for
a good while and can keep them no longer.
(39.) To sink money in an annuity was formerly considered quite safe; it
was sure to be paid, and inalienable, but, now, through the fault of
administrators, it may be considered irretrievably lost.775 What other means
are there for doubling an income or for hoarding? Shall I trust my money to
the farmers of the huitième denier, or to those of the indirect taxes?776 Shall
I become a miser, a farmer of the revenue,777 or an administrator of a
hospital?
(40.) You have a silver coin, or even a gold coin in your possession, but
that is not enough, for such coins only exercise their influence in large
quantities; collect, if you can, a goodly number of them, make a heap of
them, and then leave the rest to me. You are neither well-born, intelligent,
talented, nor experienced, but what does it matter? only keep up your heap
and I will take care to place you in such an eminent position that you shall
stand covered before your master, if you have one; and he must be a very
great man indeed, if, with the help of your daily increasing coin, I do not
make him stand bareheaded in your presence.
(41.) Oranta has been at law these ten years to know in what court her
cause is to be tried; her pretensions are well founded, of great importance,
and her whole fortune is at stake. Perhaps about five years hence she may
know who her judges are to be, and in what court she is to plead for the
remaining years of her life.
(42.) The custom which has, of late, been adopted by our courts of
judicature, of interrupting barristers whilst speaking, of preventing them
from being eloquent and witty, of making them go back to the mere facts of
a case, and to the bare proofs on which their clients base their rights, is very
much approved of.778 This harsh measure, which makes orators regret they
have to leave out the finest parts of their speeches, banishes eloquence from
the only spot where it is not out of place, and will make of our
Parliaments779 mute judicial tribunals, is founded on this sound and
uninterruptedly in his coffers,774 and they hardly ever come back, or if they
do, it is after a long while. Each of these chests is like an abyss, a sea,
which receives the waters of many rivers but disgorges none; or, if it does,
it is imperceptibly, through secret and subterranean channels, without in the
least abating its size and volume, and not till it has enjoyed these waters for
a good while and can keep them no longer.
(39.) To sink money in an annuity was formerly considered quite safe; it
was sure to be paid, and inalienable, but, now, through the fault of
administrators, it may be considered irretrievably lost.775 What other means
are there for doubling an income or for hoarding? Shall I trust my money to
the farmers of the huitième denier, or to those of the indirect taxes?776 Shall
I become a miser, a farmer of the revenue,777 or an administrator of a
hospital?
(40.) You have a silver coin, or even a gold coin in your possession, but
that is not enough, for such coins only exercise their influence in large
quantities; collect, if you can, a goodly number of them, make a heap of
them, and then leave the rest to me. You are neither well-born, intelligent,
talented, nor experienced, but what does it matter? only keep up your heap
and I will take care to place you in such an eminent position that you shall
stand covered before your master, if you have one; and he must be a very
great man indeed, if, with the help of your daily increasing coin, I do not
make him stand bareheaded in your presence.
(41.) Oranta has been at law these ten years to know in what court her
cause is to be tried; her pretensions are well founded, of great importance,
and her whole fortune is at stake. Perhaps about five years hence she may
know who her judges are to be, and in what court she is to plead for the
remaining years of her life.
(42.) The custom which has, of late, been adopted by our courts of
judicature, of interrupting barristers whilst speaking, of preventing them
from being eloquent and witty, of making them go back to the mere facts of
a case, and to the bare proofs on which their clients base their rights, is very
much approved of.778 This harsh measure, which makes orators regret they
have to leave out the finest parts of their speeches, banishes eloquence from
the only spot where it is not out of place, and will make of our
Parliaments779 mute judicial tribunals, is founded on this sound and
Page 276
unanswerable argument, that it expedites the dispatch of business. I also
wish the clerks would not forget to accelerate their business in the same
way it is now done in court, and that not only barristersʼ speeches but the
reports in writing might be curtailed.780
(43.) It is the duty of a judge to administer justice, but it is his
profession to delay it; some judges know their duty and practise their
profession.
(44.) Whenever a judge is solicited781 it reflects no credit on him, for
either his knowledge or his honesty is considered doubtful, and an attempt
is made to prejudice him or to get him to commit an injustice.
(45.) With certain judges court favour, authority, friendship, and family
connections, damage a good cause, and an affectation of wishing to appear
incorruptible induces them to become unjust.
(46.) A magistrate who is either a dandy or a gallant has a far worse
influence than if he were a dissolute man, for the latter conceals his
behaviour and intrigues, so that often it is not known how to approach him,
whilst the former with many professed foibles may be influenced by every
woman he wishes to please.
(47.) Religion and justice are almost alike respected in a
commonwealth, and the character of a magistrate is considered nearly as
sacred as that of a priest. A legal dignitary can hardly dance at a ball, be
seen in a theatre, or doff his plain and modest apparel, without bringing
contempt upon himself; it is strange a law should be necessary to regulate
his outward appearance, and compel him to assume a grave and highly
respectable air.782
(48.) There exists no profession in which an apprenticeship is not
necessary; and in considering the various stations of men, it is manifest that,
from the highest to the lowest, some time has been allowed to every person
for qualifying himself by practice and experience for his profession, when
his errors have been of no importance, but, on the contrary, led to
perfection. War itself, which seems to owe its origin to confusion and
disorder, and to be fostered by them, has its own rules; people do not
destroy one another in the open field, in platoons, and in bands, without
having been taught it, for killing is practised methodically. There is a school
for military men; then why should magistrates not have one? There are
established practices, laws, and customs, but no time is allowed, or at least
not sufficient time, for digesting and studying them. The first attempt and
wish the clerks would not forget to accelerate their business in the same
way it is now done in court, and that not only barristersʼ speeches but the
reports in writing might be curtailed.780
(43.) It is the duty of a judge to administer justice, but it is his
profession to delay it; some judges know their duty and practise their
profession.
(44.) Whenever a judge is solicited781 it reflects no credit on him, for
either his knowledge or his honesty is considered doubtful, and an attempt
is made to prejudice him or to get him to commit an injustice.
(45.) With certain judges court favour, authority, friendship, and family
connections, damage a good cause, and an affectation of wishing to appear
incorruptible induces them to become unjust.
(46.) A magistrate who is either a dandy or a gallant has a far worse
influence than if he were a dissolute man, for the latter conceals his
behaviour and intrigues, so that often it is not known how to approach him,
whilst the former with many professed foibles may be influenced by every
woman he wishes to please.
(47.) Religion and justice are almost alike respected in a
commonwealth, and the character of a magistrate is considered nearly as
sacred as that of a priest. A legal dignitary can hardly dance at a ball, be
seen in a theatre, or doff his plain and modest apparel, without bringing
contempt upon himself; it is strange a law should be necessary to regulate
his outward appearance, and compel him to assume a grave and highly
respectable air.782
(48.) There exists no profession in which an apprenticeship is not
necessary; and in considering the various stations of men, it is manifest that,
from the highest to the lowest, some time has been allowed to every person
for qualifying himself by practice and experience for his profession, when
his errors have been of no importance, but, on the contrary, led to
perfection. War itself, which seems to owe its origin to confusion and
disorder, and to be fostered by them, has its own rules; people do not
destroy one another in the open field, in platoons, and in bands, without
having been taught it, for killing is practised methodically. There is a school
for military men; then why should magistrates not have one? There are
established practices, laws, and customs, but no time is allowed, or at least
not sufficient time, for digesting and studying them. The first attempt and
Page 277
apprenticeship of a youth who, fresh from school, dons red garments, and
has been made a judge on account of his money,783 is to decide arbitrarily
of the lives and fortunes of men.784
(49.) The chief qualification of an orator is probity; without it he is no
more than a declaimer, and disguises or exaggerates matters of fact, makes
use of falsified quotations, slanders, adopts all the injustice and malice of
his client, and may be ranked among those advocates of whom the proverb
says, “that they are hired to insult people.”785
(50.) I have heard it said: “It is true I owe a certain sum to such and
such a person, and his claim is indisputable; but I wait to see if he will
execute a small matter of form, and if he omits it, he can never retrieve his
error; consequently he will then lose his debt, and his claim will be
undoubtedly superseded. Now, he is pretty sure to forget it!” The man who
utters such words has a real pettifoggerʼs conscience.
An excellent, useful, sensible, wise, and just maxim for all courts of
judicature would be the reverse of that which prefers form to equity.
(51.) Torture is an admirable invention, and infallibly destroys an
innocent man who has a weak constitution, whilst it saves a guilty man who
is hardy.786
(52.) The punishment of a villain is an example for his fellows; in the
condemnation of an innocent man all honest men are concerned.787
Speaking of myself, I would almost affirm never to become a thief or
murderer, but I would not be so bold as to infer that I might never be
punished as such.
Deplorable is the condition of an innocent person whose trial has been
hurried, and who is found guilty. Can even that of his judge be more
lamentable?
(53.) If I had been told that in former ages a prévôt, or one of those
magistrates appointed for the apprehension and destruction of rogues and
thieves, had been long acquainted with all such rascals, knew their names
and faces as well as the number and quantity of their robberies, and all
particulars about them; and had so far penetrated all their actions and was
so completely initiated in all their horrible mysteries that, to prevent the
clamour some great man was about to raise for the loss of a jewel, stolen
from him in a crowd when coming from some party, he knew how to restore
it to him, and that Parliament interfered and had this magistrate tried; I
has been made a judge on account of his money,783 is to decide arbitrarily
of the lives and fortunes of men.784
(49.) The chief qualification of an orator is probity; without it he is no
more than a declaimer, and disguises or exaggerates matters of fact, makes
use of falsified quotations, slanders, adopts all the injustice and malice of
his client, and may be ranked among those advocates of whom the proverb
says, “that they are hired to insult people.”785
(50.) I have heard it said: “It is true I owe a certain sum to such and
such a person, and his claim is indisputable; but I wait to see if he will
execute a small matter of form, and if he omits it, he can never retrieve his
error; consequently he will then lose his debt, and his claim will be
undoubtedly superseded. Now, he is pretty sure to forget it!” The man who
utters such words has a real pettifoggerʼs conscience.
An excellent, useful, sensible, wise, and just maxim for all courts of
judicature would be the reverse of that which prefers form to equity.
(51.) Torture is an admirable invention, and infallibly destroys an
innocent man who has a weak constitution, whilst it saves a guilty man who
is hardy.786
(52.) The punishment of a villain is an example for his fellows; in the
condemnation of an innocent man all honest men are concerned.787
Speaking of myself, I would almost affirm never to become a thief or
murderer, but I would not be so bold as to infer that I might never be
punished as such.
Deplorable is the condition of an innocent person whose trial has been
hurried, and who is found guilty. Can even that of his judge be more
lamentable?
(53.) If I had been told that in former ages a prévôt, or one of those
magistrates appointed for the apprehension and destruction of rogues and
thieves, had been long acquainted with all such rascals, knew their names
and faces as well as the number and quantity of their robberies, and all
particulars about them; and had so far penetrated all their actions and was
so completely initiated in all their horrible mysteries that, to prevent the
clamour some great man was about to raise for the loss of a jewel, stolen
from him in a crowd when coming from some party, he knew how to restore
it to him, and that Parliament interfered and had this magistrate tried; I
Page 278
should class such an event with many others in history, which in the course
of time have become incredible. How, then, can I believe, what may be
inferred from recent, well-known, and clearly proved facts, that such a
pernicious connivance exists even at the present time, is made a jest of, and
is looked upon as a matter of course?788
(54.) There exists a large number of men, imperious towards the weak,
firm and inflexible when solicited by commoners, without any regard for
the inferior classes, rigid and severe in trifles, who will not accept the
smallest present, nor be persuaded by their dearest friends and nearest
relatives, and who only are to be bribed by women.789
(55.) It is not absolutely impossible for a man who is in high favour to
lose his suit.
(56.) A person who is dying may expect his last will to be listened to as
if it was an oracle; every man puts his own construction on it and explains it
as he pleases, or rather, as it will suit his inclination or his interest.
(57.) There are some men of whom we may truly say that death does not
so much determine their last will as that it deprives them of life as well as
of their irresolution and restlessness: a fit of anger moves them to make a
will, whilst they are living, but when the fit is over it is torn to pieces and
burnt. They have as many wills in their strong box as there are almanacs on
their table, for every year is sure to produce a new one; a second will is
annulled by a third, which is rendered void by another better drawn up,
again invalidated by a fifth and holographic will. Yet if a person who has an
interest in suppressing this last will has neither an opportunity, nor a desire,
nor the means of doing so, he must stand by its clauses and conditions; for
what can more clearly prove the intentions of a man, however changeable,
than a last deed, under his own hand, made so lately that he had no time to
change his mind?
(58.) If there were no wills to regulate the rights of lawful heirs, I
question whether men would need any tribunal to adjust their differences;
the functions of a judge would almost be reduced to the sad necessity of
sending thieves and incendiaries790 to the gallows.
Whom do you see in the galleries791 of the court, in the waiting-rooms,
at the doors or in the rooms of the magistrates? Not heirs-at-law, for their
rights are immutable; but legatees, going to law about the meaning of a
clause or an article; disinherited persons who find fault with a will drawn up
at leisure and with circumspection by a grave, able, and conscientious man,
of time have become incredible. How, then, can I believe, what may be
inferred from recent, well-known, and clearly proved facts, that such a
pernicious connivance exists even at the present time, is made a jest of, and
is looked upon as a matter of course?788
(54.) There exists a large number of men, imperious towards the weak,
firm and inflexible when solicited by commoners, without any regard for
the inferior classes, rigid and severe in trifles, who will not accept the
smallest present, nor be persuaded by their dearest friends and nearest
relatives, and who only are to be bribed by women.789
(55.) It is not absolutely impossible for a man who is in high favour to
lose his suit.
(56.) A person who is dying may expect his last will to be listened to as
if it was an oracle; every man puts his own construction on it and explains it
as he pleases, or rather, as it will suit his inclination or his interest.
(57.) There are some men of whom we may truly say that death does not
so much determine their last will as that it deprives them of life as well as
of their irresolution and restlessness: a fit of anger moves them to make a
will, whilst they are living, but when the fit is over it is torn to pieces and
burnt. They have as many wills in their strong box as there are almanacs on
their table, for every year is sure to produce a new one; a second will is
annulled by a third, which is rendered void by another better drawn up,
again invalidated by a fifth and holographic will. Yet if a person who has an
interest in suppressing this last will has neither an opportunity, nor a desire,
nor the means of doing so, he must stand by its clauses and conditions; for
what can more clearly prove the intentions of a man, however changeable,
than a last deed, under his own hand, made so lately that he had no time to
change his mind?
(58.) If there were no wills to regulate the rights of lawful heirs, I
question whether men would need any tribunal to adjust their differences;
the functions of a judge would almost be reduced to the sad necessity of
sending thieves and incendiaries790 to the gallows.
Whom do you see in the galleries791 of the court, in the waiting-rooms,
at the doors or in the rooms of the magistrates? Not heirs-at-law, for their
rights are immutable; but legatees, going to law about the meaning of a
clause or an article; disinherited persons who find fault with a will drawn up
at leisure and with circumspection by a grave, able, and conscientious man,
Page 279
and not without the aid of a good lawyer; with a deed in which some
cunning legal practitioner has not omitted an iota of his professional cant
and his ordinary subtleties, signed by the testator and public witnesses, duly
initialled, and which, notwithstanding all this, is set aside by the court and
declared null and void.
(59.) Titius is present at the reading of a will; his eyes are red with
weeping, and he is overcome with grief for the loss of a friend whose heir
he expects to become. One clause of the will bequeaths him his friendʼs
official position, another his municipal bonds, by a third he becomes master
of an estate in the country, and a fourth gives him a furnished house in the
middle of town, with all its appurtenances. His grief increases, his tears
flow abundantly, and he cannot contain himself; he already beholds himself
in an official position,792 with a town and country house, both furnished in
the same style; he intends to keep a good table and a carriage. “Was there
ever a more gentlemanly or a better man than the deceased?” he asks. But a
codicil is joined to the will which must also be read, by which Mævius is
appointed sole heir, and Titius is sent back to the suburbs to trudge without
money or titles. Titius wipes away his tears, and it is now Mæviusʼ duty to
grieve.793
(60.) Does not the law, in forbidding to kill, include also stabbing,
poisoning, burning, drowning, lying in ambush, open violence, in a word,
and all means tending to homicide? Does the law, which restrains husbands
and wives from bequeathing property to one another, only refer to direct
and immediate ways of giving?794 Has it made no provision against those
that are indirect? Was it the cause of the introduction of trustees, and does it
even tolerate them? When the dearest of wives outlives her husband, does a
man bequeath his estate to a trusty friend as an acknowledgment of his
friendship, or is it not rather a proof of his complete confidence and reliance
on that friend who will make a right use of what has been intrusted to him?
Will a man make over his estate to anyone whom he even suspects of not
restoring it to the person for whom it is really intended? Is any speech or
any letter needed, and is a contract or an oath necessary for such a
collusion? Does not every man on such an occasion feel what he can expect
from another man? If, on the contrary, the property of such an estate is
vested in a trustee, why does he lose his reputation by retaining it? What,
then, is the reason of all these satires and lampoons?795 Why is he
compared to a guardian who betrays his trust, to a servant robbing his
cunning legal practitioner has not omitted an iota of his professional cant
and his ordinary subtleties, signed by the testator and public witnesses, duly
initialled, and which, notwithstanding all this, is set aside by the court and
declared null and void.
(59.) Titius is present at the reading of a will; his eyes are red with
weeping, and he is overcome with grief for the loss of a friend whose heir
he expects to become. One clause of the will bequeaths him his friendʼs
official position, another his municipal bonds, by a third he becomes master
of an estate in the country, and a fourth gives him a furnished house in the
middle of town, with all its appurtenances. His grief increases, his tears
flow abundantly, and he cannot contain himself; he already beholds himself
in an official position,792 with a town and country house, both furnished in
the same style; he intends to keep a good table and a carriage. “Was there
ever a more gentlemanly or a better man than the deceased?” he asks. But a
codicil is joined to the will which must also be read, by which Mævius is
appointed sole heir, and Titius is sent back to the suburbs to trudge without
money or titles. Titius wipes away his tears, and it is now Mæviusʼ duty to
grieve.793
(60.) Does not the law, in forbidding to kill, include also stabbing,
poisoning, burning, drowning, lying in ambush, open violence, in a word,
and all means tending to homicide? Does the law, which restrains husbands
and wives from bequeathing property to one another, only refer to direct
and immediate ways of giving?794 Has it made no provision against those
that are indirect? Was it the cause of the introduction of trustees, and does it
even tolerate them? When the dearest of wives outlives her husband, does a
man bequeath his estate to a trusty friend as an acknowledgment of his
friendship, or is it not rather a proof of his complete confidence and reliance
on that friend who will make a right use of what has been intrusted to him?
Will a man make over his estate to anyone whom he even suspects of not
restoring it to the person for whom it is really intended? Is any speech or
any letter needed, and is a contract or an oath necessary for such a
collusion? Does not every man on such an occasion feel what he can expect
from another man? If, on the contrary, the property of such an estate is
vested in a trustee, why does he lose his reputation by retaining it? What,
then, is the reason of all these satires and lampoons?795 Why is he
compared to a guardian who betrays his trust, to a servant robbing his
Page 280
master of a sum of money he has to take somewhere? Such a comparison is
wrong. Is it considered infamous not to perform a piece of liberality, and for
a man to keep for his own use what is his own? How strangely perplexed,
how terribly burdened, must such a trustee feel! If a man, out of respect for
the laws, appropriates to himself a trust, he can no longer be thought an
honest man; if, out of love for a deceased friend, he fulfils his intentions,
and restores to the widow what has been intrusted to him, he lends his
name, and transgresses the law. The law, then, does not harmonise with the
opinions of men. Perhaps so, but it does not suit me to say whether the law
is wrong or whether the people are mistaken.
(61.) I have been told that certain individuals or certain bodies of men
contest with one another for precedence, and that presidents of
Parliaments796 and peers dispute as to who shall go first. In my opinion
either of the contending parties who avoids appearing when Parliament
meets, yields, is conscious of its own weakness, and decides in favour of its
competitors.
(62.) Typhon supplies a certain nobleman of high rank with horses,
dogs, and everything. On the strength of that lordʼs protection he behaves
most audaciously, and does what he likes in his own province, without fear
of being punished; he becomes a murderer, perjures himself, sets fire to his
neighboursʼ houses, and needs not look for a refuge. At last the prince is
obliged to punish him himself.797
(63.) “Stews, liqueurs, entrées, side dishes,” are words which should be
foreign and unintelligible to us; such words should not be employed in
times of peace, as they are only incentives to luxury and gluttony; but how
come they to be continually mentioned in times of war, amidst public
calamities, before an enemy, and on the very night before a battle, or during
a siege? Where do we find any mention made of Scipioʼs or Mariusʼs table?
Do we read anywhere that Miltiades, Epaminondas, and Agesilaus were
fond of good living? I should like no general to be commended for the
goodness, elegance, and sumptuousness of his table, till everything that
could be said about him had been told, and people had expatiated on all the
details of some victory or the taking of some town. I should even be glad to
see a general desirous of avoiding such commendations.798
(64.) Hermippus799 makes himself a slave to what he calls “his little
contrivances;” all habits, customs, fashions, decency itself, must be
sacrificed to them; he looks for them everywhere, discards a lesser for a
wrong. Is it considered infamous not to perform a piece of liberality, and for
a man to keep for his own use what is his own? How strangely perplexed,
how terribly burdened, must such a trustee feel! If a man, out of respect for
the laws, appropriates to himself a trust, he can no longer be thought an
honest man; if, out of love for a deceased friend, he fulfils his intentions,
and restores to the widow what has been intrusted to him, he lends his
name, and transgresses the law. The law, then, does not harmonise with the
opinions of men. Perhaps so, but it does not suit me to say whether the law
is wrong or whether the people are mistaken.
(61.) I have been told that certain individuals or certain bodies of men
contest with one another for precedence, and that presidents of
Parliaments796 and peers dispute as to who shall go first. In my opinion
either of the contending parties who avoids appearing when Parliament
meets, yields, is conscious of its own weakness, and decides in favour of its
competitors.
(62.) Typhon supplies a certain nobleman of high rank with horses,
dogs, and everything. On the strength of that lordʼs protection he behaves
most audaciously, and does what he likes in his own province, without fear
of being punished; he becomes a murderer, perjures himself, sets fire to his
neighboursʼ houses, and needs not look for a refuge. At last the prince is
obliged to punish him himself.797
(63.) “Stews, liqueurs, entrées, side dishes,” are words which should be
foreign and unintelligible to us; such words should not be employed in
times of peace, as they are only incentives to luxury and gluttony; but how
come they to be continually mentioned in times of war, amidst public
calamities, before an enemy, and on the very night before a battle, or during
a siege? Where do we find any mention made of Scipioʼs or Mariusʼs table?
Do we read anywhere that Miltiades, Epaminondas, and Agesilaus were
fond of good living? I should like no general to be commended for the
goodness, elegance, and sumptuousness of his table, till everything that
could be said about him had been told, and people had expatiated on all the
details of some victory or the taking of some town. I should even be glad to
see a general desirous of avoiding such commendations.798
(64.) Hermippus799 makes himself a slave to what he calls “his little
contrivances;” all habits, customs, fashions, decency itself, must be
sacrificed to them; he looks for them everywhere, discards a lesser for a
Page 281
greater, and neglects none which is practicable; he studies them, and there is
not a day but what he discovers a fresh one. Other men may take their
dinners and suppers, but he objects to the very name of them, eats when he
feels hungry, and then only of what he likes best. He must see his bed made,
but no one is so skilful or fortunate to make it in such a way that he can
sleep as he likes. He seldom leaves his house; he is partial to his own room,
where he is neither idle nor busy, where he does no work, but muddles
about in the garb of a man who has taken medicine. Other people are
obliged to wait the leisure of a locksmith or a joiner, whenever they want
them; but he has everything at hand: a file, if anything has to be filed: a
saw, if anything has to be cut off, and a pair of pincers to pull out. You
cannot mention any tools he has not got, and he fancies they are much
better and more convenient than these workmen use; he has some new and
unknown tools, without any name, of his own invention, and of which he
has almost forgotten the use. There exists not a man who can be compared
to him for performing in a short time and without much difficulty some
labour which is perfectly useless. He was compelled to take ten steps to go
from his bed to his lavatory; he has now so contrived his room as to reduce
these ten to nine, so he saves a good many steps during the whole course of
his life! Other people turn a key, and push and pull before a door opens, but
this is very fatiguing and unnecessary, so he does without it. But he is not
going to reveal by what means. In fact, he understands the use of springs
and machinery, above all, of such machinery as the world can very well
spare. Daylight is not admitted in Hermippusʼ apartment through the
window, but in quite a different way; he has also discovered a secret for
going up and down the house otherwise than by the stairs, and is now
studying how to go in and out more conveniently than by the door.
(65.) Physicians have been attacked800 for a long time, and yet every
one consults them; neither the sallies of the stage nor of satire diminish their
fees;801 they give dowries to their daughters, have sons magistrates and
bishops;802 and all this is paid for by the very persons who make fun of
them. People who are in good health fall ill some day or other, and then
they want a man whose trade it is to assure them they shall not die. As long
as men are liable to die, and are desirous to live, a physician will be made
fun of, but he will be well paid.
(66.) A good physician is a man who employs specifics, or, if he has not
got any, allows those persons who have them to cure his patient
not a day but what he discovers a fresh one. Other men may take their
dinners and suppers, but he objects to the very name of them, eats when he
feels hungry, and then only of what he likes best. He must see his bed made,
but no one is so skilful or fortunate to make it in such a way that he can
sleep as he likes. He seldom leaves his house; he is partial to his own room,
where he is neither idle nor busy, where he does no work, but muddles
about in the garb of a man who has taken medicine. Other people are
obliged to wait the leisure of a locksmith or a joiner, whenever they want
them; but he has everything at hand: a file, if anything has to be filed: a
saw, if anything has to be cut off, and a pair of pincers to pull out. You
cannot mention any tools he has not got, and he fancies they are much
better and more convenient than these workmen use; he has some new and
unknown tools, without any name, of his own invention, and of which he
has almost forgotten the use. There exists not a man who can be compared
to him for performing in a short time and without much difficulty some
labour which is perfectly useless. He was compelled to take ten steps to go
from his bed to his lavatory; he has now so contrived his room as to reduce
these ten to nine, so he saves a good many steps during the whole course of
his life! Other people turn a key, and push and pull before a door opens, but
this is very fatiguing and unnecessary, so he does without it. But he is not
going to reveal by what means. In fact, he understands the use of springs
and machinery, above all, of such machinery as the world can very well
spare. Daylight is not admitted in Hermippusʼ apartment through the
window, but in quite a different way; he has also discovered a secret for
going up and down the house otherwise than by the stairs, and is now
studying how to go in and out more conveniently than by the door.
(65.) Physicians have been attacked800 for a long time, and yet every
one consults them; neither the sallies of the stage nor of satire diminish their
fees;801 they give dowries to their daughters, have sons magistrates and
bishops;802 and all this is paid for by the very persons who make fun of
them. People who are in good health fall ill some day or other, and then
they want a man whose trade it is to assure them they shall not die. As long
as men are liable to die, and are desirous to live, a physician will be made
fun of, but he will be well paid.
(66.) A good physician is a man who employs specifics, or, if he has not
got any, allows those persons who have them to cure his patient
Page 282
(67.) Quacks are rash, and therefore rarely successful; hence physic and
physicians are in vogue; the latter let you die, the former kill you.
(68.) Carro Carri803 lands in France with a recipe which he says cures in
a short time, and which, sometimes, is a slow poison; it has been in the
hands of his family for many years, but he has improved it. It is a specific
against the colic, yet he cures quartan ague, pleurisy, dropsy, apoplexy, and
epilepsy. Rack your memory a little, and mention the first disease you can
think of, let us say hemorrhage; he can cure it. It is true he raises no one
from the dead, and does not restore men to life, but he keeps them, of
course, till they are decrepit, for it is by mere chance that his father and
grandfather, who were acquainted with the secret, both died very young.
Physicians receive for their visits the fees people give them, and some are
even satisfied with thanks; but Carro Carri is so certain of his remedy, and
of its effect, that he does not hesitate to take his fee beforehand, and expects
to receive before he has given anything. If the disease be incurable, so much
the better; it will be the more deserving of his attention and his remedy.804
Begin with putting into his hands thousands of francs, make over to him
some bonds,805 and then you have no longer any need to be more uneasy
about your cure than he himself is. The world is full of men with names
ending in o and i, most respectable names, who are all rivals of this man,
and impose on the patients and the disease. Fagon,806 you will admit that
neither your physicians nor those of all the faculties in the world always
cure or are certain of their cure; but those who have inherited their
empirical medicine from their forefathers, and whose experience has come
to them in the same way, always promise, and even pledge themselves by
oath, to cure their patients. How sweet it is for men not to abandon hope
even when attacked by a mortal disease, and still to think they are pretty
well when expiring! Death is then an agreeable surprise, and comes without
striking terror beforehand; so that a man feels it before he has thought of
preparing for it and giving himself up to it. O Esculapius Fagon! Establish
throughout the world the reign of Peruvian bark and of emetics;807 carry to
its perfection the science of those plants which are given to man for
prolonging life;808 observe in your practice, with more exactness and
judgment than was ever done before, the influence of climate and weather,
the various symptoms and the natural disposition of your patients; treat
them in the only way which suits them and by which they can be cured;
physicians are in vogue; the latter let you die, the former kill you.
(68.) Carro Carri803 lands in France with a recipe which he says cures in
a short time, and which, sometimes, is a slow poison; it has been in the
hands of his family for many years, but he has improved it. It is a specific
against the colic, yet he cures quartan ague, pleurisy, dropsy, apoplexy, and
epilepsy. Rack your memory a little, and mention the first disease you can
think of, let us say hemorrhage; he can cure it. It is true he raises no one
from the dead, and does not restore men to life, but he keeps them, of
course, till they are decrepit, for it is by mere chance that his father and
grandfather, who were acquainted with the secret, both died very young.
Physicians receive for their visits the fees people give them, and some are
even satisfied with thanks; but Carro Carri is so certain of his remedy, and
of its effect, that he does not hesitate to take his fee beforehand, and expects
to receive before he has given anything. If the disease be incurable, so much
the better; it will be the more deserving of his attention and his remedy.804
Begin with putting into his hands thousands of francs, make over to him
some bonds,805 and then you have no longer any need to be more uneasy
about your cure than he himself is. The world is full of men with names
ending in o and i, most respectable names, who are all rivals of this man,
and impose on the patients and the disease. Fagon,806 you will admit that
neither your physicians nor those of all the faculties in the world always
cure or are certain of their cure; but those who have inherited their
empirical medicine from their forefathers, and whose experience has come
to them in the same way, always promise, and even pledge themselves by
oath, to cure their patients. How sweet it is for men not to abandon hope
even when attacked by a mortal disease, and still to think they are pretty
well when expiring! Death is then an agreeable surprise, and comes without
striking terror beforehand; so that a man feels it before he has thought of
preparing for it and giving himself up to it. O Esculapius Fagon! Establish
throughout the world the reign of Peruvian bark and of emetics;807 carry to
its perfection the science of those plants which are given to man for
prolonging life;808 observe in your practice, with more exactness and
judgment than was ever done before, the influence of climate and weather,
the various symptoms and the natural disposition of your patients; treat
them in the only way which suits them and by which they can be cured;
Page 283
eradicate the most obscure and inveterate diseases from the human body,
which has no secrets for you; but do not attempt the diseases of the mind,
for they can never be cured, and leave, therefore, to Corinna, Lesbia,
Canidia, Trimalcion, and Carpus, the passion, or rather the mania, they have
for quacks.
(69.) Astrologers and fortune-tellers, who practise palmistry and
calculate nativities, guess at things past by the motion of a sieve, and show
undimmed truth in a looking-glass or in a cup of water, are publicly
tolerated; such people are, indeed, not without their use; they predict to men
theyʼll make their fortune, to girls they shall marry their sweethearts,
console those children whose fathers are too long dying, and calm the
restlessness of young women married to old men; in a word, they deceive,
but not at a very high rate, those who wish to be deceived.
(70.) What is to be thought of magic and sorcery? Its theory is very
obscure; its principles are vague, uncertain, and visionary, but some facts
have been produced which are perplexing, and certified by serious-minded
men who were present when they happened, or learned them from other
men as reliable as they themselves are. To admit or to deny all these facts
seems equally absurd, and I venture to say that in this and in other
extraordinary things which deviate from natureʼs laws, a middle course has
to be steered between mere credulity and obstinate rejection.809
(71.) Children can scarcely know too many languages, and methinks, all
means should be taken to facilitate their acquiring them; there is no
condition of life in which they are not useful, for they clear the way for the
acquisition of solid learning, as well as for easy and pleasant acquirements.
If this somewhat difficult study is put off to that more advanced age which
is called youth, people have no longer the strength of mind and the will to
follow it up, and if they do, they find it impossible to persevere; for in
studying those languages they consume that very time which should be
applied in speaking them, and confine themselves to mastering words when
they wish to proceed beyond, and require facts; and thus they lose the first
and most valuable years of their life. Such a grand foundation can never
rightly be laid, unless it be when the soul naturally receives everything, is
deeply impressed by it, and when the memory is fresh, quick, and steady;
when the mind and the heart are yet void of passions, cares, and desires, and
when those who have a right to dispose of us, induce us to labour for a
which has no secrets for you; but do not attempt the diseases of the mind,
for they can never be cured, and leave, therefore, to Corinna, Lesbia,
Canidia, Trimalcion, and Carpus, the passion, or rather the mania, they have
for quacks.
(69.) Astrologers and fortune-tellers, who practise palmistry and
calculate nativities, guess at things past by the motion of a sieve, and show
undimmed truth in a looking-glass or in a cup of water, are publicly
tolerated; such people are, indeed, not without their use; they predict to men
theyʼll make their fortune, to girls they shall marry their sweethearts,
console those children whose fathers are too long dying, and calm the
restlessness of young women married to old men; in a word, they deceive,
but not at a very high rate, those who wish to be deceived.
(70.) What is to be thought of magic and sorcery? Its theory is very
obscure; its principles are vague, uncertain, and visionary, but some facts
have been produced which are perplexing, and certified by serious-minded
men who were present when they happened, or learned them from other
men as reliable as they themselves are. To admit or to deny all these facts
seems equally absurd, and I venture to say that in this and in other
extraordinary things which deviate from natureʼs laws, a middle course has
to be steered between mere credulity and obstinate rejection.809
(71.) Children can scarcely know too many languages, and methinks, all
means should be taken to facilitate their acquiring them; there is no
condition of life in which they are not useful, for they clear the way for the
acquisition of solid learning, as well as for easy and pleasant acquirements.
If this somewhat difficult study is put off to that more advanced age which
is called youth, people have no longer the strength of mind and the will to
follow it up, and if they do, they find it impossible to persevere; for in
studying those languages they consume that very time which should be
applied in speaking them, and confine themselves to mastering words when
they wish to proceed beyond, and require facts; and thus they lose the first
and most valuable years of their life. Such a grand foundation can never
rightly be laid, unless it be when the soul naturally receives everything, is
deeply impressed by it, and when the memory is fresh, quick, and steady;
when the mind and the heart are yet void of passions, cares, and desires, and
when those who have a right to dispose of us, induce us to labour for a
Page 284
considerable time. I am convinced the small number of true scholars and the
great number of superficial ones is owing to the neglect of this rule.810
(72.) The study of the original texts can never be sufficiently
recommended; it is the shortest, the safest, and the most pleasant way for all
kinds of learning. Take things from the beginning, go to the main spring,
read over the text repeatedly, learn it by heart, quote it upon occasions;
above all, apply yourself to penetrate the sense of it to its fullest extent and
in all its circumstances, reconcile an authorʼs various sentiments, settle his
principles, and draw your own conclusions. The early commentators were
in the very position I should wish you to be; never borrow their
explanations nor adopt their ideas unless your own fail you, for their
interpretation is not yours and may easily slip out of your memory; on the
contrary, your observations have sprung up in your own mind, will abide
with you, and more readily recur in your conversations, consultations, and
discussions. You will be delighted to observe that in your reading no
insurmountable difficulties will present themselves except those that have
nonplussed commentators and scholiasts themselves, who, moreover, have
at their command such a rich and abundant store of vain and useless
learning when passages are sufficiently clear and present no difficulties to
themselves nor to others. This system of studying the original texts will
convince you that menʼs laziness has encouraged pedants to increase the
bulk of libraries rather than their worth, and to crush the text under a weight
of commentaries; by doing this they have injured themselves and acted
contrary to their own interests, as those same commentaries have caused an
increase of reading, researches, and of that kind of labour which they
intended to render useless.
(73.) What is it that governs men in their way of living and in their diet?
Is it health and sobriety? That is the question. Whole nations first eat fruit
and meat afterwards, whilst others do quite the contrary, and some begin
their meal with one kind of fruit and finish it with another. Does this
proceed from reason or custom? Is it for their healthʼs sake that men wear
their clothes buttoned up to their chin, and put on ruffs and bands after
going for so many ages quite open-breasted?811 Is it for the sake of decency,
especially at a time when they have found the means of appearing
undressed though they are dressed?812 On the other hand, are women who
expose their breasts and shoulders, less delicate in their constitution than
men, or less inclined to decency? It is a strange kind of modesty which
great number of superficial ones is owing to the neglect of this rule.810
(72.) The study of the original texts can never be sufficiently
recommended; it is the shortest, the safest, and the most pleasant way for all
kinds of learning. Take things from the beginning, go to the main spring,
read over the text repeatedly, learn it by heart, quote it upon occasions;
above all, apply yourself to penetrate the sense of it to its fullest extent and
in all its circumstances, reconcile an authorʼs various sentiments, settle his
principles, and draw your own conclusions. The early commentators were
in the very position I should wish you to be; never borrow their
explanations nor adopt their ideas unless your own fail you, for their
interpretation is not yours and may easily slip out of your memory; on the
contrary, your observations have sprung up in your own mind, will abide
with you, and more readily recur in your conversations, consultations, and
discussions. You will be delighted to observe that in your reading no
insurmountable difficulties will present themselves except those that have
nonplussed commentators and scholiasts themselves, who, moreover, have
at their command such a rich and abundant store of vain and useless
learning when passages are sufficiently clear and present no difficulties to
themselves nor to others. This system of studying the original texts will
convince you that menʼs laziness has encouraged pedants to increase the
bulk of libraries rather than their worth, and to crush the text under a weight
of commentaries; by doing this they have injured themselves and acted
contrary to their own interests, as those same commentaries have caused an
increase of reading, researches, and of that kind of labour which they
intended to render useless.
(73.) What is it that governs men in their way of living and in their diet?
Is it health and sobriety? That is the question. Whole nations first eat fruit
and meat afterwards, whilst others do quite the contrary, and some begin
their meal with one kind of fruit and finish it with another. Does this
proceed from reason or custom? Is it for their healthʼs sake that men wear
their clothes buttoned up to their chin, and put on ruffs and bands after
going for so many ages quite open-breasted?811 Is it for the sake of decency,
especially at a time when they have found the means of appearing
undressed though they are dressed?812 On the other hand, are women who
expose their breasts and shoulders, less delicate in their constitution than
men, or less inclined to decency? It is a strange kind of modesty which
Page 285
induces them to hide their legs and almost their feet, and at the same time
allows them to bare their arms to the elbow.813 How came men formerly to
think they had to attack or defend themselves whilst waging war, and who
taught them the use of offensive and defensive arms? What obliges them to-
day to lay these aside, to put on boots to go to a ball, and to support the
pioneers in the trenches, exposed to the whole fire of a counterscarp,
without having any arms, and only dressed in a doublet.814 Were our
forefathers wise or senseless in not deeming such a practice useful to their
king or their country? And who are our heroes renowned in history? A du
Guesclin, a Clisson, a Foix, a Boucicault,815 who all wore helmets and
buckled on breastplates?
Who can account for the introduction of certain words and the
proscription of others?816
Ains is lost; the vowel beginning it, and which could so easily be cut off,
could not save it; it gave way to another monosyllable which at best is but
its anagram.817 Certes is beautiful in its old age, and has yet strength,
though declining; it should be used in poetry, and our language is under
some obligation to those authors who employ it in prose and defend it in
their works. Maint is a word which should never have been forsaken, and
on account of its adaptability for any style and for the sake of its French
origin.818 Moult, though descended from the Latin, possessed in its time the
same merit, and I do not see why beaucoup should be preferred to it. Car
has endured some persecution, and if it had not been protected by some
men of culture, it would have been shamefully banished from a language
which it had served so long; and this without knowing what word to put in
its place.819 When cil was in fashion it was one of the prettiest words of the
French language; and it is a sad thing for the poets that it has become
antiquated. Douloureux is, of course, derived from douleur, and so are
chaleureux or chaloureux from chaleur: yet chaloureux is going out,820
though it enriched our tongue, and was employed quite correctly when
chaud was not the right expression. Valeur ought also to have given us
valeureux; haine, haineux; peine, peineux; fruit, fructueux; pitié, piteux;
joie, jovial; foi, féal; cour, courtois; gîte, gisant; haleine, halené; vanterie,
vantard; mensonge, mensonger; coutume, coutumier; just as part should
have produced partial; point, pointu and pointilleux; ton, tonnant; son,
sonore; frein, effréné; front, effronté; ris, ridicule; loi, légal; cœur, cordial;
allows them to bare their arms to the elbow.813 How came men formerly to
think they had to attack or defend themselves whilst waging war, and who
taught them the use of offensive and defensive arms? What obliges them to-
day to lay these aside, to put on boots to go to a ball, and to support the
pioneers in the trenches, exposed to the whole fire of a counterscarp,
without having any arms, and only dressed in a doublet.814 Were our
forefathers wise or senseless in not deeming such a practice useful to their
king or their country? And who are our heroes renowned in history? A du
Guesclin, a Clisson, a Foix, a Boucicault,815 who all wore helmets and
buckled on breastplates?
Who can account for the introduction of certain words and the
proscription of others?816
Ains is lost; the vowel beginning it, and which could so easily be cut off,
could not save it; it gave way to another monosyllable which at best is but
its anagram.817 Certes is beautiful in its old age, and has yet strength,
though declining; it should be used in poetry, and our language is under
some obligation to those authors who employ it in prose and defend it in
their works. Maint is a word which should never have been forsaken, and
on account of its adaptability for any style and for the sake of its French
origin.818 Moult, though descended from the Latin, possessed in its time the
same merit, and I do not see why beaucoup should be preferred to it. Car
has endured some persecution, and if it had not been protected by some
men of culture, it would have been shamefully banished from a language
which it had served so long; and this without knowing what word to put in
its place.819 When cil was in fashion it was one of the prettiest words of the
French language; and it is a sad thing for the poets that it has become
antiquated. Douloureux is, of course, derived from douleur, and so are
chaleureux or chaloureux from chaleur: yet chaloureux is going out,820
though it enriched our tongue, and was employed quite correctly when
chaud was not the right expression. Valeur ought also to have given us
valeureux; haine, haineux; peine, peineux; fruit, fructueux; pitié, piteux;
joie, jovial; foi, féal; cour, courtois; gîte, gisant; haleine, halené; vanterie,
vantard; mensonge, mensonger; coutume, coutumier; just as part should
have produced partial; point, pointu and pointilleux; ton, tonnant; son,
sonore; frein, effréné; front, effronté; ris, ridicule; loi, légal; cœur, cordial;
Page 286
bien, benin; and mal, malicieux. Heur was allowed when bonheur did not
suit; from the first arose heureux, which is so French and yet exists no
longer; if some poets have employed it, it is more for the sake of the
measure than from choice. Issue prospers, and comes from issir, no longer
in existence. Fin is used, but not finer, which is derived from it, whilst cesse
and cesser are still flourishing. Verd no longer gives verdoyer, nor fête,
fétoyer; nor larme, larmoyer; nor deuil, se douloir and se condouloir; nor
joie, sʼéjouir; though it still makes se réjouir and se conjouir, whilst orgueil
gives sʼenorgueillir. Formerly gent was used, as in le corps gent; this easy
word is not alone no longer in use, but it has involved gentil in its ruin. We
employ diffamé, which proceeds from fame, which is out of date, and
curieux is derived from cure, now obsolete. It was much better to say si que
than de sorte que or de manière que, de moi instead of pour moi or quant à
moi; je sais que cʼest quʼun mal821 than je sais ce que cʼest quʼun mal,
whether you consider the Latin analogy, or the benefit we often derive from
using a word less in a phrase.822 Custom has preferred par conséquent to
par conséquence, and en conséquence to en conséquent; façons de faire to
manières de faire, and manières dʼagir to façons dʼagir ...; in the verbs
travailler to ouvrer; être accoutumé to souloir; convenir to duire; faire du
bruit to bruire; injurier to vilainer; piquer to poindre; and faire ressouvenir
to ramentevoir ...; and in the nouns pensées to pensers, which is such a
beautiful word and so suited for poetry; grandes actions to prouesses;
louanges to los; méchanceté to mauvaistié; porte to huis; navire to nef;
armée to ost; monastère to monstier; and prairies to prées ...; all words,
equally fine, which might have been used together and rendered the
language more copious. Through adding, suppressing, changing, or
displacing some letters, custom has formed frelater from fralater; prouver
from preuver; profit from proufit; froment from froument; profil from
pourfil; provision from pourveoir; promener from pourmener, and
promenade from pourmenade.823 This same custom upon occasion makes
the adjectives habile, utile, facile, docile, mobile, and fertile of different
genders, without changing anything in their spelling; whilst, on the
contrary, the masculine vil and subtil change in the feminine and become
vile and subtile.824 It has altered the old terminations, and of scel made
sceau; of mantel, manteau; of capel, chapeau; of coutel, couteau; of hamel,
hameau; of damoisel, damoiseau; of jouvencel, jouvenceau;825 and yet all
suit; from the first arose heureux, which is so French and yet exists no
longer; if some poets have employed it, it is more for the sake of the
measure than from choice. Issue prospers, and comes from issir, no longer
in existence. Fin is used, but not finer, which is derived from it, whilst cesse
and cesser are still flourishing. Verd no longer gives verdoyer, nor fête,
fétoyer; nor larme, larmoyer; nor deuil, se douloir and se condouloir; nor
joie, sʼéjouir; though it still makes se réjouir and se conjouir, whilst orgueil
gives sʼenorgueillir. Formerly gent was used, as in le corps gent; this easy
word is not alone no longer in use, but it has involved gentil in its ruin. We
employ diffamé, which proceeds from fame, which is out of date, and
curieux is derived from cure, now obsolete. It was much better to say si que
than de sorte que or de manière que, de moi instead of pour moi or quant à
moi; je sais que cʼest quʼun mal821 than je sais ce que cʼest quʼun mal,
whether you consider the Latin analogy, or the benefit we often derive from
using a word less in a phrase.822 Custom has preferred par conséquent to
par conséquence, and en conséquence to en conséquent; façons de faire to
manières de faire, and manières dʼagir to façons dʼagir ...; in the verbs
travailler to ouvrer; être accoutumé to souloir; convenir to duire; faire du
bruit to bruire; injurier to vilainer; piquer to poindre; and faire ressouvenir
to ramentevoir ...; and in the nouns pensées to pensers, which is such a
beautiful word and so suited for poetry; grandes actions to prouesses;
louanges to los; méchanceté to mauvaistié; porte to huis; navire to nef;
armée to ost; monastère to monstier; and prairies to prées ...; all words,
equally fine, which might have been used together and rendered the
language more copious. Through adding, suppressing, changing, or
displacing some letters, custom has formed frelater from fralater; prouver
from preuver; profit from proufit; froment from froument; profil from
pourfil; provision from pourveoir; promener from pourmener, and
promenade from pourmenade.823 This same custom upon occasion makes
the adjectives habile, utile, facile, docile, mobile, and fertile of different
genders, without changing anything in their spelling; whilst, on the
contrary, the masculine vil and subtil change in the feminine and become
vile and subtile.824 It has altered the old terminations, and of scel made
sceau; of mantel, manteau; of capel, chapeau; of coutel, couteau; of hamel,
hameau; of damoisel, damoiseau; of jouvencel, jouvenceau;825 and yet all
Page 287
these differences and changes have been of no perceptible advantage to the
French tongue. Is it, therefore, a progress for a language to be governed by
custom, and would it not be better to shake off the yoke of such despotic
sway? Or shall we in a living language only listen to reason, which prevents
the use of words having a double meaning, traces these words to their roots,
and discovers what relation they bear to those languages from which they
sprang, if that very reason bids us follow custom?826
Whether our ancestors wrote better than we do, or whether we excel
them in our selection of words, style, and expression, perspicuity and
brevity, is a question often debated but never yet decided. But this question
is not at an end, if people will compare, as they sometimes do, a dull writer
of a past century to the most celebrated authors of the present age, or the
verses of Laurent,827 who is paid for not writing any more, to those of
Marot and Desportes.828 In order to judge sensibly in this case we should
compare one age to another, and one first-rate piece of literary work to
another, such as, for example, the best rondeaux of Benserade and
Voiture829 to the following two, which tradition has handed down to us, but
without transmitting to us the name of the authors, or the time when they
were written:830—
French tongue. Is it, therefore, a progress for a language to be governed by
custom, and would it not be better to shake off the yoke of such despotic
sway? Or shall we in a living language only listen to reason, which prevents
the use of words having a double meaning, traces these words to their roots,
and discovers what relation they bear to those languages from which they
sprang, if that very reason bids us follow custom?826
Whether our ancestors wrote better than we do, or whether we excel
them in our selection of words, style, and expression, perspicuity and
brevity, is a question often debated but never yet decided. But this question
is not at an end, if people will compare, as they sometimes do, a dull writer
of a past century to the most celebrated authors of the present age, or the
verses of Laurent,827 who is paid for not writing any more, to those of
Marot and Desportes.828 In order to judge sensibly in this case we should
compare one age to another, and one first-rate piece of literary work to
another, such as, for example, the best rondeaux of Benserade and
Voiture829 to the following two, which tradition has handed down to us, but
without transmitting to us the name of the authors, or the time when they
were written:830—
Page 288
In timely sort Ogier came into Fraunce,
Of Paynim misbegot to rid the lond;
Needs not that I should tell his puissaunce,
Sit never foeman durst his glaunce withstond.
Thoʼ when he hath set all in happy chaunce,
Forth on a perlous jorney bent, he fond
In Paradise the well of youthʼs joyaunce,
Wherewith he thought to stay timeʼs threatening bond
In timely sort.
Thoʼ by this well his body, weak with years,
Upon a sodain changéd quight appears
To youthful wight, fresh, limber eke, and straight.
Great pitye ʼtis such lesinges tell no truth!
Virgins I wot of that bene past their youth,
To whom this bath had come, ere yet too late,
In timely sort.
——
Of this prow knight full many clerks have penned
That never daunger could his corage scare:
Whom natheless the foul fiend, which unaware
He ʼspoused in womanʼs shape, did foully shend.
So piteous case left his stout heart at end
Without one taint of fear or sordid care:
Whereof great praise throughout the world he bare—
If aught of credence we to tales may lend
Of this prow knight.
Eftsoones it chaunced the daughter of the king
Earned for his love, and made free offering
To Richard, of herself for second wife.
Then, if to keep a woman or a fiend
Be better, and which stirs more hellish strife,
He that would weet may question which was weened
Of this prow knight.
Of Paynim misbegot to rid the lond;
Needs not that I should tell his puissaunce,
Sit never foeman durst his glaunce withstond.
Thoʼ when he hath set all in happy chaunce,
Forth on a perlous jorney bent, he fond
In Paradise the well of youthʼs joyaunce,
Wherewith he thought to stay timeʼs threatening bond
In timely sort.
Thoʼ by this well his body, weak with years,
Upon a sodain changéd quight appears
To youthful wight, fresh, limber eke, and straight.
Great pitye ʼtis such lesinges tell no truth!
Virgins I wot of that bene past their youth,
To whom this bath had come, ere yet too late,
In timely sort.
——
Of this prow knight full many clerks have penned
That never daunger could his corage scare:
Whom natheless the foul fiend, which unaware
He ʼspoused in womanʼs shape, did foully shend.
So piteous case left his stout heart at end
Without one taint of fear or sordid care:
Whereof great praise throughout the world he bare—
If aught of credence we to tales may lend
Of this prow knight.
Eftsoones it chaunced the daughter of the king
Earned for his love, and made free offering
To Richard, of herself for second wife.
Then, if to keep a woman or a fiend
Be better, and which stirs more hellish strife,
He that would weet may question which was weened
Of this prow knight.
Page 289
XV.
OF THE PULPIT.831
(1.)
A SERMON at present has become a mere show, in which there is
not the least appearance of that evangelical gravity which is the
very soul of it; a good appearance, a well-modulated voice,
careful gestures, choice expressions, and prolonged enumerations supply its
place. To listen attentively whilst Holy Writ is dispensed is no longer
customary; going to church is an amusement, among numberless others,
and is a diversion in which there exists rivalry and many persons bet on
various competitors.
(2.) Profane eloquence is transferred from the bar, where Le Maître,
Pucelle, and Fourcroy832 formerly practised it, and where it has become
obsolete,833 to the Pulpit, where it is out of place.
Clergymen contest even the prize of eloquence at the altar and before
the holy mysteries; every person in the congregation thinks himself a judge
of the preacher, censures or applauds him, and is no more converted by the
sermon he approves of than by the one he condemns. The orator pleases
some and not others; but agrees with all in this: that as he does not
OF THE PULPIT.831
(1.)
A SERMON at present has become a mere show, in which there is
not the least appearance of that evangelical gravity which is the
very soul of it; a good appearance, a well-modulated voice,
careful gestures, choice expressions, and prolonged enumerations supply its
place. To listen attentively whilst Holy Writ is dispensed is no longer
customary; going to church is an amusement, among numberless others,
and is a diversion in which there exists rivalry and many persons bet on
various competitors.
(2.) Profane eloquence is transferred from the bar, where Le Maître,
Pucelle, and Fourcroy832 formerly practised it, and where it has become
obsolete,833 to the Pulpit, where it is out of place.
Clergymen contest even the prize of eloquence at the altar and before
the holy mysteries; every person in the congregation thinks himself a judge
of the preacher, censures or applauds him, and is no more converted by the
sermon he approves of than by the one he condemns. The orator pleases
some and not others; but agrees with all in this: that as he does not
Page 290
endeavour to render them better, they never trouble their heads about
becoming so.
An apprentice ought to be obedient and do what his master tells him; he
profits by his instructions, and in time becomes himself a master; but man is
more untoward, for he criticises the preacherʼs discourses as well as the
philosopherʼs works, and thus becomes neither a Christian nor a
philosopher.
(3.) Orators and declaimers will attract large congregations until that
man returns who in a style, based on the Holy Scriptures, shall explain to
the people the Word of God in a simple and familiar manner.834
(4.) Quotations from profane authors, dull allusions, bathos, antithesis,
and hyperboles are no longer in vogue, and portraits835 will also cease to be
in fashion, and give way to a plain exposition of the gospel, accompanied
by other means that produce conversion.
(5.) At length a man has made his appearance for whom I so impatiently
longed, but whom I dared not expect to behold in this age. The courtiers,
from delicacy of taste and a feeling of decorum, have applauded him; and
what is almost incredible, have left the kingʼs chapel to mingle among the
crowd, and hear the Word of God preached by a truly apostolic man.836 The
town was not of the same opinion as the court, and in whatever city-church
he spoke not one of the parishioners came, and the very churchwardens left
their pew; the clergymen indeed stuck to him, but the flock was scattered
and went to swell the congregations of neighbouring orators. This is what I
should have foreseen; and therefore, I ought not to have advanced that such
a man, whenever he appeared, would be universally followed, and would
only have to open his mouth to be listened to, for I know how difficult it is
to eradicate force of habit in mankind in all things. During the past thirty
years, rhetoricians, declaimers, and enumerators have been listened to; and
people run after preachers who depict in a grand style or in miniature. Not
long since sermons were full of points and clever transitions, sometimes
even so smart and pungent that they might have served for epigrams: now, I
confess, these are somewhat softened, and may pass for madrigals. Three
things, these preachers argue, are always absolutely indispensable,
mathematically necessary, and worthy of your entire attention; one thing
they prove in the first part of their discourse, another in the second, and
another in the third; so that you are to be convinced of one truth, which is
their first point of doctrine; of another truth, which is their second point;
becoming so.
An apprentice ought to be obedient and do what his master tells him; he
profits by his instructions, and in time becomes himself a master; but man is
more untoward, for he criticises the preacherʼs discourses as well as the
philosopherʼs works, and thus becomes neither a Christian nor a
philosopher.
(3.) Orators and declaimers will attract large congregations until that
man returns who in a style, based on the Holy Scriptures, shall explain to
the people the Word of God in a simple and familiar manner.834
(4.) Quotations from profane authors, dull allusions, bathos, antithesis,
and hyperboles are no longer in vogue, and portraits835 will also cease to be
in fashion, and give way to a plain exposition of the gospel, accompanied
by other means that produce conversion.
(5.) At length a man has made his appearance for whom I so impatiently
longed, but whom I dared not expect to behold in this age. The courtiers,
from delicacy of taste and a feeling of decorum, have applauded him; and
what is almost incredible, have left the kingʼs chapel to mingle among the
crowd, and hear the Word of God preached by a truly apostolic man.836 The
town was not of the same opinion as the court, and in whatever city-church
he spoke not one of the parishioners came, and the very churchwardens left
their pew; the clergymen indeed stuck to him, but the flock was scattered
and went to swell the congregations of neighbouring orators. This is what I
should have foreseen; and therefore, I ought not to have advanced that such
a man, whenever he appeared, would be universally followed, and would
only have to open his mouth to be listened to, for I know how difficult it is
to eradicate force of habit in mankind in all things. During the past thirty
years, rhetoricians, declaimers, and enumerators have been listened to; and
people run after preachers who depict in a grand style or in miniature. Not
long since sermons were full of points and clever transitions, sometimes
even so smart and pungent that they might have served for epigrams: now, I
confess, these are somewhat softened, and may pass for madrigals. Three
things, these preachers argue, are always absolutely indispensable,
mathematically necessary, and worthy of your entire attention; one thing
they prove in the first part of their discourse, another in the second, and
another in the third; so that you are to be convinced of one truth, which is
their first point of doctrine; of another truth, which is their second point;
Page 291
and of a third truth, which is their third point. In this manner the first
reflection will instruct you in one of the fundamental principles of religion;
the second in another principle which is not less fundamental; and the last
reflection in a third and last principle, the most important of all, but which,
for want of leisure, is reserved for another opportunity. In a word, to
recapitulate and abridge this division, and to form a scheme of.... “Hold,”
you exclaim, “do these preachers require more preparation for a speech of
not quite an hourʼs length which they have to deliver? The more these
gentlemen strive to explain and make things clear to me, the more they
bemuddle my brains.”—I can well believe you, and it is the most natural
result of such a mass and confusion of ideas which come all to one and the
same thing, but with which they unmercifully burden the memory of their
audience. To see them obstinately persist in this custom, people would
almost think that the grace of being converted was inseparable of such long-
winded divisions and sub-divisions. But how is it possible to be converted
by apostles, whom we can hardly hear, follow, and keep in sight? I should
like to ask them to condescend and rest several times, in the midst of their
headlong career, and give their audience and themselves a short breathing
time. But I may spare myself the trouble of addressing them and of wasting
words on them. Homilies are out of date, and the Basils and Chrysostoms837
could not restore them, for if they came back, people would take refuge in
other dioceses, so as not to hear them nor their familiar and instructive
discourses. Men in general like fine phrases and periods, admire what they
do not understand,838 fancy themselves well informed, and are satisfied
with deciding between a first and second point of doctrine, or between the
last sermon and the last but one.
(6.) Not a hundred years ago a French book consisted of a certain
number of pages written in Latin, with here and there a line or two of
French scattered on each page. But such passages, anecdotes, and
quotations from Latin authors839 did not only fill books; Ovid and Catullus,
at the bar, decided finally in cases of marriages and wills, and were of as
much use to widows and orphans as the Pandects were.840 Sacred and
profane authors were inseparable, and seemed to have slipped together in
the pulpit; Saint Cyril and Horace, Saint Cyprian and Lucretius, spoke by
turns; the poets were of the same opinion as Saint Augustin841 and the rest
of the Fathers. Latin was the language spoken before women and
reflection will instruct you in one of the fundamental principles of religion;
the second in another principle which is not less fundamental; and the last
reflection in a third and last principle, the most important of all, but which,
for want of leisure, is reserved for another opportunity. In a word, to
recapitulate and abridge this division, and to form a scheme of.... “Hold,”
you exclaim, “do these preachers require more preparation for a speech of
not quite an hourʼs length which they have to deliver? The more these
gentlemen strive to explain and make things clear to me, the more they
bemuddle my brains.”—I can well believe you, and it is the most natural
result of such a mass and confusion of ideas which come all to one and the
same thing, but with which they unmercifully burden the memory of their
audience. To see them obstinately persist in this custom, people would
almost think that the grace of being converted was inseparable of such long-
winded divisions and sub-divisions. But how is it possible to be converted
by apostles, whom we can hardly hear, follow, and keep in sight? I should
like to ask them to condescend and rest several times, in the midst of their
headlong career, and give their audience and themselves a short breathing
time. But I may spare myself the trouble of addressing them and of wasting
words on them. Homilies are out of date, and the Basils and Chrysostoms837
could not restore them, for if they came back, people would take refuge in
other dioceses, so as not to hear them nor their familiar and instructive
discourses. Men in general like fine phrases and periods, admire what they
do not understand,838 fancy themselves well informed, and are satisfied
with deciding between a first and second point of doctrine, or between the
last sermon and the last but one.
(6.) Not a hundred years ago a French book consisted of a certain
number of pages written in Latin, with here and there a line or two of
French scattered on each page. But such passages, anecdotes, and
quotations from Latin authors839 did not only fill books; Ovid and Catullus,
at the bar, decided finally in cases of marriages and wills, and were of as
much use to widows and orphans as the Pandects were.840 Sacred and
profane authors were inseparable, and seemed to have slipped together in
the pulpit; Saint Cyril and Horace, Saint Cyprian and Lucretius, spoke by
turns; the poets were of the same opinion as Saint Augustin841 and the rest
of the Fathers. Latin was the language spoken before women and
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churchwardens, for any length of time, and even sometimes Greek; there
was no preaching so wretchedly without a prodigious amount of learning.
But the times are changed, and customs alter; the text still continues in
Latin, but the sermons are preached in French, and in the purest French,
whilst the Gospel is not so much as quoted. Little learning is requisite now-
a-days to preach very well.
(7.) Scholastic divinity is at last driven out of the pulpits of all the great
towns in the kingdom, and confined only to hamlets and villages for the
instruction and edification of ploughmen and vine-dressers.
(8.) A preacher must have some intelligence to charm the people by his
florid style,842 by his exhilarating system of morality, by the repetition of
his figures of speech, his brilliant remarks and vivid descriptions; but, after
all, he has not too much of it, for if he possessed some of the right quality
he would neglect these extraneous ornaments, unworthy of the Gospel, and
preach naturally, forcibly, and like a Christian.
(9.) An orator paints some sins in such alluring colours, and describes
with such delicacy when they were committed, represents the sinner as
having so much wit, elegance, and refinement that, for my part, if I feel no
inclination to resemble his pictures, I have at least occasion to betake
myself to some teacher who, in a more Christian style, may make me
dislike those vices of which the other has given such a seductive
description.
(10.) A fine sermon is an oratorical speech, which, in all its rules and
freed from all its faults, is exactly governed by the same principles as any
other piece of human eloquence, and decked out with all sorts of rhetorical
ornaments. Not a passage nor a thought are lost to connoisseurs; they easily
follow the orator in all the digressions in which he chooses to wander, as
well as in his towering flights; he is a riddle to none but to the common
people.
(11.) What a judicious and admirable sermon I have just heard! How
beautifully brought forward were the most essential points of religion as
well as the strongest motives for conversion! What a grand impression it
must have produced on the minds and souls of the audience! They are
convinced; they are moved and so deeply touched that they confess from
their very souls the sermon they have just heard Theodorus preach excels
even the one they heard before.843
was no preaching so wretchedly without a prodigious amount of learning.
But the times are changed, and customs alter; the text still continues in
Latin, but the sermons are preached in French, and in the purest French,
whilst the Gospel is not so much as quoted. Little learning is requisite now-
a-days to preach very well.
(7.) Scholastic divinity is at last driven out of the pulpits of all the great
towns in the kingdom, and confined only to hamlets and villages for the
instruction and edification of ploughmen and vine-dressers.
(8.) A preacher must have some intelligence to charm the people by his
florid style,842 by his exhilarating system of morality, by the repetition of
his figures of speech, his brilliant remarks and vivid descriptions; but, after
all, he has not too much of it, for if he possessed some of the right quality
he would neglect these extraneous ornaments, unworthy of the Gospel, and
preach naturally, forcibly, and like a Christian.
(9.) An orator paints some sins in such alluring colours, and describes
with such delicacy when they were committed, represents the sinner as
having so much wit, elegance, and refinement that, for my part, if I feel no
inclination to resemble his pictures, I have at least occasion to betake
myself to some teacher who, in a more Christian style, may make me
dislike those vices of which the other has given such a seductive
description.
(10.) A fine sermon is an oratorical speech, which, in all its rules and
freed from all its faults, is exactly governed by the same principles as any
other piece of human eloquence, and decked out with all sorts of rhetorical
ornaments. Not a passage nor a thought are lost to connoisseurs; they easily
follow the orator in all the digressions in which he chooses to wander, as
well as in his towering flights; he is a riddle to none but to the common
people.
(11.) What a judicious and admirable sermon I have just heard! How
beautifully brought forward were the most essential points of religion as
well as the strongest motives for conversion! What a grand impression it
must have produced on the minds and souls of the audience! They are
convinced; they are moved and so deeply touched that they confess from
their very souls the sermon they have just heard Theodorus preach excels
even the one they heard before.843
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(11.) An indulgent and relax morality produces no more effect than the
clergyman who preaches it;844 for a man of the world is neither excited nor
roused by it, and is not so averse to a rigid doctrine as some people think,
but, on the contrary, likes to hear it from the person whose duty it is to
preach it. There seems to be, therefore, in the church two classes of men
wholly distinct from one another; the one declaring the truth in all its
amplitude, without respect of persons, without disguise; the other listening
to this truth with pleasure, satisfaction, admiration, and applause, but acting
neither the better nor the worse for it.
(13.) It may be said, and justly so, that the heroic virtues of some great
men have been the cause of the corruption of eloquence, or have, at least,
enervated the style of most preachers. Instead of joining with the people in
rendering thanks to Heaven for the extraordinary gifts it has bestowed on
those great men, these very preachers have enrolled themselves among
authors and poets, and become panegyrists; they have even uttered more
extravagant praises than are found in dedications, verses, or prologues; they
have turned the Word of God into a whole warp of praises, which, though
well deserved, are out of place, bestowed from selfish motives, not
required, and ill-suited to their calling. It is fortunate indeed, if, while they
are celebrating their heroes in the sanctuary, they even mention the name of
that God or of that religion they ought to preach. Some have wished to
preach the Gospel, which is for all men, only to one person, and have been
so disconcerted when by accident that person was kept away, that they were
unable to pronounce a Christian discourse before an assembly of Christian
men, because it was not prepared for them, so that other orators have been
obliged to take their places, who had only sufficient leisure to praise God in
an extemporary exhortation.845
(14.) Theodulus has been less successful than some of his hearers
thought he would be; his discourse has gratified them, and so has he; but he
would have pleased them much more, if instead of delighting their ears and
their minds, he had flattered their feelings of jealousy.
(15.) Preachers and soldiers are alike in this; their vocation presents
more risk than any other, but preferment is also more rapid.
(16.) If you are of a certain rank, and have no other talent but preaching
dull sermons, preach away, however dull you may be, for you will obtain no
preferment if you are utterly unknown. Theodotus has been well paid for his
wretched phraseology and his tiresome monotony.
clergyman who preaches it;844 for a man of the world is neither excited nor
roused by it, and is not so averse to a rigid doctrine as some people think,
but, on the contrary, likes to hear it from the person whose duty it is to
preach it. There seems to be, therefore, in the church two classes of men
wholly distinct from one another; the one declaring the truth in all its
amplitude, without respect of persons, without disguise; the other listening
to this truth with pleasure, satisfaction, admiration, and applause, but acting
neither the better nor the worse for it.
(13.) It may be said, and justly so, that the heroic virtues of some great
men have been the cause of the corruption of eloquence, or have, at least,
enervated the style of most preachers. Instead of joining with the people in
rendering thanks to Heaven for the extraordinary gifts it has bestowed on
those great men, these very preachers have enrolled themselves among
authors and poets, and become panegyrists; they have even uttered more
extravagant praises than are found in dedications, verses, or prologues; they
have turned the Word of God into a whole warp of praises, which, though
well deserved, are out of place, bestowed from selfish motives, not
required, and ill-suited to their calling. It is fortunate indeed, if, while they
are celebrating their heroes in the sanctuary, they even mention the name of
that God or of that religion they ought to preach. Some have wished to
preach the Gospel, which is for all men, only to one person, and have been
so disconcerted when by accident that person was kept away, that they were
unable to pronounce a Christian discourse before an assembly of Christian
men, because it was not prepared for them, so that other orators have been
obliged to take their places, who had only sufficient leisure to praise God in
an extemporary exhortation.845
(14.) Theodulus has been less successful than some of his hearers
thought he would be; his discourse has gratified them, and so has he; but he
would have pleased them much more, if instead of delighting their ears and
their minds, he had flattered their feelings of jealousy.
(15.) Preachers and soldiers are alike in this; their vocation presents
more risk than any other, but preferment is also more rapid.
(16.) If you are of a certain rank, and have no other talent but preaching
dull sermons, preach away, however dull you may be, for you will obtain no
preferment if you are utterly unknown. Theodotus has been well paid for his
wretched phraseology and his tiresome monotony.
Page 294
(17.) Some men have been preferred to bishopricks for their preaching,
whose talents now would not have procured them a mere prebend.
(18.) There is a certain panegyrist whose name seems always weighed
down by a heap of titles and qualities, of which a large number is always
mentioned on the ample bills distributed from house to house, or printed in
letters of enormous size on the bills stuck up in the streets, no more to be
ignored than the open market-place is. After such a fine display if you hear
that man preach, and listen for a while to what he says, you will find that in
enumerating all his qualities, only one has been omitted, namely, that of
being a wretched preacher.
(19.) The idleness of women, and the habit men have of frequenting the
places they resort to, give a certain reputation to some dull orators, and for a
while support the sinking credit of others.
(20.) Are greatness and power the only qualities which entitle a man to
be praised at his funeral before the holy altar and from the pulpit, the seat of
truth? Is there no other greatness but that derived from an official position
or from birth? Why should it not be the custom publicly to bestow praise on
a man who during his lifetime was pre-eminent for his kindness of heart, his
love of justice, his gentleness, his fidelity, and his piety? What is called “a
funeral sermon” is now-a-days but coldly received by the greater part of the
audience, unless very different from a Christian discourse, or rather, unless
very nearly resembling a secular panegyric.
(21.) An orator preaches to get a bishopric, an apostle to save souls; the
latter deserves what the other aims at.
(22.) We see some of our clergymen846 return from the country where
they did not stay long, as proud of having made converts, who had already
been made for them, as of those persons whom they could not convert,
compare themselves to Saint Vincent de Paul and Saint Francis Xavier,847
and fancy themselves apostles. For such onerous labours and such a
fortunate result of their mission they would think themselves scarcely
repaid by having an abbey given to them.
(23.) A man starts up on a sudden, and without any previous thoughts,
takes pen, ink, and paper, and resolves within himself to write a book, but
without any other talent for writing but the need he has of fifty pistoles.848
In vain I say to him: “Dioscorus, take a saw, or else go to the lathe, make a
spoke of a wheel, and you will be sure to earn your living.”849 “But I never
served an apprenticeship to these trades.” “Why then, copy, transcribe,
whose talents now would not have procured them a mere prebend.
(18.) There is a certain panegyrist whose name seems always weighed
down by a heap of titles and qualities, of which a large number is always
mentioned on the ample bills distributed from house to house, or printed in
letters of enormous size on the bills stuck up in the streets, no more to be
ignored than the open market-place is. After such a fine display if you hear
that man preach, and listen for a while to what he says, you will find that in
enumerating all his qualities, only one has been omitted, namely, that of
being a wretched preacher.
(19.) The idleness of women, and the habit men have of frequenting the
places they resort to, give a certain reputation to some dull orators, and for a
while support the sinking credit of others.
(20.) Are greatness and power the only qualities which entitle a man to
be praised at his funeral before the holy altar and from the pulpit, the seat of
truth? Is there no other greatness but that derived from an official position
or from birth? Why should it not be the custom publicly to bestow praise on
a man who during his lifetime was pre-eminent for his kindness of heart, his
love of justice, his gentleness, his fidelity, and his piety? What is called “a
funeral sermon” is now-a-days but coldly received by the greater part of the
audience, unless very different from a Christian discourse, or rather, unless
very nearly resembling a secular panegyric.
(21.) An orator preaches to get a bishopric, an apostle to save souls; the
latter deserves what the other aims at.
(22.) We see some of our clergymen846 return from the country where
they did not stay long, as proud of having made converts, who had already
been made for them, as of those persons whom they could not convert,
compare themselves to Saint Vincent de Paul and Saint Francis Xavier,847
and fancy themselves apostles. For such onerous labours and such a
fortunate result of their mission they would think themselves scarcely
repaid by having an abbey given to them.
(23.) A man starts up on a sudden, and without any previous thoughts,
takes pen, ink, and paper, and resolves within himself to write a book, but
without any other talent for writing but the need he has of fifty pistoles.848
In vain I say to him: “Dioscorus, take a saw, or else go to the lathe, make a
spoke of a wheel, and you will be sure to earn your living.”849 “But I never
served an apprenticeship to these trades.” “Why then, copy, transcribe,
Page 295
become a reader for the press, but do not write.” Yet Dioscorus will write
and get it printed too. And because he must not send paper to the press with
nothing written on it, he sets himself to scribble whatever he pleases, and
likes to write such stuff as this: “That the Seine runs through the city of
Paris; that a week has seven days; or that it threatens to rain,”850 and as
there is nothing in such phrases against religion or the government, and as
they will only harm the public by vitiating their taste, and accustoming
them to dull and insipid things, he obtains permission to get his book
printed;851 and to the shame of the age, and as a mortification to good
authors, a second edition of it appears. Just so, another wiseacre resolves
within himself that he will preach, and he preaches; he is without any talent,
or has not the least vocation for it, but he wants a good living.
and get it printed too. And because he must not send paper to the press with
nothing written on it, he sets himself to scribble whatever he pleases, and
likes to write such stuff as this: “That the Seine runs through the city of
Paris; that a week has seven days; or that it threatens to rain,”850 and as
there is nothing in such phrases against religion or the government, and as
they will only harm the public by vitiating their taste, and accustoming
them to dull and insipid things, he obtains permission to get his book
printed;851 and to the shame of the age, and as a mortification to good
authors, a second edition of it appears. Just so, another wiseacre resolves
within himself that he will preach, and he preaches; he is without any talent,
or has not the least vocation for it, but he wants a good living.
Page 296
BOSSUET
(24.) A worldly and profane clergyman does but declaim when he
preaches.
On the contrary, there are some holy men whose character carries
persuasion with it; they make their appearance in the pulpit, and every one
who comes to listen to them is already moved, and, as it were, carried away
by their mere presence; the sermon afterwards completes their conversion.
(25.) The bishop of Meaux (Bossuet) and Father Bourdaloue recall to
my mind Demosthenes and Cicero. As both of them are absolute masters of
pulpit eloquence, they have had the fate of other great models; one of them
has made many wretched cavillers, and the other many wretched imitators.
(26.) The eloquence of the pulpit, with respect to what is merely human
and depending on the genius of the orator, is not easily perceptible, is
known but to few, and attained with difficulty. It must be very difficult to
please and to persuade at the same time; for a man is obliged to keep to
beaten paths, to say what has been said, and what is foreseen he would say.
The subjects he has to treat of are grand, but worn and trite; the principles
are invariable, but every one of his audience perceives the inferences at the
first glance. Some of the subjects are sublime; but who can treat of the
sublime? There are mysteries to be explained, but they are better explained
in a lecture at college than in a harangue. The morals, too, of the pulpit,
though they comprehend matter as vast and diversified as the manners and
morals of men, turn all upon the same pivot, exhibit the same imagery, and
are restrained to much narrower limits than satire is; after the usual
invective against honour, riches, and pleasures, there remains nothing more
for the orator to do but to finish his discourse and dismiss his audience.
There may sometimes be tears, and people may be moved; but let the
calling and talent of the preacher be considered, and perhaps it will be
found that the subject lends itself to a sermon, or that it is chiefly a feeling
of self-interest which produces this agitation; and that it is not so much true
eloquence as the strong lungs of the missionary which shake us and produce
within us these emotions. In short, the preacher is not provided, as the
lawyer is, with always fresh matters of fact, with various transactions and
unheard-of adventures; his business is not to start doubtful questions, and
improve probable conjectures—all subjects which elevate talent, give it
force and breadth, and instead of putting a restraint on eloquence, only fix
(24.) A worldly and profane clergyman does but declaim when he
preaches.
On the contrary, there are some holy men whose character carries
persuasion with it; they make their appearance in the pulpit, and every one
who comes to listen to them is already moved, and, as it were, carried away
by their mere presence; the sermon afterwards completes their conversion.
(25.) The bishop of Meaux (Bossuet) and Father Bourdaloue recall to
my mind Demosthenes and Cicero. As both of them are absolute masters of
pulpit eloquence, they have had the fate of other great models; one of them
has made many wretched cavillers, and the other many wretched imitators.
(26.) The eloquence of the pulpit, with respect to what is merely human
and depending on the genius of the orator, is not easily perceptible, is
known but to few, and attained with difficulty. It must be very difficult to
please and to persuade at the same time; for a man is obliged to keep to
beaten paths, to say what has been said, and what is foreseen he would say.
The subjects he has to treat of are grand, but worn and trite; the principles
are invariable, but every one of his audience perceives the inferences at the
first glance. Some of the subjects are sublime; but who can treat of the
sublime? There are mysteries to be explained, but they are better explained
in a lecture at college than in a harangue. The morals, too, of the pulpit,
though they comprehend matter as vast and diversified as the manners and
morals of men, turn all upon the same pivot, exhibit the same imagery, and
are restrained to much narrower limits than satire is; after the usual
invective against honour, riches, and pleasures, there remains nothing more
for the orator to do but to finish his discourse and dismiss his audience.
There may sometimes be tears, and people may be moved; but let the
calling and talent of the preacher be considered, and perhaps it will be
found that the subject lends itself to a sermon, or that it is chiefly a feeling
of self-interest which produces this agitation; and that it is not so much true
eloquence as the strong lungs of the missionary which shake us and produce
within us these emotions. In short, the preacher is not provided, as the
lawyer is, with always fresh matters of fact, with various transactions and
unheard-of adventures; his business is not to start doubtful questions, and
improve probable conjectures—all subjects which elevate talent, give it
force and breadth, and instead of putting a restraint on eloquence, only fix
Page 297
and direct it. The preacher, on the contrary, has to draw his discourse from a
source known to all and used by everybody; if he deviates from these
commonplaces, he ceases to be popular, becomes abstruse and a declaimer,
and no longer preaches the Gospel. All he needs is a noble simplicity, which
is difficult to attain, rarely found, and above the reach of ordinary men;
their talent, imagination, learning, and memory, so far from assisting them,
often prevent their acquiring it.
A barristerʼs profession is laborious, toilsome, and requires a vast
amount of knowledge as well as great readiness of invention. A barrister is
not, like a preacher, provided with a certain number of speeches, composed
at leisure, learned by heart, uttered with authority, without any fear of
contradiction, and which, with a few alterations, may serve more than once;
his pleadings are grave, and delivered before judges who may silence him,
and against adversaries who interrupt him; his replies have to be sharp and
to the point; and in one and the same day he has to plead in several courts
causes quite dissimilar. His house neither affords him shelter nor rest, nor
protects him against his clients; it is open to all comers, who crowd upon
him with their difficult or doubtful cases; he is not put to bed, nor is the
perspiration wiped from his face, nor are refreshments offered to him;
people of all qualities and sexes do not crowd his rooms to congratulate him
upon the beauty and elegance of his style, or to remind him of a certain
passage where he ran the risk of stopping short, or of some scruples he felt
for having spoken with less warmth than usual; all the repose a barrister has
after a long speech is immediately to set to work upon writings still longer;
he only varies his labours and fatigues; I may venture to say he is in his
profession what the first apostles were in theirs.
Having thus distinguished the eloquence of the bar from the profession
of a barrister, and the eloquence of the pulpit from the calling of a preacher,
it will appear, I believe, that it is easier to preach than to plead, but more
difficult to preach well than to plead well.
(27.) What a vast advantage has a speech over a written composition.
Men are imposed upon by voice and gesture, and by all that is conducive to
enhance the performance. Any little prepossession in favour of the speaker
raises their admiration, and then they do their best to comprehend him; they
commend his performance before he has begun, but they soon fall off
asleep, doze all the time he is preaching, and only wake to applaud him. An
author has no such passionate admirers; his works are read at leisure in the
source known to all and used by everybody; if he deviates from these
commonplaces, he ceases to be popular, becomes abstruse and a declaimer,
and no longer preaches the Gospel. All he needs is a noble simplicity, which
is difficult to attain, rarely found, and above the reach of ordinary men;
their talent, imagination, learning, and memory, so far from assisting them,
often prevent their acquiring it.
A barristerʼs profession is laborious, toilsome, and requires a vast
amount of knowledge as well as great readiness of invention. A barrister is
not, like a preacher, provided with a certain number of speeches, composed
at leisure, learned by heart, uttered with authority, without any fear of
contradiction, and which, with a few alterations, may serve more than once;
his pleadings are grave, and delivered before judges who may silence him,
and against adversaries who interrupt him; his replies have to be sharp and
to the point; and in one and the same day he has to plead in several courts
causes quite dissimilar. His house neither affords him shelter nor rest, nor
protects him against his clients; it is open to all comers, who crowd upon
him with their difficult or doubtful cases; he is not put to bed, nor is the
perspiration wiped from his face, nor are refreshments offered to him;
people of all qualities and sexes do not crowd his rooms to congratulate him
upon the beauty and elegance of his style, or to remind him of a certain
passage where he ran the risk of stopping short, or of some scruples he felt
for having spoken with less warmth than usual; all the repose a barrister has
after a long speech is immediately to set to work upon writings still longer;
he only varies his labours and fatigues; I may venture to say he is in his
profession what the first apostles were in theirs.
Having thus distinguished the eloquence of the bar from the profession
of a barrister, and the eloquence of the pulpit from the calling of a preacher,
it will appear, I believe, that it is easier to preach than to plead, but more
difficult to preach well than to plead well.
(27.) What a vast advantage has a speech over a written composition.
Men are imposed upon by voice and gesture, and by all that is conducive to
enhance the performance. Any little prepossession in favour of the speaker
raises their admiration, and then they do their best to comprehend him; they
commend his performance before he has begun, but they soon fall off
asleep, doze all the time he is preaching, and only wake to applaud him. An
author has no such passionate admirers; his works are read at leisure in the
Page 298
country or in the solitude of the study; no public meetings are held to
applaud him, nor do people intrigue to sacrifice all his rivals to him and to
have him raised to the prelacy. However excellent his book may be, it is
read with the intention of finding it but middling; it is perused, discussed,
and compared to other works; a book is not composed of transient sounds
lost in the air and forgotten; what is printed remains; sometimes it is
expected a month or two before it is published, and people are impatient to
damn it, whilst the greatest pleasure many will find in it will be their own
criticisms; it vexes them to meet on each page passages which ought to
please; often they are even afraid of being amused by it, and they throw the
book away merely because it is good. Everybody does not pretend to be a
preacher; the elocution, the figures of speech, the gift of memory, the gown
or the calling of a preacher, are things people do not always venture on, or
like to take on themselves, whilst every one imagines he thinks well and
writes still better than he thinks, which renders him less indulgent to the
person who thinks and writes as well as himself; in a word, the preacher of
sermons will sooner obtain a bishopric than the most judicious writer a
small living, and whilst new favours are still heaped on the first, the more
deserving author may consider himself very fortunate if he gets some of the
leavings of the preacher.
(28.) If it happens that the wicked hate and persecute you, good men
advise you to humble yourself before God, and to beware of the pride you
may feel in having displeased people of a similar character; so when certain
men who admire everything middling, blame a work you have written, or a
speech you have made in public, whether at the bar, in the pulpit, or
elsewhere, humble yourself, for of all the temptations of pride there cannot
be a greater and more enticing one.
(29.) A preacher, methinks, should select for every one of his sermons
some capital truth, whether to terrify or to instruct, handle it thoroughly and
analyse it, whilst omitting all fine-spun decisions so worn, trite, and
different from one another; I would not have him suppose a thing which is
notoriously false, namely, that great or fashionable people understand the
religion they profess as well as its duties; so that he will be afraid of
remonstrating with persons of their culture and subtle understandings. Let
him employ the time others waste in composing a set, formal discourse, in
making himself so completely master of his subject that his style and
expressions may be original and natural; let him, after some necessary
applaud him, nor do people intrigue to sacrifice all his rivals to him and to
have him raised to the prelacy. However excellent his book may be, it is
read with the intention of finding it but middling; it is perused, discussed,
and compared to other works; a book is not composed of transient sounds
lost in the air and forgotten; what is printed remains; sometimes it is
expected a month or two before it is published, and people are impatient to
damn it, whilst the greatest pleasure many will find in it will be their own
criticisms; it vexes them to meet on each page passages which ought to
please; often they are even afraid of being amused by it, and they throw the
book away merely because it is good. Everybody does not pretend to be a
preacher; the elocution, the figures of speech, the gift of memory, the gown
or the calling of a preacher, are things people do not always venture on, or
like to take on themselves, whilst every one imagines he thinks well and
writes still better than he thinks, which renders him less indulgent to the
person who thinks and writes as well as himself; in a word, the preacher of
sermons will sooner obtain a bishopric than the most judicious writer a
small living, and whilst new favours are still heaped on the first, the more
deserving author may consider himself very fortunate if he gets some of the
leavings of the preacher.
(28.) If it happens that the wicked hate and persecute you, good men
advise you to humble yourself before God, and to beware of the pride you
may feel in having displeased people of a similar character; so when certain
men who admire everything middling, blame a work you have written, or a
speech you have made in public, whether at the bar, in the pulpit, or
elsewhere, humble yourself, for of all the temptations of pride there cannot
be a greater and more enticing one.
(29.) A preacher, methinks, should select for every one of his sermons
some capital truth, whether to terrify or to instruct, handle it thoroughly and
analyse it, whilst omitting all fine-spun decisions so worn, trite, and
different from one another; I would not have him suppose a thing which is
notoriously false, namely, that great or fashionable people understand the
religion they profess as well as its duties; so that he will be afraid of
remonstrating with persons of their culture and subtle understandings. Let
him employ the time others waste in composing a set, formal discourse, in
making himself so completely master of his subject that his style and
expressions may be original and natural; let him, after some necessary
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preparations, abandon himself to his own genius and to the emotions with
which a great subject will inspire him; and then, he may be able to do
without those excessive efforts of memory, which destroy all graceful
gestures, and look more as if he had learned something by heart for a wager,
than as if he were treating a matter of great importance; let him, on the
contrary, kindled by a noble enthusiasm, persuade all minds, alarm all souls,
and fill the heart of his hearers with another fear than that of seeing him
stop short in the middle of his sermon.
(30.) A man who has not yet arrived to such perfection as to forget
himself in the dispensation of Holy Writ, should not be discouraged by the
austere rules which are prescribed, which may deprive him of the means of
showing his intelligence and of attaining the honours to which he aspires.
What more useful, more exalted talent can there be than preaching like an
apostle; and who would better deserve a bishopric? Was Fénelon unworthy
of that dignity, and could he have escaped his princeʼs choice but for
another choice?852
which a great subject will inspire him; and then, he may be able to do
without those excessive efforts of memory, which destroy all graceful
gestures, and look more as if he had learned something by heart for a wager,
than as if he were treating a matter of great importance; let him, on the
contrary, kindled by a noble enthusiasm, persuade all minds, alarm all souls,
and fill the heart of his hearers with another fear than that of seeing him
stop short in the middle of his sermon.
(30.) A man who has not yet arrived to such perfection as to forget
himself in the dispensation of Holy Writ, should not be discouraged by the
austere rules which are prescribed, which may deprive him of the means of
showing his intelligence and of attaining the honours to which he aspires.
What more useful, more exalted talent can there be than preaching like an
apostle; and who would better deserve a bishopric? Was Fénelon unworthy
of that dignity, and could he have escaped his princeʼs choice but for
another choice?852
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XVI.
OF FREETHINKERS.853
(1.)
D O freethinkers know that it is only ironically they are called
strong-minded?854 What greater proof of their weakness of mind
can they give460 than their uncertainty about the very principles
of their existence, life, senses, knowledge, and what will be their end? What
can be more discouraging to a man than to doubt if his soul be material, like
a stone or a reptile, and subject to corruption like the vilest creatures? And
does it not prove much more strength of mind and grandeur to be able to
conceive the idea of a Being superior to all other beings, by whom and for
whom all things were made; of a Being absolutely perfect and pure, without
beginning or end, of whom our soul is the image, and of whom, if I may say
so, it is a part, because it is spiritual and immortal?
(2.) The docile and the weak are susceptible of receiving impressions;
the first receive good ones, for they are convinced and faithful, whilst the
second receive bad ones, as they are stubborn and corrupted. A docile mind
admits thus true religion, and a feeble mind either admits none or a false
one. Now a freethinker either has no religion at all, or creates one for
OF FREETHINKERS.853
(1.)
D O freethinkers know that it is only ironically they are called
strong-minded?854 What greater proof of their weakness of mind
can they give460 than their uncertainty about the very principles
of their existence, life, senses, knowledge, and what will be their end? What
can be more discouraging to a man than to doubt if his soul be material, like
a stone or a reptile, and subject to corruption like the vilest creatures? And
does it not prove much more strength of mind and grandeur to be able to
conceive the idea of a Being superior to all other beings, by whom and for
whom all things were made; of a Being absolutely perfect and pure, without
beginning or end, of whom our soul is the image, and of whom, if I may say
so, it is a part, because it is spiritual and immortal?
(2.) The docile and the weak are susceptible of receiving impressions;
the first receive good ones, for they are convinced and faithful, whilst the
second receive bad ones, as they are stubborn and corrupted. A docile mind
admits thus true religion, and a feeble mind either admits none or a false
one. Now a freethinker either has no religion at all, or creates one for
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himself; therefore a strong-minded freethinker is in reality feeble-
minded.855
(3.) I call those men worldly, earthly, or coarse, whose hearts and minds
are wholly fixed on this earth, that small part of the universe they are placed
in; who value and love nothing beyond it; whose minds are as cramped as
that narrow spot of ground they call their estate, of which the extent is
measured, the acres are numbered, and the limits well known. I am not
astonished that men who lean, as it were, on an atom, should stumble at the
smallest efforts they make for discovering the truth; that, being so short-
sighted, they do not reach beyond the heavens and the stars, to contemplate
God Himself; that, not being able to perceive the excellency of what is
spiritual, or the dignity of the soul, they should be still less sensible of the
difficulty of satisfying it; how very inferior the entire world is in
comparison to it; how necessary is to it an all-perfect Being, which is God;
and how absolutely it needs a religion to find out that God, and to be
assured of His reality. I can easily understand that incredulity or
indifference are but natural to such men, that they make use of God and
religion only as a piece of policy, as far as they may be conducive to the
order and decorum of this world, the only thing in their opinion worth
thinking of.
(4.) Some men give the finishing-stroke to the spoiling of their
judgment by their long travels, and thus lose the little religion which
remained to them.856 They meet daily new forms of worship, different
manners and morals, and various ceremonies; they are not unlike those
people who wander from shop to shop, and have not quite made up their
mind what they are going to buy; the variety puzzles them, and as each
thing pleases their fancy more or less, they are unable to come to a decision,
and leave without buying anything.
(5.) There are some men who delay becoming religious and pious till
the time everybody openly avows himself irreligious and a freethinker,857
for, as this has then become vulgar, they will be distinguished from the
crowd. In so serious and important a matter singularity pleases them; only
in trifling things, of no consequence, they follow the fashion and do what
others do; for all I know, they may consider it somewhat courageous and
daring to run the risk of what may happen to them in the next world.
Moreover, when men are of a certain rank, possess a certain freedom of
minded.855
(3.) I call those men worldly, earthly, or coarse, whose hearts and minds
are wholly fixed on this earth, that small part of the universe they are placed
in; who value and love nothing beyond it; whose minds are as cramped as
that narrow spot of ground they call their estate, of which the extent is
measured, the acres are numbered, and the limits well known. I am not
astonished that men who lean, as it were, on an atom, should stumble at the
smallest efforts they make for discovering the truth; that, being so short-
sighted, they do not reach beyond the heavens and the stars, to contemplate
God Himself; that, not being able to perceive the excellency of what is
spiritual, or the dignity of the soul, they should be still less sensible of the
difficulty of satisfying it; how very inferior the entire world is in
comparison to it; how necessary is to it an all-perfect Being, which is God;
and how absolutely it needs a religion to find out that God, and to be
assured of His reality. I can easily understand that incredulity or
indifference are but natural to such men, that they make use of God and
religion only as a piece of policy, as far as they may be conducive to the
order and decorum of this world, the only thing in their opinion worth
thinking of.
(4.) Some men give the finishing-stroke to the spoiling of their
judgment by their long travels, and thus lose the little religion which
remained to them.856 They meet daily new forms of worship, different
manners and morals, and various ceremonies; they are not unlike those
people who wander from shop to shop, and have not quite made up their
mind what they are going to buy; the variety puzzles them, and as each
thing pleases their fancy more or less, they are unable to come to a decision,
and leave without buying anything.
(5.) There are some men who delay becoming religious and pious till
the time everybody openly avows himself irreligious and a freethinker,857
for, as this has then become vulgar, they will be distinguished from the
crowd. In so serious and important a matter singularity pleases them; only
in trifling things, of no consequence, they follow the fashion and do what
others do; for all I know, they may consider it somewhat courageous and
daring to run the risk of what may happen to them in the next world.
Moreover, when men are of a certain rank, possess a certain freedom of
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thought, and have certain views, they should not dream of believing what
learned men and the common people believe.
(6.) A man in health questions whether there is a God, and he also
doubts whether it be a sin to have intercourse with a woman, who is at
liberty to refuse;858 but when he falls ill, or when his mistress is with child,
she is discarded, and he believes in God.
(7.) People should examine themselves thoroughly before openly
declaring themselves freethinkers, so that, according to their own
principles, they at least may die as they have lived; or if they find they are
not strong-minded enough to proceed so far, to resolve to live as they would
wish to die.
(8.) Jesting in a dying man is out of place; and if it is on certain
subjects, it is dreadful. To please our survivors with a jest at the expense of
our own eternal happiness, is a very miserable business.
Whatever a man may think about a future state, dying is a very serious
affair, and firmness is then more becoming than jesting.
(9.) In all ages there have been people with a certain amount of
cleverness, and well read, who, servilely following men of high rank,
embraced their loose principles, and all their lifetime groaned under their
yoke, against their own knowledge and conscience. Some men only live for
other men, and seem to consider themselves created for this purpose; they
are ashamed to be seen bestowing a thought on their own salvation, and to
appear outwardly such as they are perhaps in their hearts, and thus they ruin
themselves out of deference or complacency. Are there then on this earth
men of such high rank and so very powerful as to deserve that we should
shape our beliefs and our lives according to their taste and fancy; nay, that
we should carry our submission so far as at our death to leave this world not
in the safest way for ourselves, but in the way most pleasing to them?
(10.) Men who run counter to all the world, and act against principles
universally received, should know more than other men, be clear in their
reasons and convincing in their arguments.
(11.) A sober-minded, cool-headed, chaste, and honourable man, who
affirms there is no God, at least is dispassionate, but such a man is not to be
found.
(12.) I admit I should very much like to see a man really persuaded
there was no God; for then I should at least hear on what unanswerable
arguments his unbelief is founded.
learned men and the common people believe.
(6.) A man in health questions whether there is a God, and he also
doubts whether it be a sin to have intercourse with a woman, who is at
liberty to refuse;858 but when he falls ill, or when his mistress is with child,
she is discarded, and he believes in God.
(7.) People should examine themselves thoroughly before openly
declaring themselves freethinkers, so that, according to their own
principles, they at least may die as they have lived; or if they find they are
not strong-minded enough to proceed so far, to resolve to live as they would
wish to die.
(8.) Jesting in a dying man is out of place; and if it is on certain
subjects, it is dreadful. To please our survivors with a jest at the expense of
our own eternal happiness, is a very miserable business.
Whatever a man may think about a future state, dying is a very serious
affair, and firmness is then more becoming than jesting.
(9.) In all ages there have been people with a certain amount of
cleverness, and well read, who, servilely following men of high rank,
embraced their loose principles, and all their lifetime groaned under their
yoke, against their own knowledge and conscience. Some men only live for
other men, and seem to consider themselves created for this purpose; they
are ashamed to be seen bestowing a thought on their own salvation, and to
appear outwardly such as they are perhaps in their hearts, and thus they ruin
themselves out of deference or complacency. Are there then on this earth
men of such high rank and so very powerful as to deserve that we should
shape our beliefs and our lives according to their taste and fancy; nay, that
we should carry our submission so far as at our death to leave this world not
in the safest way for ourselves, but in the way most pleasing to them?
(10.) Men who run counter to all the world, and act against principles
universally received, should know more than other men, be clear in their
reasons and convincing in their arguments.
(11.) A sober-minded, cool-headed, chaste, and honourable man, who
affirms there is no God, at least is dispassionate, but such a man is not to be
found.
(12.) I admit I should very much like to see a man really persuaded
there was no God; for then I should at least hear on what unanswerable
arguments his unbelief is founded.
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(13.) The impossibility I find myself under of proving there is no God,
is to me a convincing argument for His existence.
(14.) God condemns and punishes those who offend Him, and He is the
only judge in His own cause, which would shock all our ideas if He Himself
were not Justice and Truth—that is, if He were not God.
(15.) I feel there is a God, and I do not feel there is none; this is
sufficient for me, and all other arguments seem to me superfluous; I
therefore conclude that He exists, and this conclusion is inherent to my
nature. I acquired these principles readily in my childhood, and have kept
them since too naturally in my riper years ever to suspect them of
falsehood.—But there are some men who get rid of these principles.—I
question whether there are any, but if there be, it only proves that monsters
exist in this world.
(16.) There is no such thing as an atheist; the great men who are more or
less suspected of being inclined that way, are too lazy to fatigue their minds
with discussions whether there is a God or no; their indolence renders them
careless and indifferent about such an important matter as well as about the
nature of their own souls and the consequences of true religion; they neither
deny nor grant any of these things; they never think of them.
(17.) All our health, all our strength, and our entire intellect are not
more than sufficient in thinking of mankind or of our smallest interest; yet
propriety and custom seem to require of us only to think of God when we
are so situated that we have barely so much reason left as to enable us to
say we are not totally without any.
(18.) A great man falls in a swoon, as it was thought, but is discovered
to be dead,859 another great man wastes away gradually, and daily loses
something of himself before he expires; such lessons are dreadful, but
useless. These circumstances, though so remarkable and so different from
each other, are not noticed, affect nobody, and are no more heeded than the
fall of a leaf, or the fading of a flower; people only want their posts vacant
through their deaths, or they inquire if they have been filled up, and who are
their successors.
(19.) Is there so much goodness, fidelity, and justice among men, that
we should place unlimited confidence in them, and not, at least, wish for a
God to exist to whom we might appeal from their injustice, and who might
protect us against their persecutions and treacheries.
is to me a convincing argument for His existence.
(14.) God condemns and punishes those who offend Him, and He is the
only judge in His own cause, which would shock all our ideas if He Himself
were not Justice and Truth—that is, if He were not God.
(15.) I feel there is a God, and I do not feel there is none; this is
sufficient for me, and all other arguments seem to me superfluous; I
therefore conclude that He exists, and this conclusion is inherent to my
nature. I acquired these principles readily in my childhood, and have kept
them since too naturally in my riper years ever to suspect them of
falsehood.—But there are some men who get rid of these principles.—I
question whether there are any, but if there be, it only proves that monsters
exist in this world.
(16.) There is no such thing as an atheist; the great men who are more or
less suspected of being inclined that way, are too lazy to fatigue their minds
with discussions whether there is a God or no; their indolence renders them
careless and indifferent about such an important matter as well as about the
nature of their own souls and the consequences of true religion; they neither
deny nor grant any of these things; they never think of them.
(17.) All our health, all our strength, and our entire intellect are not
more than sufficient in thinking of mankind or of our smallest interest; yet
propriety and custom seem to require of us only to think of God when we
are so situated that we have barely so much reason left as to enable us to
say we are not totally without any.
(18.) A great man falls in a swoon, as it was thought, but is discovered
to be dead,859 another great man wastes away gradually, and daily loses
something of himself before he expires; such lessons are dreadful, but
useless. These circumstances, though so remarkable and so different from
each other, are not noticed, affect nobody, and are no more heeded than the
fall of a leaf, or the fading of a flower; people only want their posts vacant
through their deaths, or they inquire if they have been filled up, and who are
their successors.
(19.) Is there so much goodness, fidelity, and justice among men, that
we should place unlimited confidence in them, and not, at least, wish for a
God to exist to whom we might appeal from their injustice, and who might
protect us against their persecutions and treacheries.
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(20.) If freethinkers are dazzled and confounded by the grandeur and
sublimity of religion, they are no longer freethinkers, but shallow geniuses
and little minds;860 if, on the contrary, they are repelled by its humbleness
and simplicity, we must allow them to be real freethinkers, far stronger-
minded than so many great men, enlightened and highly cultivated, who
nevertheless were confirmed believers, such as the Leos, the Basils, the
Jeromes, the Augustines.861
(21.) Certain people who have never read the fathers or doctors of the
Church are frightened at their very names, and declare their writings dull,
dry, pious, cold, and perhaps pedantic. But how astonished would all these
people be who have formed such an untrue idea of the Fathers, if they found
in their writings a better style, more delicacy, polish, and intelligence, a
greater warmth of expression and strength of reasoning, sharper traits and
more natural charms than are to be met with in most of the modern books
read by connoisseurs, which increase the reputation and conceit of their
authors. What a satisfaction to love religion and to see men of great talent
and solid learning believe in it, assert its truth, and explain it! And whether
you consider extent of knowledge, depth and penetration, the principles of
pure philosophy, their application and development, the correctness of the
conclusions arrived at, nobleness of expression, beauty of morals and
sentiments, no profane author can be compared to Saint Augustine, except
Plato and Cicero.
(22.) Man who is born a liar cannot relish the plainness and simplicity
of truth; he is altogether hankering after appearance862 and ornament. He
has not made truth, for it comes from Heaven ready-made, as it were, in all
its perfection, and man loves nothing but his own productions, Fable and
Fiction. Observe the common people; they will invent a tale, add to it, and
exaggerate it through coarseness or folly; ask even the most honest man if
he always speaks the truth, if he does not sometimes discover that, either
through vanity or levity, he has disguised the truth; and if to embellish a
story he does not often add some circumstance to set it off? An accident
happened to-day, and almost, as it were, under our eyes; a hundred people
have seen it, and all relate it in as many different ways; and yet another
person may come, and if you will only listen to him, he shall tell it in a way
in which it has not yet been told. How then can I believe facts which are so
old and took place several centuries ago? What reliance can I place on the
gravest historians, and what becomes of history itself. Was Cæsar ever
sublimity of religion, they are no longer freethinkers, but shallow geniuses
and little minds;860 if, on the contrary, they are repelled by its humbleness
and simplicity, we must allow them to be real freethinkers, far stronger-
minded than so many great men, enlightened and highly cultivated, who
nevertheless were confirmed believers, such as the Leos, the Basils, the
Jeromes, the Augustines.861
(21.) Certain people who have never read the fathers or doctors of the
Church are frightened at their very names, and declare their writings dull,
dry, pious, cold, and perhaps pedantic. But how astonished would all these
people be who have formed such an untrue idea of the Fathers, if they found
in their writings a better style, more delicacy, polish, and intelligence, a
greater warmth of expression and strength of reasoning, sharper traits and
more natural charms than are to be met with in most of the modern books
read by connoisseurs, which increase the reputation and conceit of their
authors. What a satisfaction to love religion and to see men of great talent
and solid learning believe in it, assert its truth, and explain it! And whether
you consider extent of knowledge, depth and penetration, the principles of
pure philosophy, their application and development, the correctness of the
conclusions arrived at, nobleness of expression, beauty of morals and
sentiments, no profane author can be compared to Saint Augustine, except
Plato and Cicero.
(22.) Man who is born a liar cannot relish the plainness and simplicity
of truth; he is altogether hankering after appearance862 and ornament. He
has not made truth, for it comes from Heaven ready-made, as it were, in all
its perfection, and man loves nothing but his own productions, Fable and
Fiction. Observe the common people; they will invent a tale, add to it, and
exaggerate it through coarseness or folly; ask even the most honest man if
he always speaks the truth, if he does not sometimes discover that, either
through vanity or levity, he has disguised the truth; and if to embellish a
story he does not often add some circumstance to set it off? An accident
happened to-day, and almost, as it were, under our eyes; a hundred people
have seen it, and all relate it in as many different ways; and yet another
person may come, and if you will only listen to him, he shall tell it in a way
in which it has not yet been told. How then can I believe facts which are so
old and took place several centuries ago? What reliance can I place on the
gravest historians, and what becomes of history itself. Was Cæsar ever
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murdered in the midst of the senate? and has there ever been such a person
as Cæsar? “Why do you draw such an inference?” youʼll say; “why express
such doubts and ask such questions?” You laugh, you do not think my
question worthy of an answer, and I imagine you are quite right. But
suppose the book which gives us an account of Cæsar was not a profane
history, written by men who are liars, and had not been discovered by
chance among certain manuscripts, some true, and others suspicious; but
that, on the contrary, it had been inspired, and bore all the evidence of being
holy and divine; that for nearly two thousand years it had been kept by a
large society of men, who all this while would not allow the least alteration
to be made in it, and held it as part of their creed to preserve it in all its
purity; that these men, by their own principles, were indispensably
compelled to believe religiously all the transactions related in this volume,
whenever mention was made of Cæsar and his dictatorship; own it,
Lucilius, would you then question whether there ever was such a man as
Cæsar?
(23.) All kinds of music are not suited to praise God and to be heard in
the sanctuary; all methods of philosophy are not fit for discoursing worthily
of God, His power, the principles of His operations, and His mysteries. The
more abstracted and ideal this philosophy is, the more vain and useless is it
in explaining these things, which merely require common sense to be
understood up to a certain point, and which cannot be explained farther. To
pretend to give an account of the very essence of God, of His perfections,
and, if I dare say so, of His actions, is indeed going beyond the ancient
philosophers, beyond the apostles themselves, and the first teachers of the
Gospel, but it is not arguing so much to the point as they did; for people
may dig for a long time, and deeply, without discovering the sources of
truth. If once people set aside such words as goodness, mercy, justice, and
omnipotence, which are apt to form in their minds such lovely and majestic
ideas of the divinity, let them afterwards strain their imagination as much as
possible, they will find nothing but dry, barren, and senseless expressions;
they must admit wild and empty thoughts, contrary to all ordinary ideas, or,
at least, subtle and ingenious thoughts, by which their religion will be
weakened according as they improve in the knowledge of these new
metaphysics.863
(24.) What excesses will a man not commit through his zeal for a
religion, of the truth of which he is not entirely convinced, and which he
as Cæsar? “Why do you draw such an inference?” youʼll say; “why express
such doubts and ask such questions?” You laugh, you do not think my
question worthy of an answer, and I imagine you are quite right. But
suppose the book which gives us an account of Cæsar was not a profane
history, written by men who are liars, and had not been discovered by
chance among certain manuscripts, some true, and others suspicious; but
that, on the contrary, it had been inspired, and bore all the evidence of being
holy and divine; that for nearly two thousand years it had been kept by a
large society of men, who all this while would not allow the least alteration
to be made in it, and held it as part of their creed to preserve it in all its
purity; that these men, by their own principles, were indispensably
compelled to believe religiously all the transactions related in this volume,
whenever mention was made of Cæsar and his dictatorship; own it,
Lucilius, would you then question whether there ever was such a man as
Cæsar?
(23.) All kinds of music are not suited to praise God and to be heard in
the sanctuary; all methods of philosophy are not fit for discoursing worthily
of God, His power, the principles of His operations, and His mysteries. The
more abstracted and ideal this philosophy is, the more vain and useless is it
in explaining these things, which merely require common sense to be
understood up to a certain point, and which cannot be explained farther. To
pretend to give an account of the very essence of God, of His perfections,
and, if I dare say so, of His actions, is indeed going beyond the ancient
philosophers, beyond the apostles themselves, and the first teachers of the
Gospel, but it is not arguing so much to the point as they did; for people
may dig for a long time, and deeply, without discovering the sources of
truth. If once people set aside such words as goodness, mercy, justice, and
omnipotence, which are apt to form in their minds such lovely and majestic
ideas of the divinity, let them afterwards strain their imagination as much as
possible, they will find nothing but dry, barren, and senseless expressions;
they must admit wild and empty thoughts, contrary to all ordinary ideas, or,
at least, subtle and ingenious thoughts, by which their religion will be
weakened according as they improve in the knowledge of these new
metaphysics.863
(24.) What excesses will a man not commit through his zeal for a
religion, of the truth of which he is not entirely convinced, and which he
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practises so badly?
(25.) That same religion which men will defend so zealously and with
so much warmth against those of a different persuasion, they themselves
corrupt, by joining to it their own peculiar ideas; they add or take from it
numberless things, which are often very material, according as it best suits
their convenience, and remain steadfastly and firmly attached to the form
they have given it themselves. So that, though it may be commonly said of
a nation that it has but one manner of worship and one religion, it truly and
really has many religions, for almost every individual has one of his own.
(26.) Two sorts of men flourish in courts and reign there by turns,
freethinkers and hypocrites; the first gaily, openly, without art or disguise,
the second cunningly and by intrigue. These latter are a hundred times more
enamoured of fortune than the first, and are excessively jealous of it; they
wish to sway it, to be the sole possessors of it, share it among themselves,
and exclude everybody else. Dignities, posts, offices, benefices, pensions,
honours, everything belongs to them and to none but them; the rest of
mankind are unworthy of these things, and they wonder how others, who
are not their creatures, can be so impudent as to expect them. A company of
persons in masks enter a ball-room; when it is their turn they dance, they
dance with each other, dance again and continue to dance, but only among
themselves and with no other person, however worthy of their regard;
people grow annoyed and tired with looking on whilst these masked
persons dance because they are not dancing themselves; some among them
murmur, but the wisest make up their mind and go home.864
(27.) There are two sorts of freethinkers; those who are really so, or at
least believe themselves so, and the hypocrites or pretended pious people,
who are unwilling to be thought freethinkers; the latter are the best.
A man who pretends to be pious either does not believe there is a God,
or makes a jest of Him; let us say of him politely, that he does not believe
there is a God.
(28.) If every religion stands in respectful fear of God, what shall we
think of those persons who dare affront Him in His representative on earth,
the Prince?
(29.) Were we assured that the secret intention of the ambassadors who
came lately from Siam was to persuade the most Christian king to renounce
Christianity, and admit their Talapoins865 into his kingdom to creep into our
houses to convert to their religion our wives, our children, and ourselves, by
(25.) That same religion which men will defend so zealously and with
so much warmth against those of a different persuasion, they themselves
corrupt, by joining to it their own peculiar ideas; they add or take from it
numberless things, which are often very material, according as it best suits
their convenience, and remain steadfastly and firmly attached to the form
they have given it themselves. So that, though it may be commonly said of
a nation that it has but one manner of worship and one religion, it truly and
really has many religions, for almost every individual has one of his own.
(26.) Two sorts of men flourish in courts and reign there by turns,
freethinkers and hypocrites; the first gaily, openly, without art or disguise,
the second cunningly and by intrigue. These latter are a hundred times more
enamoured of fortune than the first, and are excessively jealous of it; they
wish to sway it, to be the sole possessors of it, share it among themselves,
and exclude everybody else. Dignities, posts, offices, benefices, pensions,
honours, everything belongs to them and to none but them; the rest of
mankind are unworthy of these things, and they wonder how others, who
are not their creatures, can be so impudent as to expect them. A company of
persons in masks enter a ball-room; when it is their turn they dance, they
dance with each other, dance again and continue to dance, but only among
themselves and with no other person, however worthy of their regard;
people grow annoyed and tired with looking on whilst these masked
persons dance because they are not dancing themselves; some among them
murmur, but the wisest make up their mind and go home.864
(27.) There are two sorts of freethinkers; those who are really so, or at
least believe themselves so, and the hypocrites or pretended pious people,
who are unwilling to be thought freethinkers; the latter are the best.
A man who pretends to be pious either does not believe there is a God,
or makes a jest of Him; let us say of him politely, that he does not believe
there is a God.
(28.) If every religion stands in respectful fear of God, what shall we
think of those persons who dare affront Him in His representative on earth,
the Prince?
(29.) Were we assured that the secret intention of the ambassadors who
came lately from Siam was to persuade the most Christian king to renounce
Christianity, and admit their Talapoins865 into his kingdom to creep into our
houses to convert to their religion our wives, our children, and ourselves, by
Page 307
their books as well as by their conversations, to allow them to erect pagodas
in the midst of our towns to worship their brazen images, with what
derision, what strange scorn, should we hear such an absurd story told? And
yet we sail six thousand leagues to bring over to Christianity the Indies, the
kingdoms of Siam, China, and Japan, and seriously to make to all these
nations certain proposals, which, in their eyes, must appear as foolish and
ridiculous. Yet they tolerate our friars and priests, and sometimes listen to
them, allow them to build churches, and perform all their missionary duties.
From whence proceeds such a behaviour, so different in them and us? May
it not be caused by the force of truth?
(30.) It is not proper for all men to profess to give alms and to have the
common beggars of the parish daily crowding at their doors, and not allow
one to go home empty-handed. Who is not aware that there is a more
concealed wretchedness, which may be relieved, either immediately and out
of a manʼs own pocket, or at least by the intercession of others? In the same
manner all persons are not qualified for the pulpit, nor fit to expound the
Word of God in public, either as missionaries, or teachers; but what man
does not, some time or other, meet a freethinker, whom he might attempt to
reclaim and bring back to the fold by gentle and insinuating converse about
the submission due to the teachings of the church? Should a man make but
one convert in the whole course of his life, he cannot be said to have lived
in vain, or to have been a useless burden on this earth.
(31.) There are two worlds: one we dwell in but a short time, and which
we must leave never to return; another, to which we must shortly go, there
to abide for ever. Interest, authority, friends, a great reputation, and riches
are most useful in the first; an indifference to all these things is most useful
for the next. It is a mere question of choice.
(32.) A man who lives a day lives an age; always the same sun, the same
earth, the same world, the same sensations; to-day will precisely be like to-
morrow; we ought to feel some curiosity to die, for then we are no longer a
body, but only a spirit. However, man, though so impatiently hunting after
novelties, is not anxious to die; restless and tired of everything, he is not
tired of life, and would, perhaps, be satisfied to live for ever. What he sees
of death makes a deeper impression on him than what he knows of it;
sickness, pain, and the grave, make him dislike the knowledge of another
world; and the strongest religious motives are needed to convert him.
in the midst of our towns to worship their brazen images, with what
derision, what strange scorn, should we hear such an absurd story told? And
yet we sail six thousand leagues to bring over to Christianity the Indies, the
kingdoms of Siam, China, and Japan, and seriously to make to all these
nations certain proposals, which, in their eyes, must appear as foolish and
ridiculous. Yet they tolerate our friars and priests, and sometimes listen to
them, allow them to build churches, and perform all their missionary duties.
From whence proceeds such a behaviour, so different in them and us? May
it not be caused by the force of truth?
(30.) It is not proper for all men to profess to give alms and to have the
common beggars of the parish daily crowding at their doors, and not allow
one to go home empty-handed. Who is not aware that there is a more
concealed wretchedness, which may be relieved, either immediately and out
of a manʼs own pocket, or at least by the intercession of others? In the same
manner all persons are not qualified for the pulpit, nor fit to expound the
Word of God in public, either as missionaries, or teachers; but what man
does not, some time or other, meet a freethinker, whom he might attempt to
reclaim and bring back to the fold by gentle and insinuating converse about
the submission due to the teachings of the church? Should a man make but
one convert in the whole course of his life, he cannot be said to have lived
in vain, or to have been a useless burden on this earth.
(31.) There are two worlds: one we dwell in but a short time, and which
we must leave never to return; another, to which we must shortly go, there
to abide for ever. Interest, authority, friends, a great reputation, and riches
are most useful in the first; an indifference to all these things is most useful
for the next. It is a mere question of choice.
(32.) A man who lives a day lives an age; always the same sun, the same
earth, the same world, the same sensations; to-day will precisely be like to-
morrow; we ought to feel some curiosity to die, for then we are no longer a
body, but only a spirit. However, man, though so impatiently hunting after
novelties, is not anxious to die; restless and tired of everything, he is not
tired of life, and would, perhaps, be satisfied to live for ever. What he sees
of death makes a deeper impression on him than what he knows of it;
sickness, pain, and the grave, make him dislike the knowledge of another
world; and the strongest religious motives are needed to convert him.
Page 308
(33.) If Providence had left it to our choice to die or to live for ever, we
should carefully consider how dismal it is for a man to see no end to his
poverty, servitude, annoyance, or sickness; or, at best to enjoy riches,
grandeur, pleasures, and health, only in time to behold them invariably
change to their opposite conditions; and thus to be tossed to and fro
between happiness and misery, and, therefore, we should be greatly
perplexed; but Nature has settled it for us, and saves us the trouble of
making a choice, as it has imposed on us the necessity of dying, which is,
moreover, alleviated by religion.
(34.) If my religion be false, it is a snare which I must own is as well
laid as can be imagined, so that it is impossible not to run into it and be
caught. What dignity! what splendour in its mysteries! what a sequence and
connection in all the several parts of its doctrine! how superb are its
reasonings! how pure and innocent is its morality! how irresistible and
overwhelming is the testimony of so many millions of the wisest and most
thoughtful men then in existence, who during three centuries came one after
another, and whom a feeling of the same truth so constantly supported in
exiles, dungeons, torture, and even in death itself. Take any history, open it,
and commence with the beginning of the world, with its creation; was there
ever anything like it? Could the whole power of God Himself contrive
anything better to deceive me? How can I avoid it? Whither should I run, or
throw myself? I do not say to find anything better, but anything to be
compared to it? If I must perish, it is in this way I will perish! I should feel
more inclined to deny the existence of a God than to connect Him with such
a plausible and complete deceit. But I have examined it thoroughly, and yet
feel I cannot be an atheist; I am, therefore, forced back and irresistibly
drawn to my religion, and this is my final resolution.
(35.) Religion is either true or false; if a fiction, a religious man, a
Carthusian friar or a hermit, only lose three-score years, but run no other
risk. But if based on truth itself, then a vicious man must feel most
wretched; and I tremble at the very thought of the evils he prepares for
himself; my mind cannot conceive them, and words fail me to express my
feelings. Even if the truth of religion could be proved with less certainty
than it can, man could not do better than be virtuous.
(36.) Those persons who dare deny the existence of a Supreme Being
hardly deserve that a man should try and prove it to them; or, at least, that
he should argue more seriously with them than I have done hitherto; they
should carefully consider how dismal it is for a man to see no end to his
poverty, servitude, annoyance, or sickness; or, at best to enjoy riches,
grandeur, pleasures, and health, only in time to behold them invariably
change to their opposite conditions; and thus to be tossed to and fro
between happiness and misery, and, therefore, we should be greatly
perplexed; but Nature has settled it for us, and saves us the trouble of
making a choice, as it has imposed on us the necessity of dying, which is,
moreover, alleviated by religion.
(34.) If my religion be false, it is a snare which I must own is as well
laid as can be imagined, so that it is impossible not to run into it and be
caught. What dignity! what splendour in its mysteries! what a sequence and
connection in all the several parts of its doctrine! how superb are its
reasonings! how pure and innocent is its morality! how irresistible and
overwhelming is the testimony of so many millions of the wisest and most
thoughtful men then in existence, who during three centuries came one after
another, and whom a feeling of the same truth so constantly supported in
exiles, dungeons, torture, and even in death itself. Take any history, open it,
and commence with the beginning of the world, with its creation; was there
ever anything like it? Could the whole power of God Himself contrive
anything better to deceive me? How can I avoid it? Whither should I run, or
throw myself? I do not say to find anything better, but anything to be
compared to it? If I must perish, it is in this way I will perish! I should feel
more inclined to deny the existence of a God than to connect Him with such
a plausible and complete deceit. But I have examined it thoroughly, and yet
feel I cannot be an atheist; I am, therefore, forced back and irresistibly
drawn to my religion, and this is my final resolution.
(35.) Religion is either true or false; if a fiction, a religious man, a
Carthusian friar or a hermit, only lose three-score years, but run no other
risk. But if based on truth itself, then a vicious man must feel most
wretched; and I tremble at the very thought of the evils he prepares for
himself; my mind cannot conceive them, and words fail me to express my
feelings. Even if the truth of religion could be proved with less certainty
than it can, man could not do better than be virtuous.
(36.) Those persons who dare deny the existence of a Supreme Being
hardly deserve that a man should try and prove it to them; or, at least, that
he should argue more seriously with them than I have done hitherto; they
Page 309
are so ignorant that they are unable to understand the clearest principles,
and the truest and most natural inferences; yet I am willing to offer for their
perusal the following lines, provided they do not imagine that it is all that
can be said upon a subject of which the truth is so obvious.
Forty years ago I did not exist,866 neither was it in my power ever to
exist, any more than it is in my power to cease from existing, though I exist
at present. My existence, therefore, had its beginning, and is now continued
through the influence of something which exists without me, will subsist
after me, and is better and more powerful than I am. Now, if that something
is not God, I should like to know what it is.867
I exist; but perhaps this existence of mine proceeds from the power of a
universal nature, which has been ever the same, such as we behold it, from
all eternity.868 But this nature is either only spiritual, and then it is God, or it
is material, and, consequently, could not create that part of my being which
is spiritual; or else it is composed of spirit and matter; and then, that part of
nature which people say is spirit, is what I call God.
Again, perhaps you will add that what I call my spiritual being is
nothing but a part of matter, subsisting through the force of a universal
nature, which also is matter, which always was and ever will be such as we
see it now, and which is not God.869 But, at least, you must grant that what I
call my spiritual being, let it be what it will, is something which thinks, and
that if it is matter, it is cogitative matter; for no one will persuade me that,
whilst I am thus arguing, there is not something within me which thinks.
Now if this something owes its being and its preservation to a universal
nature which always was and ever will be, and which it acknowledges as its
primary cause, it necessarily follows that this universal nature either thinks,
or is more noble and perfect than that which thinks; and if such a nature is
matter, then we must come to the conclusion that it is a universal thinking
matter, or one which is nobler and more perfect than that which does think.
I proceed further, and say, that such a supposed matter, if it be not
chimerical but real, may be perceived by some of our senses, and that, if it
cannot be discovered in itself, it may be known, at least, in the multiple
arrangement of its different parts, through which all bodies are constituted,
or differ. Therefore matter is itself all these different bodies; now since,
according to our supposition, matter is a being which thinks, or is better
than that which thinks, it follows that it is such in some of these bodies at
least, and, consequently, that it thinks in stones, in minerals, in the earth, in
and the truest and most natural inferences; yet I am willing to offer for their
perusal the following lines, provided they do not imagine that it is all that
can be said upon a subject of which the truth is so obvious.
Forty years ago I did not exist,866 neither was it in my power ever to
exist, any more than it is in my power to cease from existing, though I exist
at present. My existence, therefore, had its beginning, and is now continued
through the influence of something which exists without me, will subsist
after me, and is better and more powerful than I am. Now, if that something
is not God, I should like to know what it is.867
I exist; but perhaps this existence of mine proceeds from the power of a
universal nature, which has been ever the same, such as we behold it, from
all eternity.868 But this nature is either only spiritual, and then it is God, or it
is material, and, consequently, could not create that part of my being which
is spiritual; or else it is composed of spirit and matter; and then, that part of
nature which people say is spirit, is what I call God.
Again, perhaps you will add that what I call my spiritual being is
nothing but a part of matter, subsisting through the force of a universal
nature, which also is matter, which always was and ever will be such as we
see it now, and which is not God.869 But, at least, you must grant that what I
call my spiritual being, let it be what it will, is something which thinks, and
that if it is matter, it is cogitative matter; for no one will persuade me that,
whilst I am thus arguing, there is not something within me which thinks.
Now if this something owes its being and its preservation to a universal
nature which always was and ever will be, and which it acknowledges as its
primary cause, it necessarily follows that this universal nature either thinks,
or is more noble and perfect than that which thinks; and if such a nature is
matter, then we must come to the conclusion that it is a universal thinking
matter, or one which is nobler and more perfect than that which does think.
I proceed further, and say, that such a supposed matter, if it be not
chimerical but real, may be perceived by some of our senses, and that, if it
cannot be discovered in itself, it may be known, at least, in the multiple
arrangement of its different parts, through which all bodies are constituted,
or differ. Therefore matter is itself all these different bodies; now since,
according to our supposition, matter is a being which thinks, or is better
than that which thinks, it follows that it is such in some of these bodies at
least, and, consequently, that it thinks in stones, in minerals, in the earth, in
Page 310
the sea, in myself, who am but a body, as well as in all its other component
parts; I am then beholden for this something, which thinks within me, and
which I call my spiritual being, to all these gross, earthly, and corporeal
parts, which all together make up this universal matter, or this visible world,
which is an absurdity.
If, on the contrary, this universal nature, let it be what it will, is not all
these bodies, nor any of these bodies, it follows that it is not matter, and
cannot be perceived by any of our senses; and if, notwithstanding this, it
possesses the faculty of thinking, or is more perfect than that which does
think, I still conclude it is spiritual, or something better and more perfect
than spiritual. Now if that which thinks within me, and which I call my
spiritual being, not finding its principle within itself, and much less in
matter, as has been just now demonstrated, is forced to acknowledge this
universal nature to be the first cause, the only origin of its existence, then I
will not dispute about words; but this first cause, the origin of all spiritual
beings, which is itself spiritual, or better than spiritual, is what I call God.
In a word, I think, therefore, there is a God, for that which thinks within
me is not derived from myself, since it was no more in my power to bestow
it on myself at first as it is now to keep it for one single moment. I did not
receive it from a material being superior to me, since it is impossible for
matter to be superior to that which thinks; I must, therefore, have received it
from a being superior to me, and consequently not material; and that
superior being is God.
(37.) From the inconsistency of a cogitative universal nature with
anything that is material, must necessarily be inferred, that any particular
thinking being cannot admit within itself anything material; for though a
universal thinking being does in its idea include infinitely more grandeur,
power, independence, and capacity than a particular thinking being, yet it
does not imply a greater inconsistency with matter, it being impossible for
this inconsistency to be greater in the one case than in the other, because it
is, as it were, infinite in both; and it is as impossible for the thinking
principle within me to be matter, as it is to conceive that God should be
matter; as God, therefore, is a spirit, so my soul is also a spirit.
(38.) I am not aware whether a dog has the faculties of selection,
memory, love, fear, imagination, and thought. When, therefore, I am told
that those actions in a dog are not the effect of either passion or sentiment,
but proceed naturally and necessarily from a mechanical disposition caused
parts; I am then beholden for this something, which thinks within me, and
which I call my spiritual being, to all these gross, earthly, and corporeal
parts, which all together make up this universal matter, or this visible world,
which is an absurdity.
If, on the contrary, this universal nature, let it be what it will, is not all
these bodies, nor any of these bodies, it follows that it is not matter, and
cannot be perceived by any of our senses; and if, notwithstanding this, it
possesses the faculty of thinking, or is more perfect than that which does
think, I still conclude it is spiritual, or something better and more perfect
than spiritual. Now if that which thinks within me, and which I call my
spiritual being, not finding its principle within itself, and much less in
matter, as has been just now demonstrated, is forced to acknowledge this
universal nature to be the first cause, the only origin of its existence, then I
will not dispute about words; but this first cause, the origin of all spiritual
beings, which is itself spiritual, or better than spiritual, is what I call God.
In a word, I think, therefore, there is a God, for that which thinks within
me is not derived from myself, since it was no more in my power to bestow
it on myself at first as it is now to keep it for one single moment. I did not
receive it from a material being superior to me, since it is impossible for
matter to be superior to that which thinks; I must, therefore, have received it
from a being superior to me, and consequently not material; and that
superior being is God.
(37.) From the inconsistency of a cogitative universal nature with
anything that is material, must necessarily be inferred, that any particular
thinking being cannot admit within itself anything material; for though a
universal thinking being does in its idea include infinitely more grandeur,
power, independence, and capacity than a particular thinking being, yet it
does not imply a greater inconsistency with matter, it being impossible for
this inconsistency to be greater in the one case than in the other, because it
is, as it were, infinite in both; and it is as impossible for the thinking
principle within me to be matter, as it is to conceive that God should be
matter; as God, therefore, is a spirit, so my soul is also a spirit.
(38.) I am not aware whether a dog has the faculties of selection,
memory, love, fear, imagination, and thought. When, therefore, I am told
that those actions in a dog are not the effect of either passion or sentiment,
but proceed naturally and necessarily from a mechanical disposition caused
Page 311
by the multiple organization of the material parts of his body, I may,
perhaps, acquiesce in this doctrine. But as for me, I think, and certainly
know that I think.870 Now, if we consider any organisation of material parts,
namely, any space with all its dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, and
which can be divided in all these directions, what proportion is there
between such a space and cogitation?
(39.) If all things are matter, and if thought within me, as well as in
other men, be no more than an effect of the arrangement of matter, how
came any other idea, but that of material things into this world? Is matter
able to produce so pure, so simple, so immaterial an idea as we have of
spirit? How can matter be the origin of that which rejects and excludes such
an idea from its very being? How can it be the cogitative principle in man,
that is, that principle which convinces man he is not merely matter?
(40.) There are beings of short duration, because they are made up of
things varying much in their nature, and destructive to one another; there
are others more lasting, because they are simpler, but they perish at last,
being made up of several parts, into which they are divisible. That which
thinks within me must naturally be permanent, as it is a pure being, free
from all mixture and composition; there is no reason why it should perish;
for what can corrupt or divide a simple being, in which are no parts?
(41.) The soul sees colour through the organ of the eye, and hears
sounds through the organ of the ear; but it may cease either from seeing or
hearing when those senses or those objects are absent, and yet not cease
from existing, because it is not exactly the soul that sees or hears; it is only
that which thinks. Now, how can it cease from being such? Not for want of
organs, since it has been proved it is not matter; nor for want of objects,
whilst there is a God and eternal truths; it is therefore incorruptible.
(42.) I cannot conceive the annihilation of a soul which God has filled
with the idea of His infinite and all-perfect being.
(43.) Observe, Lucilius,871 this spot of ground, which for neatness and
ornament exceeds all other neighbouring estates; here are plots with the
finest lakes and fountains, and endless hedge-rows of trees which shelter
you against the north winds; on this side is a thick grove where the sun
cannot penetrate; on the other side you have a beautiful view; a little lower,
the Yvette or the Lignon,872 which were running modestly between willows
and poplars, have now become a canal quite bricked in; elsewhere long and
cool avenues lead to the country, and foreshadow what the mansion will be,
perhaps, acquiesce in this doctrine. But as for me, I think, and certainly
know that I think.870 Now, if we consider any organisation of material parts,
namely, any space with all its dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, and
which can be divided in all these directions, what proportion is there
between such a space and cogitation?
(39.) If all things are matter, and if thought within me, as well as in
other men, be no more than an effect of the arrangement of matter, how
came any other idea, but that of material things into this world? Is matter
able to produce so pure, so simple, so immaterial an idea as we have of
spirit? How can matter be the origin of that which rejects and excludes such
an idea from its very being? How can it be the cogitative principle in man,
that is, that principle which convinces man he is not merely matter?
(40.) There are beings of short duration, because they are made up of
things varying much in their nature, and destructive to one another; there
are others more lasting, because they are simpler, but they perish at last,
being made up of several parts, into which they are divisible. That which
thinks within me must naturally be permanent, as it is a pure being, free
from all mixture and composition; there is no reason why it should perish;
for what can corrupt or divide a simple being, in which are no parts?
(41.) The soul sees colour through the organ of the eye, and hears
sounds through the organ of the ear; but it may cease either from seeing or
hearing when those senses or those objects are absent, and yet not cease
from existing, because it is not exactly the soul that sees or hears; it is only
that which thinks. Now, how can it cease from being such? Not for want of
organs, since it has been proved it is not matter; nor for want of objects,
whilst there is a God and eternal truths; it is therefore incorruptible.
(42.) I cannot conceive the annihilation of a soul which God has filled
with the idea of His infinite and all-perfect being.
(43.) Observe, Lucilius,871 this spot of ground, which for neatness and
ornament exceeds all other neighbouring estates; here are plots with the
finest lakes and fountains, and endless hedge-rows of trees which shelter
you against the north winds; on this side is a thick grove where the sun
cannot penetrate; on the other side you have a beautiful view; a little lower,
the Yvette or the Lignon,872 which were running modestly between willows
and poplars, have now become a canal quite bricked in; elsewhere long and
cool avenues lead to the country, and foreshadow what the mansion will be,
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which is surrounded by water. Will you say, “This is an effect of chance,”
and suppose that all these admirable things met together accidentally? No,
certainly; on the contrary, you observe that everything is well planned and
arranged, and displays good taste and much intelligence. I agree with you,
and take the liberty to add that I suppose it to be the residence of one of
those men, who from the very minute they get into office, send for a Le
Nôtre873 to draw plans and take measurements. Yet what is this piece of
ground so exquisitely laid out, on which a most skilful artist has employed
all his science in order to embellish it, if the whole earth is but an atom
suspended in the air, and if you will but listen to what I am going to say?
You are placed, Lucilius, on some part of this atom; you must needs be
very little, since you take up so little room on it; yet you have eyes, like two
imperceptible points; open them, however, and look up to the heavens; what
do you sometimes perceive there? Is it the moon in its full? It is beautiful
and very radiant at the time, though all its light be but the reflection of the
light of the sun; it appears as large as the sun itself, larger than the other
planets, than any of the stars, but do not be deceived by outward
appearances. Nothing in the heavens is so small as the moon; its superficies
exceeds not the thirteenth part, and its volume not the eight and fortieth part
of the earth, whilst its diameter, which is two thousand two hundred and
fifty miles, is but a fourth of the diameter of the earth. What makes it really
appear so great is its proximity only; for its distance from us is no more
than thirty times the diameter of the earth, or three hundred thousand
miles.874 Its motion is small in comparison to the prodigious long career of
the sun through the spacious firmament;875 for it is certain the moon does
not move at the rate of above sixteen hundred and twenty thousand miles a
day,876 which is not above sixty-seven thousand five hundred miles per
hour, or one thousand one hundred and twenty-five in a minute. And yet, to
complete this course it must move five thousand six hundred times faster
than a race-horse running twelve miles an hour; it must be eighty times
swifter than sound—than the report, for example, of a gun or of thunder,
which moves at the rate of eight hundred and thirty-one miles an hour.877
But if you will oppose the moon to the sun with respect to its size, its
distance, and its course, you will find there is no comparison to be made
between them.
and suppose that all these admirable things met together accidentally? No,
certainly; on the contrary, you observe that everything is well planned and
arranged, and displays good taste and much intelligence. I agree with you,
and take the liberty to add that I suppose it to be the residence of one of
those men, who from the very minute they get into office, send for a Le
Nôtre873 to draw plans and take measurements. Yet what is this piece of
ground so exquisitely laid out, on which a most skilful artist has employed
all his science in order to embellish it, if the whole earth is but an atom
suspended in the air, and if you will but listen to what I am going to say?
You are placed, Lucilius, on some part of this atom; you must needs be
very little, since you take up so little room on it; yet you have eyes, like two
imperceptible points; open them, however, and look up to the heavens; what
do you sometimes perceive there? Is it the moon in its full? It is beautiful
and very radiant at the time, though all its light be but the reflection of the
light of the sun; it appears as large as the sun itself, larger than the other
planets, than any of the stars, but do not be deceived by outward
appearances. Nothing in the heavens is so small as the moon; its superficies
exceeds not the thirteenth part, and its volume not the eight and fortieth part
of the earth, whilst its diameter, which is two thousand two hundred and
fifty miles, is but a fourth of the diameter of the earth. What makes it really
appear so great is its proximity only; for its distance from us is no more
than thirty times the diameter of the earth, or three hundred thousand
miles.874 Its motion is small in comparison to the prodigious long career of
the sun through the spacious firmament;875 for it is certain the moon does
not move at the rate of above sixteen hundred and twenty thousand miles a
day,876 which is not above sixty-seven thousand five hundred miles per
hour, or one thousand one hundred and twenty-five in a minute. And yet, to
complete this course it must move five thousand six hundred times faster
than a race-horse running twelve miles an hour; it must be eighty times
swifter than sound—than the report, for example, of a gun or of thunder,
which moves at the rate of eight hundred and thirty-one miles an hour.877
But if you will oppose the moon to the sun with respect to its size, its
distance, and its course, you will find there is no comparison to be made
between them.
Page 313
Remember that the diameter of the earth is nine thousand miles, that of
the sun a hundred times more,878 which gives nine hundred thousand
miles;879 now, if this be its width in every direction, judge what its
superficies and volume must be. Can you comprehend the vastness of this
extent, and that a million of such globes as the earth, all together, would not
exceed the sun in size?880 You will ask, then, how far is the sun from the
earth, if one can judge of it by its apparent small size? You are quite right,
the distance can hardly be conceived; for it is proved that the sunʼs distance
from the earth can be no less than ten thousand times the diameter of the
earth, or, in other words, than ninety millions of miles; it may be four times,
perhaps six times, perhaps ten times as much, for ought we know; there is
no method discovered to determine this distance.881
Now, to assist you in understanding this, let us suppose a millstone
falling from the sun upon the earth; let it come down with all swiftness
imaginable, and even swifter than the heaviest bodies descend, falling from
a very great height; let us also suppose that it always preserves the same
swiftness, without increase or diminution; that it advances thirty yards
every second, which is half the height of the highest steeple, and
consequently, eighteen hundred yards in a minute; but to facilitate our
computation, let us allow it two thousand six hundred and forty yards a
minute, which is a mile and a half; its fall will then be three miles in two
minutes, ninety miles in an hour, and two thousand one hundred and sixty
miles in a day; now, it must fall ninety millions of miles before it comes
down to the earth; so that it cannot be less than forty-one thousand six
hundred and sixty-six days, which is more than one hundred and fourteen
years before it can perform this journey. Let all this not frighten you,
Lucilius; I will tell you more. The distance of Saturn from the earth is at
least ten times as great as the sunʼs is; that is, no less than nine hundred
millions of miles, and the stone would be above eleven hundred and forty
years in falling down from Saturn to the earth.882
Now, by this altitude of Saturn, exert your imagination, if you can, and
conceive the immensity of its daily course; the circle which Saturn
describes is above eighteen hundred millions of miles diameter, and
consequently above fifty-four hundred millions of miles in circumference;
so that a race-horse, if supposed to run thirty miles an hour, must be twenty
thousand five hundred and forty-eight years in going this round.
the sun a hundred times more,878 which gives nine hundred thousand
miles;879 now, if this be its width in every direction, judge what its
superficies and volume must be. Can you comprehend the vastness of this
extent, and that a million of such globes as the earth, all together, would not
exceed the sun in size?880 You will ask, then, how far is the sun from the
earth, if one can judge of it by its apparent small size? You are quite right,
the distance can hardly be conceived; for it is proved that the sunʼs distance
from the earth can be no less than ten thousand times the diameter of the
earth, or, in other words, than ninety millions of miles; it may be four times,
perhaps six times, perhaps ten times as much, for ought we know; there is
no method discovered to determine this distance.881
Now, to assist you in understanding this, let us suppose a millstone
falling from the sun upon the earth; let it come down with all swiftness
imaginable, and even swifter than the heaviest bodies descend, falling from
a very great height; let us also suppose that it always preserves the same
swiftness, without increase or diminution; that it advances thirty yards
every second, which is half the height of the highest steeple, and
consequently, eighteen hundred yards in a minute; but to facilitate our
computation, let us allow it two thousand six hundred and forty yards a
minute, which is a mile and a half; its fall will then be three miles in two
minutes, ninety miles in an hour, and two thousand one hundred and sixty
miles in a day; now, it must fall ninety millions of miles before it comes
down to the earth; so that it cannot be less than forty-one thousand six
hundred and sixty-six days, which is more than one hundred and fourteen
years before it can perform this journey. Let all this not frighten you,
Lucilius; I will tell you more. The distance of Saturn from the earth is at
least ten times as great as the sunʼs is; that is, no less than nine hundred
millions of miles, and the stone would be above eleven hundred and forty
years in falling down from Saturn to the earth.882
Now, by this altitude of Saturn, exert your imagination, if you can, and
conceive the immensity of its daily course; the circle which Saturn
describes is above eighteen hundred millions of miles diameter, and
consequently above fifty-four hundred millions of miles in circumference;
so that a race-horse, if supposed to run thirty miles an hour, must be twenty
thousand five hundred and forty-eight years in going this round.
Page 314
Lucilius, I have not said all that can be said on the miracles of this
visible world; or, to use the expression you sometimes use, on the wonders
of chance, which alone you affirm to be the primary cause of all things, and
which is still more wonderful in its operations than you imagine. Learn
what chance is, and allow yourself to become acquainted with all the power
of your God.
Do you know that the distance of the sun from the earth, which is ninety
millions of miles, and that of Saturn, which is nine hundred millions of
miles, if compared to that of the other stars, is so inconsiderable, that
comparison is an improper term when mentioning such distances; for,
indeed, what proportion is there between anything that can be measured,
whatever its extent may be, and that which is beyond all mensuration? The
height of a star cannot be known; it is, if I may say so, immensurable;883 all
angles, sines, and paralaxes are of no use for this problem.884 Should a man
observe a fixed star at Paris, and another in Japan, the two lines which
would reach from their eyes to that star, would make no angle at all, but be
confounded together, and converge into one and the same line, so
inconsiderable is the space of the whole earth in comparison to that
distance; but the stars have this in common with Saturn and the sun;
therefore I shall say something more. If two astronomers should stand, the
one on the earth and the other on the sun, and from thence should observe a
star at the same time, the two visual rays of these two astronomers would
not form a sensible angle; but in order that you may conceive the same
thing another way, imagine a man to be placed on one of these stars, and
then this sun, this earth, and the ninety millions of miles that are between
them would seem to him but as a dot. This has been proved.
Nor is the distance known between any two stars, however close they
appear to one another. You would think, if you judge by mere ocular
demonstration, that the Pleiades almost touch one another. There is a star
which seems to rest on one of the stars forming the tail of the Great Bear;
you can hardly, with the mere eye, discern that part of the heavens which
divides them; they make together, as it were, but one double star; yet, if the
most skilful astronomers cannot, with all their art, find out the distance
between these stars, how far asunder must two stars be which appear remote
from each other, and how much farther yet the two polar stars.885 How
prodigiously long must be that line which reaches from one to another!
How immense the circle of which this line is the diameter! And how can we
visible world; or, to use the expression you sometimes use, on the wonders
of chance, which alone you affirm to be the primary cause of all things, and
which is still more wonderful in its operations than you imagine. Learn
what chance is, and allow yourself to become acquainted with all the power
of your God.
Do you know that the distance of the sun from the earth, which is ninety
millions of miles, and that of Saturn, which is nine hundred millions of
miles, if compared to that of the other stars, is so inconsiderable, that
comparison is an improper term when mentioning such distances; for,
indeed, what proportion is there between anything that can be measured,
whatever its extent may be, and that which is beyond all mensuration? The
height of a star cannot be known; it is, if I may say so, immensurable;883 all
angles, sines, and paralaxes are of no use for this problem.884 Should a man
observe a fixed star at Paris, and another in Japan, the two lines which
would reach from their eyes to that star, would make no angle at all, but be
confounded together, and converge into one and the same line, so
inconsiderable is the space of the whole earth in comparison to that
distance; but the stars have this in common with Saturn and the sun;
therefore I shall say something more. If two astronomers should stand, the
one on the earth and the other on the sun, and from thence should observe a
star at the same time, the two visual rays of these two astronomers would
not form a sensible angle; but in order that you may conceive the same
thing another way, imagine a man to be placed on one of these stars, and
then this sun, this earth, and the ninety millions of miles that are between
them would seem to him but as a dot. This has been proved.
Nor is the distance known between any two stars, however close they
appear to one another. You would think, if you judge by mere ocular
demonstration, that the Pleiades almost touch one another. There is a star
which seems to rest on one of the stars forming the tail of the Great Bear;
you can hardly, with the mere eye, discern that part of the heavens which
divides them; they make together, as it were, but one double star; yet, if the
most skilful astronomers cannot, with all their art, find out the distance
between these stars, how far asunder must two stars be which appear remote
from each other, and how much farther yet the two polar stars.885 How
prodigiously long must be that line which reaches from one to another!
How immense the circle of which this line is the diameter! And how can we
Page 315
fathom what cannot be fathomed, and represent to ourselves the volume of
the globe, of which this circle is but a section? Shall we still wonder that
these stars, of such immensurable size, seem no larger to us than so many
sparks? Shall we not rather admire that from such a height the least
appearance of them should reach our eye, and that they can be discerned at
all? And, indeed, the quantity of stars which escape our vision is countless.
It is true, we limit the number of the stars, but that is only of stars visible to
us, for how should we number those we cannot see; those, for example,
which constitute the Milky Way,—that luminous tract, which, on a clear
night, can be observed in the sky from north to south,—and which, by their
immensurable height, cannot be distinguished individually by our optics,
and at most produce but a white mark in that part of the heavens where they
are placed?886
Behold, then, the earth on which we tread, suspended like a grain of
sand in the air; an almost infinite number of fiery globes, the vastness of
whose bulk confounds my imagination, and whose height exceeds the reach
of my conceptions, all perpetually revolving round this grain of sand, have
been for above six thousand years, and are still, daily crossing the wide, the
immense space of the heavens. Do you desire another system no less
amazing? The earth itself is carried round the sun, which is the centre of the
universe, with inconceivable velocity.887 Methinks I see the motion of all
these globes, the orderly march of these prodigious bodies; no disorder, no
deflection, no collision, ever happens; should but the smallest of them
happen to deviate and meet the earth, what would become of this earth?
But, on the contrary, all keep their respective positions, remain in the order
prescribed for them; and this, with respect to us, is performed so silently,
that no oneʼs hearing is acute enough to hear them move, and that ordinary
people know not that there are such bodies. How wonderfully are the works
of chance! Could intelligence itself have surpassed this? Only one thing.
Lucilius, troubles me. These vast bodies are all so constant and exact in
their various courses and revolutions, and in their relations to each other,
that a little animal, confined to a corner of that wide space which is called
the world, from his observations on them, has contrived an exact and
infallible method of foretelling in what degree of their respective courses
every one of these stars will be two thousand, four thousand, nay, twenty
thousand years hence. This is my scruple, Lucilius. If these stars by chance
follow such invariable rules, what is order, what are rules?
the globe, of which this circle is but a section? Shall we still wonder that
these stars, of such immensurable size, seem no larger to us than so many
sparks? Shall we not rather admire that from such a height the least
appearance of them should reach our eye, and that they can be discerned at
all? And, indeed, the quantity of stars which escape our vision is countless.
It is true, we limit the number of the stars, but that is only of stars visible to
us, for how should we number those we cannot see; those, for example,
which constitute the Milky Way,—that luminous tract, which, on a clear
night, can be observed in the sky from north to south,—and which, by their
immensurable height, cannot be distinguished individually by our optics,
and at most produce but a white mark in that part of the heavens where they
are placed?886
Behold, then, the earth on which we tread, suspended like a grain of
sand in the air; an almost infinite number of fiery globes, the vastness of
whose bulk confounds my imagination, and whose height exceeds the reach
of my conceptions, all perpetually revolving round this grain of sand, have
been for above six thousand years, and are still, daily crossing the wide, the
immense space of the heavens. Do you desire another system no less
amazing? The earth itself is carried round the sun, which is the centre of the
universe, with inconceivable velocity.887 Methinks I see the motion of all
these globes, the orderly march of these prodigious bodies; no disorder, no
deflection, no collision, ever happens; should but the smallest of them
happen to deviate and meet the earth, what would become of this earth?
But, on the contrary, all keep their respective positions, remain in the order
prescribed for them; and this, with respect to us, is performed so silently,
that no oneʼs hearing is acute enough to hear them move, and that ordinary
people know not that there are such bodies. How wonderfully are the works
of chance! Could intelligence itself have surpassed this? Only one thing.
Lucilius, troubles me. These vast bodies are all so constant and exact in
their various courses and revolutions, and in their relations to each other,
that a little animal, confined to a corner of that wide space which is called
the world, from his observations on them, has contrived an exact and
infallible method of foretelling in what degree of their respective courses
every one of these stars will be two thousand, four thousand, nay, twenty
thousand years hence. This is my scruple, Lucilius. If these stars by chance
follow such invariable rules, what is order, what are rules?
Page 316
Nay, I will ask you what is chance? Is it a body? Is it a spirit? Is it a
being distinguished from all other beings, having a peculiar existence or
dwelling in any place; or, rather, is it not a mode or fashion of being? When
a ball rolls against a stone, we are apt to say it is a chance; but is it anything
more than an accidental hitting of these bodies one against another? If, by
this chance, or this knock, the ball changes its straight course into an
oblique one; if its motion from direct becomes reflected; if it ceases to roll
on its axis, but winds and whirls about like a top, shall I from thence infer
that motion in general proceeds in this ball from this same chance? Shall I
not rather apprehend that the ball owes it to itself, or to the impulse of the
arm which delivered it? Or, because the circular motions of the wheels of a
clock are determined one by the other, in their degrees of swiftness, shall I
be less anxious to find out what may be the cause of these several motions;
whether it lies in the wheels themselves, or is derived from the moving
force of a weight which sets them in motion? But neither these wheels nor
this ball could produce this motion in themselves, nor do they owe it to their
own nature, if they can be deprived of it, without changing this very nature;
it is, therefore, likely they are moved extraneously and by some power not
inherent to them. And as for the celestial bodies, if they should be deprived
of their motion, would their nature then be altered, and would they cease
being bodies? I cannot believe they would. Yet they move, and as they
move not of themselves, nor by their own nature, it behoves us, Lucilius, to
examine whether there is not some principle, not inherent to them, which
causes this motion. Whatever you may find it, I call it God.
If we should suppose these great bodies to be without motion, we
should not then ask who moves them, but still the question would be
pertinent as to who made these bodies, as I may ask who made these wheels
or that ball? And though each of these bodies were supposed to be but a
mass of atoms, fortuitously knit together through the shape and
conformation of their parts, I should take one of these atoms, and ask:
“Who created this atom: is it matter; is it spirit; and has it any idea of
itself?” If so, then it existed a minute before it did exist; it was, and it was
not at the same time; and if it be the author of its own being, and of its
manner of being, why did it make itself a body rather than a spirit?
Moreover, has this atom had a beginning, or is it eternal, infinite, and will
you make a God of this atom?888
being distinguished from all other beings, having a peculiar existence or
dwelling in any place; or, rather, is it not a mode or fashion of being? When
a ball rolls against a stone, we are apt to say it is a chance; but is it anything
more than an accidental hitting of these bodies one against another? If, by
this chance, or this knock, the ball changes its straight course into an
oblique one; if its motion from direct becomes reflected; if it ceases to roll
on its axis, but winds and whirls about like a top, shall I from thence infer
that motion in general proceeds in this ball from this same chance? Shall I
not rather apprehend that the ball owes it to itself, or to the impulse of the
arm which delivered it? Or, because the circular motions of the wheels of a
clock are determined one by the other, in their degrees of swiftness, shall I
be less anxious to find out what may be the cause of these several motions;
whether it lies in the wheels themselves, or is derived from the moving
force of a weight which sets them in motion? But neither these wheels nor
this ball could produce this motion in themselves, nor do they owe it to their
own nature, if they can be deprived of it, without changing this very nature;
it is, therefore, likely they are moved extraneously and by some power not
inherent to them. And as for the celestial bodies, if they should be deprived
of their motion, would their nature then be altered, and would they cease
being bodies? I cannot believe they would. Yet they move, and as they
move not of themselves, nor by their own nature, it behoves us, Lucilius, to
examine whether there is not some principle, not inherent to them, which
causes this motion. Whatever you may find it, I call it God.
If we should suppose these great bodies to be without motion, we
should not then ask who moves them, but still the question would be
pertinent as to who made these bodies, as I may ask who made these wheels
or that ball? And though each of these bodies were supposed to be but a
mass of atoms, fortuitously knit together through the shape and
conformation of their parts, I should take one of these atoms, and ask:
“Who created this atom: is it matter; is it spirit; and has it any idea of
itself?” If so, then it existed a minute before it did exist; it was, and it was
not at the same time; and if it be the author of its own being, and of its
manner of being, why did it make itself a body rather than a spirit?
Moreover, has this atom had a beginning, or is it eternal, infinite, and will
you make a God of this atom?888
Page 317
(44.) A mite has eyes; it turns aside if it meets objects that can hurt it;
place it on a flat piece of ebony, so that people may see it better, and if,
while it is walking, but the smallest piece of straw is put in its way, it will
alter its course immediately. Do you think its crystalline fluid, its retina, and
its optic nerve are the products of chance?
Let pepper lie in water a little time, and be well steeped in it; then view
a single drop of it with a microscope, and an almost countless number of
animalculæ will be perceived, moving about with incredible agility, like so
many monsters in the vast ocean; each of these animalculæ is a thousand
times smaller than a mite, and yet it is a living body, receiving nourishment,
growing, having muscles, and even vessels performing the functions of
veins, nerves, and arteries, and a brain for the distribution of its animal
spirits.889
A speck of mould, though no bigger than a grain of sand, appears
through a microscope like a collection of many distinct plants, of which
some are plainly seen to bear flowers and other fruits; some have buds only,
partly opened, and others are withered. How extremely small must be the
roots and fibres through which these little plants receive their nourishment!
And if a person considers that these little plants bear their own seed as well
as oaks or pines, or that the animalculæ I was speaking of are multiplied by
generation as well as elephants or whales, whither will not such
observations lead? Who can have made things so fine and so exceedingly
small as to be imperceptible to the naked eye, and which, like the heavens,
border upon the infinite, though in the other extreme? Is it not the same
Being who has created, and moves with so much facility, the heavens and
the stars, those vast bodies so terrible in their dimensions, their altitude,
celerity, and revolutions?
(45.) Man enjoys the sun, the stars, the heavens and their influences, as
much as he does the air he breathes, and the earth on which he treads and by
which he is supported. This is a matter of fact; and if every fact were to be
illustrated by fitness and verisimilitude, they could be deduced from them,
as the heavens and all they contain are not to be compared for grandeur and
dignity to one of the meanest men on earth, there being the same proportion
between them and him as there is between matter destitute of sensation, a
mere space having three dimensions, and a spiritual, reasonable, and
intelligent being.890 If people argue that less would have served for the
preservation of man, I reply that it is not too much to display the power, the
place it on a flat piece of ebony, so that people may see it better, and if,
while it is walking, but the smallest piece of straw is put in its way, it will
alter its course immediately. Do you think its crystalline fluid, its retina, and
its optic nerve are the products of chance?
Let pepper lie in water a little time, and be well steeped in it; then view
a single drop of it with a microscope, and an almost countless number of
animalculæ will be perceived, moving about with incredible agility, like so
many monsters in the vast ocean; each of these animalculæ is a thousand
times smaller than a mite, and yet it is a living body, receiving nourishment,
growing, having muscles, and even vessels performing the functions of
veins, nerves, and arteries, and a brain for the distribution of its animal
spirits.889
A speck of mould, though no bigger than a grain of sand, appears
through a microscope like a collection of many distinct plants, of which
some are plainly seen to bear flowers and other fruits; some have buds only,
partly opened, and others are withered. How extremely small must be the
roots and fibres through which these little plants receive their nourishment!
And if a person considers that these little plants bear their own seed as well
as oaks or pines, or that the animalculæ I was speaking of are multiplied by
generation as well as elephants or whales, whither will not such
observations lead? Who can have made things so fine and so exceedingly
small as to be imperceptible to the naked eye, and which, like the heavens,
border upon the infinite, though in the other extreme? Is it not the same
Being who has created, and moves with so much facility, the heavens and
the stars, those vast bodies so terrible in their dimensions, their altitude,
celerity, and revolutions?
(45.) Man enjoys the sun, the stars, the heavens and their influences, as
much as he does the air he breathes, and the earth on which he treads and by
which he is supported. This is a matter of fact; and if every fact were to be
illustrated by fitness and verisimilitude, they could be deduced from them,
as the heavens and all they contain are not to be compared for grandeur and
dignity to one of the meanest men on earth, there being the same proportion
between them and him as there is between matter destitute of sensation, a
mere space having three dimensions, and a spiritual, reasonable, and
intelligent being.890 If people argue that less would have served for the
preservation of man, I reply that it is not too much to display the power, the
Page 318
goodness, and the magnificence of God, as He could do infinitely more than
He has done, whatever we perceive He has done.
If the whole world were made for man, it is literally the smallest thing
God has done for man, and this may be proved by religion. Man is therefore
neither presumptuous nor vain, when he submits to the evidences of truth,
and owns the advantages he has received; he might be accused of blindness
and stupidity, did he refuse to yield to the multitude of proofs which
religion lays before him, to show him the privileges he enjoys, his
resources, his expectations, and to teach him what he is and what he may
be.—But the moon is inhabited, at least we do not know but it may be.—
Why do you mention the moon, Lucilius, and for what purpose? If you own
there is a God, nothing, indeed, is impossible.
But do you mean to ask whether in the entire universe it is on us alone
that God has bestowed such great blessings; whether there are not other
men or other creatures in the moon, who have received such favours? What
a vain curiosity and what a frivolous question, Lucilius! The earth is
inhabited, we dwell there and we know we do; we have proofs,
demonstrations, and convictions for everything we believe of God and of
ourselves; let the nations who inhabit the celestial globes, whatever those
nations may be, attend to their concerns; they have their troubles, and we
have ours. You have observed the moon, Lucilius; you have seen its spots,
depth, inequalities, altitude, extent, course, and its eclipses; and no
astronomer has yet done more; now contrive some new instruments;
observe it again, and see whether it is inhabited, and by what species of
inhabitants, whether they are like men, or are really men. When you have
done this, let me look, that we both may be convinced that there are men
who inhabit the moon; and then, Lucilius, we will consider whether these
men are Christians or no; and whether God has bestowed on them the same
favours He has granted us.
(46.) Everything is great and wonderful in nature; there is nothing
which does not bear the stamp of the artist;891 the irregular and imperfect
things we sometimes observe imply regularity and perfection. Vain and
presumptuous man: make a worm which you trample under foot and
despise; you are afraid of a toad; make a toad, if you can. What an excellent
artist is He who makes those things which men not only admire but fear! I
do not require you to go into your studio to create a man of sense, a well-
shaped man, a handsome woman, for such an undertaking would be too
He has done, whatever we perceive He has done.
If the whole world were made for man, it is literally the smallest thing
God has done for man, and this may be proved by religion. Man is therefore
neither presumptuous nor vain, when he submits to the evidences of truth,
and owns the advantages he has received; he might be accused of blindness
and stupidity, did he refuse to yield to the multitude of proofs which
religion lays before him, to show him the privileges he enjoys, his
resources, his expectations, and to teach him what he is and what he may
be.—But the moon is inhabited, at least we do not know but it may be.—
Why do you mention the moon, Lucilius, and for what purpose? If you own
there is a God, nothing, indeed, is impossible.
But do you mean to ask whether in the entire universe it is on us alone
that God has bestowed such great blessings; whether there are not other
men or other creatures in the moon, who have received such favours? What
a vain curiosity and what a frivolous question, Lucilius! The earth is
inhabited, we dwell there and we know we do; we have proofs,
demonstrations, and convictions for everything we believe of God and of
ourselves; let the nations who inhabit the celestial globes, whatever those
nations may be, attend to their concerns; they have their troubles, and we
have ours. You have observed the moon, Lucilius; you have seen its spots,
depth, inequalities, altitude, extent, course, and its eclipses; and no
astronomer has yet done more; now contrive some new instruments;
observe it again, and see whether it is inhabited, and by what species of
inhabitants, whether they are like men, or are really men. When you have
done this, let me look, that we both may be convinced that there are men
who inhabit the moon; and then, Lucilius, we will consider whether these
men are Christians or no; and whether God has bestowed on them the same
favours He has granted us.
(46.) Everything is great and wonderful in nature; there is nothing
which does not bear the stamp of the artist;891 the irregular and imperfect
things we sometimes observe imply regularity and perfection. Vain and
presumptuous man: make a worm which you trample under foot and
despise; you are afraid of a toad; make a toad, if you can. What an excellent
artist is He who makes those things which men not only admire but fear! I
do not require you to go into your studio to create a man of sense, a well-
shaped man, a handsome woman, for such an undertaking would be too
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hard and too difficult for you; only attempt to create a hunchback, a
madman, a monster, and I will be satisfied.
Ye kings, monarchs, potentates, anointed majesties, have I given you all
your pompous titles? Ye great men of this earth, high and mighty, and
perhaps shortly almighty lords, we ordinary men, for the ripening of our
harvests, stand in need of a little rain, or what is less, of a little dew; make
some dew, or send down upon the surface of the earth one drop of water.
The order, the picturesqueness, and the effects of nature are commonly
known, but its causes and principles are not so. Ask a woman what is the
cause the eye sees as soon as it is opened, and ask a learned man the same
question.
(47.) Many millions of years, nay, many thousand millions of years, in a
word, as many as can be comprehended within the limits of time, are but an
instant compared to the duration of God, who is eternal; the extent of the
whole universe is but a point, an atom, compared to His immensity. If this
be so, as I affirm it is, for what proportion can there be between the finite
and infinite, I ask what is the length of manʼs life, or what the extent of that
speck of dust which is called the earth, nay, of the small part of that earth
man owns and inhabits?—The wicked prosper whilst they live.—Yes, some
of them, I admit. Virtue is oppressed and vice remains unpunished on this
earth.—This happens sometimes, I acknowledge it.—This is unjust.—No,
not at all. You should have proved, to warrant this inference, that the wicked
are absolutely happy, that virtue is absolutely miserable, and that vice
always remains unpunished; that the short time in which the good are
oppressed and the wicked prosper is of some duration, and that what we call
prosperity and good fortune is something more than a false appearance, a
fleeting shadow; and that this atom, the earth, in which virtue and vice so
seldom meet with their deserts, is the only spot of the worldʼs stage where
people receive rewards and punishments.892
I cannot more clearly infer that because I am thinking I am a spirit, than
conclude from what I do or do not, according as I please, that I am free.
Now freedom implies the power of choosing,893 or, in other words, a
voluntary determination for good or evil, so that virtue or vice consists in
the doing a good or a bad action. If vice were to remain absolutely
unpunished, it would be a real injustice, but for vice to remain unpunished
on earth is merely a mystery. However, let us suppose, with the atheist, that
it is an injustice; all injustice is a negation or privation of justice, and
madman, a monster, and I will be satisfied.
Ye kings, monarchs, potentates, anointed majesties, have I given you all
your pompous titles? Ye great men of this earth, high and mighty, and
perhaps shortly almighty lords, we ordinary men, for the ripening of our
harvests, stand in need of a little rain, or what is less, of a little dew; make
some dew, or send down upon the surface of the earth one drop of water.
The order, the picturesqueness, and the effects of nature are commonly
known, but its causes and principles are not so. Ask a woman what is the
cause the eye sees as soon as it is opened, and ask a learned man the same
question.
(47.) Many millions of years, nay, many thousand millions of years, in a
word, as many as can be comprehended within the limits of time, are but an
instant compared to the duration of God, who is eternal; the extent of the
whole universe is but a point, an atom, compared to His immensity. If this
be so, as I affirm it is, for what proportion can there be between the finite
and infinite, I ask what is the length of manʼs life, or what the extent of that
speck of dust which is called the earth, nay, of the small part of that earth
man owns and inhabits?—The wicked prosper whilst they live.—Yes, some
of them, I admit. Virtue is oppressed and vice remains unpunished on this
earth.—This happens sometimes, I acknowledge it.—This is unjust.—No,
not at all. You should have proved, to warrant this inference, that the wicked
are absolutely happy, that virtue is absolutely miserable, and that vice
always remains unpunished; that the short time in which the good are
oppressed and the wicked prosper is of some duration, and that what we call
prosperity and good fortune is something more than a false appearance, a
fleeting shadow; and that this atom, the earth, in which virtue and vice so
seldom meet with their deserts, is the only spot of the worldʼs stage where
people receive rewards and punishments.892
I cannot more clearly infer that because I am thinking I am a spirit, than
conclude from what I do or do not, according as I please, that I am free.
Now freedom implies the power of choosing,893 or, in other words, a
voluntary determination for good or evil, so that virtue or vice consists in
the doing a good or a bad action. If vice were to remain absolutely
unpunished, it would be a real injustice, but for vice to remain unpunished
on earth is merely a mystery. However, let us suppose, with the atheist, that
it is an injustice; all injustice is a negation or privation of justice, and
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therefore every injustice presupposes justice. All justice is in conformity to
a sovereign reason, and thus I ask, when was it against reason for crime to
remain unpunished? At the time, I suppose, when a triangle had not three
angles. Now, all conformity to reason is truth; this conformity, as I said just
now, always subsisted, and is of the number of those truths we call eternal.
But this truth either is not and cannot be, or else it is the object of an
intelligence; this intelligence is therefore eternal, and is God.
The most secret crimes are discovered so simply and easily,
notwithstanding the great care which the guilty take to prevent their being
brought to light, that it seems God alone could have detected them. These
discoveries are so frequent, that those who are pleased to attribute them to
chance, must acknowledge, at least, that in all ages, chance seems to have
been very regular in its operations.
(48.) If you suppose every man on earth, without exception, to be rich
and to want nothing, I infer that every man on earth is extremely poor, and
in want of everything. There are but two sorts of riches which comprehend
all the rest, money and land; if all people were rich, who would cultivate
land or toil in mines? Those who live away from any mines could not toil in
them, and those who dwell on barren lands, where only minerals are found,
could hardly gather any fruits from them. Trade is the expedient people
would have recourse to, I suppose. But if riches should be abundant, and no
man under the necessity of living by labour, who will transport your ingots,
or anything that is bought and sold, from one place to another? Who will fit
out your ships and sail them? Who would travel in caravans? Everything
that is necessary and useful would then be wanting. If necessity no longer
existed on this earth, we would need no longer arts, sciences, inventions,
handicrafts. Besides, such an equality of riches and possessions would
establish the same equality in all ranks and conditions of men; would banish
all subordination, and reduce men to be their own servants and to receive no
help nor succour from one another; it would make the laws idle and useless,
bring in a universal anarchy, and produce violence, outrages, murders, and
impunity.
If, on the other hand, you suppose all men to be poor and indigent, then
the sun in vain rises on the horizon; in vain it warms and fructifies the earth;
in vain the heavens shed their benign influence on it; in vain rivers water it
with their streams; in vain the fields abound with fruits; in vain seas, rocks,
and mountains are ransacked and rifled of their treasures. If you grant that,
a sovereign reason, and thus I ask, when was it against reason for crime to
remain unpunished? At the time, I suppose, when a triangle had not three
angles. Now, all conformity to reason is truth; this conformity, as I said just
now, always subsisted, and is of the number of those truths we call eternal.
But this truth either is not and cannot be, or else it is the object of an
intelligence; this intelligence is therefore eternal, and is God.
The most secret crimes are discovered so simply and easily,
notwithstanding the great care which the guilty take to prevent their being
brought to light, that it seems God alone could have detected them. These
discoveries are so frequent, that those who are pleased to attribute them to
chance, must acknowledge, at least, that in all ages, chance seems to have
been very regular in its operations.
(48.) If you suppose every man on earth, without exception, to be rich
and to want nothing, I infer that every man on earth is extremely poor, and
in want of everything. There are but two sorts of riches which comprehend
all the rest, money and land; if all people were rich, who would cultivate
land or toil in mines? Those who live away from any mines could not toil in
them, and those who dwell on barren lands, where only minerals are found,
could hardly gather any fruits from them. Trade is the expedient people
would have recourse to, I suppose. But if riches should be abundant, and no
man under the necessity of living by labour, who will transport your ingots,
or anything that is bought and sold, from one place to another? Who will fit
out your ships and sail them? Who would travel in caravans? Everything
that is necessary and useful would then be wanting. If necessity no longer
existed on this earth, we would need no longer arts, sciences, inventions,
handicrafts. Besides, such an equality of riches and possessions would
establish the same equality in all ranks and conditions of men; would banish
all subordination, and reduce men to be their own servants and to receive no
help nor succour from one another; it would make the laws idle and useless,
bring in a universal anarchy, and produce violence, outrages, murders, and
impunity.
If, on the other hand, you suppose all men to be poor and indigent, then
the sun in vain rises on the horizon; in vain it warms and fructifies the earth;
in vain the heavens shed their benign influence on it; in vain rivers water it
with their streams; in vain the fields abound with fruits; in vain seas, rocks,
and mountains are ransacked and rifled of their treasures. If you grant that,
Page 321
of all men who are scattered throughout the world, some have to be rich and
others poor, then necessity must naturally unite and bind them together and
reconcile them; some will have to serve and obey, invent, labour, cultivate
the earth, and make improvements; others enjoy life, live well, assist,
protect, and govern the masses. Order is restored, and Providence appears.
(49.) Suppose authority, pleasure, and idleness to be the share of some
men, and subjection, care, and misery the lot of the rest, then either the
malignity of men must have thrown things into this disorder, or else God is
not God.
A certain inequality in the condition of men is conducive to the order
and welfare of the whole, is the work of God, or presupposes a divine law;
but too great a disproportion, and such as is generally seen amongst men, is
their own work, or caused by the law of the strongest.
Extremes are faulty, and proceed from men; all compensation is just,
and proceeds from God.
If these “Characters” are not liked, I shall be astonished; and if they
are, my astonishment will not be less.
THE END.
others poor, then necessity must naturally unite and bind them together and
reconcile them; some will have to serve and obey, invent, labour, cultivate
the earth, and make improvements; others enjoy life, live well, assist,
protect, and govern the masses. Order is restored, and Providence appears.
(49.) Suppose authority, pleasure, and idleness to be the share of some
men, and subjection, care, and misery the lot of the rest, then either the
malignity of men must have thrown things into this disorder, or else God is
not God.
A certain inequality in the condition of men is conducive to the order
and welfare of the whole, is the work of God, or presupposes a divine law;
but too great a disproportion, and such as is generally seen amongst men, is
their own work, or caused by the law of the strongest.
Extremes are faulty, and proceed from men; all compensation is just,
and proceeds from God.
If these “Characters” are not liked, I shall be astonished; and if they
are, my astonishment will not be less.
THE END.
Page 322
FOOTNOTES:
1 Pascalʼs Pensées were published in 1670, six years after their authorʼs
death; La Rochefoucauldʼs Maximes appeared in 1665, and of both works from
five to six editions had been sold before the “Characters” saw the light. I have
borrowed the definition of these authorsʼ labours from La Bruyèreʼs “Prefatory
Discourse concerning Theophrastus,” which came out at the same time as the
“Characters,” and served as an introduction.
2 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Characters,” page v.
3 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Speech upon his Admission as a Member of the
French Academy, June 15, 1693,” which preface was published for the first time
with the eighth edition of the “Characters,” in 1694.
4 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Characters,” page i.
5 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Speech upon his Admission as a Member of the
French Academy, June 15, 1693.”
6 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Speech upon his Admission as a Member of the
French Academy, June 15, 1693.”
7 Sir Walter Scott, in his introduction to Drydenʼs “Absalom and
Achitophel,” says: “He who collects a gallery of portraits disclaims, by the very
act of doing so, any intention of presenting a series of historical events.”
8 It was the custom in Paris, at the time La Bruyère wrote, for any gentleman
or lady to leave part of their gains on the table, to pay, as it were, for the cards;
hence the allusion.
9 All the passages on pages 15 and 16 between inverted commas (“ ”) have
been taken from La Bruyèreʼs “Prefatory Discourse concerning Theophrastus.”
10 See the Chapter “Of the Great,” page 230, § 25. When, in the Chapter “Of
Certain Customs,” page 408, § 14, he speaks of his “descent from a certain
Godfrey de la Bruyère,” he does so jocularly.
11 Compare “Preface,” page iv., “I did not hesitate,” till page v., “and more
regular.”
12 In his “Introduction to the Reader,” printed before “Absalom and
Achitophel,” and published in 1681, Dryden openly admits: “I have laid in for
those, by rebating the satire, where justice would allow it, from carrying too
sharp an edge. They who can criticise so weakly as to imagine I have done my
worst, may be convinced at their own cost that I can write severely with more
ease than I can write gently.” La Bruyère would never have ventured to speak so
plainly, and this difference between the French and English author seems very
characteristic of the two nations. Compare also Drydenʼs poetic delineation of
Buckingham as Zimri to La Bruyèreʼs portrait of Lauzun as Straton.
13 Perhaps no author is more quoted in Littréʼs Dictionnaire de la langue
française than La Bruyère is.
1 Pascalʼs Pensées were published in 1670, six years after their authorʼs
death; La Rochefoucauldʼs Maximes appeared in 1665, and of both works from
five to six editions had been sold before the “Characters” saw the light. I have
borrowed the definition of these authorsʼ labours from La Bruyèreʼs “Prefatory
Discourse concerning Theophrastus,” which came out at the same time as the
“Characters,” and served as an introduction.
2 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Characters,” page v.
3 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Speech upon his Admission as a Member of the
French Academy, June 15, 1693,” which preface was published for the first time
with the eighth edition of the “Characters,” in 1694.
4 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Characters,” page i.
5 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Speech upon his Admission as a Member of the
French Academy, June 15, 1693.”
6 Preface to La Bruyèreʼs “Speech upon his Admission as a Member of the
French Academy, June 15, 1693.”
7 Sir Walter Scott, in his introduction to Drydenʼs “Absalom and
Achitophel,” says: “He who collects a gallery of portraits disclaims, by the very
act of doing so, any intention of presenting a series of historical events.”
8 It was the custom in Paris, at the time La Bruyère wrote, for any gentleman
or lady to leave part of their gains on the table, to pay, as it were, for the cards;
hence the allusion.
9 All the passages on pages 15 and 16 between inverted commas (“ ”) have
been taken from La Bruyèreʼs “Prefatory Discourse concerning Theophrastus.”
10 See the Chapter “Of the Great,” page 230, § 25. When, in the Chapter “Of
Certain Customs,” page 408, § 14, he speaks of his “descent from a certain
Godfrey de la Bruyère,” he does so jocularly.
11 Compare “Preface,” page iv., “I did not hesitate,” till page v., “and more
regular.”
12 In his “Introduction to the Reader,” printed before “Absalom and
Achitophel,” and published in 1681, Dryden openly admits: “I have laid in for
those, by rebating the satire, where justice would allow it, from carrying too
sharp an edge. They who can criticise so weakly as to imagine I have done my
worst, may be convinced at their own cost that I can write severely with more
ease than I can write gently.” La Bruyère would never have ventured to speak so
plainly, and this difference between the French and English author seems very
characteristic of the two nations. Compare also Drydenʼs poetic delineation of
Buckingham as Zimri to La Bruyèreʼs portrait of Lauzun as Straton.
13 Perhaps no author is more quoted in Littréʼs Dictionnaire de la langue
française than La Bruyère is.
Page 323
14 M. G. Servois, in his bibliographic Notice of La Bruyèreʼs works, &c.,
vol. iii., first part, quotes a passage from the London correspondent of the
Histoire des Ouvrages des savants (see page 19, note 68) in affirmation of this
statement, and seems to think this translation to have been the first edition of the
one mentioned in No. 4.
15 Wattʼs “Bibliotheca Britannica.”
16 According to M. Servois, this edition is mentioned in Lowndesʼ “The
Bibliographerʼs Manual,” but I have not been able to find it there.
17 I imagine I can observe slight traces of La Bruyère in Swiftʼs “Account of
the Empire of Japan, written in 1728,” beginning with the words: “Regoge was
the 34th emperor of Japan;” in nearly all he wrote for the Tatler; in many of the
portraits to be found in the Examiner, for example in the portrait of “Laurence
Hyde, late earl of Rochester,” beginning with the words: “The person who now
presides at the Council, etc.” Compare also “A Short Character of Thomas, Earl
of Wharton;” the “Narrative of Guiscardʼs Examination;” and in the “True
Relation of the Intended Riot,” the passage beginning with “the surprising
generosity, and fit of housekeeping the German princess has been guilty of this
summer.” Swift, moreover, possesses a far more trenchant style than the French
author, but I imagine the latter did as much execution, though he used a rapier,
whilst Swift employed a bludgeon.
18 There are few portraits in Shaftesburyʼs “Characteristics;” one of the few
exceptions being the portrait of “a notable enthusiast of the itinerant kind,”
supposed to be Van Helmont; now and then, however, he seems to have
borrowed a few ideas of La Bruyère, as for example, in the second section of “A
Letter concerning Enthusiasm,” his remarks on criticism and ridicule. Compare
also Shaftesbury in section 2, saying: “The vulgar, indeed, may swallow any
sordid jest, any mere drollery or buffoonery; but it must be a finer and truer wit
which takes the men of sense and breeding,” to La Bruyèreʼs Chapter “Of Works
of the Mind,” §§ 51, 52; the whole of this “Letter” is somewhat like La Bruyère,
as in section iv. the crafty beggars, addressing some one they meet in a coach,
and of whose quality they are ignorant. In Shaftesburyʼs “Sensus Communis, an
Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humour,” part 1, section 3, his remarks about
true raillery; and the opening of the second part, section 1: “If a native of
Ethiopia were of a sudden transported into Europe,” etc., as well as in the
“Soliloquy,” the allegory of the love-spent nobleman, and in the “Moralists” the
portraits of Palemon, Philocles, and Theocles, and the opening of the third part,
“it was yet deep night,” appear somewhat like reminiscences of the French
author.
19 “English Philosophers:” Shaftesbury and Hutcheson. By Thomas Fowler,
President of Corpus Christi College: London, 1882.
20 It will, of course, be impossible to give “chapter and verse” for every
passage of the “Spectator” which is faintly like one of La Bruyèreʼs
observations, nor do I mean to say that Addison, Steele, and the other
contributors to the English paper borrowed literally, and without
acknowledgment, from the French author. But what I intended to convey was
that, though the humour of the Spectator and its Sir Roger de Coverley, Sir
Andrew Freeport, Will Honeycomb, Captain Sentry, &c., are preeminently
English, several of the remarks and portraits to be found there are more or less
vol. iii., first part, quotes a passage from the London correspondent of the
Histoire des Ouvrages des savants (see page 19, note 68) in affirmation of this
statement, and seems to think this translation to have been the first edition of the
one mentioned in No. 4.
15 Wattʼs “Bibliotheca Britannica.”
16 According to M. Servois, this edition is mentioned in Lowndesʼ “The
Bibliographerʼs Manual,” but I have not been able to find it there.
17 I imagine I can observe slight traces of La Bruyère in Swiftʼs “Account of
the Empire of Japan, written in 1728,” beginning with the words: “Regoge was
the 34th emperor of Japan;” in nearly all he wrote for the Tatler; in many of the
portraits to be found in the Examiner, for example in the portrait of “Laurence
Hyde, late earl of Rochester,” beginning with the words: “The person who now
presides at the Council, etc.” Compare also “A Short Character of Thomas, Earl
of Wharton;” the “Narrative of Guiscardʼs Examination;” and in the “True
Relation of the Intended Riot,” the passage beginning with “the surprising
generosity, and fit of housekeeping the German princess has been guilty of this
summer.” Swift, moreover, possesses a far more trenchant style than the French
author, but I imagine the latter did as much execution, though he used a rapier,
whilst Swift employed a bludgeon.
18 There are few portraits in Shaftesburyʼs “Characteristics;” one of the few
exceptions being the portrait of “a notable enthusiast of the itinerant kind,”
supposed to be Van Helmont; now and then, however, he seems to have
borrowed a few ideas of La Bruyère, as for example, in the second section of “A
Letter concerning Enthusiasm,” his remarks on criticism and ridicule. Compare
also Shaftesbury in section 2, saying: “The vulgar, indeed, may swallow any
sordid jest, any mere drollery or buffoonery; but it must be a finer and truer wit
which takes the men of sense and breeding,” to La Bruyèreʼs Chapter “Of Works
of the Mind,” §§ 51, 52; the whole of this “Letter” is somewhat like La Bruyère,
as in section iv. the crafty beggars, addressing some one they meet in a coach,
and of whose quality they are ignorant. In Shaftesburyʼs “Sensus Communis, an
Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humour,” part 1, section 3, his remarks about
true raillery; and the opening of the second part, section 1: “If a native of
Ethiopia were of a sudden transported into Europe,” etc., as well as in the
“Soliloquy,” the allegory of the love-spent nobleman, and in the “Moralists” the
portraits of Palemon, Philocles, and Theocles, and the opening of the third part,
“it was yet deep night,” appear somewhat like reminiscences of the French
author.
19 “English Philosophers:” Shaftesbury and Hutcheson. By Thomas Fowler,
President of Corpus Christi College: London, 1882.
20 It will, of course, be impossible to give “chapter and verse” for every
passage of the “Spectator” which is faintly like one of La Bruyèreʼs
observations, nor do I mean to say that Addison, Steele, and the other
contributors to the English paper borrowed literally, and without
acknowledgment, from the French author. But what I intended to convey was
that, though the humour of the Spectator and its Sir Roger de Coverley, Sir
Andrew Freeport, Will Honeycomb, Captain Sentry, &c., are preeminently
English, several of the remarks and portraits to be found there are more or less
Page 324
inspired by a careful study of La Bruyère. Compare for example Addisonʼs paper
about the opera, Spectator No. 5, to § 47 of La Bruyèreʼs Chapter “Of Works of
the Mind;” and the remarks in No. 10 of the Spectator, about the occupations of
the female world, and Nos. 144, 156, and No. 265 of the same paper, with some
paragraphs of La Bruyèreʼs Chapter “Of Women.” Nos. 45, 57, 77, 88, 98, 100,
129, 193, 236, 238, and 494, appear to me somewhat like several of La
Bruyèreʼs paragraphs. The “fair youth” in No. 104 of the “Spectator” is not
unlike a reverse picture of La Bruyèreʼs portrait of Iphis in the Chapter “Of
Fashion,” page 389, § 14; whilst the remark in No. 226, “Who is the better man
for beholding the most beautiful Venus,” &c., reminds one of La Bruyèreʼs
remark on obscene “pictures painted for certain princes of the Church,” in his
Chapter “Of Certain Customs,” page 409, § 17. Steeleʼs opinions about corporal
punishments (Spectator, No. 157) are very much in advance of those of La
Bruyère on the same subject; the English author remarks about Louis XIV.
(Spectator, No. 180 and 200) should be compared with La Bruyèreʼs
glorification of the same monarch.
21 I have consulted the edition of Dr. R. Southʼs sermons, eleven vols., the
first six published by H. Lintot, 1732; the last five by Charles Bathurst, 1744. In
the sermon preached at Westminster Abbey, February 22, 1684-85, on Prov. xvi.
33: “The lot is cast into the lap,” &c., the passage about Alexander the Great, in
his famed expedition against Darius, the remarks about Hannibal and Cæsar,
Agathocles, the potter who became King, Masaniello, and finally what the
Doctor says about Cromwell: “and who, that had beheld such a bankrupt
beggarly fellow as Cromwell first entering the Parliament House, with a
threadbare, torn cloak, and a greasy hat (and perhaps neither of them paid for),
could have suspected that in the space of so few years, he should, by the murder
of one king, and the banishment of another, ascend the throne, be invested in the
royal robes, and want nothing of the state of a king, but the changing of his hat
into a crown,” seem like some expressions of La Bruyère. Compare also sermon
x.: “Good Intentions no Excuse for Bad Actions,” full of pithy characteristics in
word-painting, and his sermons: “The Fatal Imposture and Force of Words,”
Isaiah v. 20, “Woe unto them that call evil good and good evil,” which are very
La Bruyèresque, and somewhat like several paragraphs of the Chapter “Of
Certain Customs.” See also in “The Nature and Measures of Conscience,” a
sermon preached Nov. 1, 1691, the portrait of the “potent sinner upon earth,” and
a sermon on “Pretence of Conscience no Excuse for Rebellion,” preached before
Charles II., 13th January, 1662-63, the anniversary of the “execrable murder” of
Charles I., in which South says, “I wonder where the blasphemy lies which some
charge upon those who make the kingʼs suffering something to resemble our
Saviourʼs.” Compare finally the portrait of the “cozening, lying, perjured shop-
keeper” in the second sermon, “On Avarice as contradictory to Religion,” with
La Bruyèreʼs tradesman in his Chapter “Of the Gifts of Fortune,” § 43.
22 The Abbé Claude Fleury, the learned author of the Histoire Ecclésiastique,
who succeeded La Bruyère as a member of the French Academy, said of his
predecessor in his opening speech: “Il savait les langues mortes et les vivantes.”
23 See the Chapter “Of Mankind,” page 289, note 553.
24 See the Chapter “Of the Great,” page 242, § 53.
about the opera, Spectator No. 5, to § 47 of La Bruyèreʼs Chapter “Of Works of
the Mind;” and the remarks in No. 10 of the Spectator, about the occupations of
the female world, and Nos. 144, 156, and No. 265 of the same paper, with some
paragraphs of La Bruyèreʼs Chapter “Of Women.” Nos. 45, 57, 77, 88, 98, 100,
129, 193, 236, 238, and 494, appear to me somewhat like several of La
Bruyèreʼs paragraphs. The “fair youth” in No. 104 of the “Spectator” is not
unlike a reverse picture of La Bruyèreʼs portrait of Iphis in the Chapter “Of
Fashion,” page 389, § 14; whilst the remark in No. 226, “Who is the better man
for beholding the most beautiful Venus,” &c., reminds one of La Bruyèreʼs
remark on obscene “pictures painted for certain princes of the Church,” in his
Chapter “Of Certain Customs,” page 409, § 17. Steeleʼs opinions about corporal
punishments (Spectator, No. 157) are very much in advance of those of La
Bruyère on the same subject; the English author remarks about Louis XIV.
(Spectator, No. 180 and 200) should be compared with La Bruyèreʼs
glorification of the same monarch.
21 I have consulted the edition of Dr. R. Southʼs sermons, eleven vols., the
first six published by H. Lintot, 1732; the last five by Charles Bathurst, 1744. In
the sermon preached at Westminster Abbey, February 22, 1684-85, on Prov. xvi.
33: “The lot is cast into the lap,” &c., the passage about Alexander the Great, in
his famed expedition against Darius, the remarks about Hannibal and Cæsar,
Agathocles, the potter who became King, Masaniello, and finally what the
Doctor says about Cromwell: “and who, that had beheld such a bankrupt
beggarly fellow as Cromwell first entering the Parliament House, with a
threadbare, torn cloak, and a greasy hat (and perhaps neither of them paid for),
could have suspected that in the space of so few years, he should, by the murder
of one king, and the banishment of another, ascend the throne, be invested in the
royal robes, and want nothing of the state of a king, but the changing of his hat
into a crown,” seem like some expressions of La Bruyère. Compare also sermon
x.: “Good Intentions no Excuse for Bad Actions,” full of pithy characteristics in
word-painting, and his sermons: “The Fatal Imposture and Force of Words,”
Isaiah v. 20, “Woe unto them that call evil good and good evil,” which are very
La Bruyèresque, and somewhat like several paragraphs of the Chapter “Of
Certain Customs.” See also in “The Nature and Measures of Conscience,” a
sermon preached Nov. 1, 1691, the portrait of the “potent sinner upon earth,” and
a sermon on “Pretence of Conscience no Excuse for Rebellion,” preached before
Charles II., 13th January, 1662-63, the anniversary of the “execrable murder” of
Charles I., in which South says, “I wonder where the blasphemy lies which some
charge upon those who make the kingʼs suffering something to resemble our
Saviourʼs.” Compare finally the portrait of the “cozening, lying, perjured shop-
keeper” in the second sermon, “On Avarice as contradictory to Religion,” with
La Bruyèreʼs tradesman in his Chapter “Of the Gifts of Fortune,” § 43.
22 The Abbé Claude Fleury, the learned author of the Histoire Ecclésiastique,
who succeeded La Bruyère as a member of the French Academy, said of his
predecessor in his opening speech: “Il savait les langues mortes et les vivantes.”
23 See the Chapter “Of Mankind,” page 289, note 553.
24 See the Chapter “Of the Great,” page 242, § 53.
Page 325
25 Some of the passages of this “Prefatory Discourse” will be found in the
Introduction.
26 In a lecture read before the Academy of Sciences and Literature of Berlin,
the 23d of August 1787, and printed in the memoirs of that Academy, Formey
told this story on the authority of M. de Maupertuis, who is said to have heard it
from the lady herself, the wife of the financier, Charles Rémy de July, to whom
she brought a dowry of more than 100,000 livres.
27 See note 3, page 4.?
28 See the Chapter “Of Society and Conversation,” page 122, § 66, and note
228; about Fontenelle, see in the same Chapter the character of Cydias, page
127, § 75.
29 This he stated openly in the speech he delivered at his reception at the
Academy, the 15th of June 1693; his enemies would certainly have contradicted
him if it had not been the truth.
30 See the Chapter “Of the Court,” page 201, note 413.
31 In the Introduction are to be found some extracts from this preface.
32 La Bruyèreʼs bitter feelings appear in such paragraphs as § 43, page 56; in
the Chapter “Of the Town,” page 166, § 4; in that “Of the Great,” pages 223 and
224, §§ 11 and 12; page 232, § 33; and in the Chapter “Of Opinions,” page 334,
§ 19. Molière felt a somewhat similar bitterness; at least in the dedication of les
Fâcheux he says to Louis XIV.: “Those that are born in an elevated rank may
propose to themselves the honour of serving your Majesty in great employments;
but, for my part, all the glory I can aspire to, is to amuse you.” Compare also
Shakespeareʼs hundred and eleventh Sonnet beginning—“Oh! for my sake do
you with Fortune chide.”
33 See the Chapter “Of Society and of Conversation,” page 120, §§ 56, 57.
34 See in the Chapter “Of the Great,” page 230, § 26, which seems to me to
prove this fear.
35 “We have wished to warn and not to bite; to be useful and not to wound;
to benefit the morals of men, and not to be detrimental to them.” This quotation
is taken from one of the letters of Erasmus to Martin Dorpius, in which the
former replies to some criticisms on his “Praise of Folly.” The preface to the
“Characters,” altered and augmented several times by the author himself, is
found for the first time, in its present form, in the eighth edition of his work.
36 The first edition of the “Characters,” published in 1688, contained 420
characters, the fourth edition 771.
37 This mark, a ((¶)) between double parentheses, as well as the same mark
between single parentheses, was first employed in the fifth edition (1690) of the
“Characters,” and in all the following ones. But the mere ¶ without any
parentheses was used by La Bruyère in all editions to denote the beginning of a
paragraph.
38 This refers to the sixth (1691), seventh (1692), and eighth (1694) editions.
The fifth edition contained 923 characters, the sixth 997, the seventh 1073, and
the eighth 1120. The ninth edition (1696) was published about a month after the
death of La Bruyère.
Introduction.
26 In a lecture read before the Academy of Sciences and Literature of Berlin,
the 23d of August 1787, and printed in the memoirs of that Academy, Formey
told this story on the authority of M. de Maupertuis, who is said to have heard it
from the lady herself, the wife of the financier, Charles Rémy de July, to whom
she brought a dowry of more than 100,000 livres.
27 See note 3, page 4.?
28 See the Chapter “Of Society and Conversation,” page 122, § 66, and note
228; about Fontenelle, see in the same Chapter the character of Cydias, page
127, § 75.
29 This he stated openly in the speech he delivered at his reception at the
Academy, the 15th of June 1693; his enemies would certainly have contradicted
him if it had not been the truth.
30 See the Chapter “Of the Court,” page 201, note 413.
31 In the Introduction are to be found some extracts from this preface.
32 La Bruyèreʼs bitter feelings appear in such paragraphs as § 43, page 56; in
the Chapter “Of the Town,” page 166, § 4; in that “Of the Great,” pages 223 and
224, §§ 11 and 12; page 232, § 33; and in the Chapter “Of Opinions,” page 334,
§ 19. Molière felt a somewhat similar bitterness; at least in the dedication of les
Fâcheux he says to Louis XIV.: “Those that are born in an elevated rank may
propose to themselves the honour of serving your Majesty in great employments;
but, for my part, all the glory I can aspire to, is to amuse you.” Compare also
Shakespeareʼs hundred and eleventh Sonnet beginning—“Oh! for my sake do
you with Fortune chide.”
33 See the Chapter “Of Society and of Conversation,” page 120, §§ 56, 57.
34 See in the Chapter “Of the Great,” page 230, § 26, which seems to me to
prove this fear.
35 “We have wished to warn and not to bite; to be useful and not to wound;
to benefit the morals of men, and not to be detrimental to them.” This quotation
is taken from one of the letters of Erasmus to Martin Dorpius, in which the
former replies to some criticisms on his “Praise of Folly.” The preface to the
“Characters,” altered and augmented several times by the author himself, is
found for the first time, in its present form, in the eighth edition of his work.
36 The first edition of the “Characters,” published in 1688, contained 420
characters, the fourth edition 771.
37 This mark, a ((¶)) between double parentheses, as well as the same mark
between single parentheses, was first employed in the fifth edition (1690) of the
“Characters,” and in all the following ones. But the mere ¶ without any
parentheses was used by La Bruyère in all editions to denote the beginning of a
paragraph.
38 This refers to the sixth (1691), seventh (1692), and eighth (1694) editions.
The fifth edition contained 923 characters, the sixth 997, the seventh 1073, and
the eighth 1120. The ninth edition (1696) was published about a month after the
death of La Bruyère.
Page 326
39 This seems to allude to La Rochefoucauldʼs “Maxims.”
40 M. de La Bruyère adopts the chronology of Suidas, a Greek lexicographer
who flourished during the latter end of the eleventh century; according to the
Hebrew chronology the world had only existed 5692 years when the
“Characters” were first published in 1688.
41 Abile in the original, in the sense of the English word “able,” and used as
a noun, was already then considered antiquated.
42 Sentiment, in the original, was during the seventeenth century not seldom
employed in French for “opinion,” as “sentiments” are at present in English.
43 This magistrate is said to have been Pierre Poncet de la Rivière, Count
dʼAblys (1600-1681), a barrister, a councillor of state, and member of the royal
council of finances, whose absurd moral treatise, Considérations sur les
avantages de la vieillesse dans la vie chrétienne, politique, civile, économique et
solitaire, was published under the pseudonym of the Baron de Prelle, in the
month of August 1677, about one month before the death of the Lord Chancellor
dʼAligre, and more than three months before President Lamoignonʼs decease.
44 At that time so-called collections of anecdotes, such as Boléana,
Ménagiana, and Segraisiana, were greatly in vogue.
45 It is said that the great dramatic poet Pierre Corneille (1606-1684) is
alluded to as one of those poets.
46 All the “Keys” pretend this is a hit at the “Dictionary of the Academy,”
and they may be right; for the Dictionary, only published in 1694, six years after
the “Characters” first saw the light, had been expected for more than forty years.
But most likely La Bruyère was thinking of the tragedy-ballet of Psyché (1671),
words by Pierre Corneille and Molière, music by Quinault and Lulli; of the opera
which in 1680 Racine and Boileau, joint historiographes of Louis XIV., began,
and which never saw the light; and of the newly-acted Idylle sur la Paix and the
Eglogue de Versailles (1685), written by Quinault, Racine, and Molière.
47 Even in La Bruyèreʼs lifetime doubts were already expressed about the
Iliad being written by Homer.
48 This Roman orator was Cicero.
49 La Bruyère adds in a footnote: “Even merely considered as an author.”
50 Almost every one felt during the seventeenth century a dislike for Gothic
architecture.
51 Probably Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle (1657-1757) is meant here. This
author had made excellent classical studies in a Jesuit college, but attacked the
ancients in his Discours sur LʼEglogue and in his Digression sur les anciens et
les modernes, published together with his Poésies Pastorales in 1688. The
paragraph beginning “A man feeds” and ending “nurses” was only printed for the
first time in the fourth edition of the “Characters,” published in 1689.
52 It is generally thought that Charles Perrault (1628-1703), a member of the
French Academy, is alluded to, but this seems more than doubtful.
53 Those “able men” were the dramatist Jean Racine (1639-1699) and the
satirist Nicolas Boileau Despréaux (1636-1711).
40 M. de La Bruyère adopts the chronology of Suidas, a Greek lexicographer
who flourished during the latter end of the eleventh century; according to the
Hebrew chronology the world had only existed 5692 years when the
“Characters” were first published in 1688.
41 Abile in the original, in the sense of the English word “able,” and used as
a noun, was already then considered antiquated.
42 Sentiment, in the original, was during the seventeenth century not seldom
employed in French for “opinion,” as “sentiments” are at present in English.
43 This magistrate is said to have been Pierre Poncet de la Rivière, Count
dʼAblys (1600-1681), a barrister, a councillor of state, and member of the royal
council of finances, whose absurd moral treatise, Considérations sur les
avantages de la vieillesse dans la vie chrétienne, politique, civile, économique et
solitaire, was published under the pseudonym of the Baron de Prelle, in the
month of August 1677, about one month before the death of the Lord Chancellor
dʼAligre, and more than three months before President Lamoignonʼs decease.
44 At that time so-called collections of anecdotes, such as Boléana,
Ménagiana, and Segraisiana, were greatly in vogue.
45 It is said that the great dramatic poet Pierre Corneille (1606-1684) is
alluded to as one of those poets.
46 All the “Keys” pretend this is a hit at the “Dictionary of the Academy,”
and they may be right; for the Dictionary, only published in 1694, six years after
the “Characters” first saw the light, had been expected for more than forty years.
But most likely La Bruyère was thinking of the tragedy-ballet of Psyché (1671),
words by Pierre Corneille and Molière, music by Quinault and Lulli; of the opera
which in 1680 Racine and Boileau, joint historiographes of Louis XIV., began,
and which never saw the light; and of the newly-acted Idylle sur la Paix and the
Eglogue de Versailles (1685), written by Quinault, Racine, and Molière.
47 Even in La Bruyèreʼs lifetime doubts were already expressed about the
Iliad being written by Homer.
48 This Roman orator was Cicero.
49 La Bruyère adds in a footnote: “Even merely considered as an author.”
50 Almost every one felt during the seventeenth century a dislike for Gothic
architecture.
51 Probably Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle (1657-1757) is meant here. This
author had made excellent classical studies in a Jesuit college, but attacked the
ancients in his Discours sur LʼEglogue and in his Digression sur les anciens et
les modernes, published together with his Poésies Pastorales in 1688. The
paragraph beginning “A man feeds” and ending “nurses” was only printed for the
first time in the fourth edition of the “Characters,” published in 1689.
52 It is generally thought that Charles Perrault (1628-1703), a member of the
French Academy, is alluded to, but this seems more than doubtful.
53 Those “able men” were the dramatist Jean Racine (1639-1699) and the
satirist Nicolas Boileau Despréaux (1636-1711).
Page 327
54 Zoilus, a Greek grammarian, flourished about 356-336 B.C., and assailed
Homer, Plato, Isocrates, and other Greek authors with merciless severity.
55 According to all the “Keys,” this is said to be an allusion to the Abbé de
Dangeau (1643-1723), a member of the French Academy, and a brother of the
better known marquis. But why and wherefore this Abbé has been singled out,
has not reached posterity. Some say the President Cousin, the editor of the
Journal des Savants, was meant.
56 Ζηλωτής means “envious.”
57 In his Recueil de divers ouvrages en prose et en vers, 1676, Charles
Perrault defended the Alceste of Quinault and attacked the Alcestis of Euripides.
Unfortunately his criticism contained several errors, which Racine noticed in the
preface of Iphigénie, accusing Perrault at the same time of having carelessly read
the work he was censuring.
58 This was meant for Henri-Joseph de Peyre, Count de Troisvilles (1642-
1708), pronounced Tréville, a very intelligent and highly-cultivated nobleman,
brought up in his youth with Louis XIV., whose talents he rather undervalued.
He was on intimate terms with the Port-Royalists, and after several alternate fits
of devotion and dissipation, ended his days devoutly and penitently.
59 The Abbé de Dangeau, a pedantical purist mentioned already, page 13,
note.
60 In the seventeenth century fireworks were in French feu gréçois, literally
“Greek fire.”
61 The Cid, the dramatic masterpiece of Pierre Corneille, was first performed
in 1636. Cardinal Richelieu tried to get up a cabal to crush it, but was
unsuccessful; he also persuaded the Academy to publish a severe criticism on it,
which is too favourably spoken of by La Bruyère. Boileau says in his ninth
satire:—
“En vain contre le Cid un ministre se ligue,
Tout Paris pour Chimère a les yeux de Rodrigue.
LʼAcadémie en corps a beau le censurer,
Le public révolté sʼobstine à lʼadmirer.”
62 Courageux and courage were not seldom used in the seventeenth century
for “heartfelt” and “heart,” whilst main dʼouvrier, “hand of a workman,” was
sometimes employed instead of main de maître, “hand of a master.”
63 The dramatist Edme Boursault (1638-1701) had had a literary quarrel with
Boileau, who attacked him in his ninth Satire, to which Boursault replied by his
comedy La Satire des Satires. But they had been reconciled more than a year
before the “Characters” were published.
64 Father Bouhours (1628-1702), a literary Jesuit of some reputation and
talent, published in 1689 his Pensées ingénieuses des anciens et des modernes, in
which he several times praised the “Characters.” La Bruyère, not to be behind-
hand, inserted the learned fatherʼs name in his fifth edition, published in 1690.
65 Roger de Rabutin, Count de Bussy (1618-1693), a friend of our author,
enjoyed a certain literary reputation in the seventeenth century, now completely
lost. He is only remembered by his licentious and satirical Histoire amoureuse
Homer, Plato, Isocrates, and other Greek authors with merciless severity.
55 According to all the “Keys,” this is said to be an allusion to the Abbé de
Dangeau (1643-1723), a member of the French Academy, and a brother of the
better known marquis. But why and wherefore this Abbé has been singled out,
has not reached posterity. Some say the President Cousin, the editor of the
Journal des Savants, was meant.
56 Ζηλωτής means “envious.”
57 In his Recueil de divers ouvrages en prose et en vers, 1676, Charles
Perrault defended the Alceste of Quinault and attacked the Alcestis of Euripides.
Unfortunately his criticism contained several errors, which Racine noticed in the
preface of Iphigénie, accusing Perrault at the same time of having carelessly read
the work he was censuring.
58 This was meant for Henri-Joseph de Peyre, Count de Troisvilles (1642-
1708), pronounced Tréville, a very intelligent and highly-cultivated nobleman,
brought up in his youth with Louis XIV., whose talents he rather undervalued.
He was on intimate terms with the Port-Royalists, and after several alternate fits
of devotion and dissipation, ended his days devoutly and penitently.
59 The Abbé de Dangeau, a pedantical purist mentioned already, page 13,
note.
60 In the seventeenth century fireworks were in French feu gréçois, literally
“Greek fire.”
61 The Cid, the dramatic masterpiece of Pierre Corneille, was first performed
in 1636. Cardinal Richelieu tried to get up a cabal to crush it, but was
unsuccessful; he also persuaded the Academy to publish a severe criticism on it,
which is too favourably spoken of by La Bruyère. Boileau says in his ninth
satire:—
“En vain contre le Cid un ministre se ligue,
Tout Paris pour Chimère a les yeux de Rodrigue.
LʼAcadémie en corps a beau le censurer,
Le public révolté sʼobstine à lʼadmirer.”
62 Courageux and courage were not seldom used in the seventeenth century
for “heartfelt” and “heart,” whilst main dʼouvrier, “hand of a workman,” was
sometimes employed instead of main de maître, “hand of a master.”
63 The dramatist Edme Boursault (1638-1701) had had a literary quarrel with
Boileau, who attacked him in his ninth Satire, to which Boursault replied by his
comedy La Satire des Satires. But they had been reconciled more than a year
before the “Characters” were published.
64 Father Bouhours (1628-1702), a literary Jesuit of some reputation and
talent, published in 1689 his Pensées ingénieuses des anciens et des modernes, in
which he several times praised the “Characters.” La Bruyère, not to be behind-
hand, inserted the learned fatherʼs name in his fifth edition, published in 1690.
65 Roger de Rabutin, Count de Bussy (1618-1693), a friend of our author,
enjoyed a certain literary reputation in the seventeenth century, now completely
lost. He is only remembered by his licentious and satirical Histoire amoureuse
Page 328
des Gaules, for which he was banished from the court for more than twenty
years.
66 Damis was meant for Boileau.
67 There had been a whole family of printers of that name, though only
André was alive when the “Characters” appeared. At that time books in France
and in England were almost always sold bound.
68 By “newsmonger” our author alludes to the manufacturers of manuscript
newspapers, containing all kinds of social and political scandal, eagerly sought
for, and who were severely punished when caught. The English translator of
1702 gives for nouvelliste “journalist,” and says in his “Key:” “The author of the
Works of the Learned of Paris,” etc. The Histoire des Savants, edited by H.
Basnage (1656-1710), was published in Holland. Mr. N. Rowe, in his translation
published in 1713, also uses the word “journalist,” and says in the “Key:” “On
the authors of Journals, or accounts of books and News, published in France,
Holland,” etc.
69 La Bruyère speaks here of himself.
70 In the seventeenth century, bel esprit, plural beaux esprits, in the original,
meant a man of intelligence, but began already in La Bruyèreʼs time to have the
meaning of “witling.”
71 Jean Guez de Balzac (1594-1655), one of the first members of the French
Academy, wrote, besides his over-praised “Letters,” a Socrate Chrétien, the
Prince, a panegyric on Louis XIII., and Entretiens ou Dissertations littéraires.
72 Voiture (1598-1648), also a member of the French Academy, is chiefly
known by his “Letters” and some namby-pamby poetry, amongst which is the
well-known sonnet on “Uranie,” which was by many preferred to the sonnet on
“Job” by Benserade, and gave rise to a pretty literary quarrel in the seventeenth
century. Voiture and Balzac are now deservedly buried in oblivion.
73 The letters of Madame de Sévigné (1626-1696) were not published until
1726, or thirty years after La Bruyèreʼs death, though perhaps he might have
seen some of them in manuscript. Among the ladies celebrated for their
epistolary style in the seventeenth century were Madame de Maintenon,
Mademoiselle de Scudéry, Madame de Bussy-Lameth, and above all Madame de
Boislandry. See the Chapter “Of Opinions,” § 28, “A Fragment.”
74 Publius Terentius Afer (194-158 B.C.), a celebrated Latin comic
dramatist.
75 Some commentators on La Bruyère think that the words “vulgar tongue
(jargon) and barbarisms” refer to Molière having put peasants on the stage, and
letting them speak their dialect. See § 52.
76 Malherbe (1555-1628) was one of the greatest purists amongst the authors
of his time. Théophile de Viau (1591-1626), a writer of tragedies and a poet, was
by some of his contemporaries thought to be a rival of Malherbe.
77 In the original il feint, the Latin fingit, he shapes, imagines.
78 Ronsard (1524-1585), the chief of the “Pleiad” or constellation of seven
authors, was the most celebrated poet of his time, and the author of the
Franciade.
years.
66 Damis was meant for Boileau.
67 There had been a whole family of printers of that name, though only
André was alive when the “Characters” appeared. At that time books in France
and in England were almost always sold bound.
68 By “newsmonger” our author alludes to the manufacturers of manuscript
newspapers, containing all kinds of social and political scandal, eagerly sought
for, and who were severely punished when caught. The English translator of
1702 gives for nouvelliste “journalist,” and says in his “Key:” “The author of the
Works of the Learned of Paris,” etc. The Histoire des Savants, edited by H.
Basnage (1656-1710), was published in Holland. Mr. N. Rowe, in his translation
published in 1713, also uses the word “journalist,” and says in the “Key:” “On
the authors of Journals, or accounts of books and News, published in France,
Holland,” etc.
69 La Bruyère speaks here of himself.
70 In the seventeenth century, bel esprit, plural beaux esprits, in the original,
meant a man of intelligence, but began already in La Bruyèreʼs time to have the
meaning of “witling.”
71 Jean Guez de Balzac (1594-1655), one of the first members of the French
Academy, wrote, besides his over-praised “Letters,” a Socrate Chrétien, the
Prince, a panegyric on Louis XIII., and Entretiens ou Dissertations littéraires.
72 Voiture (1598-1648), also a member of the French Academy, is chiefly
known by his “Letters” and some namby-pamby poetry, amongst which is the
well-known sonnet on “Uranie,” which was by many preferred to the sonnet on
“Job” by Benserade, and gave rise to a pretty literary quarrel in the seventeenth
century. Voiture and Balzac are now deservedly buried in oblivion.
73 The letters of Madame de Sévigné (1626-1696) were not published until
1726, or thirty years after La Bruyèreʼs death, though perhaps he might have
seen some of them in manuscript. Among the ladies celebrated for their
epistolary style in the seventeenth century were Madame de Maintenon,
Mademoiselle de Scudéry, Madame de Bussy-Lameth, and above all Madame de
Boislandry. See the Chapter “Of Opinions,” § 28, “A Fragment.”
74 Publius Terentius Afer (194-158 B.C.), a celebrated Latin comic
dramatist.
75 Some commentators on La Bruyère think that the words “vulgar tongue
(jargon) and barbarisms” refer to Molière having put peasants on the stage, and
letting them speak their dialect. See § 52.
76 Malherbe (1555-1628) was one of the greatest purists amongst the authors
of his time. Théophile de Viau (1591-1626), a writer of tragedies and a poet, was
by some of his contemporaries thought to be a rival of Malherbe.
77 In the original il feint, the Latin fingit, he shapes, imagines.
78 Ronsard (1524-1585), the chief of the “Pleiad” or constellation of seven
authors, was the most celebrated poet of his time, and the author of the
Franciade.
Page 329
79 Clément Marot (1495-1544), the favourite poet of Francis I., was born
twenty-nine years before Ronsard, who lived about forty years longer than
Marot.
80 Rémy Belleau (1528-1577), Jodelle (1532-1573), and du Bartas (1544-
1590), were all poets of the school of Ronsard and belonging to the “Pleiad.” Du
Bartasʼs chief work has been translated into English by “silver-tongued” Joshua
Sylvester (1563-1618), under the title of “The Divine Week and Works;” and
Spenser speaks of “his heavenly muse,” and of his filling “the world with never-
dying fame.”
81 Honorat de Bueil, Marquis de Racan (1589-1670), the favourite pupil of
Malherbe, is chiefly known by his pastoral dialogue, Les Bergeries. La Bruyère
praises Malherbe and Racan for their pure style, but the fabulist Jean de la
Fontaine says of them:—
“Malherbe avec Racan parmi le chœur des anges,
Là-haut de lʼEternel célébrant les louanges
Ont emporté leur lyre.”
82 François Rabelais (1459-1553), author of the Chroniques de Gargantua et
de Pantagruel.
83 La Bruyère writes “Montagne,” and so it is even now pronounced.
Montaigneʼs (1533-1592) “Essays” are known everywhere.
84 The author who “thinks too little” is said to have been the Port-Royalist,
Pierre Nicole (1625-1695), though some imagine Balzac was meant; the author
who thought “with too much subtlety” seems to have been Father Malebranche
(1638-1715), who attacked Montaigne in his Recherche de la Vérité (1674).
85 Jacques Amyot (1513-1593), the translator of Plutarch. Nicolas
Coëffeteau (1574-1623), bishop of Marseille, is best known by his translation of
the Roman historian, Florus.
86 The letters H. G. stand for Hermes Galant, “Hermes” being the Greek for
Mercury, and there existing since 1672 a kind of monthly review, called the
Mercure Galant, edited by Donneau de Visé, Thomas Corneille, and Fontenelle,
and printing some news from the court and the army, a few literary articles, and
as many advertisements as possible. Since 1677 its title changed to Mercure de
France.
87 Boileau, La Fontaine, and Saint Evremond were, like La Bruyère, no
lovers of the opera.
88 The Abbé Perrin and his brother-in-law, the Marquis de Sourdéac, the first
regular directors of opera in France, ruined themselves in less than three years
through their expensive decorations and machinery. In 1672 Lulli and his son-in-
law Francine obtained permission to manage another opera-house, but spent far
less money on decorations than their predecessors had done. Our author calls
Lulli “Amphion,” a Greek musician who is said to have built Thebes by the
music of his lute.
89 At that time there was a regular theatre for puppet-shows, founded by
Pierre dʼAttelin, better known as Brioché.
twenty-nine years before Ronsard, who lived about forty years longer than
Marot.
80 Rémy Belleau (1528-1577), Jodelle (1532-1573), and du Bartas (1544-
1590), were all poets of the school of Ronsard and belonging to the “Pleiad.” Du
Bartasʼs chief work has been translated into English by “silver-tongued” Joshua
Sylvester (1563-1618), under the title of “The Divine Week and Works;” and
Spenser speaks of “his heavenly muse,” and of his filling “the world with never-
dying fame.”
81 Honorat de Bueil, Marquis de Racan (1589-1670), the favourite pupil of
Malherbe, is chiefly known by his pastoral dialogue, Les Bergeries. La Bruyère
praises Malherbe and Racan for their pure style, but the fabulist Jean de la
Fontaine says of them:—
“Malherbe avec Racan parmi le chœur des anges,
Là-haut de lʼEternel célébrant les louanges
Ont emporté leur lyre.”
82 François Rabelais (1459-1553), author of the Chroniques de Gargantua et
de Pantagruel.
83 La Bruyère writes “Montagne,” and so it is even now pronounced.
Montaigneʼs (1533-1592) “Essays” are known everywhere.
84 The author who “thinks too little” is said to have been the Port-Royalist,
Pierre Nicole (1625-1695), though some imagine Balzac was meant; the author
who thought “with too much subtlety” seems to have been Father Malebranche
(1638-1715), who attacked Montaigne in his Recherche de la Vérité (1674).
85 Jacques Amyot (1513-1593), the translator of Plutarch. Nicolas
Coëffeteau (1574-1623), bishop of Marseille, is best known by his translation of
the Roman historian, Florus.
86 The letters H. G. stand for Hermes Galant, “Hermes” being the Greek for
Mercury, and there existing since 1672 a kind of monthly review, called the
Mercure Galant, edited by Donneau de Visé, Thomas Corneille, and Fontenelle,
and printing some news from the court and the army, a few literary articles, and
as many advertisements as possible. Since 1677 its title changed to Mercure de
France.
87 Boileau, La Fontaine, and Saint Evremond were, like La Bruyère, no
lovers of the opera.
88 The Abbé Perrin and his brother-in-law, the Marquis de Sourdéac, the first
regular directors of opera in France, ruined themselves in less than three years
through their expensive decorations and machinery. In 1672 Lulli and his son-in-
law Francine obtained permission to manage another opera-house, but spent far
less money on decorations than their predecessors had done. Our author calls
Lulli “Amphion,” a Greek musician who is said to have built Thebes by the
music of his lute.
89 At that time there was a regular theatre for puppet-shows, founded by
Pierre dʼAttelin, better known as Brioché.
Page 330
90 In 1670 Corneille and Racine had each a tragedy, Bérénice, represented;
Pénélope, a tragedy of the Abbé Genest, was played in 1684.
91 One of those busybodies is said to have been a certain M. Manse,
engineer of the waterworks of Chantilly, the seat of the Condés; and he
pretended to have chiefly organised the festival given by the Prince de Condé, a
son of the great Condé and the father of La Bruyèreʼs pupil, the Duke de
Bourbon, to the Dauphin, the son of Louis XIV., at Chantilly during the month of
August 1688. This entertainment lasted eight days; hence the necessity of a
theatre.
92 The “hunt on the water” took place on the sixth day of the festival, when
some living deer and other animals were thrown alive into a large lake, which the
ladies, in boats, tried to catch by means of ropes, and which, when caught, were
set at liberty.
93 On the first day of the feast a splendid “collation” was given by the Prince
to the Dauphin, at the cross-way of “La Table,” amidst a temple of verdure
erected for the occasion. Any meal taken between the dinner and supper hours, or
any festive repast, was called in Louis XIV.ʼs time a collation.
94 “Another wonderful collation given in the Labyrinth of Chantilly,” says a
note of La Bruyère. An engraving still exists of the table, its decorations and
ornaments.
95 This compliment to the Prince de Condé only appeared for the first time
in the fourth edition of the “Characters,” published in 1689, when the whole
court was still talking about the entertainment.
96 This is said to be a hit at the partisans of Quinault, who could see no
charms in anything except in his operas.
97 In the original, esprit fort, which sometimes meant “a man who does not
care for the opinions of the world,” and sometimes “a freethinker.”
Pénélope, a tragedy of the Abbé Genest, was played in 1684.
91 One of those busybodies is said to have been a certain M. Manse,
engineer of the waterworks of Chantilly, the seat of the Condés; and he
pretended to have chiefly organised the festival given by the Prince de Condé, a
son of the great Condé and the father of La Bruyèreʼs pupil, the Duke de
Bourbon, to the Dauphin, the son of Louis XIV., at Chantilly during the month of
August 1688. This entertainment lasted eight days; hence the necessity of a
theatre.
92 The “hunt on the water” took place on the sixth day of the festival, when
some living deer and other animals were thrown alive into a large lake, which the
ladies, in boats, tried to catch by means of ropes, and which, when caught, were
set at liberty.
93 On the first day of the feast a splendid “collation” was given by the Prince
to the Dauphin, at the cross-way of “La Table,” amidst a temple of verdure
erected for the occasion. Any meal taken between the dinner and supper hours, or
any festive repast, was called in Louis XIV.ʼs time a collation.
94 “Another wonderful collation given in the Labyrinth of Chantilly,” says a
note of La Bruyère. An engraving still exists of the table, its decorations and
ornaments.
95 This compliment to the Prince de Condé only appeared for the first time
in the fourth edition of the “Characters,” published in 1689, when the whole
court was still talking about the entertainment.
96 This is said to be a hit at the partisans of Quinault, who could see no
charms in anything except in his operas.
97 In the original, esprit fort, which sometimes meant “a man who does not
care for the opinions of the world,” and sometimes “a freethinker.”
Page 331
98 La Bruyère puts in a note: “A rebellion was the ordinary ending of
tragedies.”
99 Some commentators think this is an allusion to the tragedies of Quinault,
but they were already buried in oblivion when he died in 1688: it seems rather to
refer to those of Jean Galbert de Campistron (1656-1713), who, during ten years,
from 1683 to 1693, produced almost yearly a tragedy, none of which have come
down to posterity.
100 Molière often put peasants on the stage; but he never made of them, nor
of intoxicated persons, his principal characters: the “sick person” is said to be a
hit at Argan in Molièreʼs Le Malade imaginaire. See also page 21, § 38.
101 This is an allusion to the actor Baronʼs LʼHomme à bonnes fortunes
(1686) and the Débauché (1690); this latter comedy, acted before the court the
very year the above paragraph first appeared, was a complete failure, and has
never been printed. Intoxicated people were often represented on the stage in La
Bruyèreʼs time.
102 In the original comédies, a word employed for tragedies as well as for
comedies.
103 Cinna in the tragedy of that name, Felix in Polyeucte, and Rodogune in
Rodogune are examples of this.
104 The original has nombreux, the Latin numerosus.
105 Three tragedies by Corneille. Though he himself calls the last tragedy by
the name given above, its real title is Horace.
106 Mithridates, the hero of Racineʼs tragedy of that name; Porus, a
character in the Alexandre, and Burrhus in the Britannicus of the same author.
107 In the comparison between Corneille and Racine there are some
reminiscences of a Parallèle de M. Corneille et de M. Racine, published in 1686
by a certain author, de Requeleyne, Baron de Longepierre.
108 Sophocles (495-406 B.C.), Euripides (480-406 B.C.)
109 Cassius Longinus (213-273), a Greek orator, philosopher, and author, is
chiefly known by his “Treatise on the Sublime,” which is generally attributed to
him. In it he states that there are five principal sources of the sublime, and that
the third is nought but the figures of speech turned about in a certain manner.
Boileauʼs translation of this “Treatise” appeared in 1674, and in his preface he
described but did not define the sublime, a definition also not found in Longinus.
110 The original has capable, in the sense of the Latin capax.
111 According to Boileau, Longinus does not understand by “sublime” a
sublime style, but something extraordinary and marvellously striking, which
causes a work to enrapture, delight, and transport us. A sublime style always
requires grand, eloquent words; but the sublime may be found in a single
thought, a single figure of speech, a single phrase. Longinus himself says that
anything which leaves us food for thought, which almost carries us away, and of
which the remembrance is lasting, is sublime.
112 In rhetoric there is a difference between a metaphor and a comparison.
tragedies.”
99 Some commentators think this is an allusion to the tragedies of Quinault,
but they were already buried in oblivion when he died in 1688: it seems rather to
refer to those of Jean Galbert de Campistron (1656-1713), who, during ten years,
from 1683 to 1693, produced almost yearly a tragedy, none of which have come
down to posterity.
100 Molière often put peasants on the stage; but he never made of them, nor
of intoxicated persons, his principal characters: the “sick person” is said to be a
hit at Argan in Molièreʼs Le Malade imaginaire. See also page 21, § 38.
101 This is an allusion to the actor Baronʼs LʼHomme à bonnes fortunes
(1686) and the Débauché (1690); this latter comedy, acted before the court the
very year the above paragraph first appeared, was a complete failure, and has
never been printed. Intoxicated people were often represented on the stage in La
Bruyèreʼs time.
102 In the original comédies, a word employed for tragedies as well as for
comedies.
103 Cinna in the tragedy of that name, Felix in Polyeucte, and Rodogune in
Rodogune are examples of this.
104 The original has nombreux, the Latin numerosus.
105 Three tragedies by Corneille. Though he himself calls the last tragedy by
the name given above, its real title is Horace.
106 Mithridates, the hero of Racineʼs tragedy of that name; Porus, a
character in the Alexandre, and Burrhus in the Britannicus of the same author.
107 In the comparison between Corneille and Racine there are some
reminiscences of a Parallèle de M. Corneille et de M. Racine, published in 1686
by a certain author, de Requeleyne, Baron de Longepierre.
108 Sophocles (495-406 B.C.), Euripides (480-406 B.C.)
109 Cassius Longinus (213-273), a Greek orator, philosopher, and author, is
chiefly known by his “Treatise on the Sublime,” which is generally attributed to
him. In it he states that there are five principal sources of the sublime, and that
the third is nought but the figures of speech turned about in a certain manner.
Boileauʼs translation of this “Treatise” appeared in 1674, and in his preface he
described but did not define the sublime, a definition also not found in Longinus.
110 The original has capable, in the sense of the Latin capax.
111 According to Boileau, Longinus does not understand by “sublime” a
sublime style, but something extraordinary and marvellously striking, which
causes a work to enrapture, delight, and transport us. A sublime style always
requires grand, eloquent words; but the sublime may be found in a single
thought, a single figure of speech, a single phrase. Longinus himself says that
anything which leaves us food for thought, which almost carries us away, and of
which the remembrance is lasting, is sublime.
112 In rhetoric there is a difference between a metaphor and a comparison.
Page 332
113 The above paragraph is said to refer to the polemical writings
interchanged between the Jesuits and Jansenists, and seems not quite fair to
Pascalʼs Lettres Provinciales.
114 Some “Keys” mention the names of Bouhours and Bourdaloue, whilst
more modern commentators think that La Bruyère only wished to give a
paragraph on the French prose of his time.
115 The original has artisan, which even in La Bruyèreʼs time meant an
artisan, when used without being qualified; our author employs it, however, for
“artist.”
116 Some annotators say a certain Abbé Bourdelon (1653-1730), a
completely forgotten critic, was meant; others think it was a hit at Ménage
(1613-1692), who had the good sense not to recognise himself in this portrait,
and is said to have been also the original of Vadius in Molièreʼs Femmes
Savantes.
117 This author was the Abbé de Villiers, who published in 1682 a poem in
four cantos, LʼArt de Précher, in which he tried to imitate LʼArt poétique of
Boileau, and in 1690 Réflexions sur les défauts dʼautrui, which were very
successful; some suppose Father Bouhoursʼ Pensées ingénieuses des anciens et
des modernes (1689) hinted at; whilst M. G. Servois, the able editor of La
Bruyère in the Grands Ecrivains de la France (1865-1878), thinks that possibly
the “author” was Jacques Brillon, a lawyer and indefatigable imitator, who in his
youth may have been presumptuous enough to have asked La Bruyèreʼs advice
on some of his literary works, the Portraits sérieux, etc., the LʼOuvrage nouveau
dans le goût des Caractères de Théophraste et des Pensées de Pascal, the
Théophraste moderne, etc., which three books appeared, however, after La
Bruyèreʼs death, from 1696 to 1700. Adrien Baillet, an erudite scholar and fertile
author, is also mentioned by some “Keys.”
118 It is now generally supposed that by the satirist described Boileau is
meant, for he sometimes commences grand subjects, as in his satires Sur
lʼHomme or Sur la Noblesse, but he never enters deeply into the matter, and
treats of Les Embarras de Paris or Le Repas ridicule.
119 Those names stand for Varillas (1624-1695) and Maimbourg (1610-
1686), two voluminous historians, the first of whom is known for the inaccuracy
of his facts, the second by his pretentious style, though Madame de Sévigné and
Voltaire do not entirely condemn the latter, and Bayle, in his Dictionnaire,
praises his knowledge and accuracy. “Handburg” is the German for
“Maimbourg.”
120 Glorieux in the original, which in La Bruyèreʼs time, and even later, had
the meaning “conceited.” One of N. Destouchesʼ (1680-1754) best comedies is
called Le Glorieux.
121 The original has un honnête homme, which meant, in La Bruyèreʼs time,
“a gentleman, a well-mannered man,” but never “an honest man,” which is in
French un homme de bien.
122 “The stammerer” was meant for the son of Achille de Harlay (1639-
1712), chief president of the parliament of Paris, and is said not to have
stammered, but to have been very idle, and without any oratorical talents. Yet, in
interchanged between the Jesuits and Jansenists, and seems not quite fair to
Pascalʼs Lettres Provinciales.
114 Some “Keys” mention the names of Bouhours and Bourdaloue, whilst
more modern commentators think that La Bruyère only wished to give a
paragraph on the French prose of his time.
115 The original has artisan, which even in La Bruyèreʼs time meant an
artisan, when used without being qualified; our author employs it, however, for
“artist.”
116 Some annotators say a certain Abbé Bourdelon (1653-1730), a
completely forgotten critic, was meant; others think it was a hit at Ménage
(1613-1692), who had the good sense not to recognise himself in this portrait,
and is said to have been also the original of Vadius in Molièreʼs Femmes
Savantes.
117 This author was the Abbé de Villiers, who published in 1682 a poem in
four cantos, LʼArt de Précher, in which he tried to imitate LʼArt poétique of
Boileau, and in 1690 Réflexions sur les défauts dʼautrui, which were very
successful; some suppose Father Bouhoursʼ Pensées ingénieuses des anciens et
des modernes (1689) hinted at; whilst M. G. Servois, the able editor of La
Bruyère in the Grands Ecrivains de la France (1865-1878), thinks that possibly
the “author” was Jacques Brillon, a lawyer and indefatigable imitator, who in his
youth may have been presumptuous enough to have asked La Bruyèreʼs advice
on some of his literary works, the Portraits sérieux, etc., the LʼOuvrage nouveau
dans le goût des Caractères de Théophraste et des Pensées de Pascal, the
Théophraste moderne, etc., which three books appeared, however, after La
Bruyèreʼs death, from 1696 to 1700. Adrien Baillet, an erudite scholar and fertile
author, is also mentioned by some “Keys.”
118 It is now generally supposed that by the satirist described Boileau is
meant, for he sometimes commences grand subjects, as in his satires Sur
lʼHomme or Sur la Noblesse, but he never enters deeply into the matter, and
treats of Les Embarras de Paris or Le Repas ridicule.
119 Those names stand for Varillas (1624-1695) and Maimbourg (1610-
1686), two voluminous historians, the first of whom is known for the inaccuracy
of his facts, the second by his pretentious style, though Madame de Sévigné and
Voltaire do not entirely condemn the latter, and Bayle, in his Dictionnaire,
praises his knowledge and accuracy. “Handburg” is the German for
“Maimbourg.”
120 Glorieux in the original, which in La Bruyèreʼs time, and even later, had
the meaning “conceited.” One of N. Destouchesʼ (1680-1754) best comedies is
called Le Glorieux.
121 The original has un honnête homme, which meant, in La Bruyèreʼs time,
“a gentleman, a well-mannered man,” but never “an honest man,” which is in
French un homme de bien.
122 “The stammerer” was meant for the son of Achille de Harlay (1639-
1712), chief president of the parliament of Paris, and is said not to have
stammered, but to have been very idle, and without any oratorical talents. Yet, in
Page 333
1691, at the age of twenty-three, he was appointed advocate-general, through the
influence of his father. Hence his appearance in the sixth edition of the
“Characters,” also published in 1691. Mdlle. de Harlay, a daughter of the first
president, was sent to a convent in 1686 on account of her affection for
Dumesnil, a singer at the Opera.
123 Xanthus was M. de Courtenvaux, the eldest son of the Minister for War,
M. de Louvois, and is said not to have excelled either in good looks or bravery.
124 V ... stands for Claude François Vignon (1634-1703), a son of an artist of
the same name; C ... is Pascal Colasse, a pupil of Lulli, whose opera, Achille et
Polyxène, was played a short time before the “Characters” were first published
(1687); Pyrame, written by Pradon (1632-1698), was acted in 1674; he had
brought out several other tragedies before the first appearance of La Bruyèreʼs
book. At that time Pierre Mignard (1635-1695), the celebrated artist, and Pierre
Corneille (1606-1694) were still alive, and Lulli (1633-1687), the great
musician, had only been dead a few months.
125 Desiderius Erasmus (1467-1536), one of the most celebrated scholars
and learned men of his time.
126 By this bishop some say was meant M. de Harlay (1625-1695),
archbishop of Paris; others think the archbishop of Rheims, Le Tellier (1642-
1710), the brother of Louvois, was designated. See also page 141, note 282.
127 The original has collier dʼordre, the collar of the order of the Holy
Ghost.
128 Trophime, it was supposed, stood for our authorʼs friend Bénigne
Bossuet (1627-1704), the eminent theologian, preacher, and bishop of Meaux,
but he never became a cardinal. So general was this supposition, that in all
editions of the “Characters” published after the authorʼs death the name of
“Bénigne” was put instead of “Trophime.” Some “Keys,” however, mention the
name of Etienne le Camus (1632-1707), bishop of Grenoble, who became a
cardinal in 1686.
129 Lord Stafford is meant here; he was a relative to the Duke of Norfolk,
very rich and very eccentric, and married in 1694 a daughter of the Count de
Gramont. Some think the Count dʼAubigné, the brother of Mdlle. de Maintenon,
is spoken of.
130 La Bruyère adds in a footnote, “an agate.”
131 In the original il ne se plaint non plus. Plaindre had sometimes the
meaning of “to be sparing,” and Le Sage employs it in Gil Blas in that sense.
132 This is said to apply to a certain M. de Mennevillette, receveur-général
of the clergy, whose son married Mdlle. de Harlay.
133 In the original drap de Hollande, because the best cloth came from
Holland. Colbert induced some Dutch and Flemish weavers to settle in France,
where they made a cloth called Toile Colbertine, of which Molière wore a
doublet as the Marquis in les Fâcheux. Colberteen is also mentioned in “The
Fopʼs Dictionary” (1690), and in Congreveʼs “The Way of the World.”
134 The lumen gloriæ is, according to Roman Catholic theologians, “The
help God affords to the souls of the blessed, to strengthen them that they may be
influence of his father. Hence his appearance in the sixth edition of the
“Characters,” also published in 1691. Mdlle. de Harlay, a daughter of the first
president, was sent to a convent in 1686 on account of her affection for
Dumesnil, a singer at the Opera.
123 Xanthus was M. de Courtenvaux, the eldest son of the Minister for War,
M. de Louvois, and is said not to have excelled either in good looks or bravery.
124 V ... stands for Claude François Vignon (1634-1703), a son of an artist of
the same name; C ... is Pascal Colasse, a pupil of Lulli, whose opera, Achille et
Polyxène, was played a short time before the “Characters” were first published
(1687); Pyrame, written by Pradon (1632-1698), was acted in 1674; he had
brought out several other tragedies before the first appearance of La Bruyèreʼs
book. At that time Pierre Mignard (1635-1695), the celebrated artist, and Pierre
Corneille (1606-1694) were still alive, and Lulli (1633-1687), the great
musician, had only been dead a few months.
125 Desiderius Erasmus (1467-1536), one of the most celebrated scholars
and learned men of his time.
126 By this bishop some say was meant M. de Harlay (1625-1695),
archbishop of Paris; others think the archbishop of Rheims, Le Tellier (1642-
1710), the brother of Louvois, was designated. See also page 141, note 282.
127 The original has collier dʼordre, the collar of the order of the Holy
Ghost.
128 Trophime, it was supposed, stood for our authorʼs friend Bénigne
Bossuet (1627-1704), the eminent theologian, preacher, and bishop of Meaux,
but he never became a cardinal. So general was this supposition, that in all
editions of the “Characters” published after the authorʼs death the name of
“Bénigne” was put instead of “Trophime.” Some “Keys,” however, mention the
name of Etienne le Camus (1632-1707), bishop of Grenoble, who became a
cardinal in 1686.
129 Lord Stafford is meant here; he was a relative to the Duke of Norfolk,
very rich and very eccentric, and married in 1694 a daughter of the Count de
Gramont. Some think the Count dʼAubigné, the brother of Mdlle. de Maintenon,
is spoken of.
130 La Bruyère adds in a footnote, “an agate.”
131 In the original il ne se plaint non plus. Plaindre had sometimes the
meaning of “to be sparing,” and Le Sage employs it in Gil Blas in that sense.
132 This is said to apply to a certain M. de Mennevillette, receveur-général
of the clergy, whose son married Mdlle. de Harlay.
133 In the original drap de Hollande, because the best cloth came from
Holland. Colbert induced some Dutch and Flemish weavers to settle in France,
where they made a cloth called Toile Colbertine, of which Molière wore a
doublet as the Marquis in les Fâcheux. Colberteen is also mentioned in “The
Fopʼs Dictionary” (1690), and in Congreveʼs “The Way of the World.”
134 The lumen gloriæ is, according to Roman Catholic theologians, “The
help God affords to the souls of the blessed, to strengthen them that they may be
Page 334
able to see God ‘face to face,’ as St. Paul says (1 Cor. xiii. 12), or by intuition; as
they say in the schools; for without such a help they could not bear the
immediate presence of God.”
135 A certain preacher, Charles Boileau, was meant; others think it was a
canon of Notre-Dame, called Robert.
136 The man of learning is Mabillon (1632-1707), a scholarly Benedictine,
and author of De Re diplomatica, De Vetera analecta, and other works.
137 The original has homme de bien. See page 43, note 121.
138 Montaigne, Saint-Evremond, and the latest French writer on Alexander,
M. Jurien de la Gravière, happily still alive, and formerly Minister for the French
Navy, think more favourably than La Bruyère did of the talents of the youthful
king of Macedonia.
139 Æmilius is the Prince de Condé (1621-1686). The whole of the above
paragraph is filled with reminiscences from Bossuetʼs Oraison funèbre du Prince
de Condé, delivered in the year 1687.
140 The battle of Rocroi was won in 1643, when Condé was only twenty-two
years old, whilst those of Freiburg, Nordlingen, and Lens were gained,
respectively, in 1644, 1645, and 1648.
141 An allusion to the siege of Lerida, raised by Condé in 1647.
142 La Bruyère forgets the wars of the Fronde (1648-1653) and the part
Condé took in them, as well as in the wars of Spain against France, from 1652
till 1659.
143 His grandson and his nephew married illegitimate daughters of Louis
XIV.
144 An allusion to his bad and hasty temper.
145 La Bruyère adds in a note, “Sons and grandsons, descendants of kings.”
This seems a reminiscence of the Homeric Διογενῖς, Διοτρεφεῖς, Βασιλεῖς.
146 This compliment was addressed to the princes of the Condé family, of
whom one, the Prince de Conti (1629-1661), was in command of the army in
Catalonia, though he had never served. Compare the saying of Mascarille in
Molièreʼs Les Précieuses Ridicules: “People of quality know everything without
ever having learned anything.”
147 Charles Castel, Abbé de Saint Pierre (1658-1743), a member of the
French Academy, whence he was ejected in 1718 on account of his Discours sur
la Polysynodie, a work in which he proposed a kind of Constitution for the
French nation.
148 Celsus is the Baron de Breteuil, who was sent in 1682 on a diplomatic
mission to the dukes of Parma and Modena, but failed, and was disowned.
149 The “two brothers” are said to have been the counsellors of the
parliament, Claude and Michel le Peletier, and the quarrel was about a question
of precedence.
150 The “two ministers” were Louvois and de Seignelay, a son of Colbert,
and the chief cause of their falling out seems to have been the more or less
they say in the schools; for without such a help they could not bear the
immediate presence of God.”
135 A certain preacher, Charles Boileau, was meant; others think it was a
canon of Notre-Dame, called Robert.
136 The man of learning is Mabillon (1632-1707), a scholarly Benedictine,
and author of De Re diplomatica, De Vetera analecta, and other works.
137 The original has homme de bien. See page 43, note 121.
138 Montaigne, Saint-Evremond, and the latest French writer on Alexander,
M. Jurien de la Gravière, happily still alive, and formerly Minister for the French
Navy, think more favourably than La Bruyère did of the talents of the youthful
king of Macedonia.
139 Æmilius is the Prince de Condé (1621-1686). The whole of the above
paragraph is filled with reminiscences from Bossuetʼs Oraison funèbre du Prince
de Condé, delivered in the year 1687.
140 The battle of Rocroi was won in 1643, when Condé was only twenty-two
years old, whilst those of Freiburg, Nordlingen, and Lens were gained,
respectively, in 1644, 1645, and 1648.
141 An allusion to the siege of Lerida, raised by Condé in 1647.
142 La Bruyère forgets the wars of the Fronde (1648-1653) and the part
Condé took in them, as well as in the wars of Spain against France, from 1652
till 1659.
143 His grandson and his nephew married illegitimate daughters of Louis
XIV.
144 An allusion to his bad and hasty temper.
145 La Bruyère adds in a note, “Sons and grandsons, descendants of kings.”
This seems a reminiscence of the Homeric Διογενῖς, Διοτρεφεῖς, Βασιλεῖς.
146 This compliment was addressed to the princes of the Condé family, of
whom one, the Prince de Conti (1629-1661), was in command of the army in
Catalonia, though he had never served. Compare the saying of Mascarille in
Molièreʼs Les Précieuses Ridicules: “People of quality know everything without
ever having learned anything.”
147 Charles Castel, Abbé de Saint Pierre (1658-1743), a member of the
French Academy, whence he was ejected in 1718 on account of his Discours sur
la Polysynodie, a work in which he proposed a kind of Constitution for the
French nation.
148 Celsus is the Baron de Breteuil, who was sent in 1682 on a diplomatic
mission to the dukes of Parma and Modena, but failed, and was disowned.
149 The “two brothers” are said to have been the counsellors of the
parliament, Claude and Michel le Peletier, and the quarrel was about a question
of precedence.
150 The “two ministers” were Louvois and de Seignelay, a son of Colbert,
and the chief cause of their falling out seems to have been the more or less
Page 335
assistance which should be given to James II. against England.
151 Menippus is the Marshal François de Villeroy (1644-1730), the favourite
of the king and of Mademoiselle de Maintenon, only known as a perfect courtier
when La Bruyère published his book, but who later on proved himself an
incapable general. In the Mémoires of the Duke de Saint-Simon, he is called
glorieux à lʼexcès par nature. See also page 43, note 120. Some commentators
say Menippus was the Marquis de Cavoye (1640-1716), one of the handsomest
men and one of the greatest duellists of the court.
152 The original has de mise, which was also used by Voltaire and Rousseau,
but seems now to have become antiquated.
153 Montre la corde in the original.
154 When the “Characters” first made their appearance in 1689, Louis XIV.
no longer resided in the Louvre, but at Versailles. The greatest nobles, in order to
pay their court to the king, lodged in some wretched rooms in the palace.
155 The first part of this paragraph, referring to “false greatness,” is said to
apply to the Marshal de Villeroy; the second, alluding to “true greatness,” to
Marshal Turenne (1611-1675).
156 An allusion to a fashion of the time La Bruyère wrote, when the ladies
wore shoes with very high heels and enormous head-dresses, called Fontanges;
the latter were invented by Marie-Angélique Scoraille de Roussille, Duchesse de
Fontanges (1661-1681), who was one of the mistresses of Louis XIV. Our author
refers to them in his chapter “Of Fashion,” § 12.
157 Some of the ladies at court, in order to hide the hollowness of their
cheeks, used, it is said, to hold small balls of wax in their mouths.
158 Lise is generally supposed to have been Catherine-Henriette dʼAngennes
de la Loupe, Countess dʼOlonne, one of the most dissolute ladies of the court of
Louis XIV., who was fifty-five years old when this paragraph appeared (1692),
and died in 1714. Many particulars about her are related in Bussy-Rabutinʼs
Histoire amoureuse des Gaules.
159 This is said to allude to a certain Mademoiselle de Loines, who fell in
love with a crooked, ill-looking, dwarfish limb of the law.
160 The memoirs of the time of Louis XIV. teem with examples of young
men of the highest families who considered it no disgrace to live at the expense
of rich and amorous old crones, and even to receive money from young ladies.
161 The original has dans une ruelle. Ruelle means literally “a small street,”
hence the narrow opening between the wall and the bed, on which bed superfine
ladies, gaily dressed, were lying when they received their friends, and thus ruelle
came to mean “any fashionable assembly.” In Dr. Ashʼs “Dictionary of the
English Language,” London, 1755, ruelle is still defined “a little street, a circle,
an assembly at a private house.”
162 En cravate et en habit gris, says the French, which was the usual dress
of dandified magistrates, although they were strictly forbidden to wear any other
clothes but black ones.
163 Only officers of the kingʼs household were allowed to wear gold-
embroidered scarfs.
151 Menippus is the Marshal François de Villeroy (1644-1730), the favourite
of the king and of Mademoiselle de Maintenon, only known as a perfect courtier
when La Bruyère published his book, but who later on proved himself an
incapable general. In the Mémoires of the Duke de Saint-Simon, he is called
glorieux à lʼexcès par nature. See also page 43, note 120. Some commentators
say Menippus was the Marquis de Cavoye (1640-1716), one of the handsomest
men and one of the greatest duellists of the court.
152 The original has de mise, which was also used by Voltaire and Rousseau,
but seems now to have become antiquated.
153 Montre la corde in the original.
154 When the “Characters” first made their appearance in 1689, Louis XIV.
no longer resided in the Louvre, but at Versailles. The greatest nobles, in order to
pay their court to the king, lodged in some wretched rooms in the palace.
155 The first part of this paragraph, referring to “false greatness,” is said to
apply to the Marshal de Villeroy; the second, alluding to “true greatness,” to
Marshal Turenne (1611-1675).
156 An allusion to a fashion of the time La Bruyère wrote, when the ladies
wore shoes with very high heels and enormous head-dresses, called Fontanges;
the latter were invented by Marie-Angélique Scoraille de Roussille, Duchesse de
Fontanges (1661-1681), who was one of the mistresses of Louis XIV. Our author
refers to them in his chapter “Of Fashion,” § 12.
157 Some of the ladies at court, in order to hide the hollowness of their
cheeks, used, it is said, to hold small balls of wax in their mouths.
158 Lise is generally supposed to have been Catherine-Henriette dʼAngennes
de la Loupe, Countess dʼOlonne, one of the most dissolute ladies of the court of
Louis XIV., who was fifty-five years old when this paragraph appeared (1692),
and died in 1714. Many particulars about her are related in Bussy-Rabutinʼs
Histoire amoureuse des Gaules.
159 This is said to allude to a certain Mademoiselle de Loines, who fell in
love with a crooked, ill-looking, dwarfish limb of the law.
160 The memoirs of the time of Louis XIV. teem with examples of young
men of the highest families who considered it no disgrace to live at the expense
of rich and amorous old crones, and even to receive money from young ladies.
161 The original has dans une ruelle. Ruelle means literally “a small street,”
hence the narrow opening between the wall and the bed, on which bed superfine
ladies, gaily dressed, were lying when they received their friends, and thus ruelle
came to mean “any fashionable assembly.” In Dr. Ashʼs “Dictionary of the
English Language,” London, 1755, ruelle is still defined “a little street, a circle,
an assembly at a private house.”
162 En cravate et en habit gris, says the French, which was the usual dress
of dandified magistrates, although they were strictly forbidden to wear any other
clothes but black ones.
163 Only officers of the kingʼs household were allowed to wear gold-
embroidered scarfs.
Page 336
164 This alludes to the Count dʼAubigné, a brother of Madame de
Maintenon, who was no favourite at court. See also the portrait of “Theodectes”
in the chapter “Of Society and Conversation,” § 12, page 106.
165 The “lady” is said to have been Madame de la Ferrière, the wife of a
maître des requêtes, and Dorinna a certain Mdlle. Foucault, a relative of some
well-known conseiller au parlement, who was in love with a Doctor Moreau.
166 The original has questionnaire, a word then already antiquated, and
which meant a man applying the question or rack.
167 Roscius seems to have been intended for a portrait of the celebrated actor
Michael Baron (1653-1729), whilst the names of Lelia, Cesonia, Claudia, and
Messalina probably allude to some of the ladies of the court who intrigued with
actors. During the eighteenth century the names of the Maréchale de la Ferté, and
of her sister the Countess dʼOlonne (see page 61, note 158), both of very
dissolute manners, were mentioned as having been the originals of Claudia and
Messalina, whilst Claudia was also, according to some, a portrait of Marie-Anne
Mancini, Duchesse de Bouillon, though it is not probable that La Bruyère
intended to allude to her. Bathyllus and Cobus stand for Le Basque, Pécourt, or
Beauchamps, dancers at the Opera; Draco is Philibert, a German flute-player of
those times; Lelia or Cesonia are supposed to have been a certain widow of the
Marquis de Constantin.
168 Is this not an allusion of our author to some nunneries not in very good
repute at the time?
169 This applies, it is said, to the Maréchale de la Ferté, mentioned on page
67, note 2, and to the Duke dʼAumontʼs second wife, who died in 1711, sixty-
one years old.
170 At the time La Bruyère wrote, nearly every fashionable lady had, besides
her father-confessor, a spiritual director, who was her “guide, philosopher, and
friend.” Boileau, in his tenth satire, says:—
“Mais de tous les mortels, grâce aux dévotes âmes,
Nul nʼest si bien soigné quʼun directeur de femmes.”
171 Placer des domestiques, in the original; domestique was used for any
person belonging to the household of some great nobleman, even if he were
himself a noble; it also meant “a household.”
172 A note of La Bruyère says that this refers to “assumed piety.”
173 Those ladies are supposed to have been the Duchesse dʼAumont, already
mentioned; the Countess de Lyonne, the wife of a minister of state; the Duchess
de Lesdiguières, and the Countess de Roucy.
174 Our authorʼs note says, “A pretended pious woman.”
175 It was then the custom for people who had a lawsuit to go and solicit
their judges in person.
176 In La Bruyèreʼs time many ladies had a great reputation for learning,
such as Madame de Sévigné, and her daughter, Madame de Grignan, who greatly
admired Descartesʼ philosophy; Madame de la Fayette; and a sister of Madame
de Montespan, who was Abbess of Fontévrault. Montaigne was of opinion that
Maintenon, who was no favourite at court. See also the portrait of “Theodectes”
in the chapter “Of Society and Conversation,” § 12, page 106.
165 The “lady” is said to have been Madame de la Ferrière, the wife of a
maître des requêtes, and Dorinna a certain Mdlle. Foucault, a relative of some
well-known conseiller au parlement, who was in love with a Doctor Moreau.
166 The original has questionnaire, a word then already antiquated, and
which meant a man applying the question or rack.
167 Roscius seems to have been intended for a portrait of the celebrated actor
Michael Baron (1653-1729), whilst the names of Lelia, Cesonia, Claudia, and
Messalina probably allude to some of the ladies of the court who intrigued with
actors. During the eighteenth century the names of the Maréchale de la Ferté, and
of her sister the Countess dʼOlonne (see page 61, note 158), both of very
dissolute manners, were mentioned as having been the originals of Claudia and
Messalina, whilst Claudia was also, according to some, a portrait of Marie-Anne
Mancini, Duchesse de Bouillon, though it is not probable that La Bruyère
intended to allude to her. Bathyllus and Cobus stand for Le Basque, Pécourt, or
Beauchamps, dancers at the Opera; Draco is Philibert, a German flute-player of
those times; Lelia or Cesonia are supposed to have been a certain widow of the
Marquis de Constantin.
168 Is this not an allusion of our author to some nunneries not in very good
repute at the time?
169 This applies, it is said, to the Maréchale de la Ferté, mentioned on page
67, note 2, and to the Duke dʼAumontʼs second wife, who died in 1711, sixty-
one years old.
170 At the time La Bruyère wrote, nearly every fashionable lady had, besides
her father-confessor, a spiritual director, who was her “guide, philosopher, and
friend.” Boileau, in his tenth satire, says:—
“Mais de tous les mortels, grâce aux dévotes âmes,
Nul nʼest si bien soigné quʼun directeur de femmes.”
171 Placer des domestiques, in the original; domestique was used for any
person belonging to the household of some great nobleman, even if he were
himself a noble; it also meant “a household.”
172 A note of La Bruyère says that this refers to “assumed piety.”
173 Those ladies are supposed to have been the Duchesse dʼAumont, already
mentioned; the Countess de Lyonne, the wife of a minister of state; the Duchess
de Lesdiguières, and the Countess de Roucy.
174 Our authorʼs note says, “A pretended pious woman.”
175 It was then the custom for people who had a lawsuit to go and solicit
their judges in person.
176 In La Bruyèreʼs time many ladies had a great reputation for learning,
such as Madame de Sévigné, and her daughter, Madame de Grignan, who greatly
admired Descartesʼ philosophy; Madame de la Fayette; and a sister of Madame
de Montespan, who was Abbess of Fontévrault. Montaigne was of opinion that
Page 337
women had no need of learning, and Molière, in his Femmes Savantes, holds the
golden mean.
177 Such were, for example, the heroines of the Fronde, who only cared for
ambition. Saint Simon in his Mémoires speaks of the Maréchale de Ciérambault,
“who only left off gambling whilst at meals;” the Princess de Harcourt, who took
usually the sacrament after having gambled until four in the morning; and the
Duchesse dʼAumont, whom we have already mentioned.
178 “Most women have no characters at all,” says Pope in the Second Epistle
“Of the Characters of Women.” The late Rev. Whitwell Elwin thinks this “a
literal rendering” of La Bruyèreʼs § 65 “Of Men.” I imagine it inspired by the
above paragraph.
179 To deceive some one is now in French en imposer à quelquʼun, but until
the last hundred years imposer was used, which meant “to deceive” and “to
impose respect.”
180 Glycera is said to have been Madame de la Ferrière, whom we have
already mentioned. See page 66, note 165.
181 Pierre du Puget, lord of Montauron, who died in 1664, first president of
the bureau des finances at Montauban, was celebrated for his riches and vanity.
P. Corneille dedicated his tragedy Cinna to him. Michael Particelli, lord of
Esmery, became, through the patronage of Cardinal Mazarin, surintendant des
finances, and died in 1650.
182 Venouse is not Venuzia, the native town of the Roman lyric poet Horace,
but Vincennes; the road from Paris to Vincennes was a favourite spot for
walking.
183 The Faubourg Saint-Germain is meant by the “grand suburb.”
184 Canidia, a Neapolitan lady, is said to have been loved by Horace, and to
have deserted him. Out of revenge the poet, in his Epodes v. and xvii., depicted
her as an old sorceress who could unsphere the moon. Canidia is supposed to
allude to La Voisin, who was burned at the stake in Paris, in 1680, for having
poisoned several people.
185 In the original affranchi, freedman.
186 All the “Keys” say that “the husband” of this paragraph and the
following one was a certain Nicolas de Bauquemare, président de la deuxième
chambre des requêtes au palais.
187 Wives of a similar kind seem to have been Madame de Montespan,
Madame de Sévigné, and Madame de la Fayette.
188 This paragraph refers again to the président, mentioned on page 80, note
2, and to his wife, who was always called “DʼOns-en-Bray,” pronounced
“DʼOsembray,” after a property belonging to her husband.
189 Stupide had, in La Bruyères time, the meaning of “stupefied” as well as
of “stupid.”
190 It might have been expected that some of the “Keys” would have told us
who Emira was, but this anecdote is either invented by La Bruyère or founded on
a fact only known to him.
golden mean.
177 Such were, for example, the heroines of the Fronde, who only cared for
ambition. Saint Simon in his Mémoires speaks of the Maréchale de Ciérambault,
“who only left off gambling whilst at meals;” the Princess de Harcourt, who took
usually the sacrament after having gambled until four in the morning; and the
Duchesse dʼAumont, whom we have already mentioned.
178 “Most women have no characters at all,” says Pope in the Second Epistle
“Of the Characters of Women.” The late Rev. Whitwell Elwin thinks this “a
literal rendering” of La Bruyèreʼs § 65 “Of Men.” I imagine it inspired by the
above paragraph.
179 To deceive some one is now in French en imposer à quelquʼun, but until
the last hundred years imposer was used, which meant “to deceive” and “to
impose respect.”
180 Glycera is said to have been Madame de la Ferrière, whom we have
already mentioned. See page 66, note 165.
181 Pierre du Puget, lord of Montauron, who died in 1664, first president of
the bureau des finances at Montauban, was celebrated for his riches and vanity.
P. Corneille dedicated his tragedy Cinna to him. Michael Particelli, lord of
Esmery, became, through the patronage of Cardinal Mazarin, surintendant des
finances, and died in 1650.
182 Venouse is not Venuzia, the native town of the Roman lyric poet Horace,
but Vincennes; the road from Paris to Vincennes was a favourite spot for
walking.
183 The Faubourg Saint-Germain is meant by the “grand suburb.”
184 Canidia, a Neapolitan lady, is said to have been loved by Horace, and to
have deserted him. Out of revenge the poet, in his Epodes v. and xvii., depicted
her as an old sorceress who could unsphere the moon. Canidia is supposed to
allude to La Voisin, who was burned at the stake in Paris, in 1680, for having
poisoned several people.
185 In the original affranchi, freedman.
186 All the “Keys” say that “the husband” of this paragraph and the
following one was a certain Nicolas de Bauquemare, président de la deuxième
chambre des requêtes au palais.
187 Wives of a similar kind seem to have been Madame de Montespan,
Madame de Sévigné, and Madame de la Fayette.
188 This paragraph refers again to the président, mentioned on page 80, note
2, and to his wife, who was always called “DʼOns-en-Bray,” pronounced
“DʼOsembray,” after a property belonging to her husband.
189 Stupide had, in La Bruyères time, the meaning of “stupefied” as well as
of “stupid.”
190 It might have been expected that some of the “Keys” would have told us
who Emira was, but this anecdote is either invented by La Bruyère or founded on
a fact only known to him.
Page 338
191 La Rouchefoucauld, in the Maximes (1665), makes almost the same
remarks, and so does Pascal in the Pensées (1670). It often happens that those
two authors agree in their expressions and thoughts with La Bruyère, who
carefully studied them before publishing his Caractères.
192 Discordia fit carior concordia is a saying of the Latin poet Publius Syrus
(104-41 B.C.)
193 In the chapter “Of the Affections,” La Bruyère has borrowed a goodly
number of ideas of Senecaʼs treatise De beneficiis; this is one of them.
194 An imitation of another line of Publius Syrus: Ita amicum habeas, posse
inimicum fieri ut putes.
195 This paragraph was not very clear in the original. We have followed M.
Destailleurʼs explanation.
196 In the original déterminément, an adverb employed by the best authors
of the seventeenth century, but now antiquated.
197 This is called la légitime in French.
198 All commentators are agreed that by Drance the Count de Clermont-
Tonnerre, first gentleman-in-waiting of the Duke of Orléans, brother of Louis
XIV., is meant.
199 Montesquieu has developed this idea of the influence of climate on the
mind and race in his Esprit des Lois, as well as H. A. Taine in his “History of
English Literature.”
200 Arontius is said to be Perrault (see page 14, note 57.) Who Melinda was
has never been discovered.
201 Phébus is nonsensical and exaggerated language, so called after Phœbus,
the sun-god, on account of his brilliancy. The poet M. Regnier (1573-1613) had
already made use of this word; it was something like the language employed by
the Englishman, John Lily, in his “Euphues, the Anatomy of Wit,” etc., published
1578-1580.
202 La Bruyère says in a note, “They would call them ‘Sir.’” He also, and on
purpose, leads the reader astray by using the names of three courtiers who died
some time ago: Zamet, a favourite of Catherine de Medici and Henri IV., who
died in 1614; Ruccellaï, one of Conciniʼs partisans, who lived till 1627; and
Concini, Maréchal dʼAncre, assassinated in 1617.
203 Some traits of this character apply to Saumery, a gentleman-in-waiting
of the Duke of Burgundy, a grandson of Louis XIV.
204 Such an adventure is said to have happened to a certain conseiller au
châtelet, Robert de Châtillon. Montesquieu, in his Lettres Persanes, describes a
similar character.
205 Theodectes is the Count dʼAubigné. See page 65, note 164.
206 It was the custom in La Bruyèreʼs time, even among the upper classes, to
throw on the floor what was left on the plates or in the glasses. See also the
character of Menalcas, chapter xi., “Of Mankind,” § 7.
remarks, and so does Pascal in the Pensées (1670). It often happens that those
two authors agree in their expressions and thoughts with La Bruyère, who
carefully studied them before publishing his Caractères.
192 Discordia fit carior concordia is a saying of the Latin poet Publius Syrus
(104-41 B.C.)
193 In the chapter “Of the Affections,” La Bruyère has borrowed a goodly
number of ideas of Senecaʼs treatise De beneficiis; this is one of them.
194 An imitation of another line of Publius Syrus: Ita amicum habeas, posse
inimicum fieri ut putes.
195 This paragraph was not very clear in the original. We have followed M.
Destailleurʼs explanation.
196 In the original déterminément, an adverb employed by the best authors
of the seventeenth century, but now antiquated.
197 This is called la légitime in French.
198 All commentators are agreed that by Drance the Count de Clermont-
Tonnerre, first gentleman-in-waiting of the Duke of Orléans, brother of Louis
XIV., is meant.
199 Montesquieu has developed this idea of the influence of climate on the
mind and race in his Esprit des Lois, as well as H. A. Taine in his “History of
English Literature.”
200 Arontius is said to be Perrault (see page 14, note 57.) Who Melinda was
has never been discovered.
201 Phébus is nonsensical and exaggerated language, so called after Phœbus,
the sun-god, on account of his brilliancy. The poet M. Regnier (1573-1613) had
already made use of this word; it was something like the language employed by
the Englishman, John Lily, in his “Euphues, the Anatomy of Wit,” etc., published
1578-1580.
202 La Bruyère says in a note, “They would call them ‘Sir.’” He also, and on
purpose, leads the reader astray by using the names of three courtiers who died
some time ago: Zamet, a favourite of Catherine de Medici and Henri IV., who
died in 1614; Ruccellaï, one of Conciniʼs partisans, who lived till 1627; and
Concini, Maréchal dʼAncre, assassinated in 1617.
203 Some traits of this character apply to Saumery, a gentleman-in-waiting
of the Duke of Burgundy, a grandson of Louis XIV.
204 Such an adventure is said to have happened to a certain conseiller au
châtelet, Robert de Châtillon. Montesquieu, in his Lettres Persanes, describes a
similar character.
205 Theodectes is the Count dʼAubigné. See page 65, note 164.
206 It was the custom in La Bruyèreʼs time, even among the upper classes, to
throw on the floor what was left on the plates or in the glasses. See also the
character of Menalcas, chapter xi., “Of Mankind,” § 7.
Page 339
207 Il est au-dessus de vouloir se soutenir, literally, he is above wishing to
keep himself up. This expression seems to be peculiar to La Bruyère.
208 No suggestion has ever been made as to what person is portrayed as
Troïlus; still it seems to have been intended by our author for one of his
contemporaries.
209 A certain boasting Abbé de Vassé is meant, who refused the bishopric of
Mans, and died in 1716 at the age of sixty-five.
210 The authorʼs note says, “A kind of people who pretend to be very nice in
their language.”
211 Proprement, in the original, was in La Bruyèreʼs time generally used for
“elegantly,” “correctly.”
212 Oaths were more commonly used by the upper classes in the seventeenth
century than they are now.
213 Cléon is supposed to have been a certain financier Monnerot, who died
in prison rather than pay a fine of two million francs, to which he had been
condemned by a court of justice.
214 This personage is said to stand for Constantin Heudebert du Buisson,
appointed intendant des finances the same year (1690) the seventh edition of the
“Characters” was published. See also page 153, § 63.
215 The livre parisis, probably meant here, was equal in value to the franc,
first coined in 1573, under Henri III. An income of ten thousand francs in La
Bruyèreʼs time would represent one of fifty thousand francs now.
216 The original has congratuler, now only used with a ridiculous meaning
attached to it.
217 It is generally supposed Theodemus was a certain Abbé de Drubec, who
stopped short in the middle of a sermon preached before the court of Louis XIV.;
others imagine it was a hit at the Abbé Bertier, who became bishop of Blois in
1697.
218 In this paragraph, as well as in the preceding one, some commentators
imagine there is an allusion to the President Achille de Harlay, so bitterly
attacked by St. Simon in his Mémoires. See also page 45, note 122.
219 Our author says in a note, “Written in imitation of Montaigne.”
220 The principal antiquated words in this imitation are estriver, to strive, to
quarrel; se ramentevoir, to call to mind, used by Molière in the Dépit amoureux
(iii. 4); and succéder, to be successful, which, of course, is at present in French
réussir.
221 According to all the “Keys,” this paragraph refers to a separation of two
old friends, Courtois and Saint-Romain, both councillors of state; but they were
still friends when the “Characters” were published.
222 Some persons, now totally unknown, have been supposed to represent
Cleantes: such as a certain M. Loyseau, receveur général des finances in
Brittany; a M. de lʼEscalopier, conseiller au parlement, and others.
223 Such a contract was called les nourritures in French legal phraseology.
keep himself up. This expression seems to be peculiar to La Bruyère.
208 No suggestion has ever been made as to what person is portrayed as
Troïlus; still it seems to have been intended by our author for one of his
contemporaries.
209 A certain boasting Abbé de Vassé is meant, who refused the bishopric of
Mans, and died in 1716 at the age of sixty-five.
210 The authorʼs note says, “A kind of people who pretend to be very nice in
their language.”
211 Proprement, in the original, was in La Bruyèreʼs time generally used for
“elegantly,” “correctly.”
212 Oaths were more commonly used by the upper classes in the seventeenth
century than they are now.
213 Cléon is supposed to have been a certain financier Monnerot, who died
in prison rather than pay a fine of two million francs, to which he had been
condemned by a court of justice.
214 This personage is said to stand for Constantin Heudebert du Buisson,
appointed intendant des finances the same year (1690) the seventh edition of the
“Characters” was published. See also page 153, § 63.
215 The livre parisis, probably meant here, was equal in value to the franc,
first coined in 1573, under Henri III. An income of ten thousand francs in La
Bruyèreʼs time would represent one of fifty thousand francs now.
216 The original has congratuler, now only used with a ridiculous meaning
attached to it.
217 It is generally supposed Theodemus was a certain Abbé de Drubec, who
stopped short in the middle of a sermon preached before the court of Louis XIV.;
others imagine it was a hit at the Abbé Bertier, who became bishop of Blois in
1697.
218 In this paragraph, as well as in the preceding one, some commentators
imagine there is an allusion to the President Achille de Harlay, so bitterly
attacked by St. Simon in his Mémoires. See also page 45, note 122.
219 Our author says in a note, “Written in imitation of Montaigne.”
220 The principal antiquated words in this imitation are estriver, to strive, to
quarrel; se ramentevoir, to call to mind, used by Molière in the Dépit amoureux
(iii. 4); and succéder, to be successful, which, of course, is at present in French
réussir.
221 According to all the “Keys,” this paragraph refers to a separation of two
old friends, Courtois and Saint-Romain, both councillors of state; but they were
still friends when the “Characters” were published.
222 Some persons, now totally unknown, have been supposed to represent
Cleantes: such as a certain M. Loyseau, receveur général des finances in
Brittany; a M. de lʼEscalopier, conseiller au parlement, and others.
223 Such a contract was called les nourritures in French legal phraseology.
Page 340
224 G ... is supposed to stand for François Vedeau de Grammont, conseiller
au parlement, or for his father-in-law, Philippe Genoud de Guiberville, and H ...
for Charles Hervé, doyen du parlement; and the quarrel arose about the right of
fishing in a brook. Vedeau lost his case, and was convicted of having falsified
certain legal documents. Only a few years before La Bruyèreʼs death he fired at
different times on a legal officer and some soldiers who were attempting to arrest
him in his house in Paris, killed one and wounded another, was finally
imprisoned, dismissed from his office, and banished from the kingdom.
225 Lʼoffrande, lʼencens et le pain benit, in the original. In small Roman
Catholic towns there were formerly always quarrels about the sum to be given to
the vicar when kissing the “patena,” about the carrying of the censer, and above
all, whose turn it was to give a cake to be consecrated by the officiating
clergyman.
226 A bailli was a magistrate who judged certain cases, an élu a sort of
assessor of various taxes, and an assesseur an assistant magistrate.
227 This is an allusion to the society of the Hotel de Rambouillet and to the
so-called précieuses.
228 It is generally supposed that here Isaac de Benserade (1612-1691) is
meant, who was pre-eminently a court poet, and wrote a great deal of namby-
pamby poetry, now deservedly forgotten. His “Character” appeared for the first
time in the sixth edition of La Bruyèreʼs work, only a few months before his
death, when he was seventy-eight years old.
229 Our author draws a distinction between gentlemen in town and at court,
though he mentions those in town first. The silly novels he attacks were those of
Gomberville (1600-1647), of La Calprenède (1610-1663), and above all those of
Mdlle. de Scudéri (1607-1701), one of the précieuses of the Hotel de
Rambouillet, and author of the Grand Cyrus (1650), Clélie (1665), and of many
other works.
230 It seems to have escaped all commentators of La Bruyère that in his time
it was the fashion for the ladies at court to call a spade a spade with a vengeance,
and to use very plain and realistic language, whilst the “city ladies” were not
quite so daring; moreover, some of the streets, squares, etc., of Paris had very
peculiar names, quite unfit for the mouth of any modest woman.
231 By “silly things,” our author means “plays on words” called in his time
équivoques or turlupinades.
232 Marcus Annæus Lucanus, a Latin poet, who died in the year 65, was put
to death for his share in Pisoʼs conspiracy, at the early age of twenty-seven.
233 Claudus Claudianus (365-408), a Latin poet.
234 L. Annæus Seneca, a stoic philosopher, and tutor to Nero, was also put to
death in the year 65 by order of his former pupil.
235 Hermagoras is, according to all commentators, Paul Perron, a learned
Benedictine, and author of LʼAntiquité des temps rétablie, etc. The old English
translations name, however, also Isaac Vossius (1618-1688), an able Dutch
philologist, and a well-known French literary man, Urbain Chevreau (1613-
1701).
au parlement, or for his father-in-law, Philippe Genoud de Guiberville, and H ...
for Charles Hervé, doyen du parlement; and the quarrel arose about the right of
fishing in a brook. Vedeau lost his case, and was convicted of having falsified
certain legal documents. Only a few years before La Bruyèreʼs death he fired at
different times on a legal officer and some soldiers who were attempting to arrest
him in his house in Paris, killed one and wounded another, was finally
imprisoned, dismissed from his office, and banished from the kingdom.
225 Lʼoffrande, lʼencens et le pain benit, in the original. In small Roman
Catholic towns there were formerly always quarrels about the sum to be given to
the vicar when kissing the “patena,” about the carrying of the censer, and above
all, whose turn it was to give a cake to be consecrated by the officiating
clergyman.
226 A bailli was a magistrate who judged certain cases, an élu a sort of
assessor of various taxes, and an assesseur an assistant magistrate.
227 This is an allusion to the society of the Hotel de Rambouillet and to the
so-called précieuses.
228 It is generally supposed that here Isaac de Benserade (1612-1691) is
meant, who was pre-eminently a court poet, and wrote a great deal of namby-
pamby poetry, now deservedly forgotten. His “Character” appeared for the first
time in the sixth edition of La Bruyèreʼs work, only a few months before his
death, when he was seventy-eight years old.
229 Our author draws a distinction between gentlemen in town and at court,
though he mentions those in town first. The silly novels he attacks were those of
Gomberville (1600-1647), of La Calprenède (1610-1663), and above all those of
Mdlle. de Scudéri (1607-1701), one of the précieuses of the Hotel de
Rambouillet, and author of the Grand Cyrus (1650), Clélie (1665), and of many
other works.
230 It seems to have escaped all commentators of La Bruyère that in his time
it was the fashion for the ladies at court to call a spade a spade with a vengeance,
and to use very plain and realistic language, whilst the “city ladies” were not
quite so daring; moreover, some of the streets, squares, etc., of Paris had very
peculiar names, quite unfit for the mouth of any modest woman.
231 By “silly things,” our author means “plays on words” called in his time
équivoques or turlupinades.
232 Marcus Annæus Lucanus, a Latin poet, who died in the year 65, was put
to death for his share in Pisoʼs conspiracy, at the early age of twenty-seven.
233 Claudus Claudianus (365-408), a Latin poet.
234 L. Annæus Seneca, a stoic philosopher, and tutor to Nero, was also put to
death in the year 65 by order of his former pupil.
235 Hermagoras is, according to all commentators, Paul Perron, a learned
Benedictine, and author of LʼAntiquité des temps rétablie, etc. The old English
translations name, however, also Isaac Vossius (1618-1688), an able Dutch
philologist, and a well-known French literary man, Urbain Chevreau (1613-
1701).
Page 341
236 In 1687, when this paragraph was first published, there was no longer an
independent kingdom of Hungary, for three years before the crown had been
declared hereditary in the House of Austria, which had ruled Bohemia as well
since 1525.
237 These wars, interrupted by the peace of Nymeguen (1678), were going
on whilst our author wrote.
238 Henri IV. (1553-1610), or Henri le Grand, according to La Bruyèreʼs
own note, was not the son of the last of the Valois, Henri III. (1551-1589), but
after the latterʼs death became heir to the French throne, because Henry IV.ʼs
father, Antoine de Bourbon, was descended from the Count de Clermont, the
fifth son of Louis IX.
239 Those names La Bruyère found in the Histoire du Monde of Chevreau
see page 124, note 235); and nearly all of them are so wrongly spelt that it is
almost hopeless to discover whom they meant.
240 In the month of December of the same year this paragraph had been
published, Joseph I. (1678-1711), emperor of the Romans, was crowned king of
Hungary, in virtue of his hereditary right. See page 215, note 444.
241 Ninus was the husband of Semiramis, about 2182 B.C., and founded
with her Nineveh, of which empire she became queen; she abdicated after a reign
of forty-two years in favour of her son Ninyas. All these persons seem, however,
to have been mythological, and to have had no foundation in history. The
Semiramis of Herodotus lived 810-781 B.C.
242 The passage in Josephus containing Manethosʼ tradition says,
“Mesphratuthmosis drove the Hyksos [or shepherd kings] as far as Avaris [San in
Egypt], and shut them up in it. His son Tuthmosis obliged them to evacuate it.”
Tuthmosis is really Aahmes, the founder of the 18th dynasty, who drove the
shepherd kings out of Egypt. Misphratuthmosis, sometimes written
Misphramuthosis, and Alisphragmuthosis, his relative or ancestor, is meant by
this name Alipharmutosis, but he has not been recognised in Egyptian records.
243 Sesostris is the Greek name of the conqueror Rameses II., the third king
of the 19th Egyptian dynasty.
244 Artaxerxes Longimanus, king of Persia, succeeded his father Xerxes I.,
465 B.C., and died about 425 B. C.
245 Cydias is Fontenelle (see page 11, note 51), who was only thirty-seven
years old when this paragraph was first printed in the eighth edition of the
“Characters,” in 1694, and who became La Bruyèreʼs enemy ever since.
246 Fontenelle had written for his uncle Thos. Corneille (1625-1709) certain
parts of two operas, Psyché (1678) and Bellérophon (1679); for Beauval, in
prose, an eulogy on Perrault (1688), and for a certain Mdlle. Bernard, part of a
tragedy of Brutus (1691).
247 Lucianus of Samosata, a satirist and a rhetorician (120-200 A.D.)
248 The author adds “a philosopher and a tragic poet.” See page 124, note
235.
249 Plato, the well-known Greek philosopher (430-347 B.C.)
independent kingdom of Hungary, for three years before the crown had been
declared hereditary in the House of Austria, which had ruled Bohemia as well
since 1525.
237 These wars, interrupted by the peace of Nymeguen (1678), were going
on whilst our author wrote.
238 Henri IV. (1553-1610), or Henri le Grand, according to La Bruyèreʼs
own note, was not the son of the last of the Valois, Henri III. (1551-1589), but
after the latterʼs death became heir to the French throne, because Henry IV.ʼs
father, Antoine de Bourbon, was descended from the Count de Clermont, the
fifth son of Louis IX.
239 Those names La Bruyère found in the Histoire du Monde of Chevreau
see page 124, note 235); and nearly all of them are so wrongly spelt that it is
almost hopeless to discover whom they meant.
240 In the month of December of the same year this paragraph had been
published, Joseph I. (1678-1711), emperor of the Romans, was crowned king of
Hungary, in virtue of his hereditary right. See page 215, note 444.
241 Ninus was the husband of Semiramis, about 2182 B.C., and founded
with her Nineveh, of which empire she became queen; she abdicated after a reign
of forty-two years in favour of her son Ninyas. All these persons seem, however,
to have been mythological, and to have had no foundation in history. The
Semiramis of Herodotus lived 810-781 B.C.
242 The passage in Josephus containing Manethosʼ tradition says,
“Mesphratuthmosis drove the Hyksos [or shepherd kings] as far as Avaris [San in
Egypt], and shut them up in it. His son Tuthmosis obliged them to evacuate it.”
Tuthmosis is really Aahmes, the founder of the 18th dynasty, who drove the
shepherd kings out of Egypt. Misphratuthmosis, sometimes written
Misphramuthosis, and Alisphragmuthosis, his relative or ancestor, is meant by
this name Alipharmutosis, but he has not been recognised in Egyptian records.
243 Sesostris is the Greek name of the conqueror Rameses II., the third king
of the 19th Egyptian dynasty.
244 Artaxerxes Longimanus, king of Persia, succeeded his father Xerxes I.,
465 B.C., and died about 425 B. C.
245 Cydias is Fontenelle (see page 11, note 51), who was only thirty-seven
years old when this paragraph was first printed in the eighth edition of the
“Characters,” in 1694, and who became La Bruyèreʼs enemy ever since.
246 Fontenelle had written for his uncle Thos. Corneille (1625-1709) certain
parts of two operas, Psyché (1678) and Bellérophon (1679); for Beauval, in
prose, an eulogy on Perrault (1688), and for a certain Mdlle. Bernard, part of a
tragedy of Brutus (1691).
247 Lucianus of Samosata, a satirist and a rhetorician (120-200 A.D.)
248 The author adds “a philosopher and a tragic poet.” See page 124, note
235.
249 Plato, the well-known Greek philosopher (430-347 B.C.)
Page 342
250 Publius Virgilius Maro, the Roman epic and bucolic poet (70-19 B.C.)
251 Theocritus, a Greek bucolic poet, who flourished about 272 B.C.
Fontenelle had written Dialogues of the dead, as Lucianus had done;
philosophical works and tragedies like Seneca, philosophical dialogues in Platoʼs
style, and pastoral poetry like Virgil and Theocritus.
252 Perrault, La Motte (1672-1731), De Visé (1640-1710), and others.
253 This friend is supposed to have been La Motte.
254 The right of presentation to nearly all offices at court, or official
positions, was publicly bought and sold in Louis XIV.ʼs time.
255 Commentators, who see allusions everywhere, suppose the “very rich
man” was Louvois, whose sons-in-law were the Dukes de la Rocheguyon and de
Villeneuve; or Colbert, who became the father-in-law of the Dukes de
Chevreuse, de Beauvilliers, and de Mortemart; or, finally, Frémont, keeper of the
royal treasury, who married his daughter to the Duke de Lorges.
256 This lady is said to have been Madame Fleurion dʼArmenonville,
daughter of a clothier, whose husband was keeper of the seals and directeur des
finances.
257 Those men were the so-called “farmers of the revenue,” nearly all of low
birth, and who formerly had been in some trade or business. See page 136, note
266, and page 137, § 15.
258 Little, silly, ugly rich men were not more rare in our authorʼs time than
they are at present; but the commentators will have it that the Marquis de
Gouverney and the Duke de Ventadour were meant.
259 M. de Saint-Pouange, a relative of the ministers Colbert, Le Tellier, and
Louvois, and the latterʼs principal secretary, is meant.
260 Nearly all the great lords had Swiss doorkeepers. Petit-Jean, in Racineʼs
comedy Les Plaideurs, says also: “Il mʼavait fait venir dʼAmiens pour être
Suisse.”
261 The “Keys” mention several people for Clitiphon, such as M. le Camus,
lieutenant-civil, or his brother the cardinal, or another brother who was maître
des requêtes.
262 In the original there is a play on the word rare which cannot be rendered
in English.
263 This seems to refer to Platoʼs “Timæus” and his “Phædo.”
264 Jupiter is the largest and Saturn the second largest planet of our solar
system. The celebrated Dutch natural philosopher Huyghens van Zuylichem
(1629-1695), who discovered the fourth satellite of Saturn and proved the
existence of its ring, lived in Paris from 1666 till 1681, and may have met La
Bruyère.
265 The original has trivial, from the Latin trivialis and trivium, hence the
meaning of exposed to the public gaze, “perceptible.”
266 By these initials are meant partisans, a name given to the farmers-
general of the revenue. Until 1726, these persons obtained in France, for a fixed
251 Theocritus, a Greek bucolic poet, who flourished about 272 B.C.
Fontenelle had written Dialogues of the dead, as Lucianus had done;
philosophical works and tragedies like Seneca, philosophical dialogues in Platoʼs
style, and pastoral poetry like Virgil and Theocritus.
252 Perrault, La Motte (1672-1731), De Visé (1640-1710), and others.
253 This friend is supposed to have been La Motte.
254 The right of presentation to nearly all offices at court, or official
positions, was publicly bought and sold in Louis XIV.ʼs time.
255 Commentators, who see allusions everywhere, suppose the “very rich
man” was Louvois, whose sons-in-law were the Dukes de la Rocheguyon and de
Villeneuve; or Colbert, who became the father-in-law of the Dukes de
Chevreuse, de Beauvilliers, and de Mortemart; or, finally, Frémont, keeper of the
royal treasury, who married his daughter to the Duke de Lorges.
256 This lady is said to have been Madame Fleurion dʼArmenonville,
daughter of a clothier, whose husband was keeper of the seals and directeur des
finances.
257 Those men were the so-called “farmers of the revenue,” nearly all of low
birth, and who formerly had been in some trade or business. See page 136, note
266, and page 137, § 15.
258 Little, silly, ugly rich men were not more rare in our authorʼs time than
they are at present; but the commentators will have it that the Marquis de
Gouverney and the Duke de Ventadour were meant.
259 M. de Saint-Pouange, a relative of the ministers Colbert, Le Tellier, and
Louvois, and the latterʼs principal secretary, is meant.
260 Nearly all the great lords had Swiss doorkeepers. Petit-Jean, in Racineʼs
comedy Les Plaideurs, says also: “Il mʼavait fait venir dʼAmiens pour être
Suisse.”
261 The “Keys” mention several people for Clitiphon, such as M. le Camus,
lieutenant-civil, or his brother the cardinal, or another brother who was maître
des requêtes.
262 In the original there is a play on the word rare which cannot be rendered
in English.
263 This seems to refer to Platoʼs “Timæus” and his “Phædo.”
264 Jupiter is the largest and Saturn the second largest planet of our solar
system. The celebrated Dutch natural philosopher Huyghens van Zuylichem
(1629-1695), who discovered the fourth satellite of Saturn and proved the
existence of its ring, lived in Paris from 1666 till 1681, and may have met La
Bruyère.
265 The original has trivial, from the Latin trivialis and trivium, hence the
meaning of exposed to the public gaze, “perceptible.”
266 By these initials are meant partisans, a name given to the farmers-
general of the revenue. Until 1726, these persons obtained in France, for a fixed
Page 343
money payment, the right of collecting one or more of the public taxes. This
system was first inaugurated by Sully (1560-1641), the able finance-minister of
Henri IV., out of necessity, in order to raise money; and was continued for more
than two hundred years, and the cause of many arbitrary measures and great
oppression. The number of these fermiers-généraux was first forty and
afterwards sixty, but there were a goodly number of sous-fermiers and many
other agents, who were all practically irresponsible. In 1726, a company of
capitalists undertook the collection of the greater part of the kingʼs taxes, which
was called the fermes-générales or unies, and lasted till the first French
Revolution. The ministre des finances, a name only first given in 1795, was, in
the sixteenth and part of the seventeenth century, called surintendant des
finances, and from 1661 till 1791 contrôleur-général des finances.
267 Sosia in Greek is generally used as the name of a servant or a slave, and
Molière gives that name to a servant in his Amphitryon; in Latin a farmer of the
public revenue was called socius, because he was the associate of other similar
farmers. It was not at all uncommon in Louis XIV.ʼs time for footmen to rise to
the rank of financiers, and La Bazinière, de Gourville, and de Bourvalais, who
were all three very rich, as well as many others, might be quoted as examples of
this. Two fermiers-généraux, Révol and dʼApougny, became churchwardens.
268 See page 43, note 121.
269 The wives of a good many farmers of the revenue have been named by
various commentators and “Keys.”
270 The huitième denier was a tax imposed in 1672 during the war with
Holland on all purchasers of estates from the clergy.
271 The “Keys” give several names of financiers, such as Aubert, who at one
time was worth more than three millions of francs, and who died in a garret,
Guénegaud, and Rémond. The Chambre de Justice, a name given to certain
committees which were appointed from time to time to inquire into financial
malversations and abuses condemned in 1661 the above-named three gentlemen
to pay very heavy fines; hence their comparative poverty.
272 “Champagne” stands for Monnerot. (See page 110, note 213.) It was not
uncommon to give such names as Poitevin, Lorrain, Basque, Provençal, etc., to
footmen, after their supposed native provinces.
273 Two still Champagne wines. Sparkling Champagne was not drunk till the
eighteenth century.
274 All commentators agree that here the farmer-general George is meant,
who bought the Marquisate dʼEntragues and married a daughter of the Marquis
de Valençay.
275 The taille was a kingʼs tax levied every year only on the people and the
commoners.
276 Who Dorus is has not been found out.
277 The Appian Way, the oldest and best of all the Roman roads, leads from
the Porta Cappena at Rome to Capua.
278 The Lictors at Rome, with the fasces, always walked before the Consul
or the Dictator.
system was first inaugurated by Sully (1560-1641), the able finance-minister of
Henri IV., out of necessity, in order to raise money; and was continued for more
than two hundred years, and the cause of many arbitrary measures and great
oppression. The number of these fermiers-généraux was first forty and
afterwards sixty, but there were a goodly number of sous-fermiers and many
other agents, who were all practically irresponsible. In 1726, a company of
capitalists undertook the collection of the greater part of the kingʼs taxes, which
was called the fermes-générales or unies, and lasted till the first French
Revolution. The ministre des finances, a name only first given in 1795, was, in
the sixteenth and part of the seventeenth century, called surintendant des
finances, and from 1661 till 1791 contrôleur-général des finances.
267 Sosia in Greek is generally used as the name of a servant or a slave, and
Molière gives that name to a servant in his Amphitryon; in Latin a farmer of the
public revenue was called socius, because he was the associate of other similar
farmers. It was not at all uncommon in Louis XIV.ʼs time for footmen to rise to
the rank of financiers, and La Bazinière, de Gourville, and de Bourvalais, who
were all three very rich, as well as many others, might be quoted as examples of
this. Two fermiers-généraux, Révol and dʼApougny, became churchwardens.
268 See page 43, note 121.
269 The wives of a good many farmers of the revenue have been named by
various commentators and “Keys.”
270 The huitième denier was a tax imposed in 1672 during the war with
Holland on all purchasers of estates from the clergy.
271 The “Keys” give several names of financiers, such as Aubert, who at one
time was worth more than three millions of francs, and who died in a garret,
Guénegaud, and Rémond. The Chambre de Justice, a name given to certain
committees which were appointed from time to time to inquire into financial
malversations and abuses condemned in 1661 the above-named three gentlemen
to pay very heavy fines; hence their comparative poverty.
272 “Champagne” stands for Monnerot. (See page 110, note 213.) It was not
uncommon to give such names as Poitevin, Lorrain, Basque, Provençal, etc., to
footmen, after their supposed native provinces.
273 Two still Champagne wines. Sparkling Champagne was not drunk till the
eighteenth century.
274 All commentators agree that here the farmer-general George is meant,
who bought the Marquisate dʼEntragues and married a daughter of the Marquis
de Valençay.
275 The taille was a kingʼs tax levied every year only on the people and the
commoners.
276 Who Dorus is has not been found out.
277 The Appian Way, the oldest and best of all the Roman roads, leads from
the Porta Cappena at Rome to Capua.
278 The Lictors at Rome, with the fasces, always walked before the Consul
or the Dictator.
Page 344
279 Some think that here a certain M. de Langlée, maréchal des camps et
armées du roi, was meant. Others think it was an uncle of the minister Colbert, a
M. Pussort, one of the kingʼs counsel of state; but the first was unmarried and
had a very wealthy father, and the second, who was also unmarried, and a miser
to boot, owed his influence wholly to his position.
280 The original has pancartes, which our author in a note states were billets
dʼenterrement.
281 Noble homme was a title which citizens of importance took in all legal
contracts, whilst men of less influence, tradesmen and artisans, were styled
Honorable homme, and Messire was only reserved for persons of rank.
282 This youth was M. le Tellier, who became Archbishop of Rheims in
1671, when he was only twenty-nine years old, but who already, before that time,
received the revenues of six abbeys. (See also page 47, note 126.)
283 Formerly six vingts, hundred and twenty—thus in the original—was as
commonly used as quatre-vingt.
284 The first two editions contained a note of La Bruyère, to say that by
médailles dʼor he meant louis dʼor. This he thought no longer necessary in the
other editions; he only wanted to draw attention to the fact that the “youth”
received his clerical dues in golden coin, and not by a cheque on some fermier-
général, who would have taken a discount for cash payment.
285 This paragraph seems to be a hit at the fermier-général Langeois, whose
daughter married the Marshal de Tourville, and whose son was married to a niece
of de Pontchartrain, the contrôleur-général of the finances.
286 Although this remark seems to refer to the Baron de Beauvais, capitaine
des chasses, to whom the king had given the right of selling the briars and
brambles growing on the road to Versailles, the portrait of Ergastus alludes to
those men who were for ever advising to tax articles not already imposed, and by
whom France became finally ruined.
287 Berrier, one of the secretaries of Colbert, is said to have been the original
of Crito.
288 This is generally believed to refer to de Pontchartrain, mentioned before,
who, for some time, was very pious.
289 See page 136, note 266.
290 The old English translations of the “Characters” say this is an allusion to
M. Fouquet (1615-1680), surintendant des finances, who, kept in prison by
Louis XIV. for more than twenty years, had a great many friends and partisans
when in prosperity, but they nearly all turned against him in his adversity.
291 The desire to make oneʼs fortune was so great, that at that time, even at
court, it was customary to take money from forgers and scoundrels; thus the
Count de Grammont drew about fifty thousand livres from a peculator, and the
wife of the son of the king of France received as a present from Louis XIV. the
estate of a prisoner who had committed suicide in the Bastile, which was thought
to be worth a great deal of money. A similar custom existed also at the courts of
Charles II. and James II.; and William Penn was even accused of having become
an agent for the maids-of-honour of the court, and of obtaining pardons for a
armées du roi, was meant. Others think it was an uncle of the minister Colbert, a
M. Pussort, one of the kingʼs counsel of state; but the first was unmarried and
had a very wealthy father, and the second, who was also unmarried, and a miser
to boot, owed his influence wholly to his position.
280 The original has pancartes, which our author in a note states were billets
dʼenterrement.
281 Noble homme was a title which citizens of importance took in all legal
contracts, whilst men of less influence, tradesmen and artisans, were styled
Honorable homme, and Messire was only reserved for persons of rank.
282 This youth was M. le Tellier, who became Archbishop of Rheims in
1671, when he was only twenty-nine years old, but who already, before that time,
received the revenues of six abbeys. (See also page 47, note 126.)
283 Formerly six vingts, hundred and twenty—thus in the original—was as
commonly used as quatre-vingt.
284 The first two editions contained a note of La Bruyère, to say that by
médailles dʼor he meant louis dʼor. This he thought no longer necessary in the
other editions; he only wanted to draw attention to the fact that the “youth”
received his clerical dues in golden coin, and not by a cheque on some fermier-
général, who would have taken a discount for cash payment.
285 This paragraph seems to be a hit at the fermier-général Langeois, whose
daughter married the Marshal de Tourville, and whose son was married to a niece
of de Pontchartrain, the contrôleur-général of the finances.
286 Although this remark seems to refer to the Baron de Beauvais, capitaine
des chasses, to whom the king had given the right of selling the briars and
brambles growing on the road to Versailles, the portrait of Ergastus alludes to
those men who were for ever advising to tax articles not already imposed, and by
whom France became finally ruined.
287 Berrier, one of the secretaries of Colbert, is said to have been the original
of Crito.
288 This is generally believed to refer to de Pontchartrain, mentioned before,
who, for some time, was very pious.
289 See page 136, note 266.
290 The old English translations of the “Characters” say this is an allusion to
M. Fouquet (1615-1680), surintendant des finances, who, kept in prison by
Louis XIV. for more than twenty years, had a great many friends and partisans
when in prosperity, but they nearly all turned against him in his adversity.
291 The desire to make oneʼs fortune was so great, that at that time, even at
court, it was customary to take money from forgers and scoundrels; thus the
Count de Grammont drew about fifty thousand livres from a peculator, and the
wife of the son of the king of France received as a present from Louis XIV. the
estate of a prisoner who had committed suicide in the Bastile, which was thought
to be worth a great deal of money. A similar custom existed also at the courts of
Charles II. and James II.; and William Penn was even accused of having become
an agent for the maids-of-honour of the court, and of obtaining pardons for a
Page 345
pecuniary consideration, but it is now generally admitted it was another Penn
who acted thus.
292 The “Keys” think that either Nicholas dʼOrville, the confidant of Louis
XIV. and Mdlle. de la Vallière, and royal treasurer at Orléans, or Boucherat,
chancelier de France, and a perfect noodle, according to St. Simonʼs Mémoires,
were alluded to as the “weak-minded men.”
293 See page 43, note 121.
294 A few of the “Keys” give Racine the poet as the original of such a man,
but this is very unlikely, for Racine was a friend of our author, and, moreover,
had acquired more glory than riches.
295 Some commentators think that the Marquis de Seignelay, the eldest son
of Colbert, is meant here; for after his death, which took place when he was only
thirty-nine years old, he is said to have left five millions livres debts; others
pretend he left a capital large enough to yield a yearly income of four hundred
thousand francs.
296 Boileau, in his fifth Epître, says also: “Qui vit content de rien possède
toute chose.”
297 Jean Fauconnet, fermier-général des domaines de France, became also
receiver-general of two other taxes, which was very unusual. Our author speaks
of “Fauconnets,” to indicate farmers of the revenues in general, though there was
only one Fauconnet. In La Bruyèreʼs time the financiers seem to have despised
men of letters; but later on, during the Regency and the reign of Louis XV. and
Louis XVI., it became the fashion to invite literary men on every festive
occasion, and to lionise them—a custom not unknown, even at the present time,
and in other countries than France.
298 Our author had René Descartesʼ (1596-1650) name printed in small
capitals, to remind his readers of the persecutions this philosopher had suffered.
299 Au denier dix in the original.
300 In former times French Governments often suppressed certain monies or
diminished their legal value, and a law to this effect had been passed by Louis
XIV. as late as 1679.
301 Orontes is supposed to be a certain M. Neyret de la Ravoye, who became
later trésorier-général de la marine, and who married a Mademoiselle Valière.
302 En bon français in the original; just as we say “in plain English.”
303 A certain Count de Marsan seems to have made his fortune by marrying
first one rich widow and then another.
304 These different degrees of legal dignity were formerly in French
praticien, officier, magistrat, président.
305 Without any proof whatever, the “Keys” pretend that a certain intendant
des finances, M. du Buisson, was meant.
306 The miser is supposed to have been a M. Morstein, formerly chief
treasurer of Poland, who went to reside in Paris, where he died in 1693; two
years later his only son was killed at the siege of Namur.
who acted thus.
292 The “Keys” think that either Nicholas dʼOrville, the confidant of Louis
XIV. and Mdlle. de la Vallière, and royal treasurer at Orléans, or Boucherat,
chancelier de France, and a perfect noodle, according to St. Simonʼs Mémoires,
were alluded to as the “weak-minded men.”
293 See page 43, note 121.
294 A few of the “Keys” give Racine the poet as the original of such a man,
but this is very unlikely, for Racine was a friend of our author, and, moreover,
had acquired more glory than riches.
295 Some commentators think that the Marquis de Seignelay, the eldest son
of Colbert, is meant here; for after his death, which took place when he was only
thirty-nine years old, he is said to have left five millions livres debts; others
pretend he left a capital large enough to yield a yearly income of four hundred
thousand francs.
296 Boileau, in his fifth Epître, says also: “Qui vit content de rien possède
toute chose.”
297 Jean Fauconnet, fermier-général des domaines de France, became also
receiver-general of two other taxes, which was very unusual. Our author speaks
of “Fauconnets,” to indicate farmers of the revenues in general, though there was
only one Fauconnet. In La Bruyèreʼs time the financiers seem to have despised
men of letters; but later on, during the Regency and the reign of Louis XV. and
Louis XVI., it became the fashion to invite literary men on every festive
occasion, and to lionise them—a custom not unknown, even at the present time,
and in other countries than France.
298 Our author had René Descartesʼ (1596-1650) name printed in small
capitals, to remind his readers of the persecutions this philosopher had suffered.
299 Au denier dix in the original.
300 In former times French Governments often suppressed certain monies or
diminished their legal value, and a law to this effect had been passed by Louis
XIV. as late as 1679.
301 Orontes is supposed to be a certain M. Neyret de la Ravoye, who became
later trésorier-général de la marine, and who married a Mademoiselle Valière.
302 En bon français in the original; just as we say “in plain English.”
303 A certain Count de Marsan seems to have made his fortune by marrying
first one rich widow and then another.
304 These different degrees of legal dignity were formerly in French
praticien, officier, magistrat, président.
305 Without any proof whatever, the “Keys” pretend that a certain intendant
des finances, M. du Buisson, was meant.
306 The miser is supposed to have been a M. Morstein, formerly chief
treasurer of Poland, who went to reside in Paris, where he died in 1693; two
years later his only son was killed at the siege of Namur.
Page 346
307 Thus M. Langlée, a “man sprung from nothing,” as St. Simon calls him,
but a first-rate gambler, played for several years every day with the king. See
also page 139, note 279. Gourville (see page 137, note 267) gambled with
noblemen of the highest rank; and a certain Morin, after having lost large sums
of money, was obliged to fly to London, where he managed the gambling table
of the Duchess de Mazarin, and is often mentioned by St. Evremond.
308 Our author says in a footnote: “See the narratives about the kingdom of
Siam.” The zombay seems to have been a very profound inclination and
prostration of the body. In “A New Historical Relation of Siam by M. de
Loubère, envoy extraordinary from the French king to the king of Siam in the
years 1687 and 1688, done out of French,” and printed in London in 1693, we
find “they (the Siamese) kept themselves prostrated on their knees and elbows,
with their hands joined at the top of their forehead, and their body seated on their
heels; to the end that they may lean less on their elbows, and that it may be
possible (without assisting themselves with their hands, but keeping them still
joined to the top of their forehead) to raise themselves on their knees, and fall
again upon their elbows, as they do thrice together, as often as they would speak
to their king.”
309 In the French parliaments or courts, councillors were allowed to plead,
and justice was administered in the kingʼs name; but these parliaments had no
legislative power, and had only to register the royal edicts before they became
law.
310 A game of chance played with cards.
311 Those who made their fortune by gambling were, according to the
“Keys,” Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau, who left behind him a very valuable
Journal of the sayings and doings of the court of Louis XIV., which has often
been printed; but he did not owe his success in life to gambling alone; and
Morin, already mentioned, page 155, note 1.
312 All the “Keys” give as the model of a perfect gambler a certain Louis
Robert, Seigneur de Fortille, who made his fortune as intendant of different
army-corps, and lost almost everything he possessed; but as the passion for
gambling was very common, and as the king was the first to give the example of
it, ruined gamblers were to be found in plenty. Cheating at play was also not rare.
313 Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, after the death of her husband Odenathus,
waged war for five years against the Romans, and was vanquished by Aurelian in
the year 273.
314 Ouvrier, in the original, is sometimes used by our author for “artist.”
315 Phidias (490-432 B.C.) was a Greek sculptor of renown; Zeuxis (424-
400 B.C.), a Greek painter, who is said to have painted grapes so well that some
birds came and pecked at them.
316 The “herdsman” alluded to in the above paragraph seems to have been
the financier La Touanne, trésorier de lʼextraordinaire des guerres. He had a
mansion near the park of Saint Maur, part of an estate formerly belonging to
Catherine de Medici (Zenobia), on which he spent enormous sums, whilst the
other part belonged to the Prince de Condé, who in vain tried to induce the
parvenu to sell him his property. Hence the attack of our author on the man who
but a first-rate gambler, played for several years every day with the king. See
also page 139, note 279. Gourville (see page 137, note 267) gambled with
noblemen of the highest rank; and a certain Morin, after having lost large sums
of money, was obliged to fly to London, where he managed the gambling table
of the Duchess de Mazarin, and is often mentioned by St. Evremond.
308 Our author says in a footnote: “See the narratives about the kingdom of
Siam.” The zombay seems to have been a very profound inclination and
prostration of the body. In “A New Historical Relation of Siam by M. de
Loubère, envoy extraordinary from the French king to the king of Siam in the
years 1687 and 1688, done out of French,” and printed in London in 1693, we
find “they (the Siamese) kept themselves prostrated on their knees and elbows,
with their hands joined at the top of their forehead, and their body seated on their
heels; to the end that they may lean less on their elbows, and that it may be
possible (without assisting themselves with their hands, but keeping them still
joined to the top of their forehead) to raise themselves on their knees, and fall
again upon their elbows, as they do thrice together, as often as they would speak
to their king.”
309 In the French parliaments or courts, councillors were allowed to plead,
and justice was administered in the kingʼs name; but these parliaments had no
legislative power, and had only to register the royal edicts before they became
law.
310 A game of chance played with cards.
311 Those who made their fortune by gambling were, according to the
“Keys,” Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau, who left behind him a very valuable
Journal of the sayings and doings of the court of Louis XIV., which has often
been printed; but he did not owe his success in life to gambling alone; and
Morin, already mentioned, page 155, note 1.
312 All the “Keys” give as the model of a perfect gambler a certain Louis
Robert, Seigneur de Fortille, who made his fortune as intendant of different
army-corps, and lost almost everything he possessed; but as the passion for
gambling was very common, and as the king was the first to give the example of
it, ruined gamblers were to be found in plenty. Cheating at play was also not rare.
313 Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, after the death of her husband Odenathus,
waged war for five years against the Romans, and was vanquished by Aurelian in
the year 273.
314 Ouvrier, in the original, is sometimes used by our author for “artist.”
315 Phidias (490-432 B.C.) was a Greek sculptor of renown; Zeuxis (424-
400 B.C.), a Greek painter, who is said to have painted grapes so well that some
birds came and pecked at them.
316 The “herdsman” alluded to in the above paragraph seems to have been
the financier La Touanne, trésorier de lʼextraordinaire des guerres. He had a
mansion near the park of Saint Maur, part of an estate formerly belonging to
Catherine de Medici (Zenobia), on which he spent enormous sums, whilst the
other part belonged to the Prince de Condé, who in vain tried to induce the
parvenu to sell him his property. Hence the attack of our author on the man who
Page 347
dared to oppose the wishes of his noble patron. However, when this paragraph
appeared, La Touanne did not yet live at Saint Maur.
317 According to the commentators, this refers to Jacques Bordier, intendant
des finances, who, after having spent more than a million on his estate at Raincy,
was obliged to leave it; but his creditors did not expel him, for it was sold by his
heirs after his death.
318 The Marquis de Seignelay is supposed by some to have been the original
of Eumolpus; he did not, however, enjoy a long life. (See page 149, note 255.
319 Libertin, in the original, which first meant a man of free-and-easy
manners, came to be chiefly used in the second half of the seventeenth century
for a “freethinker.”
320 Superstitieux sometimes had the above meaning; Littré gives two
examples of it in his dictionary.
321 Giton and Phædo do not apply to any one in particular, though some
commentators maintain that by the first the Marquis de Barbézieux, the son of
Louvois, was meant.
322 Now we speak of town and country, but in La Bruyèreʼs time people
mentioned the town or city and the court, wholly different in customs and
manners. Boileau begins his Satires with the two following lines—
“Damon, ce grand auteur dont la muse fertile,
Amusa si long-temps et la cour et la ville.”
Our author places his chapter “Of the Town” before that “Of the Court” and
“Of the Great,” and leads up to that “Of the Sovereign.”
323 Le Cours la Reine, familiarly called Le Cours, was a part of the Champs-
Elysées, planted with trees by order of Maria de Medici, the wife of Henri IV.;
hence the name. The theatre finished then at seven oʼclock, when it was not too
late to take a walk in summer-time. See also Molièreʼs Les Fâcheux, act i. scene
1.
324 The favourite and fashionable walk, during the latter part of the
seventeenth century, was from Paris to Vincennes.
325 That bank is now the quays Saint-Bernard and Austerlitz.
326 Bourdaloue (1632-1704), a celebrated preacher, censures a similar
behaviour in his sermon on Les Divertissements du Monde.
327 To the grande robe belonged all magistrates; to the petite robe all avoués
and procureurs, somewhat like attorneys and solicitors; the avocats or barristers
were between the two, and the court of justice or parlement above them all.
328 The avocats were generally not considered to belong to the grande robe,
and La Bruyère was one of them; the latter part of the paragraph is a direct attack
on the sale of legal offices.
329 This applies, according to the “Keys,” to a certain M. de la Briffe, a
maître des requêtes, or to M. de Saint-Pouange. (See page 134, note 259.)
330 Two celebrated barristers of La Bruyèreʼs time.
appeared, La Touanne did not yet live at Saint Maur.
317 According to the commentators, this refers to Jacques Bordier, intendant
des finances, who, after having spent more than a million on his estate at Raincy,
was obliged to leave it; but his creditors did not expel him, for it was sold by his
heirs after his death.
318 The Marquis de Seignelay is supposed by some to have been the original
of Eumolpus; he did not, however, enjoy a long life. (See page 149, note 255.
319 Libertin, in the original, which first meant a man of free-and-easy
manners, came to be chiefly used in the second half of the seventeenth century
for a “freethinker.”
320 Superstitieux sometimes had the above meaning; Littré gives two
examples of it in his dictionary.
321 Giton and Phædo do not apply to any one in particular, though some
commentators maintain that by the first the Marquis de Barbézieux, the son of
Louvois, was meant.
322 Now we speak of town and country, but in La Bruyèreʼs time people
mentioned the town or city and the court, wholly different in customs and
manners. Boileau begins his Satires with the two following lines—
“Damon, ce grand auteur dont la muse fertile,
Amusa si long-temps et la cour et la ville.”
Our author places his chapter “Of the Town” before that “Of the Court” and
“Of the Great,” and leads up to that “Of the Sovereign.”
323 Le Cours la Reine, familiarly called Le Cours, was a part of the Champs-
Elysées, planted with trees by order of Maria de Medici, the wife of Henri IV.;
hence the name. The theatre finished then at seven oʼclock, when it was not too
late to take a walk in summer-time. See also Molièreʼs Les Fâcheux, act i. scene
1.
324 The favourite and fashionable walk, during the latter part of the
seventeenth century, was from Paris to Vincennes.
325 That bank is now the quays Saint-Bernard and Austerlitz.
326 Bourdaloue (1632-1704), a celebrated preacher, censures a similar
behaviour in his sermon on Les Divertissements du Monde.
327 To the grande robe belonged all magistrates; to the petite robe all avoués
and procureurs, somewhat like attorneys and solicitors; the avocats or barristers
were between the two, and the court of justice or parlement above them all.
328 The avocats were generally not considered to belong to the grande robe,
and La Bruyère was one of them; the latter part of the paragraph is a direct attack
on the sale of legal offices.
329 This applies, according to the “Keys,” to a certain M. de la Briffe, a
maître des requêtes, or to M. de Saint-Pouange. (See page 134, note 259.)
330 Two celebrated barristers of La Bruyèreʼs time.
Page 348
331 J. H. de Mesmes, who became président à mortier in 1688, when he was
only twenty-seven years old, is said to have been a constant companion of
profligate young noblemen. A mortier was a round velvet cap, worn by the
Chancellor and Presidents of parliaments.
332 See page 165, note 324.
333 The original has et qui a consigné, a meaning which we have still in the
English word “consignment.” The explanation of this word is given by the author
himself.
334 An allusion to the three fleurs de lis of the Bourbons.
335 Litre, in the original, is a kind of mourning hangings, or, rather, a broad
velvet band on which the coats of arms of certain nobles were painted, and
which was placed around the church, inside as well as outside. The right of using
the litre belonged only to noblemen who had founded a church, or to those who
had exercised a certain jurisdiction in their domains.
336 The commentators hint at several magistrates as the originals of the
Crispins, and imagine that the Sannions were the family of Leclerc de Lesseville,
the descendants of rich tanners, who became ennobled for having lent 20,000
crowns to Henry IV. after the battle of Ivry.
337 This “other man” was a certain President de Coigneux, who neglected
his legal duties to spend all his time in sport.
338 Laisse-courre in French; formerly courre was used instead of courir, as a
sporting term.
339 A. M. Jérôme de Nouveau, the head of the post-office, is said to have
asked his head huntsman a similar question.
340 Hippolytus, son of Theseus, king of Athens, “a youth who never knew a
woman,” thrown from his chariot and killed, is the hero of Racineʼs tragedy
Phèdre.
341 The Ile meant nearly always the Ile Saint-Louis; the Quartier du Temple,
formerly the Marais, is even sometimes now called by that name.
342 The commentators have given the names of several obscure people for
those “infatuated men,” and for André as well; but it is surely not a rare thing for
men to ruin themselves through vanity.
343 The Abbé de Villars, who died in 1691, was a son of the Marquis de
Villars, French ambassador to the Court of Spain, and is said to have been the
original of Narcissus.
344 The Convent of the Feuillants, a branch of the Cistercian monks, was in
the Rue Saint-Honoré; that of the Minims, an order founded by St. Francis of
Paula in 1453, was near the Place Royale.
345 Ombre, a Spanish game of cards, often mentioned by English authors of
the eighteenth century; Pope has a poetical description of it in his “Rape of the
Lock.” Reversis is another game of cards, played by four persons, and in which
those who make the fewest tricks win the game.
346 A golden pistole was usually worth eleven livres.
only twenty-seven years old, is said to have been a constant companion of
profligate young noblemen. A mortier was a round velvet cap, worn by the
Chancellor and Presidents of parliaments.
332 See page 165, note 324.
333 The original has et qui a consigné, a meaning which we have still in the
English word “consignment.” The explanation of this word is given by the author
himself.
334 An allusion to the three fleurs de lis of the Bourbons.
335 Litre, in the original, is a kind of mourning hangings, or, rather, a broad
velvet band on which the coats of arms of certain nobles were painted, and
which was placed around the church, inside as well as outside. The right of using
the litre belonged only to noblemen who had founded a church, or to those who
had exercised a certain jurisdiction in their domains.
336 The commentators hint at several magistrates as the originals of the
Crispins, and imagine that the Sannions were the family of Leclerc de Lesseville,
the descendants of rich tanners, who became ennobled for having lent 20,000
crowns to Henry IV. after the battle of Ivry.
337 This “other man” was a certain President de Coigneux, who neglected
his legal duties to spend all his time in sport.
338 Laisse-courre in French; formerly courre was used instead of courir, as a
sporting term.
339 A. M. Jérôme de Nouveau, the head of the post-office, is said to have
asked his head huntsman a similar question.
340 Hippolytus, son of Theseus, king of Athens, “a youth who never knew a
woman,” thrown from his chariot and killed, is the hero of Racineʼs tragedy
Phèdre.
341 The Ile meant nearly always the Ile Saint-Louis; the Quartier du Temple,
formerly the Marais, is even sometimes now called by that name.
342 The commentators have given the names of several obscure people for
those “infatuated men,” and for André as well; but it is surely not a rare thing for
men to ruin themselves through vanity.
343 The Abbé de Villars, who died in 1691, was a son of the Marquis de
Villars, French ambassador to the Court of Spain, and is said to have been the
original of Narcissus.
344 The Convent of the Feuillants, a branch of the Cistercian monks, was in
the Rue Saint-Honoré; that of the Minims, an order founded by St. Francis of
Paula in 1453, was near the Place Royale.
345 Ombre, a Spanish game of cards, often mentioned by English authors of
the eighteenth century; Pope has a poetical description of it in his “Rape of the
Lock.” Reversis is another game of cards, played by four persons, and in which
those who make the fewest tricks win the game.
346 A golden pistole was usually worth eleven livres.
Page 349
347 The Gazette de Hollande was a newspaper published in Holland, and in
which everything was put that could not be printed or said in France. For the
Mercure Galant, see page 24, note 86.
348 Cyrano de Bergerac (1620-1655) was the author of the Histoires
Comiques des Etats et Empires de la Lune, etc., of a tragedy, Agrippine, and of a
comedy, Le Pédant Joué, from which Molière borrowed two scenes.
349 Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin (1596-1676), an author of various plays,
novels, and poems, and one of the first in France to attack the authority of the
ancients.
350 Louis de Lesclache (1620-1661), a grammarian and a writer on
philosophy.
351 Barbin, a well-known publisher at the time our author wrote.
352 The Plaine was probably the Plaine des Sablons; for the Cours, see page
164, note 2.
353 The “Keys” are unanimous in saying that the Prince of Mecklenburg-
Schwerin, who had married a sister of the Maréchal de Luxembourg, and who
died at the Hague in 1692, is meant by “this man.”
354 This was the boulevard of the Porte Saint-Antoine, sometimes called the
Nouveau Cours, on the road to Vincennes.
355 A large garden in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine was called thus, after a
financier of the same name who had laid it out.
356 A sort of mock tilting-match on horseback.
357 The alliance between France and Switzerland was always solemnly
sworn, and this was done for the last time in 1663 in Notre-Dame.
358 Every year under Louis XIV.ʼs reign there were published large
engravings, in which the king, the princes, and the principal persons of the court
were represented, whilst lower down the citizens, the people, etc., were looking
on, and the real almanack was pasted quite at the bottom.
359 Saint Hubert was the patron saint of the chase, and on the 5th of
November, when his festival was held, the king and the greatest personages of
the court hunted at Versailles.
360 Two small places near Versailles where often soldiers encamped and
reviews were held.
361 Bernardi was the director of a celebrated gymnasium at that time, and
every year his pupils attacked and defended an artificial fort, erected by his
orders.
362 The Marquis de Chamlay was a noted tactician; Jacquier had been the
head of the commissariate, and died in 1684; and Berbier du Metz, lieutenant-
general of the artillery, was killed at the battle of Fleuras in 1690.
363 Beaumavielle, a celebrated basso-singer at the opera, died about 1688.
364 Marthe de Rochois sang at the opera from 1678 till 1697.
which everything was put that could not be printed or said in France. For the
Mercure Galant, see page 24, note 86.
348 Cyrano de Bergerac (1620-1655) was the author of the Histoires
Comiques des Etats et Empires de la Lune, etc., of a tragedy, Agrippine, and of a
comedy, Le Pédant Joué, from which Molière borrowed two scenes.
349 Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin (1596-1676), an author of various plays,
novels, and poems, and one of the first in France to attack the authority of the
ancients.
350 Louis de Lesclache (1620-1661), a grammarian and a writer on
philosophy.
351 Barbin, a well-known publisher at the time our author wrote.
352 The Plaine was probably the Plaine des Sablons; for the Cours, see page
164, note 2.
353 The “Keys” are unanimous in saying that the Prince of Mecklenburg-
Schwerin, who had married a sister of the Maréchal de Luxembourg, and who
died at the Hague in 1692, is meant by “this man.”
354 This was the boulevard of the Porte Saint-Antoine, sometimes called the
Nouveau Cours, on the road to Vincennes.
355 A large garden in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine was called thus, after a
financier of the same name who had laid it out.
356 A sort of mock tilting-match on horseback.
357 The alliance between France and Switzerland was always solemnly
sworn, and this was done for the last time in 1663 in Notre-Dame.
358 Every year under Louis XIV.ʼs reign there were published large
engravings, in which the king, the princes, and the principal persons of the court
were represented, whilst lower down the citizens, the people, etc., were looking
on, and the real almanack was pasted quite at the bottom.
359 Saint Hubert was the patron saint of the chase, and on the 5th of
November, when his festival was held, the king and the greatest personages of
the court hunted at Versailles.
360 Two small places near Versailles where often soldiers encamped and
reviews were held.
361 Bernardi was the director of a celebrated gymnasium at that time, and
every year his pupils attacked and defended an artificial fort, erected by his
orders.
362 The Marquis de Chamlay was a noted tactician; Jacquier had been the
head of the commissariate, and died in 1684; and Berbier du Metz, lieutenant-
general of the artillery, was killed at the battle of Fleuras in 1690.
363 Beaumavielle, a celebrated basso-singer at the opera, died about 1688.
364 Marthe de Rochois sang at the opera from 1678 till 1697.
Page 350
365 The Annales Galantes were published in 1670, and written by Madame
de Villedieu; no Journal Amoureux ever saw the light.
366 Roland, an opera by Quinault (see page 28, note 99) and Lulli (see page
25, note 88, and page 46, note), was represented for the first time at Versailles in
the beginning of 1685, and Mademoiselle de Rochois played the part of Angelica
in it.
367 See page 65, note 161.
368 M. de Terrat, the chancelier of Monsieur, the brother of Louis XIV., is
hinted at here, probably merely on account of his name.
369 Le mortier, in the original. See page 168, note 331.
370 La Bruyère employs le vide de la consignation. See page 169, note 333.
371 Pécunieux our author uses in its Latin meaning.
372 Gilt nails were the principal ornaments of the heavy and unwieldy
coaches of the age of Louis XIV.
373 Some unprincipled suitors borrowed costly jewels which they put in the
trousseau of their brides, but which had to be returned after the marriage.
374 Gaultier was the proprietor of a well-known warehouse for the sale of
silks and gold and silver-embroidered stuffs in the Rue des Bourdonnais, in
Paris, during the latter part of the seventeenth century.
375 According to an immemorial custom in Paris, a young wife showily
dressed had to sit up on her bed during the first three days after marriage to
receive visits. Several memoirs and letters of the time refer to it. Addison in “The
Spectator,” No. 45, speaks also of the “English ladies ... brought up the fashion
of receiving visits in their beds.”
376 People were then (1688-1694) in the habit of dining at twelve oʼclock,
and of taking supper at seven or eight; hence the reference to the “five hours.”
377 We do not know if this refers to Swiss porters or Swiss guards; I should
think it meant the former, and intends to point out that the lady made three calls.
(See also page 134, note 260.)
378 This paragraph alludes, of course, to the visits ladies pay one another.
379 Sou pour livre, or a penny in the pound, in the original, was a tax on
merchandise of a twentieth part of their value.
380 Wax-candles were a luxury at the time La Bruyère wrote, and chiefly
manufactured at Bougiah, on the coast of Africa; hence their name, bougie.
381 In every parliament there were originally two courts, and two kinds of
barristers or conseillers; one court was called the grandʼchambre, where the
cases were heard; in the other court, the chambre des enquêtes, reports in writing
were made of all cases.
382 The nobleman or lady of high rank to whom the education of the
children of royalty was intrusted in France bore the title of gouverneur, or
gouvernante des enfants de France.
de Villedieu; no Journal Amoureux ever saw the light.
366 Roland, an opera by Quinault (see page 28, note 99) and Lulli (see page
25, note 88, and page 46, note), was represented for the first time at Versailles in
the beginning of 1685, and Mademoiselle de Rochois played the part of Angelica
in it.
367 See page 65, note 161.
368 M. de Terrat, the chancelier of Monsieur, the brother of Louis XIV., is
hinted at here, probably merely on account of his name.
369 Le mortier, in the original. See page 168, note 331.
370 La Bruyère employs le vide de la consignation. See page 169, note 333.
371 Pécunieux our author uses in its Latin meaning.
372 Gilt nails were the principal ornaments of the heavy and unwieldy
coaches of the age of Louis XIV.
373 Some unprincipled suitors borrowed costly jewels which they put in the
trousseau of their brides, but which had to be returned after the marriage.
374 Gaultier was the proprietor of a well-known warehouse for the sale of
silks and gold and silver-embroidered stuffs in the Rue des Bourdonnais, in
Paris, during the latter part of the seventeenth century.
375 According to an immemorial custom in Paris, a young wife showily
dressed had to sit up on her bed during the first three days after marriage to
receive visits. Several memoirs and letters of the time refer to it. Addison in “The
Spectator,” No. 45, speaks also of the “English ladies ... brought up the fashion
of receiving visits in their beds.”
376 People were then (1688-1694) in the habit of dining at twelve oʼclock,
and of taking supper at seven or eight; hence the reference to the “five hours.”
377 We do not know if this refers to Swiss porters or Swiss guards; I should
think it meant the former, and intends to point out that the lady made three calls.
(See also page 134, note 260.)
378 This paragraph alludes, of course, to the visits ladies pay one another.
379 Sou pour livre, or a penny in the pound, in the original, was a tax on
merchandise of a twentieth part of their value.
380 Wax-candles were a luxury at the time La Bruyère wrote, and chiefly
manufactured at Bougiah, on the coast of Africa; hence their name, bougie.
381 In every parliament there were originally two courts, and two kinds of
barristers or conseillers; one court was called the grandʼchambre, where the
cases were heard; in the other court, the chambre des enquêtes, reports in writing
were made of all cases.
382 The nobleman or lady of high rank to whom the education of the
children of royalty was intrusted in France bore the title of gouverneur, or
gouvernante des enfants de France.
Page 351
383 Voltaire attacked this paragraph, and maintained it was ridiculous to
praise our forefathers for being calculating, slow, coarse, and not very cleanly.
Moreover, money should not be stowed away in coffers, but circulate. One of the
latest commentators of La Bruyère, M. Destailleur, observes rightly that our
author only praises economy, simplicity, and moderation, and not avarice and
uncleanliness, and that he merely attacks the pretended showiness of men
wishing to imitate people of high rank; hence the last sentence.
384 Not alone La Bruyère, but many of the most eminent persons of his time,
such as Saint-Simon, Bourdaloue, Fénelon, Massillon, Madame de Maintenon,
the Duke of Orléans and his mother, had the same opinion of the court and
courtiers.
385 It was only in the sixth edition of the “Characters” that our author
printed Versailles in full; until then it was only “V ...”
386 The French has fourriers, petits contrôleurs, and chefs de fruiterie. The
first looked after the lodgings of the persons following the court when the king
was travelling; the second superintended the expenses of the kingʼs table and
household; and the third set out the dessert and provided the wax-candles for the
kingʼs dining-room. A fourrier is still a non-commissioned officer in the French
army who has charge of the quarters and provisions of the men.
387 Faire son capital, in the original, a phrase much in vogue during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
388 This paragraph is said to apply to a certain M. de Barète, unknown to
fame, or to the brother of Madame de Maintenon. (See page 65, note 164.)
389 It was not considered etiquette to knock or to rap at the door of the
kingʼs chamber, or at the door of any noblemanʼs room; but a person asking to be
admitted simply scratched the door with his nails, whilst the fashionables used
their combs, which they always carried about with them to comb their long wigs.
Only the princes, the grand officers of the crown, and some favourite nobles
were admitted to the grand levée of Louis XIV., then officers of an inferior rank
and a certain number of courtiers were allowed to enter the room; the crowd
were not admitted, but had to wait till the king left the room, and then stood
aside.
390 This is said to be an allusion to a certain Italian quack, Caretto or Caretti,
then the fashion, who is mentioned by Saint-Simon in his Mémoires and by
Madame de Sévigné in her Letters.
391 By the Castle is meant Versailles.
392 This seems a more correct portrait of M. de Langlée than the one to be
found in the chapter “Of the Gifts of Fortune,” § 21 (see also page 139, note
279). Saint-Simon, in his Mémoires, often mentions him and his mother, who
was the queenʼs chamber-maid, and through her influence at court got him
introduced amongst the highest of the land. He also speaks of de Langléeʼs
successes at play, his intimacy with the king, and the kingʼs mistresses,
favourites, and family, his want of intelligence, and his great tact, except in
continually using obscene words, and finally his being an arbiter elegantiarum.
Madame de Sévigné also refers to him and his familiarity.
393 See p. 135, note 264.
praise our forefathers for being calculating, slow, coarse, and not very cleanly.
Moreover, money should not be stowed away in coffers, but circulate. One of the
latest commentators of La Bruyère, M. Destailleur, observes rightly that our
author only praises economy, simplicity, and moderation, and not avarice and
uncleanliness, and that he merely attacks the pretended showiness of men
wishing to imitate people of high rank; hence the last sentence.
384 Not alone La Bruyère, but many of the most eminent persons of his time,
such as Saint-Simon, Bourdaloue, Fénelon, Massillon, Madame de Maintenon,
the Duke of Orléans and his mother, had the same opinion of the court and
courtiers.
385 It was only in the sixth edition of the “Characters” that our author
printed Versailles in full; until then it was only “V ...”
386 The French has fourriers, petits contrôleurs, and chefs de fruiterie. The
first looked after the lodgings of the persons following the court when the king
was travelling; the second superintended the expenses of the kingʼs table and
household; and the third set out the dessert and provided the wax-candles for the
kingʼs dining-room. A fourrier is still a non-commissioned officer in the French
army who has charge of the quarters and provisions of the men.
387 Faire son capital, in the original, a phrase much in vogue during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
388 This paragraph is said to apply to a certain M. de Barète, unknown to
fame, or to the brother of Madame de Maintenon. (See page 65, note 164.)
389 It was not considered etiquette to knock or to rap at the door of the
kingʼs chamber, or at the door of any noblemanʼs room; but a person asking to be
admitted simply scratched the door with his nails, whilst the fashionables used
their combs, which they always carried about with them to comb their long wigs.
Only the princes, the grand officers of the crown, and some favourite nobles
were admitted to the grand levée of Louis XIV., then officers of an inferior rank
and a certain number of courtiers were allowed to enter the room; the crowd
were not admitted, but had to wait till the king left the room, and then stood
aside.
390 This is said to be an allusion to a certain Italian quack, Caretto or Caretti,
then the fashion, who is mentioned by Saint-Simon in his Mémoires and by
Madame de Sévigné in her Letters.
391 By the Castle is meant Versailles.
392 This seems a more correct portrait of M. de Langlée than the one to be
found in the chapter “Of the Gifts of Fortune,” § 21 (see also page 139, note
279). Saint-Simon, in his Mémoires, often mentions him and his mother, who
was the queenʼs chamber-maid, and through her influence at court got him
introduced amongst the highest of the land. He also speaks of de Langléeʼs
successes at play, his intimacy with the king, and the kingʼs mistresses,
favourites, and family, his want of intelligence, and his great tact, except in
continually using obscene words, and finally his being an arbiter elegantiarum.
Madame de Sévigné also refers to him and his familiarity.
393 See p. 135, note 264.
Page 352
394 Some commentators think this refers to the Duke de Bouillon, because
his name means also “beef-tea,” and because he wished to add to his family
name, La Tour, that of dʼAuvergne, but the name was illustrious. A modern
commentator, M. Hémardinquer, rightly thinks it might apply to the ministers of
Louis XIV., who all were descended from citizens, and took for their titles
Marquis de Louvois, de Seignelay, de Barbézieux, Count de Maurepas, de
Maillebois, etc., all of which titles might be considered “not pretty” as names.
395 This points to M. de Clermont-Tonnerre, bishop of Noyon, who always
boasted of his lineage, and thought himself a wit because he had been elected a
member of the French Academy by the desire of the king.
396 By the princes of Lorraine are probably meant the Guises, whose family
name was de Lorraine; they were, however, princes de Joinville. The Rohans
were one of the oldest families in Brittany; the Châtillons, of whom the Admiral
de Coligny was one, were related to the Montmorencys, who date from the tenth
century, and had been chiefly rendered famous in history by the connétable de
Montmorency (1492-1567), the rival of the Duke de Guise.
397 The Oriflamme was the banner of the Abbey of Saint-Denis, and only
brought out by order of the king the moment the battle began.
398 Demoiselle was originally the appellation given to any married or
unmarried lady of noble birth, but in La Bruyèreʼs time it was generally applied
to ladies of plebeian origin. In several legal contracts our authorʼs mother is
called demoiselle veuve.
399 There was no public lottery in France before the year 1700, but the king
often had one drawn, and not seldom gave permission to hospitals and other
public institutions also to have them drawn.
400 The king usually allowed the holders of certain offices to appoint their
successors, or to hold such posts conjointly. But they had to pay heavily for such
survivances, as they were called, to the royal tax-gatherers and to the original
holders. (See also page 130, note 254.)
401 The original has tout lʼappartement. The rooms where the courtiers
danced attendance at Versailles were called thus.
402 Some commentators imagine this refers to the Marshal de Luxembourg,
who in 1675 was appointed to succeed the Prince de Condé as commander-in-
chief of the army—an appointment which gave general satisfaction—and four
years later fell into disgrace and was exiled. The hero who “appears deformed
when compared to his portraits,” seems also to refer to the Marshal, who was
humpbacked. However, many other and earlier authors have made similar
remarks about favourites of fortune fallen from their high estate.
403 There were three persons named Rousseau, well known to the courtiers:
an innkeeper near the Porte Saint-Denis, the doorkeeper of the Kingʼs chamber,
and the fencing-master of the young royal princes. Fabry was a man who was
“burned at the stake for his infamous vices about twenty years ago,” says La
Bruyère; and La Couture, the tailor of the Dauphine, had become insane, and
was always about the court.
404 See page 43, note 121.
his name means also “beef-tea,” and because he wished to add to his family
name, La Tour, that of dʼAuvergne, but the name was illustrious. A modern
commentator, M. Hémardinquer, rightly thinks it might apply to the ministers of
Louis XIV., who all were descended from citizens, and took for their titles
Marquis de Louvois, de Seignelay, de Barbézieux, Count de Maurepas, de
Maillebois, etc., all of which titles might be considered “not pretty” as names.
395 This points to M. de Clermont-Tonnerre, bishop of Noyon, who always
boasted of his lineage, and thought himself a wit because he had been elected a
member of the French Academy by the desire of the king.
396 By the princes of Lorraine are probably meant the Guises, whose family
name was de Lorraine; they were, however, princes de Joinville. The Rohans
were one of the oldest families in Brittany; the Châtillons, of whom the Admiral
de Coligny was one, were related to the Montmorencys, who date from the tenth
century, and had been chiefly rendered famous in history by the connétable de
Montmorency (1492-1567), the rival of the Duke de Guise.
397 The Oriflamme was the banner of the Abbey of Saint-Denis, and only
brought out by order of the king the moment the battle began.
398 Demoiselle was originally the appellation given to any married or
unmarried lady of noble birth, but in La Bruyèreʼs time it was generally applied
to ladies of plebeian origin. In several legal contracts our authorʼs mother is
called demoiselle veuve.
399 There was no public lottery in France before the year 1700, but the king
often had one drawn, and not seldom gave permission to hospitals and other
public institutions also to have them drawn.
400 The king usually allowed the holders of certain offices to appoint their
successors, or to hold such posts conjointly. But they had to pay heavily for such
survivances, as they were called, to the royal tax-gatherers and to the original
holders. (See also page 130, note 254.)
401 The original has tout lʼappartement. The rooms where the courtiers
danced attendance at Versailles were called thus.
402 Some commentators imagine this refers to the Marshal de Luxembourg,
who in 1675 was appointed to succeed the Prince de Condé as commander-in-
chief of the army—an appointment which gave general satisfaction—and four
years later fell into disgrace and was exiled. The hero who “appears deformed
when compared to his portraits,” seems also to refer to the Marshal, who was
humpbacked. However, many other and earlier authors have made similar
remarks about favourites of fortune fallen from their high estate.
403 There were three persons named Rousseau, well known to the courtiers:
an innkeeper near the Porte Saint-Denis, the doorkeeper of the Kingʼs chamber,
and the fencing-master of the young royal princes. Fabry was a man who was
“burned at the stake for his infamous vices about twenty years ago,” says La
Bruyère; and La Couture, the tailor of the Dauphine, had become insane, and
was always about the court.
404 See page 43, note 121.
Page 353
405 The “Keys” pretend that Artemon is the Marquis de Vardes, who, after
having been in exile for twenty years, intrigued to be appointed governor of the
youthful Duke of Burgundy, and died in 1688, before he was successful; about a
year afterwards the Duke de Beauvilliers was appointed to the vacant post.
406 An allusion to the Duke de Beauvilliers, mentioned in the preceding
note.
407 The French Academy, composed of forty members, was established on
the 2d of January 1635, and still exists.
408 It is said that the Minister of State Abel Servien (1598-1639) refused
politely, and that Cardinal Mazarin (1602-1661) did not know how to give.
409 P. Corneille, in his comedy Le Menteur (act i. scene 1), says also—
“Tel donne à pleines mains qui nʼoblige personne:
La façon de donner vaut mieux que ce quʼon donne.”
410 Saint-Simon adopts the word amphibie from our author, and names,
among others, a certain M. Saint-Romain, who was ambassador at the court of
Portugal, and enjoyed the income of two abbeys. Some commentators think this
paragraph refers to M. de Villeroy, who was archbishop as well as governor of
Lyons, and died in 1693; whilst others suppose it alludes to the Chevalier de
Hautefeuille, grand prieur dʼAquitaine, and lieutenant-general to boot.
411 Menophilus is said to be either Father la Chaise (1624-1709), the Jesuit
confessor of Louis XIV., or the celebrated Capuchin monk Joseph (1577-1638),
the confidant of Cardinal Richelieu. Most likely the portrait was intended for
neither.
412 When our author wrote, it was the fashion for gentlemen and ladies of
the best society to be present at public executions. Even Madame de Sévigné
went with some ladies of the court to see the poisoners the Marchioness de
Brinvilliers and la Voisin executed (1670 and 1680).
413 This “happy” individual seems to have been a certain M. Boucherat, who
after his nomination as chancelier de France became very arrogant.
414 Some commentators appear to think this refers to M. de Pontchartrain
(see page 143, note 288), who had been Secretary of State for more than a year
when this paragraph first appeared in 1691; but this Minister was a friend and
patron of our author.
415 There were two kinds of abbés. The abbé régulier, who was always a
priest, wore the habit of his order, not seldom was a high dignitary of the Church,
and the abbé commendataire, who was a layman, and only enjoyed the revenues
of the abbey; in time many a layman, who had no revenues whatever, either from
an abbey or from any other source, adopted the semi-clerical dress of an abbé
and called himself so.
416 A bishop wore a golden cross on his breast; cardinals wear purple
dresses.
417 Louis XIV. used on festive occasions to bestow various gifts on his
courtiers, as well as abbeys and ecclesiastical appointments on clerical
dignitaries.
having been in exile for twenty years, intrigued to be appointed governor of the
youthful Duke of Burgundy, and died in 1688, before he was successful; about a
year afterwards the Duke de Beauvilliers was appointed to the vacant post.
406 An allusion to the Duke de Beauvilliers, mentioned in the preceding
note.
407 The French Academy, composed of forty members, was established on
the 2d of January 1635, and still exists.
408 It is said that the Minister of State Abel Servien (1598-1639) refused
politely, and that Cardinal Mazarin (1602-1661) did not know how to give.
409 P. Corneille, in his comedy Le Menteur (act i. scene 1), says also—
“Tel donne à pleines mains qui nʼoblige personne:
La façon de donner vaut mieux que ce quʼon donne.”
410 Saint-Simon adopts the word amphibie from our author, and names,
among others, a certain M. Saint-Romain, who was ambassador at the court of
Portugal, and enjoyed the income of two abbeys. Some commentators think this
paragraph refers to M. de Villeroy, who was archbishop as well as governor of
Lyons, and died in 1693; whilst others suppose it alludes to the Chevalier de
Hautefeuille, grand prieur dʼAquitaine, and lieutenant-general to boot.
411 Menophilus is said to be either Father la Chaise (1624-1709), the Jesuit
confessor of Louis XIV., or the celebrated Capuchin monk Joseph (1577-1638),
the confidant of Cardinal Richelieu. Most likely the portrait was intended for
neither.
412 When our author wrote, it was the fashion for gentlemen and ladies of
the best society to be present at public executions. Even Madame de Sévigné
went with some ladies of the court to see the poisoners the Marchioness de
Brinvilliers and la Voisin executed (1670 and 1680).
413 This “happy” individual seems to have been a certain M. Boucherat, who
after his nomination as chancelier de France became very arrogant.
414 Some commentators appear to think this refers to M. de Pontchartrain
(see page 143, note 288), who had been Secretary of State for more than a year
when this paragraph first appeared in 1691; but this Minister was a friend and
patron of our author.
415 There were two kinds of abbés. The abbé régulier, who was always a
priest, wore the habit of his order, not seldom was a high dignitary of the Church,
and the abbé commendataire, who was a layman, and only enjoyed the revenues
of the abbey; in time many a layman, who had no revenues whatever, either from
an abbey or from any other source, adopted the semi-clerical dress of an abbé
and called himself so.
416 A bishop wore a golden cross on his breast; cardinals wear purple
dresses.
417 Louis XIV. used on festive occasions to bestow various gifts on his
courtiers, as well as abbeys and ecclesiastical appointments on clerical
dignitaries.
Page 354
418 The “Keys” give the names of several well-known financiers as those
“knaves.”
419 In the original homme de bien. (See page 43, note 121.)
420 Our author imitates some old French writer, or at least employs
antiquated words, of which the only one worthy of notice is saffranier, stained
with saffron, because the houses of bankrupt traders were formerly stained
yellow; hence saffranier meant “a bankrupt.”
421 Another allusion to the disgrace of the Duke de Luxembourg. (See page
195, note 402), which happened from 1679 to 1681.
422 This new Minister was, according to some, M. Claude le Peletier (see
page 54, note 1), appointed contrôleur-général des finances in 1683, and with
whom the Duke de Villeroy, afterwards defeated by Marlborough at Ramillies,
1706, claimed relationship, though without any foundation. It seems more likely
to have referred to M. de Pontchartrain. (See page 201, note 414.)
423 Plancus is the Minister for War, Louvois, who died suddenly in 1691,
about a year before this paragraph appeared: Tibur stands for Meudon, near
Paris. In the ancient Tibur, a town of Latium to the east of Rome, and now called
Tivoli, the Latin poet Horace had his country-seat; Plancus, the Consul, was one
of his friends.
424 This is a reference to Psalm cxxxv. 16, 17.
425 In French certaines livrées, certain liveries. Can this be an allusion to the
justaucorps à brevet, or coats only worn by the Kingʼs permission?
426 The commentators suppose that a certain Abbé de Choisy (1644-1724) is
meant, who passed a great part of his life dressed as a woman.
427 See page 121, note 227.
428 The original has tout ce qui paraît de nouveau avec les livrées de la
faveur. See also page 205, note 425.
429 The Italian astronomer T. D. Cassini (1625-1712) was the head of the
Parisian Observatoire for astronomical studies.
430 A parhelion is a mock sun or meteor near the sun, sometimes tinged with
colours; a parallax is the difference between its position as seen from some point
on the earthʼs surface and its position as seen from some other conventional
point.
431 This is a hit at the courtiers, who all simulated piety after the king had
married Madame de Maintenon and revoked the edict of Nantes in 1685, and
when he was wholly governed by the Jesuits. This paragraph first appeared in the
seventh edition of the “Characters” in 1692.
“knaves.”
419 In the original homme de bien. (See page 43, note 121.)
420 Our author imitates some old French writer, or at least employs
antiquated words, of which the only one worthy of notice is saffranier, stained
with saffron, because the houses of bankrupt traders were formerly stained
yellow; hence saffranier meant “a bankrupt.”
421 Another allusion to the disgrace of the Duke de Luxembourg. (See page
195, note 402), which happened from 1679 to 1681.
422 This new Minister was, according to some, M. Claude le Peletier (see
page 54, note 1), appointed contrôleur-général des finances in 1683, and with
whom the Duke de Villeroy, afterwards defeated by Marlborough at Ramillies,
1706, claimed relationship, though without any foundation. It seems more likely
to have referred to M. de Pontchartrain. (See page 201, note 414.)
423 Plancus is the Minister for War, Louvois, who died suddenly in 1691,
about a year before this paragraph appeared: Tibur stands for Meudon, near
Paris. In the ancient Tibur, a town of Latium to the east of Rome, and now called
Tivoli, the Latin poet Horace had his country-seat; Plancus, the Consul, was one
of his friends.
424 This is a reference to Psalm cxxxv. 16, 17.
425 In French certaines livrées, certain liveries. Can this be an allusion to the
justaucorps à brevet, or coats only worn by the Kingʼs permission?
426 The commentators suppose that a certain Abbé de Choisy (1644-1724) is
meant, who passed a great part of his life dressed as a woman.
427 See page 121, note 227.
428 The original has tout ce qui paraît de nouveau avec les livrées de la
faveur. See also page 205, note 425.
429 The Italian astronomer T. D. Cassini (1625-1712) was the head of the
Parisian Observatoire for astronomical studies.
430 A parhelion is a mock sun or meteor near the sun, sometimes tinged with
colours; a parallax is the difference between its position as seen from some point
on the earthʼs surface and its position as seen from some other conventional
point.
431 This is a hit at the courtiers, who all simulated piety after the king had
married Madame de Maintenon and revoked the edict of Nantes in 1685, and
when he was wholly governed by the Jesuits. This paragraph first appeared in the
seventh edition of the “Characters” in 1692.
Page 355
432 Cheminer, in the original; a word much employed by the courtiers of
Louis XIV.
433 This country is, of course, the court.
434 By Harlequinʼs comedies the Italian stage is meant.
435 See page 174, note 356.
436 All the “Keys” say this is an allusion to the Cardinal de Bouillon; but the
“Keys” are wrong, for his disgrace did not end until 1690, when this paragraph
had already been two years published.
437 Xantippus is supposed to be M. de Bontemps, the son of one of the
premiers valets de chambre of the king; but this supposition seems not correct,
for he was brought up at court, and was never what can be called “a favourite.”
438 See page 186, note 389.
439 See also page 213, § 75.
440 The court, Versailles, and the mass which Louis XIV. attended daily in
the royal chapel are alluded to in the above paragraph. The Iroquois and the
Hurons, both tribes of North American Indians, were, at the time La Bruyère
wrote, considered as typical savages, and are often mentioned in the literature of
the period.
441 De Bussy-Rabutin, Madame de Sévigné, the Marshal de Villeroy, and
the Duke de Richelieu, all describe in their writings the misery they felt on not
seeing the king.
442 This seems to be an ironical allusion to the idolatrous worship the
courtiers felt, or at least pretended to feel, for Louis XIV., whom they considered
“the image of the Divinity on earth.”
443 Pascal expresses a similar thought in his Pensées, vi. 19, and so do other
authors. The commentators mention as known court-wits the Count de
Grammont, the Duke de Roquelaure, the Duke de Lauzun, the Count de Bussy-
Rabutin, and others.
444 M. de Bontemps and the Marquis de Dangeau, both of whom we have
already mentioned (see page 210, note 437, and page 156, note 311), seem to be
meant.
445 The commentators give the names of several personages, all already
mentioned before, such as the Count dʼAubigné, the Chancellor Boucherat, the
Archbishop of Rheims, Le Tellier, and others.
446 All the “Keys” say that M. de Pomponne (1618-1699) is meant by
Aristides; but he was still in disgrace when this paragraph was published (1689),
and remained so for two years longer.
447 Straton is undoubtedly the Duke de Lauzun, and his brother-in-law, the
Duke de Saint-Simon, admits it. Lauzun had been a great favourite of the king,
and had nearly married Louis XIV.ʼs cousin, Mademoiselle de Montpensier, but
he was disgraced, imprisoned for ten years, partly reinstated in the kingʼs favour,
banished again from the court, and finally sent with an army of French
Louis XIV.
433 This country is, of course, the court.
434 By Harlequinʼs comedies the Italian stage is meant.
435 See page 174, note 356.
436 All the “Keys” say this is an allusion to the Cardinal de Bouillon; but the
“Keys” are wrong, for his disgrace did not end until 1690, when this paragraph
had already been two years published.
437 Xantippus is supposed to be M. de Bontemps, the son of one of the
premiers valets de chambre of the king; but this supposition seems not correct,
for he was brought up at court, and was never what can be called “a favourite.”
438 See page 186, note 389.
439 See also page 213, § 75.
440 The court, Versailles, and the mass which Louis XIV. attended daily in
the royal chapel are alluded to in the above paragraph. The Iroquois and the
Hurons, both tribes of North American Indians, were, at the time La Bruyère
wrote, considered as typical savages, and are often mentioned in the literature of
the period.
441 De Bussy-Rabutin, Madame de Sévigné, the Marshal de Villeroy, and
the Duke de Richelieu, all describe in their writings the misery they felt on not
seeing the king.
442 This seems to be an ironical allusion to the idolatrous worship the
courtiers felt, or at least pretended to feel, for Louis XIV., whom they considered
“the image of the Divinity on earth.”
443 Pascal expresses a similar thought in his Pensées, vi. 19, and so do other
authors. The commentators mention as known court-wits the Count de
Grammont, the Duke de Roquelaure, the Duke de Lauzun, the Count de Bussy-
Rabutin, and others.
444 M. de Bontemps and the Marquis de Dangeau, both of whom we have
already mentioned (see page 210, note 437, and page 156, note 311), seem to be
meant.
445 The commentators give the names of several personages, all already
mentioned before, such as the Count dʼAubigné, the Chancellor Boucherat, the
Archbishop of Rheims, Le Tellier, and others.
446 All the “Keys” say that M. de Pomponne (1618-1699) is meant by
Aristides; but he was still in disgrace when this paragraph was published (1689),
and remained so for two years longer.
447 Straton is undoubtedly the Duke de Lauzun, and his brother-in-law, the
Duke de Saint-Simon, admits it. Lauzun had been a great favourite of the king,
and had nearly married Louis XIV.ʼs cousin, Mademoiselle de Montpensier, but
he was disgraced, imprisoned for ten years, partly reinstated in the kingʼs favour,
banished again from the court, and finally sent with an army of French
Page 356
auxiliaries to assist James II. in Ireland, where he was present at the battle of the
Boyne. The Duke died in 1723, at the age of ninety.
448 The first and last paragraphs of this chapter are an epitome of the whole.
449 Nearly all commentators suppose that Theagenes is Phillippe de
Vendôme (1655-1727), grand prieur de Malte, a grandson of Henry IV. and
Gabrielle dʼEstrées, and one of the most profligate men of his age; but it is more
likely that La Bruyère wished to reprove his former pupil, the Duke de Bourbon,
who at the time this paragraph appeared (1691) was but twenty-three years old,
and addicted to very bad company.
450 This seems to be an allusion to Louis XIV., who never felt the loss of any
of his ministers or officers. The latter part of the above paragraph probably refers
to the successors of Turenne, Condé, and Colbert, who had all been dead some
time before the year 1689, when it first appeared.
451 If the Abbé de Choisy (see page 205, note 426) ever told La Bruyère
how he was brought up, as he mentions in his Mémoires, there can be no doubt
he was the original of Lucilius.
452 In the original, il se fait de fête; an expression also used by other authors
in La Bruyèreʼs time.
453 Theophilus is generally believed to have been the Abbé Roquette (1623-
1707), Bishop of Autun, the supposed prototype of Molièreʼs Tartuffe, and,
according to Saint-Simon, “a man all sugar and honey, and mixed up in every
intrigue.” The “great man ... scarcely set foot on shore” was James II. of
England, who came to France in 1689, two years before the above paragraph was
published. The Abbé Roquetteʼs character seems not so black as it has been
painted, at least according to M. J. Henri Pignotʼs Life of him, published in
1876.
454 Compare in the chapter “Of Personal Merit,” § 33.
455 Telephon, an odd name now, is said to be a portrait of François
dʼAubusson (1625-1691), Count de la Feuillade, Duke de Rouanez, and Marshal
of France, who at his cost erected a bronze monument to the glory of Louis XIV.
on the Place des Victoires in Paris, where it still stands.
456 Davus is a certain Prudhomme, a proprietor of bath-and wash-houses,
with whom M. de la Feuillade lodged before he became a favourite, in whom he
had always the greatest confidence, and whose daughter he is supposed to have
married after the death of his first wife.
457 It is even now usual for strict Roman Catholics abroad to celebrate the
day of the saint after which they are named, instead of the day on which they are
born.
458 Rinaldo is the Achilles of the Christian army in Tassoʼs “Jerusalem
Delivered,” and the rival of Orlando in Ariostoʼs “Orlando Furioso;” the second
is the true hero of the latter poem, the third the friend and companion of Orlando,
and the fourth the greatest of the Christian warriors except Rinaldo, in Tassoʼs
poem, already mentioned.
459 Among the great there were such names as Tancrède de Rohan, Hercule
de Fleury, Achille de Harlay, Phébus de Foix, Cyrus de Brion, etc.; even citizens
Boyne. The Duke died in 1723, at the age of ninety.
448 The first and last paragraphs of this chapter are an epitome of the whole.
449 Nearly all commentators suppose that Theagenes is Phillippe de
Vendôme (1655-1727), grand prieur de Malte, a grandson of Henry IV. and
Gabrielle dʼEstrées, and one of the most profligate men of his age; but it is more
likely that La Bruyère wished to reprove his former pupil, the Duke de Bourbon,
who at the time this paragraph appeared (1691) was but twenty-three years old,
and addicted to very bad company.
450 This seems to be an allusion to Louis XIV., who never felt the loss of any
of his ministers or officers. The latter part of the above paragraph probably refers
to the successors of Turenne, Condé, and Colbert, who had all been dead some
time before the year 1689, when it first appeared.
451 If the Abbé de Choisy (see page 205, note 426) ever told La Bruyère
how he was brought up, as he mentions in his Mémoires, there can be no doubt
he was the original of Lucilius.
452 In the original, il se fait de fête; an expression also used by other authors
in La Bruyèreʼs time.
453 Theophilus is generally believed to have been the Abbé Roquette (1623-
1707), Bishop of Autun, the supposed prototype of Molièreʼs Tartuffe, and,
according to Saint-Simon, “a man all sugar and honey, and mixed up in every
intrigue.” The “great man ... scarcely set foot on shore” was James II. of
England, who came to France in 1689, two years before the above paragraph was
published. The Abbé Roquetteʼs character seems not so black as it has been
painted, at least according to M. J. Henri Pignotʼs Life of him, published in
1876.
454 Compare in the chapter “Of Personal Merit,” § 33.
455 Telephon, an odd name now, is said to be a portrait of François
dʼAubusson (1625-1691), Count de la Feuillade, Duke de Rouanez, and Marshal
of France, who at his cost erected a bronze monument to the glory of Louis XIV.
on the Place des Victoires in Paris, where it still stands.
456 Davus is a certain Prudhomme, a proprietor of bath-and wash-houses,
with whom M. de la Feuillade lodged before he became a favourite, in whom he
had always the greatest confidence, and whose daughter he is supposed to have
married after the death of his first wife.
457 It is even now usual for strict Roman Catholics abroad to celebrate the
day of the saint after which they are named, instead of the day on which they are
born.
458 Rinaldo is the Achilles of the Christian army in Tassoʼs “Jerusalem
Delivered,” and the rival of Orlando in Ariostoʼs “Orlando Furioso;” the second
is the true hero of the latter poem, the third the friend and companion of Orlando,
and the fourth the greatest of the Christian warriors except Rinaldo, in Tassoʼs
poem, already mentioned.
459 Among the great there were such names as Tancrède de Rohan, Hercule
de Fleury, Achille de Harlay, Phébus de Foix, Cyrus de Brion, etc.; even citizens
Page 357
took grand classical or romantic names.
460 The original has côteaux, most probably because some noblemen only
drank certain wines which grew on some hill-slopes, called côteaux in French.
461 Thais, an Athenian courtesan, mentioned in Drydenʼs “Alexanderʼs
Feast;” Phryne was another Athenian courtesan, said to have been Apellesʼ
model.
462 Philipsburg, an ancient fortified town of the Grand Duchy of Baden, had
been taken by the Dauphin in 1688, after a monthʼs siege.
463 Among the citizens who had “become powerful” may be reckoned J. B.
Colbert (see page 132, note 255), whose three daughters married dukes, and
whose son married a relative of the Bourbon family.
464 La Bruyère had, no doubt, experienced this when at the Duke de
Condéʼs.
465 The original has mal content, for, during the seventeenth century, mal
was more generally placed before an adjective than now; at present mécontent
would be used, which, when La Bruyère wrote, had often the meaning of “a
rebel.”
466 Gaston dʼOrléans (1608-1660), the brother of Louis XIII., and even the
Prince de Condé were examples of such “great.”
467 The original has vertu, in the sense of the Latin virtus, courage.
468 Thersites, according to the Iliad, was squinting, humpbacked,
loquacious, loud, coarse, and scurrilous, but he was not a “common soldier,” but
a chief. Achilles was the hero of the allied Greek army besieging Troy.
469 Le Brun (1616-1690), a celebrated painter, was still alive when this
paragraph appeared. For Lulli and Racine, see page 46, note 124, and page 11,
note 33. Compare also page 226, § 19.
470 Achille de Harlay (1639-1712), President of the Parliament of Paris, and
descended from an illustrious line of magistrates, is said to have feigned an
excess of modesty which was not natural to him. See also page 45, note 122.
471 This beginning of every English town-crierʼs oration, pronounced “Oh
yes! Oh yes!” is merely the imperative of the defective French verb, ouir, “to
hear,” now seldom used, except in the present infinitive and in proverbial
phrases.
472 Aristarchus also refers to the above President, whose liberality,
according to public rumour, was somewhat ostentatious.
473 Another allusion to M. de Harley, whose “wise saws and modern
sayings” were proverbial.
474 A cabinet was a sort of social circle in Paris, where people generally met
to exchange small talk and to hear the news or lectures on all subjects.
475 See page 19, note 68.
476 M. de Harlay (1625-1695), Archbishop of Paris, is said to have been the
original of Theognis. (See page 46, § 26.) He was the nephew of the President
mentioned on the previous page, note 122.
460 The original has côteaux, most probably because some noblemen only
drank certain wines which grew on some hill-slopes, called côteaux in French.
461 Thais, an Athenian courtesan, mentioned in Drydenʼs “Alexanderʼs
Feast;” Phryne was another Athenian courtesan, said to have been Apellesʼ
model.
462 Philipsburg, an ancient fortified town of the Grand Duchy of Baden, had
been taken by the Dauphin in 1688, after a monthʼs siege.
463 Among the citizens who had “become powerful” may be reckoned J. B.
Colbert (see page 132, note 255), whose three daughters married dukes, and
whose son married a relative of the Bourbon family.
464 La Bruyère had, no doubt, experienced this when at the Duke de
Condéʼs.
465 The original has mal content, for, during the seventeenth century, mal
was more generally placed before an adjective than now; at present mécontent
would be used, which, when La Bruyère wrote, had often the meaning of “a
rebel.”
466 Gaston dʼOrléans (1608-1660), the brother of Louis XIII., and even the
Prince de Condé were examples of such “great.”
467 The original has vertu, in the sense of the Latin virtus, courage.
468 Thersites, according to the Iliad, was squinting, humpbacked,
loquacious, loud, coarse, and scurrilous, but he was not a “common soldier,” but
a chief. Achilles was the hero of the allied Greek army besieging Troy.
469 Le Brun (1616-1690), a celebrated painter, was still alive when this
paragraph appeared. For Lulli and Racine, see page 46, note 124, and page 11,
note 33. Compare also page 226, § 19.
470 Achille de Harlay (1639-1712), President of the Parliament of Paris, and
descended from an illustrious line of magistrates, is said to have feigned an
excess of modesty which was not natural to him. See also page 45, note 122.
471 This beginning of every English town-crierʼs oration, pronounced “Oh
yes! Oh yes!” is merely the imperative of the defective French verb, ouir, “to
hear,” now seldom used, except in the present infinitive and in proverbial
phrases.
472 Aristarchus also refers to the above President, whose liberality,
according to public rumour, was somewhat ostentatious.
473 Another allusion to M. de Harley, whose “wise saws and modern
sayings” were proverbial.
474 A cabinet was a sort of social circle in Paris, where people generally met
to exchange small talk and to hear the news or lectures on all subjects.
475 See page 19, note 68.
476 M. de Harlay (1625-1695), Archbishop of Paris, is said to have been the
original of Theognis. (See page 46, § 26.) He was the nephew of the President
mentioned on the previous page, note 122.
Page 358
477 Pamphilus is the Marquis de Dangeau, of whom we have already spoken
(see page 156, note 311), and who made himself ridiculous by his excessive
vanity. Saint-Simon, in his Mémoires, calls the Marquis un Pamphile, but our
author speaks of les Pamphiles, and describes them at three different times,
namely, in 1681, 1691, and 1692.
478 See page 47, note 127. When this paragraph appeared, the Marquis de
Dangeau had been already three years a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost.
The knights of this order wore a cross hanging from a broad blue ribbon, which
were both depicted around their escutcheon.
479 See page 70, note 171.
480 Such an official was in our authorʼs time called le premier commis.
481 The original has il vous coupe, “he will cut you,” an expression also used
by Saint-Simon and Madame de Sévigné; the English phrase “to cut a person,” in
the sense of passing by him without pretending to see him, seems almost to have
the same primary meaning.
482 Two celebrated actors of the seventeenth century; Floridor, whose real
name was Josias Soulas de Frinefosse, died in 1672, and Mondori in 1651.
483 See page 240, note 480.
484 This minister is said to have been Louvois (see page 204, note 423), who
liked to have many postulants about him.
485 See page 164, note 322.
486 The Rue Saint-Denis was a street in Paris crowded with small tradesmen,
and still exists. Our author was nearly always afraid of clearly mentioning
Versailles or Fontainebleau, and very often employed only the initial letters and
asterisks or dots.
487 The original république, which was inserted for the first time in the
fourth edition of the “Characters,” is used in the sense of the Latin respublica.
488 During the reign of Louis XIV., the signboards, which were often very
large, swung above the heads of the passers-by, and the police tried in vain to
reduce their dimensions or to have them fixed against the walls. Sometimes the
government interfered in the municipal or provincial elections without any
opposition, and sometimes a diminution of town councillors, or a promulgation
of a stamp act for legal documents, was violently resisted, and the rebellion had
to be quenched by an armed force, as, for example, in Guienne and Brittany from
1673 till 1675.
489 Taxes are meant here.
490 Adolphe de Belleforière, Chevalier de Soyecourt, a captain of the
gendarmes of the Dauphin, died two days after the battle of Fleurus (July 1,
1690), of wounds received in this battle, in which his elder brother, the Marquis
de Soyecourt, was also killed. Both those young men were the sons of
Maximilien Antoine, Marquis de Soyecourt, grand veneur, who died in 1679,
and was the original of Dorante in Molièreʼs comedy Les Fâcheux. The name of
the Marquis is often mentioned in the lampoons of the times for his reputation of
valour in other fields than those of Mars. La Bruyère was a friend of the family,
whose name was always pronounced Saucourt, and even sometimes written so.
(see page 156, note 311), and who made himself ridiculous by his excessive
vanity. Saint-Simon, in his Mémoires, calls the Marquis un Pamphile, but our
author speaks of les Pamphiles, and describes them at three different times,
namely, in 1681, 1691, and 1692.
478 See page 47, note 127. When this paragraph appeared, the Marquis de
Dangeau had been already three years a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost.
The knights of this order wore a cross hanging from a broad blue ribbon, which
were both depicted around their escutcheon.
479 See page 70, note 171.
480 Such an official was in our authorʼs time called le premier commis.
481 The original has il vous coupe, “he will cut you,” an expression also used
by Saint-Simon and Madame de Sévigné; the English phrase “to cut a person,” in
the sense of passing by him without pretending to see him, seems almost to have
the same primary meaning.
482 Two celebrated actors of the seventeenth century; Floridor, whose real
name was Josias Soulas de Frinefosse, died in 1672, and Mondori in 1651.
483 See page 240, note 480.
484 This minister is said to have been Louvois (see page 204, note 423), who
liked to have many postulants about him.
485 See page 164, note 322.
486 The Rue Saint-Denis was a street in Paris crowded with small tradesmen,
and still exists. Our author was nearly always afraid of clearly mentioning
Versailles or Fontainebleau, and very often employed only the initial letters and
asterisks or dots.
487 The original république, which was inserted for the first time in the
fourth edition of the “Characters,” is used in the sense of the Latin respublica.
488 During the reign of Louis XIV., the signboards, which were often very
large, swung above the heads of the passers-by, and the police tried in vain to
reduce their dimensions or to have them fixed against the walls. Sometimes the
government interfered in the municipal or provincial elections without any
opposition, and sometimes a diminution of town councillors, or a promulgation
of a stamp act for legal documents, was violently resisted, and the rebellion had
to be quenched by an armed force, as, for example, in Guienne and Brittany from
1673 till 1675.
489 Taxes are meant here.
490 Adolphe de Belleforière, Chevalier de Soyecourt, a captain of the
gendarmes of the Dauphin, died two days after the battle of Fleurus (July 1,
1690), of wounds received in this battle, in which his elder brother, the Marquis
de Soyecourt, was also killed. Both those young men were the sons of
Maximilien Antoine, Marquis de Soyecourt, grand veneur, who died in 1679,
and was the original of Dorante in Molièreʼs comedy Les Fâcheux. The name of
the Marquis is often mentioned in the lampoons of the times for his reputation of
valour in other fields than those of Mars. La Bruyère was a friend of the family,
whose name was always pronounced Saucourt, and even sometimes written so.
Page 359
491 Dijon, the former capital of Burgundy, had been besieged in 1515 by
thirty thousand men, who retired after the conclusion of a treaty of peace which
the king, Francis I., did not ratify. Corbie, a town in Picardy, was taken when
Burgundy and Picardy were invaded by the Imperials in 1636.
492 This refers to the League of Augsburg, a coalition of England, Germany,
Spain, Holland, Sweden, and Savoy against Louis XIV., with whom they were at
war when this paragraph was published in 1691.
493 Olivier le Daim, first the barber of Louis XI. (1423-1483), became his
favourite, but was hanged in 1484, after that kingʼs death. Jacques Cœur, a rich
merchant, rendered great services to Charles VII. (1403-1461), became his
treasurer, and was accused of peculation; thrown into prison, he escaped, and
died in exile in 1461. The characters of both these men were not very well
known when La Bruyère wrote.
494 The Imperial cavalry had a well-deserved reputation for cruelty and
rapaciousness.
495 Another allusion to the battle of Fleurus, won by the Marshal de
Luxembourg about a year before this paragraph was published (1691).
496 This refers to Mons, besieged by Vauban, and taken on the 9th of April
1691.
497 In the month of July 1690, a rumour spread in Paris that William III. was
dead, upon which many people publicly rejoiced, until the news came that the
report was false. The “Keys” of the old English versions name for the first and
second prince “the Duke of Savoy and the king of Spain.”
498 The original has halles et fauxbourgs, “markets and suburbs.”
499 The letters T. K. L. stand for Tækely, a Hungarian nobleman who broke
out in open rebellion against the Emperor of Austria, Leopold I. (1640-1705),
and gained a victory over the Imperial troops on the 21st of August 1690.
500 At that time the Sultan was Soliman II., who only reigned from 1687
until 1691.
501 The Grand Vizier Kara-Mustapha laid siege to Vienna in 1683.
502 A league formed in the Hague against France was called “The Triple
Alliance,” and was entered upon in 1668 between England, Holland, and
Sweden. Sometimes the treaty formed in 1717 between George I., the Regent of
France, and the United Provinces is also called “Triple Alliance.”
503 Cerberus, a dog with three heads, which keeps guard in the infernal
regions.
504 According to the commentators, two insignificant newsmongers are
supposed to be portrayed in Demophilus and Basilides, an Abbé de Sainte-
Hélène and a certain du Moulinet, whom some think might have been an abbé or
a magistrate, because instead of clothes he speaks of his robe or gown.
505 Proteus, in the mythology, is a sea-god residing in the Carpathian Sea,
who could change his form at will.
506 This paragraph is the longest La Bruyère has written; it covers between
eight and nine pages in the original edition.
thirty thousand men, who retired after the conclusion of a treaty of peace which
the king, Francis I., did not ratify. Corbie, a town in Picardy, was taken when
Burgundy and Picardy were invaded by the Imperials in 1636.
492 This refers to the League of Augsburg, a coalition of England, Germany,
Spain, Holland, Sweden, and Savoy against Louis XIV., with whom they were at
war when this paragraph was published in 1691.
493 Olivier le Daim, first the barber of Louis XI. (1423-1483), became his
favourite, but was hanged in 1484, after that kingʼs death. Jacques Cœur, a rich
merchant, rendered great services to Charles VII. (1403-1461), became his
treasurer, and was accused of peculation; thrown into prison, he escaped, and
died in exile in 1461. The characters of both these men were not very well
known when La Bruyère wrote.
494 The Imperial cavalry had a well-deserved reputation for cruelty and
rapaciousness.
495 Another allusion to the battle of Fleurus, won by the Marshal de
Luxembourg about a year before this paragraph was published (1691).
496 This refers to Mons, besieged by Vauban, and taken on the 9th of April
1691.
497 In the month of July 1690, a rumour spread in Paris that William III. was
dead, upon which many people publicly rejoiced, until the news came that the
report was false. The “Keys” of the old English versions name for the first and
second prince “the Duke of Savoy and the king of Spain.”
498 The original has halles et fauxbourgs, “markets and suburbs.”
499 The letters T. K. L. stand for Tækely, a Hungarian nobleman who broke
out in open rebellion against the Emperor of Austria, Leopold I. (1640-1705),
and gained a victory over the Imperial troops on the 21st of August 1690.
500 At that time the Sultan was Soliman II., who only reigned from 1687
until 1691.
501 The Grand Vizier Kara-Mustapha laid siege to Vienna in 1683.
502 A league formed in the Hague against France was called “The Triple
Alliance,” and was entered upon in 1668 between England, Holland, and
Sweden. Sometimes the treaty formed in 1717 between George I., the Regent of
France, and the United Provinces is also called “Triple Alliance.”
503 Cerberus, a dog with three heads, which keeps guard in the infernal
regions.
504 According to the commentators, two insignificant newsmongers are
supposed to be portrayed in Demophilus and Basilides, an Abbé de Sainte-
Hélène and a certain du Moulinet, whom some think might have been an abbé or
a magistrate, because instead of clothes he speaks of his robe or gown.
505 Proteus, in the mythology, is a sea-god residing in the Carpathian Sea,
who could change his form at will.
506 This paragraph is the longest La Bruyère has written; it covers between
eight and nine pages in the original edition.
Page 360
507 An indirect homage to the assumed gravity of Louis XIV.
508 Most probably this is a discreet allusion to Madame de Maintenon,
whom the king had married in 1684, and in whose room generally a Council of
State was held.
509 Bas de saye, in the original, is a plaited petticoat worn in Louis XIV.ʼs
time by actors in classical tragedies; it owes its name to the Latin sagum, a
military cloak of the ancient Gauls. Brodequins was the name given to the
buskins of comic actors; the tragic actors strutted in their cothurnes.
510 This paragraph only appeared for the first time in the fourth edition of
the “Characters,” published in 1689, and disappeared, never to be printed again,
two years afterwards. It was probably suppressed for fear of offending either
Louis XIV., who had allowed his former favourites, Bussy-Rabutin and Lauzun,
to reappear at court (see page 18, note 65, and page 218, note 447), or of hurting
the feelings of these two noblemen, above all of Bussy-Rabutin, who, after being
admitted to the presence of the King, twice left a court where he felt he was not
wanted, and could not obtain any command in the army.
511 This refers to Cardinal Georges dʼAmboise (1460-1510), Prime Minister
of Louis XII.
512 Cardinal Richelieu (1585-1642) is meant.
513 In politics, La Bruyère was in advance of his age, but not in religious
questions. He shared the idea of “the extirpation of heresy,” not alone with
almost all the prelates of his time, but with some of the most eminent men in
science, art, and literature, who all applauded the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes (1685), and advocated the notion of one religion for the whole State.
514 This is an allusion to the reduction of the interest on the French debt, and
the calling in and recoining of certain monies, a measure which was often taken
by the French kings, and even by Louis XIV., who, however, made no profit by
it. See also page 152, note 300.
515 Colbert has been wrongly accused of having made money by those
means; an accusation which was also brought against Mazarin, Fouquet, and the
fermiers généraux, on far better grounds.
516 Our author had to conciliate Louis XIV. at a time when it was supposed
the publication of the “Characters” might make him many enemies. Hence the
direct and indirect flatteries he bestows on the king, who prided himself on his
complete mastery of details, for which he was praised by some and blamed by
others; and amongst these latter must be reckoned Fénelon, who in his
Telemachus (Book xvi.) criticises Louis XIV. in the character of Idomeneus. That
the king had a talent for mastering details cannot be doubted, and this is even
admitted by the late John Richard Green, in his “Short History of the English
People,” chap. ix. sect. vii., whose opinion of Louis XIV. I transcribe here, as a
corrective of the flatteries scattered on this royal despot by La Bruyère: “Louis
the Fourteenth, bigoted, narrow-minded, commonplace as he was, without
personal honour or personal courage, without gratitude and without pity, insane
in his pride, insatiable in his selfishness, had still many of the qualities of a great
ruler; industry, patience, quickness of resolve, firmness of purpose, a capacity for
discerning greatness and using it, an immense self-belief and self-confidence,
508 Most probably this is a discreet allusion to Madame de Maintenon,
whom the king had married in 1684, and in whose room generally a Council of
State was held.
509 Bas de saye, in the original, is a plaited petticoat worn in Louis XIV.ʼs
time by actors in classical tragedies; it owes its name to the Latin sagum, a
military cloak of the ancient Gauls. Brodequins was the name given to the
buskins of comic actors; the tragic actors strutted in their cothurnes.
510 This paragraph only appeared for the first time in the fourth edition of
the “Characters,” published in 1689, and disappeared, never to be printed again,
two years afterwards. It was probably suppressed for fear of offending either
Louis XIV., who had allowed his former favourites, Bussy-Rabutin and Lauzun,
to reappear at court (see page 18, note 65, and page 218, note 447), or of hurting
the feelings of these two noblemen, above all of Bussy-Rabutin, who, after being
admitted to the presence of the King, twice left a court where he felt he was not
wanted, and could not obtain any command in the army.
511 This refers to Cardinal Georges dʼAmboise (1460-1510), Prime Minister
of Louis XII.
512 Cardinal Richelieu (1585-1642) is meant.
513 In politics, La Bruyère was in advance of his age, but not in religious
questions. He shared the idea of “the extirpation of heresy,” not alone with
almost all the prelates of his time, but with some of the most eminent men in
science, art, and literature, who all applauded the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes (1685), and advocated the notion of one religion for the whole State.
514 This is an allusion to the reduction of the interest on the French debt, and
the calling in and recoining of certain monies, a measure which was often taken
by the French kings, and even by Louis XIV., who, however, made no profit by
it. See also page 152, note 300.
515 Colbert has been wrongly accused of having made money by those
means; an accusation which was also brought against Mazarin, Fouquet, and the
fermiers généraux, on far better grounds.
516 Our author had to conciliate Louis XIV. at a time when it was supposed
the publication of the “Characters” might make him many enemies. Hence the
direct and indirect flatteries he bestows on the king, who prided himself on his
complete mastery of details, for which he was praised by some and blamed by
others; and amongst these latter must be reckoned Fénelon, who in his
Telemachus (Book xvi.) criticises Louis XIV. in the character of Idomeneus. That
the king had a talent for mastering details cannot be doubted, and this is even
admitted by the late John Richard Green, in his “Short History of the English
People,” chap. ix. sect. vii., whose opinion of Louis XIV. I transcribe here, as a
corrective of the flatteries scattered on this royal despot by La Bruyère: “Louis
the Fourteenth, bigoted, narrow-minded, commonplace as he was, without
personal honour or personal courage, without gratitude and without pity, insane
in his pride, insatiable in his selfishness, had still many of the qualities of a great
ruler; industry, patience, quickness of resolve, firmness of purpose, a capacity for
discerning greatness and using it, an immense self-belief and self-confidence,
Page 361
and a temper utterly destitute indeed of real greatness, but with a dramatic turn
for seeming to be great.”
517 An allusion to an operation for fistula performed on Louis XIV. in 1686.
518 Voltaire, in his Siècle de Louis XIV., says: “From 1663 until 1672 every
year some new manufactory was established. The fine cloths formerly imported
from England and Holland were manufactured at Abbeville.... The cloth
manufactories of Sedan, which had almost gone to wreck and ruin, were re-
established.” See also page 48, note 133.
519 Louis XII. was called by the States-General assembled at Tours (1506)
the “father of his people.”
520 Such was, however, the opinion of Louis XIV. himself, who states in his
Mémoires: “Kings are absolute masters, and naturally dispose fully and entirely
of all the property possessed by the clergy and laity.”
521 This is another flattery intended for Louis XIV., who thought that his
ministers got their talents “by virtue of their office.” The word subalternes,
“subordinates,” seems also out of place applied to such men as Colbert and
Louvois.
522 Louis XIV. was certainly not displeased when his presence awed those
who were presented to him.
523 All those excellent qualities, which La Bruyère thinks are necessary to a
sovereign, were those generally attributed to Louis XIV., and which Saint-Simon
also ascribes to him in his Mémoires.
524 Another hit at the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
525 A reference to the royal edicts against duelling.
526 Louis XIV., from 1667 to 1685, promulgated several laws reforming
abuses in civil and criminal jurisprudence, and abolishing certain restrictions on
trade, commerce, etc.
527 To say that Louis XIV. increased by his example the influence of religion
and virtue, can only apply to him after his marriage with Madame de Maintenon.
See page 258, note 508.
528 An allusion to the declaration of the liberties of the Gallican Church,
published in 1682, and said to be written by Bossuet.
529 The commentators of La Bruyère do not explain why the subsidies to be
granted to the king were lighter in the provinces. Can it be that in certain
provinces, called pays dʼétat, the subsidies voted by the provincial states were
smaller than those voted by the authorities appointed by the king in those
provinces not belonging to the pays dʼétat, and called pays dʼélections?
530 This allusion must greatly have pleased Louis XIV., who thought himself
great as a strategist and as a politician.
531 Although this paragraph is only half the size of paragraph 12, page 253,
there is only one full stop in it in the original, and that is at the end.
532 The original has avec, which, in the seventeenth century, often was used
for “in spite of.”
for seeming to be great.”
517 An allusion to an operation for fistula performed on Louis XIV. in 1686.
518 Voltaire, in his Siècle de Louis XIV., says: “From 1663 until 1672 every
year some new manufactory was established. The fine cloths formerly imported
from England and Holland were manufactured at Abbeville.... The cloth
manufactories of Sedan, which had almost gone to wreck and ruin, were re-
established.” See also page 48, note 133.
519 Louis XII. was called by the States-General assembled at Tours (1506)
the “father of his people.”
520 Such was, however, the opinion of Louis XIV. himself, who states in his
Mémoires: “Kings are absolute masters, and naturally dispose fully and entirely
of all the property possessed by the clergy and laity.”
521 This is another flattery intended for Louis XIV., who thought that his
ministers got their talents “by virtue of their office.” The word subalternes,
“subordinates,” seems also out of place applied to such men as Colbert and
Louvois.
522 Louis XIV. was certainly not displeased when his presence awed those
who were presented to him.
523 All those excellent qualities, which La Bruyère thinks are necessary to a
sovereign, were those generally attributed to Louis XIV., and which Saint-Simon
also ascribes to him in his Mémoires.
524 Another hit at the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
525 A reference to the royal edicts against duelling.
526 Louis XIV., from 1667 to 1685, promulgated several laws reforming
abuses in civil and criminal jurisprudence, and abolishing certain restrictions on
trade, commerce, etc.
527 To say that Louis XIV. increased by his example the influence of religion
and virtue, can only apply to him after his marriage with Madame de Maintenon.
See page 258, note 508.
528 An allusion to the declaration of the liberties of the Gallican Church,
published in 1682, and said to be written by Bossuet.
529 The commentators of La Bruyère do not explain why the subsidies to be
granted to the king were lighter in the provinces. Can it be that in certain
provinces, called pays dʼétat, the subsidies voted by the provincial states were
smaller than those voted by the authorities appointed by the king in those
provinces not belonging to the pays dʼétat, and called pays dʼélections?
530 This allusion must greatly have pleased Louis XIV., who thought himself
great as a strategist and as a politician.
531 Although this paragraph is only half the size of paragraph 12, page 253,
there is only one full stop in it in the original, and that is at the end.
532 The original has avec, which, in the seventeenth century, often was used
for “in spite of.”
Page 362
533 The author adds in a note: “This is not so much a portrait of one
individual, as a collection of anecdotes of absent-minded persons. If they please,
there cannot be too large a number of them, for as tastes differ, my readers can
pick and choose.” The chief traits of Menalcas are based on stories related by the
Count de Brancas, who died eleven years before the above paragraph first saw
the light (1691); others are said to have happened to the Prince de la Roche-sur-
Yon, afterwards Prince de Conti (1664-1709), and to a certain Abbé de Mauroy,
chaplain to Mademoiselle de Montpensier. Eustace Budgell (1685-1736) depicts
in No. 77 of the “Spectator” “an absent man,” and also speaks of Monsieur
Bruyère, who “has given us the character of an absent man with a great deal of
humour;” and then prints “the heads” of Menalcasʼ portrait. According to Wattʼs
Bibliotheca Britannica, Budgell was the author of a translation of La Bruyèreʼs
“Characters,” published 1699 and 1702; but in the edition of 1702 there is on the
title-page, “made English by several hands.”
534 Many of the streets in Paris were so narrow when our author wrote, that
two people could hardly pass abreast; it was, therefore, the fashion to “give the
wall,” as it was called, to persons of a superior rank.
535 See page 243, note 486.
536 The wigs were already worn very long, and completely concealed the
ears.
537 See page 164, note 322.
538 There was usually only one or two arm-chairs in a reception-room,
reserved for the master or mistress of the house, or for both.
539 It was reported that Brancas, chevalier dʼhonneur of the queen-mother,
Anne of Austria (1602-1666), behaved in almost a similar manner to his royal
mistress.
540 Blotting-paper was not invented when our author wrote; even now it is
not unusual abroad to find the ink of letters dried with sand, either plain or
coloured.
541 Balais in French, a kind of pale-coloured ruby, so called, according to
Littréʼs Dictionnaire, from Balakschan or Balaschan, not far from Samarcand.
542 The king used to hunt at Fontainebleau almost every day in October. See
also page 174, note 359.
543 There existed a great deal of coarseness at the court of Louis XIV.
underneath a semblance of extreme polish and refinement, and some of the
stories told by Saint-Simon of the habits and customs of the king himself would
not bear repeating at the present time, and even be considered disgraceful by the
lowest classes of society. As an example of this general coarseness, it will, no
doubt, have been observed that it was the usual habit of decent people to
expectorate on the floor (see page 277, line 12), as well as to throw there the
wine they did not wish to drink; for Menalcas is only laughed at for his absence
of mind, and not for his bad habits. See also in the chapter “Of the Gifts of
Fortune,” § 83, the character of Phædo, page 161, and in the chapter “Of Society,
etc.,” the character of Troïlus, page 106, § 13.
544 See page 65, note 161.
individual, as a collection of anecdotes of absent-minded persons. If they please,
there cannot be too large a number of them, for as tastes differ, my readers can
pick and choose.” The chief traits of Menalcas are based on stories related by the
Count de Brancas, who died eleven years before the above paragraph first saw
the light (1691); others are said to have happened to the Prince de la Roche-sur-
Yon, afterwards Prince de Conti (1664-1709), and to a certain Abbé de Mauroy,
chaplain to Mademoiselle de Montpensier. Eustace Budgell (1685-1736) depicts
in No. 77 of the “Spectator” “an absent man,” and also speaks of Monsieur
Bruyère, who “has given us the character of an absent man with a great deal of
humour;” and then prints “the heads” of Menalcasʼ portrait. According to Wattʼs
Bibliotheca Britannica, Budgell was the author of a translation of La Bruyèreʼs
“Characters,” published 1699 and 1702; but in the edition of 1702 there is on the
title-page, “made English by several hands.”
534 Many of the streets in Paris were so narrow when our author wrote, that
two people could hardly pass abreast; it was, therefore, the fashion to “give the
wall,” as it was called, to persons of a superior rank.
535 See page 243, note 486.
536 The wigs were already worn very long, and completely concealed the
ears.
537 See page 164, note 322.
538 There was usually only one or two arm-chairs in a reception-room,
reserved for the master or mistress of the house, or for both.
539 It was reported that Brancas, chevalier dʼhonneur of the queen-mother,
Anne of Austria (1602-1666), behaved in almost a similar manner to his royal
mistress.
540 Blotting-paper was not invented when our author wrote; even now it is
not unusual abroad to find the ink of letters dried with sand, either plain or
coloured.
541 Balais in French, a kind of pale-coloured ruby, so called, according to
Littréʼs Dictionnaire, from Balakschan or Balaschan, not far from Samarcand.
542 The king used to hunt at Fontainebleau almost every day in October. See
also page 174, note 359.
543 There existed a great deal of coarseness at the court of Louis XIV.
underneath a semblance of extreme polish and refinement, and some of the
stories told by Saint-Simon of the habits and customs of the king himself would
not bear repeating at the present time, and even be considered disgraceful by the
lowest classes of society. As an example of this general coarseness, it will, no
doubt, have been observed that it was the usual habit of decent people to
expectorate on the floor (see page 277, line 12), as well as to throw there the
wine they did not wish to drink; for Menalcas is only laughed at for his absence
of mind, and not for his bad habits. See also in the chapter “Of the Gifts of
Fortune,” § 83, the character of Phædo, page 161, and in the chapter “Of Society,
etc.,” the character of Troïlus, page 106, § 13.
544 See page 65, note 161.
Page 363
545 In the Convent of the Carthusians, then near the Luxembourg, were to be
found the twenty-two celebrated pictures of Eustache Lesueur (1616-1655),
representing the history of Saint Bruno, founder of that order, who died in 1101.
The greater part of these pictures is now in the Louvre.
546 This picture represents the burial of an eloquent and learned canon, who,
whilst being carried to the tomb, rose in his coffin, exclaimed that he was
damned, and fell back again.
547 See page 138, note 272.
548 Tallemant des Réaux, in his Historiettes, tells a more probable story of
de Brancas, how one day, being on horseback and stopped by footpads, he
mistook them for footmen, and ordered them to let go his horse, and how he did
not find out his mistake till they clapt a pistol to his breast.
549 Compare what our author says in the above paragraph with the remarks
he makes in § 21, page 260, and § 34, page 266.
550 One of these fathers appears to have been the Duke de Gesvres (1620-
1704), who spent all his money on purpose not to leave any to his children.
551 See the chapter “Of Society,” § 63.
552 Epidaurus, a city of Peloponnesus, where Æsculapius, the god of
medicine and a son of Apollo, was worshipped.
553 This paragraph appeared for the first time in the eighth edition of the
“Characters,” published in 1694, three years after the former favourite of Louis
XIV., Madame de Montespan, had left the court, and about ten years after he had
married Madame de Maintenon. Madame de Montespan had then become an
imaginary invalid, and made frequent journeys to take the waters at different
places, and chiefly to Bourbon-lʼArchambaud, where, it is said, a doctor made
her a similar answer as recorded above. It is doubtful whether La Bruyère would
have spoken of her corpulency, failing sight, and her growing old if Madame de
Montespan had still remained a favourite; his former pupil, the Duke de
Bourbon, had married, in 1685, Mademoiselle de Nantes, one of her daughters
by Louis XIV.
554 See page 68, note 170.
555 This refers to the Prince de Conti (1661-1685), a cousin of the Duke de
Bourbon, the pupil of our author. When the Princeʼs wife, formerly
Mademoiselle de Blois, a daughter of Louis XIV. and Mademoiselle de la
Vallière, was attacked by the small-pox, he nursed her so well that she recovered,
but he died.
556 According to the “Keys,” this paragraph alludes to Louvois. See page
132, note 255, and page 242, note 484.
557 The original has “aux âmes bien nées,” a very favourite expression of the
French authors of the seventeenth century; thus P. Corneille, amongst others,
says in the Cid:
“Pour des âmes bien nées,
La valeur nʼattend point le nombre des années.”
found the twenty-two celebrated pictures of Eustache Lesueur (1616-1655),
representing the history of Saint Bruno, founder of that order, who died in 1101.
The greater part of these pictures is now in the Louvre.
546 This picture represents the burial of an eloquent and learned canon, who,
whilst being carried to the tomb, rose in his coffin, exclaimed that he was
damned, and fell back again.
547 See page 138, note 272.
548 Tallemant des Réaux, in his Historiettes, tells a more probable story of
de Brancas, how one day, being on horseback and stopped by footpads, he
mistook them for footmen, and ordered them to let go his horse, and how he did
not find out his mistake till they clapt a pistol to his breast.
549 Compare what our author says in the above paragraph with the remarks
he makes in § 21, page 260, and § 34, page 266.
550 One of these fathers appears to have been the Duke de Gesvres (1620-
1704), who spent all his money on purpose not to leave any to his children.
551 See the chapter “Of Society,” § 63.
552 Epidaurus, a city of Peloponnesus, where Æsculapius, the god of
medicine and a son of Apollo, was worshipped.
553 This paragraph appeared for the first time in the eighth edition of the
“Characters,” published in 1694, three years after the former favourite of Louis
XIV., Madame de Montespan, had left the court, and about ten years after he had
married Madame de Maintenon. Madame de Montespan had then become an
imaginary invalid, and made frequent journeys to take the waters at different
places, and chiefly to Bourbon-lʼArchambaud, where, it is said, a doctor made
her a similar answer as recorded above. It is doubtful whether La Bruyère would
have spoken of her corpulency, failing sight, and her growing old if Madame de
Montespan had still remained a favourite; his former pupil, the Duke de
Bourbon, had married, in 1685, Mademoiselle de Nantes, one of her daughters
by Louis XIV.
554 See page 68, note 170.
555 This refers to the Prince de Conti (1661-1685), a cousin of the Duke de
Bourbon, the pupil of our author. When the Princeʼs wife, formerly
Mademoiselle de Blois, a daughter of Louis XIV. and Mademoiselle de la
Vallière, was attacked by the small-pox, he nursed her so well that she recovered,
but he died.
556 According to the “Keys,” this paragraph alludes to Louvois. See page
132, note 255, and page 242, note 484.
557 The original has “aux âmes bien nées,” a very favourite expression of the
French authors of the seventeenth century; thus P. Corneille, amongst others,
says in the Cid:
“Pour des âmes bien nées,
La valeur nʼattend point le nombre des années.”
Page 364
558 Gambling was highly valued at court (see page 154, § 71); the Marquis
de Dangeau (see page 156, note 311) owed partly his position to his successes at
the gambling-table; and the mathematician Sauveur, a member of the Academy
of Sciences, used to give scientific demonstrations before the king and the court
of the various combinations of the fashionable games.
559 The Marshal de la Feuillade is supposed to be meant. Besides the
monument he erected to Louis XIV. (see page 227, note 455), there are many
other proofs of his eccentricity, as, for example, his going with two hundred
volunteers to wrest Candia from the Turks, and his voyage to Spain to challenge
a certain M. de Saint-Aunay, who was accused of having calumniated Louis XIV.
560 The commentators speak of a certain captain of the guard, Boisselot, and
of an Irish officer, Macarthy, one of the generals of James II.; but there would
have been nothing astonishing in their “mixing with the people.” It may be that
this paragraph points at the Duke of Orléans, a brother-of Louis XIV., who had
shown some valour at the battle of Cassel in 1677, but who was never more
employed, and was not very “judicious.”
561 All the “Keys” say the Archbishop of Paris, M. de Harlay, was meant.
See also page 238, note 476.
562 The Cardinal de Bouillon (1644-1715) is supposed to be meant by this
remark; he was, however, according to Saint-Simon, always very dissolute in his
manners. See page 210, note 436.
563 Some “Keys” name here wrongly Boutillier de Rancé, the founder of the
Trappists, whilst others speak of Le Camus, bishop of Grenoble (see page 47,
note 4). La Bruyèreʼs allusion is far more general.
564 All the “Keys” say this refers to the Dictionnaire de lʼAcadémie, but its
first edition only appeared in 1694, and this paragraph was published four years
before. See page 9, note 46. It alludes probably to those encyclopedias called
Traités sur toutes les sciences, très abrégés à lʼusage de la noblesse, or to some
collection of anecdotes, a kind of omnium gatherum, entitled Bibliothèque des
gens de cour; perhaps it might also apply to some verses then in vogue, and
called vers abécédaires, of which the first line began with an “a,” the second
with a “b,” and so on. Those “sports of wit,” which our author calls by the name
of jeux dʼesprit, witticisms, also existed later in England, e.g., “The Foundling
Hospital for Wit.”
565 Several persons have been named whose duty it was to distribute charity
to the poor, but it has been rightly observed that the person alluded to in this
paragraph “makes a display of it,” and therefore it cannot have been his duty.
566 In French, sœurs grises, grey sisters, because the Sisters of Charity wore
grey dresses. Bands were then worn by every one, but clergymenʼs bands were
plain and called petits collets, the name our author gives them.
567 Holders of certain legal or financial offices had the right of reversion or
next nomination whilst they were alive, and not seldom delayed exercising it
until they were very old; but unless they did so within forty days of their death,
and had paid an annual tax called le droit de paulette, so called after Charles
Paulet, a minister of Henri IV. who established it in 1604, and which tax varied
de Dangeau (see page 156, note 311) owed partly his position to his successes at
the gambling-table; and the mathematician Sauveur, a member of the Academy
of Sciences, used to give scientific demonstrations before the king and the court
of the various combinations of the fashionable games.
559 The Marshal de la Feuillade is supposed to be meant. Besides the
monument he erected to Louis XIV. (see page 227, note 455), there are many
other proofs of his eccentricity, as, for example, his going with two hundred
volunteers to wrest Candia from the Turks, and his voyage to Spain to challenge
a certain M. de Saint-Aunay, who was accused of having calumniated Louis XIV.
560 The commentators speak of a certain captain of the guard, Boisselot, and
of an Irish officer, Macarthy, one of the generals of James II.; but there would
have been nothing astonishing in their “mixing with the people.” It may be that
this paragraph points at the Duke of Orléans, a brother-of Louis XIV., who had
shown some valour at the battle of Cassel in 1677, but who was never more
employed, and was not very “judicious.”
561 All the “Keys” say the Archbishop of Paris, M. de Harlay, was meant.
See also page 238, note 476.
562 The Cardinal de Bouillon (1644-1715) is supposed to be meant by this
remark; he was, however, according to Saint-Simon, always very dissolute in his
manners. See page 210, note 436.
563 Some “Keys” name here wrongly Boutillier de Rancé, the founder of the
Trappists, whilst others speak of Le Camus, bishop of Grenoble (see page 47,
note 4). La Bruyèreʼs allusion is far more general.
564 All the “Keys” say this refers to the Dictionnaire de lʼAcadémie, but its
first edition only appeared in 1694, and this paragraph was published four years
before. See page 9, note 46. It alludes probably to those encyclopedias called
Traités sur toutes les sciences, très abrégés à lʼusage de la noblesse, or to some
collection of anecdotes, a kind of omnium gatherum, entitled Bibliothèque des
gens de cour; perhaps it might also apply to some verses then in vogue, and
called vers abécédaires, of which the first line began with an “a,” the second
with a “b,” and so on. Those “sports of wit,” which our author calls by the name
of jeux dʼesprit, witticisms, also existed later in England, e.g., “The Foundling
Hospital for Wit.”
565 Several persons have been named whose duty it was to distribute charity
to the poor, but it has been rightly observed that the person alluded to in this
paragraph “makes a display of it,” and therefore it cannot have been his duty.
566 In French, sœurs grises, grey sisters, because the Sisters of Charity wore
grey dresses. Bands were then worn by every one, but clergymenʼs bands were
plain and called petits collets, the name our author gives them.
567 Holders of certain legal or financial offices had the right of reversion or
next nomination whilst they were alive, and not seldom delayed exercising it
until they were very old; but unless they did so within forty days of their death,
and had paid an annual tax called le droit de paulette, so called after Charles
Paulet, a minister of Henri IV. who established it in 1604, and which tax varied
Page 365
from a sixtieth to a fourth of the value of the office, the king had a right to make
fresh appointments. See also page 192, note 400.
568 Jean François, Marquis dʼHautefort, who was, it is said, the original of
Harpagon in Molièreʼs Avare, seems to be partly portrayed in this paragraph.
569 Some of the commentators pretend that the “courtier of a ripe old age”
was the Marshal Nicolas de Villeroy, the former governor of Louis XIV., who
died in 1685, and whose son, the Duke, is mentioned on page 54, note 3, and on
page 204, note 1.
570 It is said that by Philip our author intended to portray the Marquis de
Sablé, a son of the finance minister Servien, who was the proprietor of Meudon,
sold it to Louvois (see the chapter “Of the Court,” page 204, note 423), and
seems to have been chiefly known by his love for eating and drinking, his
eccentricities and his debauchery.
571 Louis Roger Danse, a canon of the Sainte-Chapelle, and a noted
gourmand, is supposed to have sat for Gnathon, as well as for the stout Canon
Evrard in Boileauʼs Lutrin.
572 The Count dʼOlonne, a well-known lover of good cheer, who died in
1690, is said to have been limned as Clito; others think it was another gourmet,
M. de Bruslard, Count de Broussain, who lived until 1693.
573 See page 179, note 376.
574 The potages, in La Bruyèreʼs time, different from what is now
understood by them, seem to have been a sort of stew.
575 These were either entremets or side-dishes not larger than could be
contained in a plate or assiette.
576 Trivial in French. See page 136, note 265.
577 See page 181, note 381.
578 This asking for an injunction was called sʼopposer au sceau, literally “to
oppose oneʼs self to the seal.”
579 See page 130, note 254, and page 192, note 400.
580 Committimus, in the original.
581 The chairman is the syndic de direction.
582 Vieil meuble de ruelle. Vieil was, in La Bruyèreʼs time, often used
instead of vieux, even before a consonant. For ruelle, see page 65, note 161.
583 The original speaks of the “Marais” (see page 172, note 341), and of the
“Grand Faubourg,” probably the “Faubourg Saint-Germain.”
584 See page 72, note 175.
585 The “Keys” name for Antagoras two eccentric noblemen of the time now
wholly unknown, a Count de Montluc and a Marquis de Fourille.
586 In Louis XIV.ʼs time France was divided into thirty-three provinces, and
as communications were difficult, the inferior noblemen were what our author
describes them to be, and had no other amusements but duelling, dining, and
drinking.
fresh appointments. See also page 192, note 400.
568 Jean François, Marquis dʼHautefort, who was, it is said, the original of
Harpagon in Molièreʼs Avare, seems to be partly portrayed in this paragraph.
569 Some of the commentators pretend that the “courtier of a ripe old age”
was the Marshal Nicolas de Villeroy, the former governor of Louis XIV., who
died in 1685, and whose son, the Duke, is mentioned on page 54, note 3, and on
page 204, note 1.
570 It is said that by Philip our author intended to portray the Marquis de
Sablé, a son of the finance minister Servien, who was the proprietor of Meudon,
sold it to Louvois (see the chapter “Of the Court,” page 204, note 423), and
seems to have been chiefly known by his love for eating and drinking, his
eccentricities and his debauchery.
571 Louis Roger Danse, a canon of the Sainte-Chapelle, and a noted
gourmand, is supposed to have sat for Gnathon, as well as for the stout Canon
Evrard in Boileauʼs Lutrin.
572 The Count dʼOlonne, a well-known lover of good cheer, who died in
1690, is said to have been limned as Clito; others think it was another gourmet,
M. de Bruslard, Count de Broussain, who lived until 1693.
573 See page 179, note 376.
574 The potages, in La Bruyèreʼs time, different from what is now
understood by them, seem to have been a sort of stew.
575 These were either entremets or side-dishes not larger than could be
contained in a plate or assiette.
576 Trivial in French. See page 136, note 265.
577 See page 181, note 381.
578 This asking for an injunction was called sʼopposer au sceau, literally “to
oppose oneʼs self to the seal.”
579 See page 130, note 254, and page 192, note 400.
580 Committimus, in the original.
581 The chairman is the syndic de direction.
582 Vieil meuble de ruelle. Vieil was, in La Bruyèreʼs time, often used
instead of vieux, even before a consonant. For ruelle, see page 65, note 161.
583 The original speaks of the “Marais” (see page 172, note 341), and of the
“Grand Faubourg,” probably the “Faubourg Saint-Germain.”
584 See page 72, note 175.
585 The “Keys” name for Antagoras two eccentric noblemen of the time now
wholly unknown, a Count de Montluc and a Marquis de Fourille.
586 In Louis XIV.ʼs time France was divided into thirty-three provinces, and
as communications were difficult, the inferior noblemen were what our author
describes them to be, and had no other amusements but duelling, dining, and
drinking.
Page 366
587 The original has fourrures et mortiers; the gowns of bachelors,
licentiates, and doctors of the various faculties were bordered and even
sometimes lined with fur. For mortier see page 168, note 331.
588 In French les masses dʼun chancelier, for the mace was always carried
before the Chancellor of France.
589 La Bruyère adds in a note: “We can only mean that philosophy which is
depending on the Christian religion.”
590 An allusion to the theory of Descartes (see page 151, note 298), that
beasts were only automatons without any consciousness of their acts.
591 In French “Alain,” the name of a rustic servant in Molièreʼs École des
Femmes.
592 All the names given by our author have already been mentioned before,
except that of Claude de Lingendes (1595-1660), one of the best preachers
among the Jesuits, and whose reputation must have been great to quote him with
such illustrious dead; and whilst Bossuet, Bourdaloue, and Fénelon were still
alive.
593 An allusion to the entertainments given by Louis XIV.
594 Such places were, in our authorʼs time, Versailles, Fontainebleau, Marly.
595 This seems to hit at the courtiers of Louis XIV., who pretended to
become devout in order to please the monarch and Madame de Maintenon.
596 La Bruyère is not in advance of his times in what regards corporal
punishment: Montaigne was.
597 For “caps” and “gowns” the original has mortier and fourrures (see page
168, note 331, and page 318, note 587); for fasces see page 139, note 278.
598 Some commentators think that the Marshal de Villeroy (see page 54,
note 151) is meant by Timon, but this cannot be, as the Marshal was rather
ostentatious, and not at all a misanthrope. Perhaps our author thought of giving
another version of Molièreʼs Alceste, as later on he gives another of Tartuffe, in
his portrait of Onuphre, in the chapter “Of Fashion,” page 395, § 24.
599 The original has entêtement, “infatuation,” “obstinacy,” which
sometimes meant “enthusiasm,” as in Molièreʼs Femmes Savantes, act iii. scene
2, “Jʼaime la poésie avec entêtement.”
600 Our author adds in a note, “a pretended pious person.”
601 The original has pétitoire et possessoire, printed in italics.
602 M. Terentius Varro (116-26 B.C.) was considered one of the most
learned among the Romans. His principal works are De re rustica and De Lingua
latina.
603 This is an allusion to Quinault (see page 28, note 99), whose tragedies
were all bad, but whose operas were considered well written. (See page 175, note
366.) He died in 1688, one year before the appearance of this paragraph.
604 J. Chapelain (1595-1674), the author of La Pucelle dʼOrléans, an epic
poem of which only twelve cantos appeared, was the wealthiest of all the authors
of his time. Rodogune, Princesse des Parthes, one of the most successful
licentiates, and doctors of the various faculties were bordered and even
sometimes lined with fur. For mortier see page 168, note 331.
588 In French les masses dʼun chancelier, for the mace was always carried
before the Chancellor of France.
589 La Bruyère adds in a note: “We can only mean that philosophy which is
depending on the Christian religion.”
590 An allusion to the theory of Descartes (see page 151, note 298), that
beasts were only automatons without any consciousness of their acts.
591 In French “Alain,” the name of a rustic servant in Molièreʼs École des
Femmes.
592 All the names given by our author have already been mentioned before,
except that of Claude de Lingendes (1595-1660), one of the best preachers
among the Jesuits, and whose reputation must have been great to quote him with
such illustrious dead; and whilst Bossuet, Bourdaloue, and Fénelon were still
alive.
593 An allusion to the entertainments given by Louis XIV.
594 Such places were, in our authorʼs time, Versailles, Fontainebleau, Marly.
595 This seems to hit at the courtiers of Louis XIV., who pretended to
become devout in order to please the monarch and Madame de Maintenon.
596 La Bruyère is not in advance of his times in what regards corporal
punishment: Montaigne was.
597 For “caps” and “gowns” the original has mortier and fourrures (see page
168, note 331, and page 318, note 587); for fasces see page 139, note 278.
598 Some commentators think that the Marshal de Villeroy (see page 54,
note 151) is meant by Timon, but this cannot be, as the Marshal was rather
ostentatious, and not at all a misanthrope. Perhaps our author thought of giving
another version of Molièreʼs Alceste, as later on he gives another of Tartuffe, in
his portrait of Onuphre, in the chapter “Of Fashion,” page 395, § 24.
599 The original has entêtement, “infatuation,” “obstinacy,” which
sometimes meant “enthusiasm,” as in Molièreʼs Femmes Savantes, act iii. scene
2, “Jʼaime la poésie avec entêtement.”
600 Our author adds in a note, “a pretended pious person.”
601 The original has pétitoire et possessoire, printed in italics.
602 M. Terentius Varro (116-26 B.C.) was considered one of the most
learned among the Romans. His principal works are De re rustica and De Lingua
latina.
603 This is an allusion to Quinault (see page 28, note 99), whose tragedies
were all bad, but whose operas were considered well written. (See page 175, note
366.) He died in 1688, one year before the appearance of this paragraph.
604 J. Chapelain (1595-1674), the author of La Pucelle dʼOrléans, an epic
poem of which only twelve cantos appeared, was the wealthiest of all the authors
of his time. Rodogune, Princesse des Parthes, one of the most successful
Page 367
tragedies of Pierre Corneille, had been acted in 1644, and this great dramatist
died in poverty and want twenty years later, at the age of seventy-eight, four
years before the above paragraph was published.
605 Bathyllus is Le Basque or Pécourt (see page 67, note 167); the names of
several long-forgotten female dancers or singers are given for Rhoe, Roscia—the
feminised name of the celebrated Roman actor Roscius—and Nerina.
606 An allusion to the wife of Dancourt (1661-1725), an author and comic
actor, who is, as an actress, said to have been neither beautiful nor excellent.
607 According to the “Keys,” the actor referred to was Baron (see page 67,
note 167), or Champmeslé (1642-1701), an author and actor, and the husband of
a lady known to posterity as a friend of the poet Racine.
608 The Cardinal dʼEstrées (1628-1714) was a member of the French
Academy: his nephew, the Marshal, was considered a learned and polished
gentleman. There were several magistrates of the name of Séguier, of whom the
best known is the Chancellor Séguier (1588-1672). The Duke de Montausier, the
former governor of the Dauphin, the husband of Mademoiselle de Rambouillet,
and the supposed original of Molièreʼs Misanthrope, was still alive when his
name appeared, but died about a year later, in 1690. The Duke de Chevreuse,
afterwards Duke de Luynes (1620-1690), an author of moral and religious
works, was a friend of the Port-Royalists. The first President of the Parliament,
Potier de Novion, was a member of the Academy, and died in 1693. There were
two Lamoignons—the first, President of the Parliament, who died in 1677, and
his son, Chrétien François, président à mortier, the friend of Boileau and Racine,
who lived till 1709. Paul Pellisson (1624-1693), the friend and defender of
Fouquet, became perpetual secretary to the French Academy, of which he wrote
a history, and was considered the ugliest man of his time. M. de la Bruyère adds
in a footnote, that in speaking of Scudéry, he meant Mademoiselle Scudéry, to
distinguish her from her brother Georges, also an author; this lady wrote a good
many novels then in vogue (see page 123, note 229), and died in 1701, more than
ninety years old. For de Harlay see page 237, note 470; for Bossuet see page 47,
note 128; and for Wardes or Vardes see page 197, note 405.
609 The Duke de Chartres (1674-1723), only seventeen years old when this
paragraph appeared, was reputed very clever for his age; he afterwards became
the Regent dʼOrléans. By Condé, either the great Condé, who died in 1686, or
his son Henri-Jules, the father of La Bruyèreʼs pupil, was meant. For François-
Louis, Prince de Conti (1634-1709), see page 273, note 533; his father, Armand
de Bourbon (1629-1666), had first been an admirer and then an antagonist of
Molière. For Bourbon and Vendôme see page 221, note 449; there was also a
celebrated general, the Duke de Vendôme (1654-1712). The Duke de Maine
(1670-1736), the eldest of the children of Louis XIV. and Madame de
Montespan, was twenty years old when his name appeared in the above
paragraph, and was considered a prodigy of learning.
610 The Cardinal dʼOssat (1536-1604) became an able diplomatist and
statesman, after having been professor of rhetoric and philosophy at the
University of Paris; Cardinal Ximenes (1437-1517) published several works of
Aristotle, founded the University of Alcala, and promoted the publishing of a
polyglot Bible before becoming prime minister of Charles V. of Spain. Richelieu
died in poverty and want twenty years later, at the age of seventy-eight, four
years before the above paragraph was published.
605 Bathyllus is Le Basque or Pécourt (see page 67, note 167); the names of
several long-forgotten female dancers or singers are given for Rhoe, Roscia—the
feminised name of the celebrated Roman actor Roscius—and Nerina.
606 An allusion to the wife of Dancourt (1661-1725), an author and comic
actor, who is, as an actress, said to have been neither beautiful nor excellent.
607 According to the “Keys,” the actor referred to was Baron (see page 67,
note 167), or Champmeslé (1642-1701), an author and actor, and the husband of
a lady known to posterity as a friend of the poet Racine.
608 The Cardinal dʼEstrées (1628-1714) was a member of the French
Academy: his nephew, the Marshal, was considered a learned and polished
gentleman. There were several magistrates of the name of Séguier, of whom the
best known is the Chancellor Séguier (1588-1672). The Duke de Montausier, the
former governor of the Dauphin, the husband of Mademoiselle de Rambouillet,
and the supposed original of Molièreʼs Misanthrope, was still alive when his
name appeared, but died about a year later, in 1690. The Duke de Chevreuse,
afterwards Duke de Luynes (1620-1690), an author of moral and religious
works, was a friend of the Port-Royalists. The first President of the Parliament,
Potier de Novion, was a member of the Academy, and died in 1693. There were
two Lamoignons—the first, President of the Parliament, who died in 1677, and
his son, Chrétien François, président à mortier, the friend of Boileau and Racine,
who lived till 1709. Paul Pellisson (1624-1693), the friend and defender of
Fouquet, became perpetual secretary to the French Academy, of which he wrote
a history, and was considered the ugliest man of his time. M. de la Bruyère adds
in a footnote, that in speaking of Scudéry, he meant Mademoiselle Scudéry, to
distinguish her from her brother Georges, also an author; this lady wrote a good
many novels then in vogue (see page 123, note 229), and died in 1701, more than
ninety years old. For de Harlay see page 237, note 470; for Bossuet see page 47,
note 128; and for Wardes or Vardes see page 197, note 405.
609 The Duke de Chartres (1674-1723), only seventeen years old when this
paragraph appeared, was reputed very clever for his age; he afterwards became
the Regent dʼOrléans. By Condé, either the great Condé, who died in 1686, or
his son Henri-Jules, the father of La Bruyèreʼs pupil, was meant. For François-
Louis, Prince de Conti (1634-1709), see page 273, note 533; his father, Armand
de Bourbon (1629-1666), had first been an admirer and then an antagonist of
Molière. For Bourbon and Vendôme see page 221, note 449; there was also a
celebrated general, the Duke de Vendôme (1654-1712). The Duke de Maine
(1670-1736), the eldest of the children of Louis XIV. and Madame de
Montespan, was twenty years old when his name appeared in the above
paragraph, and was considered a prodigy of learning.
610 The Cardinal dʼOssat (1536-1604) became an able diplomatist and
statesman, after having been professor of rhetoric and philosophy at the
University of Paris; Cardinal Ximenes (1437-1517) published several works of
Aristotle, founded the University of Alcala, and promoted the publishing of a
polyglot Bible before becoming prime minister of Charles V. of Spain. Richelieu
Page 368
(see page 261, note 512) wrote several theological works, some tragedies, and
founded the French Academy.
611 The original has grimaud, also used by Trissotin in addressing Vadius in
Molièreʼs Femmes Savantes, act iii, scene 5: “Allez, petit grimaud, barbouilleur
de papier.”
612 Jérôme Bignon (1589-1656) was a celebrated magistrate; his son was
also a scholar, and his grandson, the Abbé Jean-François (1662-1743), was a
member of the French Academy. For the Lamoignons see page 333, note 608.
613 Plato expresses this idea in the seventh book of his “Republic,” but it
was often in the mouth of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius (121-180),
called Antoninus, as being the adopted son of Antoninus Pius.
614 Henri III. of France is said to have fainted if he caught sight of a cat, and
some commentators state a certain Abbé de Drubec (see page 112, note 217) had
this weakness. Shakespeare, in the Merchant of Venice (act iv. scene 1) also says,
“Some that are mad, if they behold a cat.”
615 In our authorʼs time there were only feather beds or straw palliasses, but
no flock beds.
616 The original has praticien. See page 153, note 304.
617 A footman. We have already seen in the chapter “Of the Town” (page
137, note 1) how many footmen became financiers of the highest order.
618 This stands for Antoine Benoît, the royal waxwork maker, who had a
gallery of waxworks called cercle royal.
619 B ... was a certain Barbereau who sold Seine water for mineral water, or
perhaps Brimbeuf, another quack, who sold a specific for perpetual youth.
620 This may be Caretti (see page 186, note 390), or Domenico Ammonio,
another Italian quack.
621 A good many panders at the court of Louis XIV. were politely called
Mercuries, after the messenger of Jupiter; it is therefore difficult to say whom La
Bruyère meant. Some say he spoke of Bontemps, first valet-de-chambre of the
king; others imagine he wished to hit the Marquis de Lassay, who had the
reputation of being pander to the Duke de Bourbon, the former pupil of our
author.
622 In La Bruyèreʼs time people wore long wigs but were closely shaved.
623 Tityrus is a shepherd, who, according to the first line uttered by
Melibœus in Virgilʼs first “Eclogue,” is one of those men who “lay at ease under
their patrimonial beech trees.”
624 This is an allusion to the Siamese ambassadors, who came to Paris in
1686, and produced a great sensation.
625 The original has agreste, taken with the meaning it sometimes has in
Latin. La Bruyère says in a note: “This word is used here metaphorically.”
626 Our author was probably for a month either at Rouen or Caen as
trésorier-général des finances, an office which he bought in 1673, and, whilst
there, might have had a quarrel with some of his colleagues. This is the more
founded the French Academy.
611 The original has grimaud, also used by Trissotin in addressing Vadius in
Molièreʼs Femmes Savantes, act iii, scene 5: “Allez, petit grimaud, barbouilleur
de papier.”
612 Jérôme Bignon (1589-1656) was a celebrated magistrate; his son was
also a scholar, and his grandson, the Abbé Jean-François (1662-1743), was a
member of the French Academy. For the Lamoignons see page 333, note 608.
613 Plato expresses this idea in the seventh book of his “Republic,” but it
was often in the mouth of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius (121-180),
called Antoninus, as being the adopted son of Antoninus Pius.
614 Henri III. of France is said to have fainted if he caught sight of a cat, and
some commentators state a certain Abbé de Drubec (see page 112, note 217) had
this weakness. Shakespeare, in the Merchant of Venice (act iv. scene 1) also says,
“Some that are mad, if they behold a cat.”
615 In our authorʼs time there were only feather beds or straw palliasses, but
no flock beds.
616 The original has praticien. See page 153, note 304.
617 A footman. We have already seen in the chapter “Of the Town” (page
137, note 1) how many footmen became financiers of the highest order.
618 This stands for Antoine Benoît, the royal waxwork maker, who had a
gallery of waxworks called cercle royal.
619 B ... was a certain Barbereau who sold Seine water for mineral water, or
perhaps Brimbeuf, another quack, who sold a specific for perpetual youth.
620 This may be Caretti (see page 186, note 390), or Domenico Ammonio,
another Italian quack.
621 A good many panders at the court of Louis XIV. were politely called
Mercuries, after the messenger of Jupiter; it is therefore difficult to say whom La
Bruyère meant. Some say he spoke of Bontemps, first valet-de-chambre of the
king; others imagine he wished to hit the Marquis de Lassay, who had the
reputation of being pander to the Duke de Bourbon, the former pupil of our
author.
622 In La Bruyèreʼs time people wore long wigs but were closely shaved.
623 Tityrus is a shepherd, who, according to the first line uttered by
Melibœus in Virgilʼs first “Eclogue,” is one of those men who “lay at ease under
their patrimonial beech trees.”
624 This is an allusion to the Siamese ambassadors, who came to Paris in
1686, and produced a great sensation.
625 The original has agreste, taken with the meaning it sometimes has in
Latin. La Bruyère says in a note: “This word is used here metaphorically.”
626 Our author was probably for a month either at Rouen or Caen as
trésorier-général des finances, an office which he bought in 1673, and, whilst
there, might have had a quarrel with some of his colleagues. This is the more
Page 369
likely as in the first three editions of the “Characters” the magistrates alone were
named.
627 A game played with four cards, formerly in use; it was primero when the
hands were shown, and the four cards were of different colours; grand primero
when more than thirty points were made. In Shakespeareʼs King Henry VIII. (act
v. scene 1), Gardiner tells Sir Thomas Lovell that he left the king “at primero
with the Duke of Suffolk.”
628 This is supposed to have been a portrait of M. de Noailles, who was
Bishop of Châlons when La Bruyère wrote this paragraph, but who in 1695
became Archbishop of Paris and a Cardinal. The number of bishops residing in
their dioceses was very small at the end of the seventeenth century.
629 An allusion to some members of the clergy and legal profession who
frequented fashionable society.
630 According to the Abbé de Chaulieu, Arténice is Catherine Turgot, the
wife of Gilles dʼAligres, Seigneur de Boislandry, who, after a scandalous
lawsuit, separated from her one year before this “Fragment” appeared (1694).
She was then only twenty-one, and became, it is said, the mistress of de
Chaulieu; afterwards she married again a certain M. de Chevilly, a captain of the
royal guards. Her friend, Mademoiselle de la Force, is supposed to have been
Elvira.
631 An allusion to the President de Harlay. See page 237, note 470.
632 This paragraph and the preceding one seem to refer to Pellisson. See
page 333, note 608.
633 A grain is the 576th part of an ounce, which is the 16th part of a pound.
634 The original has honnête homme (see page 43, note 121) for
“gentleman,” homme de bien for “honest man” (see page 49, note 137), and
habile homme for “clever man.”
635 For “ombre” see page 172, note 345.
636 A portrait of La Fontaine (see page 335, § 19), who was still alive when
this paragraph appeared (1691).
637 This is a sketch of Pierre Corneille (see page 9, note 45, and page 18,
note 61), and Augustus, Pompey, Nicomedes, and Heraclius are the names of
some of his tragedies.
638 Theodas is Santeul (1630-1697), one of the most elegant of the modern
Latin poets, whose character, immediately recognised by all his contemporaries,
seems to have been the compound of folly and sense La Bruyère made it out to
be; he is said to have died in consequence of having drunk a glass of wine and
snuff given to him by the Duke de Bourbon, the father of our authorʼs pupil.
639 These two men are said to have been the brothers Le Peletier. See page
54, note 150.
640 Bachelors in theology and the canon law were the only graduates
compelled to study the history of the first four centuries of the Christian era.
641 Aristotle.
named.
627 A game played with four cards, formerly in use; it was primero when the
hands were shown, and the four cards were of different colours; grand primero
when more than thirty points were made. In Shakespeareʼs King Henry VIII. (act
v. scene 1), Gardiner tells Sir Thomas Lovell that he left the king “at primero
with the Duke of Suffolk.”
628 This is supposed to have been a portrait of M. de Noailles, who was
Bishop of Châlons when La Bruyère wrote this paragraph, but who in 1695
became Archbishop of Paris and a Cardinal. The number of bishops residing in
their dioceses was very small at the end of the seventeenth century.
629 An allusion to some members of the clergy and legal profession who
frequented fashionable society.
630 According to the Abbé de Chaulieu, Arténice is Catherine Turgot, the
wife of Gilles dʼAligres, Seigneur de Boislandry, who, after a scandalous
lawsuit, separated from her one year before this “Fragment” appeared (1694).
She was then only twenty-one, and became, it is said, the mistress of de
Chaulieu; afterwards she married again a certain M. de Chevilly, a captain of the
royal guards. Her friend, Mademoiselle de la Force, is supposed to have been
Elvira.
631 An allusion to the President de Harlay. See page 237, note 470.
632 This paragraph and the preceding one seem to refer to Pellisson. See
page 333, note 608.
633 A grain is the 576th part of an ounce, which is the 16th part of a pound.
634 The original has honnête homme (see page 43, note 121) for
“gentleman,” homme de bien for “honest man” (see page 49, note 137), and
habile homme for “clever man.”
635 For “ombre” see page 172, note 345.
636 A portrait of La Fontaine (see page 335, § 19), who was still alive when
this paragraph appeared (1691).
637 This is a sketch of Pierre Corneille (see page 9, note 45, and page 18,
note 61), and Augustus, Pompey, Nicomedes, and Heraclius are the names of
some of his tragedies.
638 Theodas is Santeul (1630-1697), one of the most elegant of the modern
Latin poets, whose character, immediately recognised by all his contemporaries,
seems to have been the compound of folly and sense La Bruyère made it out to
be; he is said to have died in consequence of having drunk a glass of wine and
snuff given to him by the Duke de Bourbon, the father of our authorʼs pupil.
639 These two men are said to have been the brothers Le Peletier. See page
54, note 150.
640 Bachelors in theology and the canon law were the only graduates
compelled to study the history of the first four centuries of the Christian era.
641 Aristotle.
Page 370
642 Cicero.
643 La Bruyère did not wish to give a sketch of Socrates, as he himself
admitted in one of his letters to Ménage. It is supposed he meant to give a
portrait of himself; at least he was sometimes called “an intelligent madman.”
644 A gambler was in La Bruyèreʼs time a regular profession, perhaps not
considered quite as respectable as any other of the learned professions, but still
decent enough to entitle its professors to be received at court and in very good
society. The gambler was almost as much admired for his pluck and dash as a
gentleman-jockey is at present.
645 It was generally believed that this paragraph refers to the minister Le
Tellier (1603-1685) and to his son Louvois, for whom see pages 132 and 242,
notes 255 and 484.
646 Cato of Utica (95-46 B.C.). Lucius Calpurnius Piso, the father-in-law of
Julius Cæsar, had been accused by Cicero in the year 59 B.C. of extortions, and
of plundering Macedonia.
647 See also the chapter “Of Mankind,” pages 308 and 321, §§ 104 and 139.
648 Our author had already praised people of a certain age in his chapter “Of
the Court,” page 211, § 74.
649 An allusion to Pierre-Louis de Reich, Seigneur de Penautier, receiver-
general of the clergy of France, who had been accused of having poisoned his
father-in-law.
650 The Archbishop of Lyons bore the title of primat des Gaules, which is in
the original French.
651 See page 192, note 400.
652 Pierre du Terrail, Seigneur de Bayard (1475-1524), a great military
commander, deservedly received the name of the “knight without fear and
without reproach.” Our author states in a footnote that the Marquis de Montrevel
was commissioner-general of the cavalry, and lieutenant-general. Seven years
after the death of La Bruyère, he became Marshal of France. Saint-Simon calls
him “a very brave but a rather stupid, not over-honest and ignorant man,” who
died of fright by the upsetting of a salt-cellar.
653 This theory was maintained by Descartes.
654 Vauban (1633-1707), the great French military engineer, after the
retaking of Namur by William III. in 1695, four years after this paragraph saw
the light, was accused of having committed some errors in the erection of the
fortifications of that town, but he proved those accusations to be unfounded.
655 Antiphilus is Pope Innocent XI. (1676-1689), who held other opinions as
a cardinal than he did as a pope; he opposed the liberties of the Gallican Church.
656 The original has savantasse, a word always used with a bad meaning.
657 In French praticien. See page 153, note 304.
658 See the chapter “Of Mankind,” page 299, § 76.
659 An allusion to the siege of Namur, June 1692, which lasted one month,
during which many courtiers and magistrates went there out of curiosity. Racine
643 La Bruyère did not wish to give a sketch of Socrates, as he himself
admitted in one of his letters to Ménage. It is supposed he meant to give a
portrait of himself; at least he was sometimes called “an intelligent madman.”
644 A gambler was in La Bruyèreʼs time a regular profession, perhaps not
considered quite as respectable as any other of the learned professions, but still
decent enough to entitle its professors to be received at court and in very good
society. The gambler was almost as much admired for his pluck and dash as a
gentleman-jockey is at present.
645 It was generally believed that this paragraph refers to the minister Le
Tellier (1603-1685) and to his son Louvois, for whom see pages 132 and 242,
notes 255 and 484.
646 Cato of Utica (95-46 B.C.). Lucius Calpurnius Piso, the father-in-law of
Julius Cæsar, had been accused by Cicero in the year 59 B.C. of extortions, and
of plundering Macedonia.
647 See also the chapter “Of Mankind,” pages 308 and 321, §§ 104 and 139.
648 Our author had already praised people of a certain age in his chapter “Of
the Court,” page 211, § 74.
649 An allusion to Pierre-Louis de Reich, Seigneur de Penautier, receiver-
general of the clergy of France, who had been accused of having poisoned his
father-in-law.
650 The Archbishop of Lyons bore the title of primat des Gaules, which is in
the original French.
651 See page 192, note 400.
652 Pierre du Terrail, Seigneur de Bayard (1475-1524), a great military
commander, deservedly received the name of the “knight without fear and
without reproach.” Our author states in a footnote that the Marquis de Montrevel
was commissioner-general of the cavalry, and lieutenant-general. Seven years
after the death of La Bruyère, he became Marshal of France. Saint-Simon calls
him “a very brave but a rather stupid, not over-honest and ignorant man,” who
died of fright by the upsetting of a salt-cellar.
653 This theory was maintained by Descartes.
654 Vauban (1633-1707), the great French military engineer, after the
retaking of Namur by William III. in 1695, four years after this paragraph saw
the light, was accused of having committed some errors in the erection of the
fortifications of that town, but he proved those accusations to be unfounded.
655 Antiphilus is Pope Innocent XI. (1676-1689), who held other opinions as
a cardinal than he did as a pope; he opposed the liberties of the Gallican Church.
656 The original has savantasse, a word always used with a bad meaning.
657 In French praticien. See page 153, note 304.
658 See the chapter “Of Mankind,” page 299, § 76.
659 An allusion to the siege of Namur, June 1692, which lasted one month,
during which many courtiers and magistrates went there out of curiosity. Racine
Page 371
and Boileau were also present as the kingʼs historians. The above paragraph
appeared the same year the siege took place.
660 A French army of eighty thousand men under the Marshal de
Luxembourg (see page 195, note 402) prevented William III. from coming to the
relief of Namur.
661 According to M. G. Servoisʼs preface to the Lexique of La Bruyère,
ravelin, a synonym of demi-lune, and fausse-braie, a counter breastwork, are
antiquated in French. However, “ravelin” and “demi-lune” are still found as
English words in certain dictionaries.
662 Montaigne was of the opinion of La Bruyère and in favour of Cæsar;
Pascal, in his Pensées, on the contrary, thought that Cæsar, assassinated at the
age of fifty-six, was too old for the conquest of the world, and that it would have
better suited the youthful Alexander. See also page 49, § 31.
663 This paragraph in praise of the Dauphin (1661-1711), written in
epigraphic style, was printed in capital letters, and published whilst he was in
command of the army of the Rhine (1688).
664 La Bruyère says in a note: “This is an opinion opposed to a well-known
Latin maxim.” Erasmus, in his Adagiorum Chiliades, gives the Latinised
proverb, Filii heroum noxæ, “the sons of heroes degenerate,” and our author
alludes to this. As for the “divine qualities,” see page 51, § 33.
665 La Bruyèreʼs feeling about the happiness of being his own master breaks
out now and then. See also page 232, § 33.
666 This paragraph, and almost all the following ones, refer to the revolution
(1688) which placed William III. on the throne of Great Britain.
667 An allusion to the abortive attempt of the French in Ireland to aid in the
re-establishment of James II. See also page 218, note 447.
668 The first-mentioned enemy was Charles V., Duke of Lorraine, who died
in 1690; the second was William III., a rumour of whose death spread in Paris
the same year, and caused great rejoicings.
669 O Tempora! O Mores! is the opening of the first of Ciceroʼs Catilinaria.
670 Our author lets Heraclitus, the weeping philosopher, utter this paragraph,
whilst he puts the following into the mouth of Democritus, the laughing, or
better, the sneering philosopher of Abdera.
671 According to the mythology, Lycaon, king of Arcadia, murdered his
guests and served them up at his table, in order to test the divine knowledge of
Jupiter, who changed him into a wolf. Ægistheus was the son of Thyestes, and
the murderer of Agamemnon.
672 William III.
673 The “they have less to fear from us,” &c., was also one of the arguments
used by France during the first revolution.
674 This, of course, refers to the hospitality Louis XIV. granted to James II.
675 Leopold I. (see page 252, note 499), Emperor of Germany, broke off a
war in which he was engaged against the Ottomans, who had twice invaded
appeared the same year the siege took place.
660 A French army of eighty thousand men under the Marshal de
Luxembourg (see page 195, note 402) prevented William III. from coming to the
relief of Namur.
661 According to M. G. Servoisʼs preface to the Lexique of La Bruyère,
ravelin, a synonym of demi-lune, and fausse-braie, a counter breastwork, are
antiquated in French. However, “ravelin” and “demi-lune” are still found as
English words in certain dictionaries.
662 Montaigne was of the opinion of La Bruyère and in favour of Cæsar;
Pascal, in his Pensées, on the contrary, thought that Cæsar, assassinated at the
age of fifty-six, was too old for the conquest of the world, and that it would have
better suited the youthful Alexander. See also page 49, § 31.
663 This paragraph in praise of the Dauphin (1661-1711), written in
epigraphic style, was printed in capital letters, and published whilst he was in
command of the army of the Rhine (1688).
664 La Bruyère says in a note: “This is an opinion opposed to a well-known
Latin maxim.” Erasmus, in his Adagiorum Chiliades, gives the Latinised
proverb, Filii heroum noxæ, “the sons of heroes degenerate,” and our author
alludes to this. As for the “divine qualities,” see page 51, § 33.
665 La Bruyèreʼs feeling about the happiness of being his own master breaks
out now and then. See also page 232, § 33.
666 This paragraph, and almost all the following ones, refer to the revolution
(1688) which placed William III. on the throne of Great Britain.
667 An allusion to the abortive attempt of the French in Ireland to aid in the
re-establishment of James II. See also page 218, note 447.
668 The first-mentioned enemy was Charles V., Duke of Lorraine, who died
in 1690; the second was William III., a rumour of whose death spread in Paris
the same year, and caused great rejoicings.
669 O Tempora! O Mores! is the opening of the first of Ciceroʼs Catilinaria.
670 Our author lets Heraclitus, the weeping philosopher, utter this paragraph,
whilst he puts the following into the mouth of Democritus, the laughing, or
better, the sneering philosopher of Abdera.
671 According to the mythology, Lycaon, king of Arcadia, murdered his
guests and served them up at his table, in order to test the divine knowledge of
Jupiter, who changed him into a wolf. Ægistheus was the son of Thyestes, and
the murderer of Agamemnon.
672 William III.
673 The “they have less to fear from us,” &c., was also one of the arguments
used by France during the first revolution.
674 This, of course, refers to the hospitality Louis XIV. granted to James II.
675 Leopold I. (see page 252, note 499), Emperor of Germany, broke off a
war in which he was engaged against the Ottomans, who had twice invaded
Page 372
Hungary, and entered the League of Augsburg (1686) against Louis XIV.,
because the latter had compelled him to accept the Treaty of Nimeguen, in 1679.
See page 253, note 502.
676 An allusion to Pope Innocent XI. (see page 361, note 655), who was too
little of a friend of Louis XIV. to show much zeal on behalf of James II.
677 Musket-balls.
678 Cannon-balls.
679 Shells.
680 Athos was a mountain in Roumelia which the sculptor Dinocrates
proposed to hew into a statue of Alexander. Our author refers to this; Byron has
also an allusion to it in the twelfth canto of his “Don Juan.”
681 The enemies of William III. often alluded to the livid colour of his
countenance, and Boileau in his wretched Ode sur la prise de Namur also speaks
of “Nassau blème.”
682 The Prince of Orange ordered in 1672 the dykes in Holland to be opened
to delay the advance of the French army; hence the allusion to “bogs.”
683 William III. became the adopted son of the Dutch republic on the death
of his father in 1666, and on the proposal of John de Witt. Frenchmen pretend he
was far more dictatorial in Holland than in England, and accuse him of having
behaved ungratefully towards de Witt, his so-called “nurse.”
684 When William III. returned to the Hague (1690), several princes who
had joined the League of Augsburg came to compliment him; it was even
rumoured that the Elector of Bavaria had some time to wait before he could
obtain an audience.
685 In the original archonte, archon, the chief magistrate in ancient Athens.
686 This seems to refer to the siege of Mons (1690), which William III. did
not venture to raise.
687 The Emperor of Germany.
688 The arms of the house of Austria proper.
689 Theotimus stands for M. Sachot, who was vicar of Saint-Gervais at the
time La Bruyère wrote, and used to shrive all the fashionable people, but
gradually was supplanted by Bourdaloue, who also succeeded him in his
vicarage. The fashion of not bleeding during a fever still exists, and rightly so.
690 The “Keys” speak of a certain lawyer, Cambout or Cabout, who
belonged to the household of the Condés, and of a flute-player, Descosteaux,
both passionately fond of flowers, as the supposed originals of the “lover of
flowers.”
691 This lover of fruit was the financier Rambouillet de la Sablière, who had
a large garden in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. See also page 173, note 355.
692 Four well-known antiquarians, the Duke dʼAumont, Vaillant, Le Nostre,
and Father Menestrier, the latter author of an Histoire de Louis le grand par les
médailles, have been supposed the originals of Diognetes.
because the latter had compelled him to accept the Treaty of Nimeguen, in 1679.
See page 253, note 502.
676 An allusion to Pope Innocent XI. (see page 361, note 655), who was too
little of a friend of Louis XIV. to show much zeal on behalf of James II.
677 Musket-balls.
678 Cannon-balls.
679 Shells.
680 Athos was a mountain in Roumelia which the sculptor Dinocrates
proposed to hew into a statue of Alexander. Our author refers to this; Byron has
also an allusion to it in the twelfth canto of his “Don Juan.”
681 The enemies of William III. often alluded to the livid colour of his
countenance, and Boileau in his wretched Ode sur la prise de Namur also speaks
of “Nassau blème.”
682 The Prince of Orange ordered in 1672 the dykes in Holland to be opened
to delay the advance of the French army; hence the allusion to “bogs.”
683 William III. became the adopted son of the Dutch republic on the death
of his father in 1666, and on the proposal of John de Witt. Frenchmen pretend he
was far more dictatorial in Holland than in England, and accuse him of having
behaved ungratefully towards de Witt, his so-called “nurse.”
684 When William III. returned to the Hague (1690), several princes who
had joined the League of Augsburg came to compliment him; it was even
rumoured that the Elector of Bavaria had some time to wait before he could
obtain an audience.
685 In the original archonte, archon, the chief magistrate in ancient Athens.
686 This seems to refer to the siege of Mons (1690), which William III. did
not venture to raise.
687 The Emperor of Germany.
688 The arms of the house of Austria proper.
689 Theotimus stands for M. Sachot, who was vicar of Saint-Gervais at the
time La Bruyère wrote, and used to shrive all the fashionable people, but
gradually was supplanted by Bourdaloue, who also succeeded him in his
vicarage. The fashion of not bleeding during a fever still exists, and rightly so.
690 The “Keys” speak of a certain lawyer, Cambout or Cabout, who
belonged to the household of the Condés, and of a flute-player, Descosteaux,
both passionately fond of flowers, as the supposed originals of the “lover of
flowers.”
691 This lover of fruit was the financier Rambouillet de la Sablière, who had
a large garden in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. See also page 173, note 355.
692 Four well-known antiquarians, the Duke dʼAumont, Vaillant, Le Nostre,
and Father Menestrier, the latter author of an Histoire de Louis le grand par les
médailles, have been supposed the originals of Diognetes.
Page 373
693 Several collectors of prints of the time have been named by the
commentators as the original of Democedes.
694 At the time La Bruyère wrote, the houses on the bridge called the “Petit-
Pont” and those in the “Rue Neuve-Notre-Dame” were covered with hangings
and adorned with common prints on the days when a procession was passing.
695 Jacques Callot (1593-1655), a celebrated Lorraine artist and etcher.
696 In the “Rue Vieille-du-Temple,” in Paris, there was, at the time our
author wrote, a mansion erected by M. Amelot de Bisseuil, which was
considered one of the curiosities of Paris.
697 According to some “Keys,” this refers to the Hotel Lesdiguières;
according to others, to the hotel of M. de Langlée. See page 188, note 392.
698 In the original, il donne pension à un homme, antiquated in this sense.
699 The author states: “These are names of various shells.” The original has
“le Léopard, la Plume, la Musique,” and the English names have been kindly
suggested by M. Hugh Owen in “Notes and Queries” as equivalents for the
French ones.
700 A few years before La Bruyère wrote, there was quite a mania for
butterflies at court, and in Paris.
701 An allusion to the ordeal by duel, of which one of the last was fought
between Jarnac and La Chateigneraye, in 1542, before Henri II. and his court. A
treacherous thrust of the first-named nobleman has given rise to the proverbial
saying un coup de Jarnac.
702 Louis XIV. was strongly opposed to duelling, and several legal
prohibitions of it were promulgated during his reign.
703 Sophonius Tigellinus, a favourite and accomplice of the Roman emperor
Nero, was put to death about the year 70.
704 In the original, souffler and jeter en sable, “to gulp down;” only the last
word is found in the dictionary of the French Academy of 1694. The old English
translators of La Bruyère have been greatly puzzled by the sentence beginning
with the word “a Tigellinus,” and give it: “a juggler, one who turns aqua-vita
black, and performs other feats of legerdemain (other surprising things),” whilst
the translation of 1767 speaks of “a fiddler, who, besides several odd
performances on his instrument, gulps down,” &c.
705 See the chapter “Of the Gifts of Fortune,” §§ 71,-75.
706 In the original la crapule, now no longer used for “intoxication.”
707 C. Valerius Catullus (87-47 B.C.), the well-known Roman poet; is
supposed to allude to the Abbé de Chaulieu (see page 342, note 630). The latterʼs
disciple was the Chevalier de Bouillon.
708 See page 173, note 346.
709 During the summer of 1689 the fashionable ladies at court adorned
themselves with bouquets of cornflowers.
710 For Voiture see page 20, § 37, and note 72. Sarrazin (1603-1654) was a
rival of Voiture in an affected and pretentious style.
commentators as the original of Democedes.
694 At the time La Bruyère wrote, the houses on the bridge called the “Petit-
Pont” and those in the “Rue Neuve-Notre-Dame” were covered with hangings
and adorned with common prints on the days when a procession was passing.
695 Jacques Callot (1593-1655), a celebrated Lorraine artist and etcher.
696 In the “Rue Vieille-du-Temple,” in Paris, there was, at the time our
author wrote, a mansion erected by M. Amelot de Bisseuil, which was
considered one of the curiosities of Paris.
697 According to some “Keys,” this refers to the Hotel Lesdiguières;
according to others, to the hotel of M. de Langlée. See page 188, note 392.
698 In the original, il donne pension à un homme, antiquated in this sense.
699 The author states: “These are names of various shells.” The original has
“le Léopard, la Plume, la Musique,” and the English names have been kindly
suggested by M. Hugh Owen in “Notes and Queries” as equivalents for the
French ones.
700 A few years before La Bruyère wrote, there was quite a mania for
butterflies at court, and in Paris.
701 An allusion to the ordeal by duel, of which one of the last was fought
between Jarnac and La Chateigneraye, in 1542, before Henri II. and his court. A
treacherous thrust of the first-named nobleman has given rise to the proverbial
saying un coup de Jarnac.
702 Louis XIV. was strongly opposed to duelling, and several legal
prohibitions of it were promulgated during his reign.
703 Sophonius Tigellinus, a favourite and accomplice of the Roman emperor
Nero, was put to death about the year 70.
704 In the original, souffler and jeter en sable, “to gulp down;” only the last
word is found in the dictionary of the French Academy of 1694. The old English
translators of La Bruyère have been greatly puzzled by the sentence beginning
with the word “a Tigellinus,” and give it: “a juggler, one who turns aqua-vita
black, and performs other feats of legerdemain (other surprising things),” whilst
the translation of 1767 speaks of “a fiddler, who, besides several odd
performances on his instrument, gulps down,” &c.
705 See the chapter “Of the Gifts of Fortune,” §§ 71,-75.
706 In the original la crapule, now no longer used for “intoxication.”
707 C. Valerius Catullus (87-47 B.C.), the well-known Roman poet; is
supposed to allude to the Abbé de Chaulieu (see page 342, note 630). The latterʼs
disciple was the Chevalier de Bouillon.
708 See page 173, note 346.
709 During the summer of 1689 the fashionable ladies at court adorned
themselves with bouquets of cornflowers.
710 For Voiture see page 20, § 37, and note 72. Sarrazin (1603-1654) was a
rival of Voiture in an affected and pretentious style.
Page 374
711 The original has gens dʼesprit. See page 20, note 70.
712 Those of my readers who wish to see the various fashions in dress of the
end of the seventeenth century should look at the etchings at the head of each
chapter, which faithfully represent them at the time La Bruyère wrote; the high
head-dresses had been abandoned when he penned this paragraph (1691), but
they became again the rage the following year (see Chapter iv., “Of Women,” §
5), and continued so for a considerable period.
713 In the original il parle gras; parler gras means usually “to speak thick,”
but is sometimes said, as it is here, of people who lisp, which generally in French
is grasseyer.
714 In the original indécence, “crudeness,” “want of harmony,” now
antiquated with this meaning.
715 Attila, king of the Huns, died 453.
716 The “long black veil,” coming down to the feet, worn by ladies in
mourning, and during some grand ceremonies, was called a mante. Our author
adds in a note: “Oriental habits.” The tiara, or triple crown, was the head-dress of
the ancient Persian potentates, of the Jewish high priest, and of the Pope. For the
sagum, see page 259, note 509.
717 The author says in a note: “Offensive and defensive.”
718 Canions, or canons in French, were large round pieces of linen, often
adorned with lace or bunches of ribbons, which were fastened below the
breeches, just under the knee.
719 Libertin in the original. See page 161, note 319.
720 It was two years after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) that
La Bruyère made these remarks about “pretended piety,” for since the influence
of Madame de Maintenon over Louis XIV., all the courtiers were turning pious.
See also page 207, note 431.
721 Our author is careful to add in a note, “assumed piety.”
722 Connaître le flanc is used by La Bruyère. Some of the commentators
think this is a military term used purposely by our author.
723 None of La Bruyèreʼs commentators have observed that the “unknown
jargon” seems to refer to the mystic quietism taught by Jeanne-Marie Bouvier de
la Motte-Guyon (1648-1717), who was at the height of her reputation when this
paragraph was published for the first time in the eighth edition of the
“Characters” in 1694. To our author has also been attributed “Dialogues sur le
Quiétisme.”
724 La Bruyère is always very careful when he uses the word “devout” or
“pious,” in a bad sense, to add in a note, “assumed” or “false piety.” See also §
22.
725 See page 43, note 121.
726 This “devout courtier” was Paul de Beauvillier, Dulce de Saint-Aignan,
peer of France, gouverneur des enfants de France. See also page 197, note 405.
712 Those of my readers who wish to see the various fashions in dress of the
end of the seventeenth century should look at the etchings at the head of each
chapter, which faithfully represent them at the time La Bruyère wrote; the high
head-dresses had been abandoned when he penned this paragraph (1691), but
they became again the rage the following year (see Chapter iv., “Of Women,” §
5), and continued so for a considerable period.
713 In the original il parle gras; parler gras means usually “to speak thick,”
but is sometimes said, as it is here, of people who lisp, which generally in French
is grasseyer.
714 In the original indécence, “crudeness,” “want of harmony,” now
antiquated with this meaning.
715 Attila, king of the Huns, died 453.
716 The “long black veil,” coming down to the feet, worn by ladies in
mourning, and during some grand ceremonies, was called a mante. Our author
adds in a note: “Oriental habits.” The tiara, or triple crown, was the head-dress of
the ancient Persian potentates, of the Jewish high priest, and of the Pope. For the
sagum, see page 259, note 509.
717 The author says in a note: “Offensive and defensive.”
718 Canions, or canons in French, were large round pieces of linen, often
adorned with lace or bunches of ribbons, which were fastened below the
breeches, just under the knee.
719 Libertin in the original. See page 161, note 319.
720 It was two years after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) that
La Bruyère made these remarks about “pretended piety,” for since the influence
of Madame de Maintenon over Louis XIV., all the courtiers were turning pious.
See also page 207, note 431.
721 Our author is careful to add in a note, “assumed piety.”
722 Connaître le flanc is used by La Bruyère. Some of the commentators
think this is a military term used purposely by our author.
723 None of La Bruyèreʼs commentators have observed that the “unknown
jargon” seems to refer to the mystic quietism taught by Jeanne-Marie Bouvier de
la Motte-Guyon (1648-1717), who was at the height of her reputation when this
paragraph was published for the first time in the eighth edition of the
“Characters” in 1694. To our author has also been attributed “Dialogues sur le
Quiétisme.”
724 La Bruyère is always very careful when he uses the word “devout” or
“pious,” in a bad sense, to add in a note, “assumed” or “false piety.” See also §
22.
725 See page 43, note 121.
726 This “devout courtier” was Paul de Beauvillier, Dulce de Saint-Aignan,
peer of France, gouverneur des enfants de France. See also page 197, note 405.
Page 375
727 Sainte-Beuve, in his Histoire de Port Royal, justly observes that La
Bruyère showed more courage in writing the character of Onuphrius than
Molière displayed in bringing out his Tartuffe, for the latter comedy made its
appearance in 1667, and Onuphrius in 1691, five years after the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, when Louis XIV. was already under the influence of Madame de
Maintenon, and had become devout.
728 An allusion to the first words said by Tartuffe (act iii. scene 2) in
Molièreʼs play of that name: “Laurent, serrez ma haire avec ma discipline.”
729 The “Spiritual Fight,” a religious work attributed to an Italian Theatine
monk, Scupoli, had been already translated into French in 1608; the “Inward
Christian,” by Louvigny, was published in 1661, whilst there were two “Holy
Years,” one written by Bordier in 1668, and a second published ten years later by
a certain clergyman, Loisel.
730 In the original, il pousse des élans et des soupirs, a reminiscence of
Molièreʼs Tartuffe (act i. scene 5), where Orgon, in speaking of the hypocrite,
says:
“Il attirait les yeux de lʼassemblée entière
Par lʼardeur dont au ciel il poussait sa prière;
Il faisait des soupirs, de grands élancements,
Et baisait humblement la terre à tous moments.”
731 The “chapel” and the “anteroom” refer to the chapel and anteroom of the
palace of Versailles.
732 Il a des vapeurs in the original, which, when our author wrote, was
somewhat like the “out of sorts” of the present time.
733 A reference to the declaration Tartuffe makes to Elmire, the wife of
Orgon. See Molièreʼs Tartuffe, act iii. scene 3.
734 An allusion to Josephʼs adventure with Potipharʼs wife.
735 La Bruyère is very careful to add again in a note: “False piety.”
736 Again our author adds “false piety,” in a footnote.
737 Tartuffe, in the comedy of that name (act iii.), obtains from Orgon a deed
of gift of all his property, to the detriment of his son and his second wife. This
was against the French law, which obliged a man to leave a certain part of his
goods, called la légitime (see page 95, § 71), to his wife and children; but this
law did not apply to cousins, nephews, and nieces.
738 Orgon, the patron of Tartuffe, has a son and a daughter.
739 See Tartuffe, act v. scene 7.
740 The original has ne trouve pas jour; the French noun has become
antiquated in this sense.
741 According to some commentators, Zelia was intended for the wife of de
Pontchartrain, the contrôleur-général of the finances; but they seem to forget that
La Bruyère was his friend and under some obligations to him.
742 In this and the following paragraph the author adds again in a note,
“pretended piety.”
Bruyère showed more courage in writing the character of Onuphrius than
Molière displayed in bringing out his Tartuffe, for the latter comedy made its
appearance in 1667, and Onuphrius in 1691, five years after the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, when Louis XIV. was already under the influence of Madame de
Maintenon, and had become devout.
728 An allusion to the first words said by Tartuffe (act iii. scene 2) in
Molièreʼs play of that name: “Laurent, serrez ma haire avec ma discipline.”
729 The “Spiritual Fight,” a religious work attributed to an Italian Theatine
monk, Scupoli, had been already translated into French in 1608; the “Inward
Christian,” by Louvigny, was published in 1661, whilst there were two “Holy
Years,” one written by Bordier in 1668, and a second published ten years later by
a certain clergyman, Loisel.
730 In the original, il pousse des élans et des soupirs, a reminiscence of
Molièreʼs Tartuffe (act i. scene 5), where Orgon, in speaking of the hypocrite,
says:
“Il attirait les yeux de lʼassemblée entière
Par lʼardeur dont au ciel il poussait sa prière;
Il faisait des soupirs, de grands élancements,
Et baisait humblement la terre à tous moments.”
731 The “chapel” and the “anteroom” refer to the chapel and anteroom of the
palace of Versailles.
732 Il a des vapeurs in the original, which, when our author wrote, was
somewhat like the “out of sorts” of the present time.
733 A reference to the declaration Tartuffe makes to Elmire, the wife of
Orgon. See Molièreʼs Tartuffe, act iii. scene 3.
734 An allusion to Josephʼs adventure with Potipharʼs wife.
735 La Bruyère is very careful to add again in a note: “False piety.”
736 Again our author adds “false piety,” in a footnote.
737 Tartuffe, in the comedy of that name (act iii.), obtains from Orgon a deed
of gift of all his property, to the detriment of his son and his second wife. This
was against the French law, which obliged a man to leave a certain part of his
goods, called la légitime (see page 95, § 71), to his wife and children; but this
law did not apply to cousins, nephews, and nieces.
738 Orgon, the patron of Tartuffe, has a son and a daughter.
739 See Tartuffe, act v. scene 7.
740 The original has ne trouve pas jour; the French noun has become
antiquated in this sense.
741 According to some commentators, Zelia was intended for the wife of de
Pontchartrain, the contrôleur-général of the finances; but they seem to forget that
La Bruyère was his friend and under some obligations to him.
742 In this and the following paragraph the author adds again in a note,
“pretended piety.”
Page 376
743 Already in the first edition of the “Characters” (1687), La Bruyère gave
in the above paragraph his opinion about the danger of compelling the courtiers
to become pious.
744 Favier, a dancer at the opera, was also the dancing-master of the Duke de
Bourbon, the pupil of La Bruyère. The anthems of Paolo Lorenzani, the music-
master of Ann of Austria (1601-1666), were published in 1693.
745 Many of the bishops in our authorʼs time were continually dangling
about the court, and not residing in their dioceses. See page 340, note 628.
746 Our author added in a note of the first four editions, “secretaries of the
king.” Those offices were bought, and ennobled their holders, hence the
nickname of savonnettes à vilain, literally, “soap balls for serfs.” Other offices
also gave a title to the persons who filled them, and this is probably the reason of
the suppression of this note.
747 La Bruyèreʼs own note says “veterans,” a name given to the conseillers
(see page 181, note 381), who, after having practised for twenty years, sold their
post, but retained all the privileges attached to it.
748 Here our author gives the same note as above.
749 Commoners were ennobled by the grant of letters of nobility, whilst
nobles whose ancestors had derogated were rehabilitated. However, commoners
who had become wealthy often asked and obtained letters of rehabilitation, and,
therefore, pretended to be of noble origin. “Rehabilitation,” according to Thomas
Blountʼs Law Dictionary, 1717, was in England: “one of those exactions ...
claimed by the Pope ... and seems to signify a Bull or Breve for re-enabling a
spiritual person to exercise his function, who was formerly disabled; or a
restoring to former ability.”
750 The “war-cry” is a great proof of the nobility being ancient. The heaume,
head-piece, is the same as the casque, helmet, which latter word was generally
used in French heraldic language. According to certain rules which soon ceased
to be practised, the vizard was open or shut, and showed more or less bars, whilst
the helmet was in front or profile, according as the owner of the coat of arms was
of ancient or modern nobility. The “Keys” refer to the Le Camus and Bezons
families, as having taken the pictorial emblems of their fatherʼs signboards for
their family arms. See also Molièreʼs École des Femmes, Act i. Scene 1.
751 The DʼHoziers were a family of genealogists, flourishing from 1592 till
1830. La Bruyère speaks most probably of Louis Roger and his brother Charles-
René dʼHozier, who were of middle age when the “Characters” were published.
752 It is said this is a hit at Monsieur, the brother of Louis XIV., who, in
imitation of the kingʼs son and grandsons, did no longer wish to be addressed as
“Royal Highness,” but simply as “you;” an example followed by all other French
princes.
753 A maître dʼhôtel of Louis XIV., Delrieux, is said to have called himself
De Rieux, and there had been a marshal of that name. Syris is the name of a
slave in Plautusʼ and Terenceʼs comedies; Cyrus, a celebrated king of Persia, was
killed in battle against the Massagetæ, 529 B.C.
in the above paragraph his opinion about the danger of compelling the courtiers
to become pious.
744 Favier, a dancer at the opera, was also the dancing-master of the Duke de
Bourbon, the pupil of La Bruyère. The anthems of Paolo Lorenzani, the music-
master of Ann of Austria (1601-1666), were published in 1693.
745 Many of the bishops in our authorʼs time were continually dangling
about the court, and not residing in their dioceses. See page 340, note 628.
746 Our author added in a note of the first four editions, “secretaries of the
king.” Those offices were bought, and ennobled their holders, hence the
nickname of savonnettes à vilain, literally, “soap balls for serfs.” Other offices
also gave a title to the persons who filled them, and this is probably the reason of
the suppression of this note.
747 La Bruyèreʼs own note says “veterans,” a name given to the conseillers
(see page 181, note 381), who, after having practised for twenty years, sold their
post, but retained all the privileges attached to it.
748 Here our author gives the same note as above.
749 Commoners were ennobled by the grant of letters of nobility, whilst
nobles whose ancestors had derogated were rehabilitated. However, commoners
who had become wealthy often asked and obtained letters of rehabilitation, and,
therefore, pretended to be of noble origin. “Rehabilitation,” according to Thomas
Blountʼs Law Dictionary, 1717, was in England: “one of those exactions ...
claimed by the Pope ... and seems to signify a Bull or Breve for re-enabling a
spiritual person to exercise his function, who was formerly disabled; or a
restoring to former ability.”
750 The “war-cry” is a great proof of the nobility being ancient. The heaume,
head-piece, is the same as the casque, helmet, which latter word was generally
used in French heraldic language. According to certain rules which soon ceased
to be practised, the vizard was open or shut, and showed more or less bars, whilst
the helmet was in front or profile, according as the owner of the coat of arms was
of ancient or modern nobility. The “Keys” refer to the Le Camus and Bezons
families, as having taken the pictorial emblems of their fatherʼs signboards for
their family arms. See also Molièreʼs École des Femmes, Act i. Scene 1.
751 The DʼHoziers were a family of genealogists, flourishing from 1592 till
1830. La Bruyère speaks most probably of Louis Roger and his brother Charles-
René dʼHozier, who were of middle age when the “Characters” were published.
752 It is said this is a hit at Monsieur, the brother of Louis XIV., who, in
imitation of the kingʼs son and grandsons, did no longer wish to be addressed as
“Royal Highness,” but simply as “you;” an example followed by all other French
princes.
753 A maître dʼhôtel of Louis XIV., Delrieux, is said to have called himself
De Rieux, and there had been a marshal of that name. Syris is the name of a
slave in Plautusʼ and Terenceʼs comedies; Cyrus, a celebrated king of Persia, was
killed in battle against the Massagetæ, 529 B.C.
Page 377
754 Such men were a M. Sonnin, the son of a receveur-général, who called
himself M. de Sonningen, and M. Nicolai, Marquis de Goussainville, descended
from a M. Nicolas.
755 The marriages of the Marquis de Tourville with a Mdlle. Langeois (see
page 142, note 285), and of the Marshal de Lorges with Mdlle. Frémont, (see
page 132, note 255), are examples of this, though many similar marriages took
place almost daily.
756 An ironical remark referring to noblemen marrying the daughters of
commoners, for nobility descended only from the father to the children, but not
if the mother were a serf; in Champagne, however, nobility could be inherited
from the motherʼs side.
himself M. de Sonningen, and M. Nicolai, Marquis de Goussainville, descended
from a M. Nicolas.
755 The marriages of the Marquis de Tourville with a Mdlle. Langeois (see
page 142, note 285), and of the Marshal de Lorges with Mdlle. Frémont, (see
page 132, note 255), are examples of this, though many similar marriages took
place almost daily.
756 An ironical remark referring to noblemen marrying the daughters of
commoners, for nobility descended only from the father to the children, but not
if the mother were a serf; in Champagne, however, nobility could be inherited
from the motherʼs side.
Page 378
757 “Franchise” is a privilege or exemption from ordinary jurisdiction, and
“immunity” the right of not paying taxes, or of paying less than the commonalty.
La Bruyère, in speaking of “certain monks who obtained titles,” adds in a note:
“a certain convent was secretary to the king.” The convent of the Celestines had
already in the fourteenth century been appointed to a secretaryship, and received
its emoluments, but never fulfilled its duties. The religious community said to
have had an interest in the gabelle or salt tax, is supposed to have been that of
the Jesuits, but this accusation seems to have been made without sufficient proof.
758 A certain Geoffroy de La Bruyère had really taken part in the third
crusade and died during the siege of St. Jean dʼAcre in 1191, or almost a century
after Godfrey of Bouillon (1061-1100). Our author only mentioned his ancestorʼs
full name in the sixth edition of the “Characters,” published in 1691.
759 Abbé is derived from the Syrian aba, father; the “cardinal” may have
been the Cardinal de Bouillon, who always was gaily dressed. See page 306,
note 560.
760 In the palace Farnese at Rome, built by order of the Cardinal Alexander
Farnese, who afterwards became Pope under the name of Paul III. (1534-1549),
are to be found many works, such as Aurora and Cephalus, Diana and Endymion,
Galathea, Polyphemus and Acis, and Ganymedes and Jupiter, painted by
Annibale Carracci (1560-1609), and Domenichino (1581-1641), all representing
nude figures, and not religious subjects.
761 Richeletʼs Dictionary, published in 1680, mentions the gigue as “une
danse anglaise, composée de toutes sortes de pas, quʼon danse sur la corde,” and
hence, he continues, “any dancing tune was thus called.” But was a jig originally
danced on the tight-rope? The “chapel” is of course the chapel-royal at
Versailles.
762 Paris, a son of Priam and Hecuba, had to decide whether Juno, Venus, or
Minerva was the most beautiful, and should receive a “golden apple” as a prize.
The three goddesses did not present themselves for this competition with too
many clothes on.
763 Hangings representing nude figures and profane subjects were seen until
almost the last fifty years in some of the churches of the capital of France.
764 Our author adds in a note, “an anthem translated into French by LL....”
but no commentator has discovered who this unknown poet can have been.
765 The TT ... were the Theatine monks, who settled in France about 1644,
built a splendid church, and tried to raise money by charging for seats, during
service, which was held with full orchestral and vocal music, about ten years
before our author first published this paragraph, in 1694, in the eighth edition of
his book.
766 Although this paragraph appeared when the “Characters” were first
published in 1688, yet the great Bossuet went, five years later, out of his way to
attack, in a sermon, Molière, the actor and playwright, although the latter had
been dead more than twenty years.
767 This paragraph reveals to us the quarrels raging between the secular and
regular clergy, and seems to point out that, at the time our author wrote, the
“immunity” the right of not paying taxes, or of paying less than the commonalty.
La Bruyère, in speaking of “certain monks who obtained titles,” adds in a note:
“a certain convent was secretary to the king.” The convent of the Celestines had
already in the fourteenth century been appointed to a secretaryship, and received
its emoluments, but never fulfilled its duties. The religious community said to
have had an interest in the gabelle or salt tax, is supposed to have been that of
the Jesuits, but this accusation seems to have been made without sufficient proof.
758 A certain Geoffroy de La Bruyère had really taken part in the third
crusade and died during the siege of St. Jean dʼAcre in 1191, or almost a century
after Godfrey of Bouillon (1061-1100). Our author only mentioned his ancestorʼs
full name in the sixth edition of the “Characters,” published in 1691.
759 Abbé is derived from the Syrian aba, father; the “cardinal” may have
been the Cardinal de Bouillon, who always was gaily dressed. See page 306,
note 560.
760 In the palace Farnese at Rome, built by order of the Cardinal Alexander
Farnese, who afterwards became Pope under the name of Paul III. (1534-1549),
are to be found many works, such as Aurora and Cephalus, Diana and Endymion,
Galathea, Polyphemus and Acis, and Ganymedes and Jupiter, painted by
Annibale Carracci (1560-1609), and Domenichino (1581-1641), all representing
nude figures, and not religious subjects.
761 Richeletʼs Dictionary, published in 1680, mentions the gigue as “une
danse anglaise, composée de toutes sortes de pas, quʼon danse sur la corde,” and
hence, he continues, “any dancing tune was thus called.” But was a jig originally
danced on the tight-rope? The “chapel” is of course the chapel-royal at
Versailles.
762 Paris, a son of Priam and Hecuba, had to decide whether Juno, Venus, or
Minerva was the most beautiful, and should receive a “golden apple” as a prize.
The three goddesses did not present themselves for this competition with too
many clothes on.
763 Hangings representing nude figures and profane subjects were seen until
almost the last fifty years in some of the churches of the capital of France.
764 Our author adds in a note, “an anthem translated into French by LL....”
but no commentator has discovered who this unknown poet can have been.
765 The TT ... were the Theatine monks, who settled in France about 1644,
built a splendid church, and tried to raise money by charging for seats, during
service, which was held with full orchestral and vocal music, about ten years
before our author first published this paragraph, in 1694, in the eighth edition of
his book.
766 Although this paragraph appeared when the “Characters” were first
published in 1688, yet the great Bossuet went, five years later, out of his way to
attack, in a sermon, Molière, the actor and playwright, although the latter had
been dead more than twenty years.
767 This paragraph reveals to us the quarrels raging between the secular and
regular clergy, and seems to point out that, at the time our author wrote, the
Page 379
Barnabites were in vogue as confessors. The “monk” is supposed to have been a
certain Father la Combe, the spiritual director of Madame Guyon. See page 393,
note 723.
768 Three parish priests have been named by the commentators as the
originals of La Bruyèreʼs portrait, but our author was far more general in his
application.
769 Les fourrures in the original. See page 318, note 587.
770 The original has the proper name Ambreville, a noted rogue and head of
a band of robbers, who was publicly burned at the stake in 1686.
771 The lady superior of an abbey was appointed by the king, but in a
nunnery she was elected by the entire sisterhood; hence our authorʼs remarks
about “a popular or a despotic rule.”
772 When our author wrote, it was the fashion among the upper classes for a
man never to be seen in public with his wife. Some years later people began even
to be ashamed of being married, and if comedies hold the mirror up to nature,
this may be observed in Le Philosophe marié (1727), by N. Destouches, and in
Le Préjugé à la Mode (1735), by La Chaussée. For the Cours, see page 164, note
323.
773 The author states in a note that by “making the most of oneʼs money” he
means “lending it out on bills and notes of hand,” for which, according to the old
French legislation and the old canonical law no interest could be charged, though
some divines allowed trading companies to pay interest on borrowed monies.
774 Several remarks had been made on this part of the above paragraph
whilst La Bruyère was still alive, and a note of the ninth edition of the
“Characters” (1696), published one month after the authorʼs death, explained
that it only referred to monies deposited in the greffe or clerkʼs office of certain
tribunals whilst a lawsuit was going on.
775 An allusion to the bankruptcy of some hospitals in Paris, which ruined
many persons who had advanced money on annuities. This bankruptcy took
place in the year 1689, and the fourth edition of the “Characters,” in which the
above paragraph first appeared, was published the same year. The original has
also a play on words, on le fonds perdu, to sink money in an annuity, and un bien
perdu, money irretrievably lost.
776 For the huitième denier, see page 138, note 270. The aides were indirect
taxes which the clergy and the nobility had to pay as well as the common people.
777 The original has partisans. See page 136, note 266.
778 The President Potier de Novion (see page 333, note 608) was the first, it
is said, to adopt this custom, but a few months before this paragraph was
published (1689), he had to resign his post on account of malversation and abuse
of authority.
779 See page 155, note 309.
780 See page 181, note 381.
781 See page 72, note 175.
certain Father la Combe, the spiritual director of Madame Guyon. See page 393,
note 723.
768 Three parish priests have been named by the commentators as the
originals of La Bruyèreʼs portrait, but our author was far more general in his
application.
769 Les fourrures in the original. See page 318, note 587.
770 The original has the proper name Ambreville, a noted rogue and head of
a band of robbers, who was publicly burned at the stake in 1686.
771 The lady superior of an abbey was appointed by the king, but in a
nunnery she was elected by the entire sisterhood; hence our authorʼs remarks
about “a popular or a despotic rule.”
772 When our author wrote, it was the fashion among the upper classes for a
man never to be seen in public with his wife. Some years later people began even
to be ashamed of being married, and if comedies hold the mirror up to nature,
this may be observed in Le Philosophe marié (1727), by N. Destouches, and in
Le Préjugé à la Mode (1735), by La Chaussée. For the Cours, see page 164, note
323.
773 The author states in a note that by “making the most of oneʼs money” he
means “lending it out on bills and notes of hand,” for which, according to the old
French legislation and the old canonical law no interest could be charged, though
some divines allowed trading companies to pay interest on borrowed monies.
774 Several remarks had been made on this part of the above paragraph
whilst La Bruyère was still alive, and a note of the ninth edition of the
“Characters” (1696), published one month after the authorʼs death, explained
that it only referred to monies deposited in the greffe or clerkʼs office of certain
tribunals whilst a lawsuit was going on.
775 An allusion to the bankruptcy of some hospitals in Paris, which ruined
many persons who had advanced money on annuities. This bankruptcy took
place in the year 1689, and the fourth edition of the “Characters,” in which the
above paragraph first appeared, was published the same year. The original has
also a play on words, on le fonds perdu, to sink money in an annuity, and un bien
perdu, money irretrievably lost.
776 For the huitième denier, see page 138, note 270. The aides were indirect
taxes which the clergy and the nobility had to pay as well as the common people.
777 The original has partisans. See page 136, note 266.
778 The President Potier de Novion (see page 333, note 608) was the first, it
is said, to adopt this custom, but a few months before this paragraph was
published (1689), he had to resign his post on account of malversation and abuse
of authority.
779 See page 155, note 309.
780 See page 181, note 381.
781 See page 72, note 175.
Page 380
782 Counsellors of parliament (see page 181, note 381) were obliged to wear
bands, by an order of Council obtained at the request of M. de Harlay (see page
45, note 122); before that time they wore cravats like other gentlemen. See also
page 65, note 162.
783 The counsellors of parliament wore red gowns, the magistrates red fur-
lined cloaks. See page 318, note 587. The original of “on account of his money”
is consignation. See page 169, note 333.
784 In most of the courts of France the places of magistrates were bought
and sold. See also the chapter “Of the Town,” page 167, § 5.
785 Marcus Valerius Martialis (43, was living 104) says: “Iras et verba
locant.”
786 Montaigne, Montesquieu, and many other eminent Frenchmen attacked
the legal employment of torture, but it was continued in France till 1788.
787 Our author uses by exception honnêtes gens for honest men. A certain
Marquis de Langlade was put on the rack (1688), and after having been
innocently sentenced to the galleys on a false accusation of having robbed the
Duke de Montmorency, died there in 1689; and a servant, Le Brun, accused of
the murder of Madame Marel, died after having been cruelly tortured (1690).
The real criminals were discovered some time afterwards, and this produced a
great sensation at the time La Bruyère wrote (1691).
788 It has been said that the wife of M. de Saint-Pouange (see page 134134,
note 259) was robbed of a diamond buckle when leaving the opera, but that it
was returned to her by M. de Grandmaison, grand prévôt de la connétablie.
789 The “Keys” mention as one of these men the President de Mesmes. See
page 168, note 331.
790 During the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV., fire-raising was very
common in the rural districts of France, and it was one of the means the peasants
chose for revenging themselves on their masters for their exactions and for fiscal
cruelties.
791 The original has lanternes, tribunes in Parliament whence people could
see what was going on without being seen.
792 Il se voit officier in the original. See page 153, note 304.
793 Titius and Seius were often quoted in Roman law, as “A.” and “B.” are
in English law, in stating a case to counsel. Mævius was a wretched poet of
Virgilʼs time, and seems to be wrongly named by La Bruyère in apposition to
Titius. According to some commentators, the mishap attributed to Titius really
happened to a M. Hennequin, procureur général au grand conseil.
794 The notary, M. de Bonnefoi, in Molièreʼs Malade Imaginaire (act i.
scene 9) explains to the hypochondriacal Argan: “You cannot give anything to
your wife by your will ... Common law is opposed to it ... in Paris and in all
countries where common law exists.... All the good which man and woman
joined in wedlock can do to each other, is a mutual donation while living; and
then there must be no children.” And when Argan asks what he has to do to leave
his wife his property, the honest notary replies: “You can quietly choose an
bands, by an order of Council obtained at the request of M. de Harlay (see page
45, note 122); before that time they wore cravats like other gentlemen. See also
page 65, note 162.
783 The counsellors of parliament wore red gowns, the magistrates red fur-
lined cloaks. See page 318, note 587. The original of “on account of his money”
is consignation. See page 169, note 333.
784 In most of the courts of France the places of magistrates were bought
and sold. See also the chapter “Of the Town,” page 167, § 5.
785 Marcus Valerius Martialis (43, was living 104) says: “Iras et verba
locant.”
786 Montaigne, Montesquieu, and many other eminent Frenchmen attacked
the legal employment of torture, but it was continued in France till 1788.
787 Our author uses by exception honnêtes gens for honest men. A certain
Marquis de Langlade was put on the rack (1688), and after having been
innocently sentenced to the galleys on a false accusation of having robbed the
Duke de Montmorency, died there in 1689; and a servant, Le Brun, accused of
the murder of Madame Marel, died after having been cruelly tortured (1690).
The real criminals were discovered some time afterwards, and this produced a
great sensation at the time La Bruyère wrote (1691).
788 It has been said that the wife of M. de Saint-Pouange (see page 134134,
note 259) was robbed of a diamond buckle when leaving the opera, but that it
was returned to her by M. de Grandmaison, grand prévôt de la connétablie.
789 The “Keys” mention as one of these men the President de Mesmes. See
page 168, note 331.
790 During the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV., fire-raising was very
common in the rural districts of France, and it was one of the means the peasants
chose for revenging themselves on their masters for their exactions and for fiscal
cruelties.
791 The original has lanternes, tribunes in Parliament whence people could
see what was going on without being seen.
792 Il se voit officier in the original. See page 153, note 304.
793 Titius and Seius were often quoted in Roman law, as “A.” and “B.” are
in English law, in stating a case to counsel. Mævius was a wretched poet of
Virgilʼs time, and seems to be wrongly named by La Bruyère in apposition to
Titius. According to some commentators, the mishap attributed to Titius really
happened to a M. Hennequin, procureur général au grand conseil.
794 The notary, M. de Bonnefoi, in Molièreʼs Malade Imaginaire (act i.
scene 9) explains to the hypochondriacal Argan: “You cannot give anything to
your wife by your will ... Common law is opposed to it ... in Paris and in all
countries where common law exists.... All the good which man and woman
joined in wedlock can do to each other, is a mutual donation while living; and
then there must be no children.” And when Argan asks what he has to do to leave
his wife his property, the honest notary replies: “You can quietly choose an
Page 381
intimate friend of your wifeʼs, to whom you will give, in due form by your will,
all that you can; and this friend shall afterwards give it all back to her.”
795 Vaudeville in the original, of which the primitive meaning was “a
satirical song.”
796 Le mortier in French. See page 168, note 331. When the king was not
present at a sitting of the Parliament, the president claimed the right to represent
him, and therefore, to take precedence before any one.
797 A certain de Charnacé, formerly lieutenant in the kingʼs body-guard,
committed several crimes in Anjou, even coined false money, and finally was
obliged to flee for his life. In many of the provinces the conduct of the nobles
was so inhuman and disgraceful, that the kings of France were often obliged to
appoint special committees, called grands jours, to try and punish them, the
latest and most celebrated of which had been held in Auvergne in 1665.
798 The “Keys” name Louis de Crevant, Duke dʼHumières, who was made
Marshal of France in 1668, and died in 1694; Jacques Henri de Durfort, Duke de
Duras, brother to the Earl of Feversham, and also a Marshal of France, who died
in 1704, at the age of seventy-four; and the Marshal de Créqui, as having
displayed great luxury whilst in the field. The king, who had first given the
example of such splendour, finally attempted to restrain it, and in vain
promulgated edicts against it in 1672.
799 Hermippus is supposed to be a certain Jean-Jacques Renouard, Count de
Villayer, maître des requêtes, a member of the French Academy, who was very
ingenious, and always invented new machinery—amongst others, a kind of lift—
and who died in 1691.
800 The original has improuver, now antiquated.
801 Leurs pensions in French. See page 381, note 695.
802 A dʼAquin (1629-1696), who was physician to Louis XIV., had one son a
magistrate and another a bishop. See also page 273, note 533.
803 See page 186, note 390. Some “Keys” also say that perhaps Adrien
Helvétius, the grandfather of the philosopher, may be meant, but this seems
hardly likely, for Helvétius was wealthy, gave his medicine gratis, was a very
honest man, and the first to recommend the use of ipecacuanha in certain
diseases.
804 In Molièreʼs Malade Imaginaire (act iii. scene 4), Toinette, the servant,
dressed up as a physician, says almost the same thing.
805 Constitution (de rentes) understood in the text.
806 Guy Crescence Fagon (1638-1718) became in succession physician to
the wife of the Dauphin, the queen, and the royal children, and in 1693, when
dʼAquin fell into disgrace, first physician to Louis XIV. He was for his time an
able and conscientious man. His eldest son became Bishop of Lombez, and his
second intendant des finances.
807 Fagon was a strenuous defender of emetics and of Peruvian bark, which
latter remedy was first imported into France in the seventeenth century, and had
become so popular that Jean la Fontaine sang its praises in a pretty long poem, le
Quinquina, the French name of the Peruvian bark, so called after the Countess
all that you can; and this friend shall afterwards give it all back to her.”
795 Vaudeville in the original, of which the primitive meaning was “a
satirical song.”
796 Le mortier in French. See page 168, note 331. When the king was not
present at a sitting of the Parliament, the president claimed the right to represent
him, and therefore, to take precedence before any one.
797 A certain de Charnacé, formerly lieutenant in the kingʼs body-guard,
committed several crimes in Anjou, even coined false money, and finally was
obliged to flee for his life. In many of the provinces the conduct of the nobles
was so inhuman and disgraceful, that the kings of France were often obliged to
appoint special committees, called grands jours, to try and punish them, the
latest and most celebrated of which had been held in Auvergne in 1665.
798 The “Keys” name Louis de Crevant, Duke dʼHumières, who was made
Marshal of France in 1668, and died in 1694; Jacques Henri de Durfort, Duke de
Duras, brother to the Earl of Feversham, and also a Marshal of France, who died
in 1704, at the age of seventy-four; and the Marshal de Créqui, as having
displayed great luxury whilst in the field. The king, who had first given the
example of such splendour, finally attempted to restrain it, and in vain
promulgated edicts against it in 1672.
799 Hermippus is supposed to be a certain Jean-Jacques Renouard, Count de
Villayer, maître des requêtes, a member of the French Academy, who was very
ingenious, and always invented new machinery—amongst others, a kind of lift—
and who died in 1691.
800 The original has improuver, now antiquated.
801 Leurs pensions in French. See page 381, note 695.
802 A dʼAquin (1629-1696), who was physician to Louis XIV., had one son a
magistrate and another a bishop. See also page 273, note 533.
803 See page 186, note 390. Some “Keys” also say that perhaps Adrien
Helvétius, the grandfather of the philosopher, may be meant, but this seems
hardly likely, for Helvétius was wealthy, gave his medicine gratis, was a very
honest man, and the first to recommend the use of ipecacuanha in certain
diseases.
804 In Molièreʼs Malade Imaginaire (act iii. scene 4), Toinette, the servant,
dressed up as a physician, says almost the same thing.
805 Constitution (de rentes) understood in the text.
806 Guy Crescence Fagon (1638-1718) became in succession physician to
the wife of the Dauphin, the queen, and the royal children, and in 1693, when
dʼAquin fell into disgrace, first physician to Louis XIV. He was for his time an
able and conscientious man. His eldest son became Bishop of Lombez, and his
second intendant des finances.
807 Fagon was a strenuous defender of emetics and of Peruvian bark, which
latter remedy was first imported into France in the seventeenth century, and had
become so popular that Jean la Fontaine sang its praises in a pretty long poem, le
Quinquina, the French name of the Peruvian bark, so called after the Countess
Page 382
del Cinchon, wife of the Viceroy of Peru, whence the bark was first sent to
Europe.
808 Fagon was also professor of botany and chemistry in the kingʼs botanical
garden, and one of the editors of its catalogue, called Hortus regius, published in
1665.
809 The belief in sorcerers and witchcraft was very general when our author
wrote, and there existed an almost universal idea that robbers and murderers
might be discovered by means of the motion of a hazel rod. Even the magistrates
in France tried sometimes such a rod to find out criminals.
810 Many eminent pedagogues have held a contrary opinion; for example,
Malebranche in his Traité de Morale, and Jean Jacques Rousseau in his Emile,
both maintain languages should be acquired when the child is not too young.
811 The going “open-breasted” was the fashion of the time of Francis I.;
ruffs and bands were worn in France during part of the reigns of Henri II. and
Henri III., but were no longer in vogue when our author wrote; they were,
however, still used in Spain.
812 This is an allusion to the wearing of very tight silk stockings and short
breeches, showing the legs.
813 It was never the custom in France for ladies to hide their feet, but in
Spain it was considered highly improper and indecent even to show the smallest
part of them (see the Countess dʼAulnoy, Relation du Voyage en Espagne, 1690);
and as the wife of Louis XIV., Maria Theresa, was a daughter of Philip IV. of
Spain, it is probable that the ladies at court followed the fashion set to them by
the queen.
814 According to Voltaireʼs Siècle de Louis XIV., chap, viii., the king and his
officers went, however, to the trenches wearing head-pieces and breast-plates.
815 Bertrand du Guesclin (1320-1380) was constable of France under
Charles V., whilst Olivier de Clisson (1332-1407) filled the same high office
under Charles VI.; Gaston de Foix (1331-1391), surnamed “Phœbus,” was
Viscount of Bearn, and Jean le Maingre de Boucicault (1364-1421) was Marshal
of France. They all four distinguished themselves in the wars against the English
during the fourteenth century.
816 Our author now launches into a dissertation about the relative value of
certain words which was far from unusual at the time he wrote, and is found in
almost the same form in several contemporary writers. I also imagine the late
Walter Savage Landor was influenced by La Bruyèreʼs dissertation when he
wrote in his “Imaginary Conversations” the two “Dialogues” between Dr.
Johnson and Horne Tooke.
817 Mais, says La Bruyère in a note, but this word is not an anagram of ains,
which comes from the Latin ante, whilst mais is the Latin magis.
818 It is not yet settled whether maint is of Latin, Celtic, or Teutonic origin.
819 Some purists wished to forbid the use of car, which was defended by
Voiture. (See page 20, note 72.)
820 A good many words which La Bruyère thought were going out of
fashion are still in use at present.
Europe.
808 Fagon was also professor of botany and chemistry in the kingʼs botanical
garden, and one of the editors of its catalogue, called Hortus regius, published in
1665.
809 The belief in sorcerers and witchcraft was very general when our author
wrote, and there existed an almost universal idea that robbers and murderers
might be discovered by means of the motion of a hazel rod. Even the magistrates
in France tried sometimes such a rod to find out criminals.
810 Many eminent pedagogues have held a contrary opinion; for example,
Malebranche in his Traité de Morale, and Jean Jacques Rousseau in his Emile,
both maintain languages should be acquired when the child is not too young.
811 The going “open-breasted” was the fashion of the time of Francis I.;
ruffs and bands were worn in France during part of the reigns of Henri II. and
Henri III., but were no longer in vogue when our author wrote; they were,
however, still used in Spain.
812 This is an allusion to the wearing of very tight silk stockings and short
breeches, showing the legs.
813 It was never the custom in France for ladies to hide their feet, but in
Spain it was considered highly improper and indecent even to show the smallest
part of them (see the Countess dʼAulnoy, Relation du Voyage en Espagne, 1690);
and as the wife of Louis XIV., Maria Theresa, was a daughter of Philip IV. of
Spain, it is probable that the ladies at court followed the fashion set to them by
the queen.
814 According to Voltaireʼs Siècle de Louis XIV., chap, viii., the king and his
officers went, however, to the trenches wearing head-pieces and breast-plates.
815 Bertrand du Guesclin (1320-1380) was constable of France under
Charles V., whilst Olivier de Clisson (1332-1407) filled the same high office
under Charles VI.; Gaston de Foix (1331-1391), surnamed “Phœbus,” was
Viscount of Bearn, and Jean le Maingre de Boucicault (1364-1421) was Marshal
of France. They all four distinguished themselves in the wars against the English
during the fourteenth century.
816 Our author now launches into a dissertation about the relative value of
certain words which was far from unusual at the time he wrote, and is found in
almost the same form in several contemporary writers. I also imagine the late
Walter Savage Landor was influenced by La Bruyèreʼs dissertation when he
wrote in his “Imaginary Conversations” the two “Dialogues” between Dr.
Johnson and Horne Tooke.
817 Mais, says La Bruyère in a note, but this word is not an anagram of ains,
which comes from the Latin ante, whilst mais is the Latin magis.
818 It is not yet settled whether maint is of Latin, Celtic, or Teutonic origin.
819 Some purists wished to forbid the use of car, which was defended by
Voiture. (See page 20, note 72.)
820 A good many words which La Bruyère thought were going out of
fashion are still in use at present.
Page 383
821 De moi and que cʼest que have been employed several times by
Malherbe (see page 21, note 76) and other good authors, but these expressions
are now quite obsolete.
822 Oraison, phrase in the original; antiquated in this sense.
823 The people formally changed the Latin syllables pro and fro into prou or
pour and into frou or four; hence proufit, fourment, or froument, from the Latin
proficere and fromentum. The scholars of the sixteenth century brought back
these words to their etymological form.
824 In French adjectives in il derived from Latin words with a long i, on
which the accent rests, form their feminine by adding an e, whilst adjectives with
the termination ile for the masculine and feminine are formed from Latin words
with a short i, not accentuated.
825 In the French of the Middle Ages these substantives had the termination
els, aus, or iaus in the nominative singular plural, and el in the accusative
singular and the nominative plural; aus became generally adopted in all cases,
but dropped the s.
826 Vaugelas and his commentators insisted that all words not sanctioned by
custom should not be admitted into the French language.
827 Laurent was a wretched versifier at the time of La Bruyère, who
published rhymed descriptions of all kinds of festivals.
828 For Marot. See page 22, note 79. Philippe Desportes (1555-1606), an
imitator of the Italian school of poetry, enjoyed a great reputation in his time.
829 See page 122, note 228, and page 20, note 72.
830 The original rondeaux which are given here are not so old as La Bruyère
thought they were, and are merely very fair imitations, written probably about
the end of the sixteenth century. The hero of the first rondeau is Ogier, generally
called le Danois, which does not mean the Dane, but is a contraction of le
DʼArdennois, from the Ardennes.
I owe the above translation to Mr. J. E. Barlas, of New College, Oxford, who
has endeavoured to imitate the pseudo-antiquated style of the original, and to use
several Chaucerian and Spenserian words.
Malherbe (see page 21, note 76) and other good authors, but these expressions
are now quite obsolete.
822 Oraison, phrase in the original; antiquated in this sense.
823 The people formally changed the Latin syllables pro and fro into prou or
pour and into frou or four; hence proufit, fourment, or froument, from the Latin
proficere and fromentum. The scholars of the sixteenth century brought back
these words to their etymological form.
824 In French adjectives in il derived from Latin words with a long i, on
which the accent rests, form their feminine by adding an e, whilst adjectives with
the termination ile for the masculine and feminine are formed from Latin words
with a short i, not accentuated.
825 In the French of the Middle Ages these substantives had the termination
els, aus, or iaus in the nominative singular plural, and el in the accusative
singular and the nominative plural; aus became generally adopted in all cases,
but dropped the s.
826 Vaugelas and his commentators insisted that all words not sanctioned by
custom should not be admitted into the French language.
827 Laurent was a wretched versifier at the time of La Bruyère, who
published rhymed descriptions of all kinds of festivals.
828 For Marot. See page 22, note 79. Philippe Desportes (1555-1606), an
imitator of the Italian school of poetry, enjoyed a great reputation in his time.
829 See page 122, note 228, and page 20, note 72.
830 The original rondeaux which are given here are not so old as La Bruyère
thought they were, and are merely very fair imitations, written probably about
the end of the sixteenth century. The hero of the first rondeau is Ogier, generally
called le Danois, which does not mean the Dane, but is a contraction of le
DʼArdennois, from the Ardennes.
I owe the above translation to Mr. J. E. Barlas, of New College, Oxford, who
has endeavoured to imitate the pseudo-antiquated style of the original, and to use
several Chaucerian and Spenserian words.
Page 384
Bien à propos sʼen vint Ogier en France
Pour le païs de mescréans monder:
Jà nʼest besoin de conter sa vaillance
Puisquʼ ennemis nʼosoient le regarder.
Or quand il eut tout mis en assurance,
De voyager il voulut sʼenharder;
En Paradis trouva lʼeau de jouvance,
Dont il se sceut de vieillesse engarder
Bien à propos.
Puis par cette eau son corps tout décrépite
Transmué fut par manière subite
En jeune gars, frais, gracieux et droit.
Grand dommage est que cecy soit sornettes:
Filles connois qui ne sont pas jeunettes,
A qui cette eau de jouvance viendroit
Bien à propos.
——
De cettuy preux maints grands clercs ont écrit
Quʼoncques dangier nʼétonna son courage:
Abusé fut par le malin esprit,
Quʼil épousa sous feminin visage.
Si piteux cas à la fin découvrit,
Sans un seul brin de peur ny de dommage,
Dont grand renom par tout le monde acquit,
Si quʼon tenoit très honeste langage
De cettuy preux.
Bien-tost après fille de Roy sʼéprit
De son amour, qui voulentiers sʼoffrit
Au bon Richard en second mariage.
Donc sil vaut mieux ou diable ou femme avoir,
Et qui des deux bruit plus en ménage,
Ceulx qui voudront, si le pourront scavoir
De cettuy preux.
831 The chapter “Of the Pulpit” was first published in 1688, and our author
made additions to it until the eighth edition of the “Characters” saw the light, in
1694. He had heard all the best preachers of his time, such as the Jesuit Claude
de Lingendes (see page 323, note 592), and the Oratorians Le Jeune and Senault,
who both died in 1672, whilst Bossuet preached in Paris from 1659 to 1669.
Bourdaloue began preaching there in 1663, Mascaron in 1666, Fléchier in 1670,
and Fénelon in 1675. The only great pulpit-orator our author did not hear was
Massillon, who did not preach in the capital until 1696. Several sermons on
pulpit oratory were preached in France, and many books on the same subject had
been published there before and after this chapter was printed.
Pour le païs de mescréans monder:
Jà nʼest besoin de conter sa vaillance
Puisquʼ ennemis nʼosoient le regarder.
Or quand il eut tout mis en assurance,
De voyager il voulut sʼenharder;
En Paradis trouva lʼeau de jouvance,
Dont il se sceut de vieillesse engarder
Bien à propos.
Puis par cette eau son corps tout décrépite
Transmué fut par manière subite
En jeune gars, frais, gracieux et droit.
Grand dommage est que cecy soit sornettes:
Filles connois qui ne sont pas jeunettes,
A qui cette eau de jouvance viendroit
Bien à propos.
——
De cettuy preux maints grands clercs ont écrit
Quʼoncques dangier nʼétonna son courage:
Abusé fut par le malin esprit,
Quʼil épousa sous feminin visage.
Si piteux cas à la fin découvrit,
Sans un seul brin de peur ny de dommage,
Dont grand renom par tout le monde acquit,
Si quʼon tenoit très honeste langage
De cettuy preux.
Bien-tost après fille de Roy sʼéprit
De son amour, qui voulentiers sʼoffrit
Au bon Richard en second mariage.
Donc sil vaut mieux ou diable ou femme avoir,
Et qui des deux bruit plus en ménage,
Ceulx qui voudront, si le pourront scavoir
De cettuy preux.
831 The chapter “Of the Pulpit” was first published in 1688, and our author
made additions to it until the eighth edition of the “Characters” saw the light, in
1694. He had heard all the best preachers of his time, such as the Jesuit Claude
de Lingendes (see page 323, note 592), and the Oratorians Le Jeune and Senault,
who both died in 1672, whilst Bossuet preached in Paris from 1659 to 1669.
Bourdaloue began preaching there in 1663, Mascaron in 1666, Fléchier in 1670,
and Fénelon in 1675. The only great pulpit-orator our author did not hear was
Massillon, who did not preach in the capital until 1696. Several sermons on
pulpit oratory were preached in France, and many books on the same subject had
been published there before and after this chapter was printed.
Page 385
832 Three barristers of repute in the seventeenth century, Antoine le Maître
(1608-1658), whose Recueil de Plaidoyers has been printed; Claude Pucelle, and
Bonaventure Fourcroy, a friend of Molière and Boileau, who died in 1691 and
was a poet as well as a lawyer.
833 See the Chapter “Of Certain Customs,” § 42.
834 A certain Abbé le Tourneur or le Tourneux, who died in 1680 at the age
of forty-six, is said to have been such a man, but was, of course, not allowed to
remain long at court.
835 Bourdaloue (1632-1704) set the fashion of introducing in his sermons
“portraits” or “Characters” of well-known individuals: a fashion which was
much exaggerated by his imitators, and which also for some time prevailed in
England. The Sermons of Dr. R. South (1633-1716), Prebendary of Westminster
and Canon of Christ Church, Oxon, contain also many “portraits.”
836 Our author says in a note; “This was Father Seraphin, a Capuchin
monk.” Others have been less favourably inclined towards this preacher than La
Bruyère was. This monk, who had been holding forth in Paris as early as 1671,
preached in the parish church of Versailles, and four years later before the court
and the king, in the palace.
837 Saint Basil (329-379) was bishop of Cesarea; Saint John Chrysostom
was (347-407) bishop of Constantinople, called the “golden-mouthed” for his
great eloquence.
838 Our author makes the same observation about dramatic poets. See his
Chapter “Of Works of the Mind,” page 9, § 8.
839 Compare in Racineʼs comedy of Les Plaideurs the speech of “LʼIntimé”
(act iii, scene 3), to ridicule similar quotations.
840 The Pandects of the Roman emperor Justinian were a cyclopædia of
legal decisions of Roman lawyers; and after they had been discovered at Amalfi
in Italy about the year 1137, they changed the whole of the legal aspect of
Europe.
841 There were three saints of the name of Cyrillus, but the one mentioned
above was probably bishop of Jerusalem (315-388); Saint Thascius Cæcilius
Cyprianus (210-285) was bishop of Carthage: whilst Saint Aurelius Augustinus
(354-430) was the celebrated author and bishop of Hippo.
842 The preachers accused of a florid style were, according to the “Keys,”
the Oratorian Senault, and Fléchier, who in 1685 had been appointed bishop of
Nîmes.
843 Theodorus is supposed to be Bourdaloue (see page 165, note 326). Some
other celebrated preachers have also been named.
844 Charles Boileau, abbé de Beaulieu, and a member of the French
Academy, who died in 1704 (see page 49, note 135), is said to have preached a
morality such as is mentioned in the above paragraph.
845 A certain Abbé de Roquette, a nephew of the Bishop of Autun (see page
226, note 453), had to preach one Holy Thursday before the king, but through
some unfortunate accident Louis XIV. could not be present, and the preacher,
disconcerted at the absence of the monarch, for whom probably he had prepared
(1608-1658), whose Recueil de Plaidoyers has been printed; Claude Pucelle, and
Bonaventure Fourcroy, a friend of Molière and Boileau, who died in 1691 and
was a poet as well as a lawyer.
833 See the Chapter “Of Certain Customs,” § 42.
834 A certain Abbé le Tourneur or le Tourneux, who died in 1680 at the age
of forty-six, is said to have been such a man, but was, of course, not allowed to
remain long at court.
835 Bourdaloue (1632-1704) set the fashion of introducing in his sermons
“portraits” or “Characters” of well-known individuals: a fashion which was
much exaggerated by his imitators, and which also for some time prevailed in
England. The Sermons of Dr. R. South (1633-1716), Prebendary of Westminster
and Canon of Christ Church, Oxon, contain also many “portraits.”
836 Our author says in a note; “This was Father Seraphin, a Capuchin
monk.” Others have been less favourably inclined towards this preacher than La
Bruyère was. This monk, who had been holding forth in Paris as early as 1671,
preached in the parish church of Versailles, and four years later before the court
and the king, in the palace.
837 Saint Basil (329-379) was bishop of Cesarea; Saint John Chrysostom
was (347-407) bishop of Constantinople, called the “golden-mouthed” for his
great eloquence.
838 Our author makes the same observation about dramatic poets. See his
Chapter “Of Works of the Mind,” page 9, § 8.
839 Compare in Racineʼs comedy of Les Plaideurs the speech of “LʼIntimé”
(act iii, scene 3), to ridicule similar quotations.
840 The Pandects of the Roman emperor Justinian were a cyclopædia of
legal decisions of Roman lawyers; and after they had been discovered at Amalfi
in Italy about the year 1137, they changed the whole of the legal aspect of
Europe.
841 There were three saints of the name of Cyrillus, but the one mentioned
above was probably bishop of Jerusalem (315-388); Saint Thascius Cæcilius
Cyprianus (210-285) was bishop of Carthage: whilst Saint Aurelius Augustinus
(354-430) was the celebrated author and bishop of Hippo.
842 The preachers accused of a florid style were, according to the “Keys,”
the Oratorian Senault, and Fléchier, who in 1685 had been appointed bishop of
Nîmes.
843 Theodorus is supposed to be Bourdaloue (see page 165, note 326). Some
other celebrated preachers have also been named.
844 Charles Boileau, abbé de Beaulieu, and a member of the French
Academy, who died in 1704 (see page 49, note 135), is said to have preached a
morality such as is mentioned in the above paragraph.
845 A certain Abbé de Roquette, a nephew of the Bishop of Autun (see page
226, note 453), had to preach one Holy Thursday before the king, but through
some unfortunate accident Louis XIV. could not be present, and the preacher,
disconcerted at the absence of the monarch, for whom probably he had prepared
Page 386
the most fulsome flatteries, did not dare to mount the pulpit and deliver his
sermon.
846 In the original clercs, to which our author added a note in the first four
editions to say that he meant “clergymen.” The whole paragraph alludes to the
missionaries sent into the provinces to convert the Protestants. Did La Bruyère,
in speaking of the “converts who had already been made for these clergymen,”
hint at the dragonnades and at the other wretched and inhuman means employed
to compel people to change their religion? I am afraid not, though he admits
some persons could not be converted.
847 Saint Vincent de Paul (1566-1660), a well-known philanthropical
preacher, very successful in his missions; Saint Francis Xavier (1506-1553), a
Jesuit missionary, who made many converts in the East Indies.
848 See page 173, note 346.
849 See the chapter “Of Works of the Mind,” page 65, § 3.
850 Some scribbler of the time, a certain Gédéon Pontier, author of the
Cabinet des Grands, is said to have written almost similar nonsense.
851 In 1689, the same year this paragraph first appeared, seventy-nine royal
censors had been appointed, and no book could be printed without their
permission.
852 The last sentence of the above paragraph was added in the fifth edition
of the “Characters,” published in 1690, about one year after Fénelon had been
appointed teacher of the Duke of Burgundy, the grandson of Louis XIV. Fénelon
became archbishop of Cambrai in 1695.
853 See page 27, note 97. Several eminent divines had already written
against “freethinkers,” and about a year before the first edition of the
“Characters” appeared, Fénelon preached a sermon against them. Those
freethinkers were not deists nor atheists, but somewhat like those persons, at
present called agnostics, who neither affirm nor deny anything, but simply state
that they know nothing for certain. Among their sect might be reckoned at the
time our author wrote the celebrated traveller Bernier, Saint Evremond, Bayle,
Fontenelle, Chaulieu, La Fare, the Dukes de Nevers and de Bouillon, the Grand
Prior de Vendôme, and many others.
854 The French name for “freethinker” is esprit fort, literally “strong mind.”
855 Another play on words in the original on esprit fort and esprit faible.
856 This is perhaps an allusion to the traveller F. Bernier, a pupil of
Gassendi, who visited Assyria, Egypt, and India, and published a narrative of his
travels in 1670.
857 Libertin was another name for freethinker in French. See p. 161, note
319.
858 The original has une personne libre, to which our author adds in a note,
une fille.
859 An allusion to some such men as the Duke de la Feuillade, the Minister
de Louvois, and the Marquis de Seignelay, who have been mentioned before, and
who almost all died after a very short illness.
sermon.
846 In the original clercs, to which our author added a note in the first four
editions to say that he meant “clergymen.” The whole paragraph alludes to the
missionaries sent into the provinces to convert the Protestants. Did La Bruyère,
in speaking of the “converts who had already been made for these clergymen,”
hint at the dragonnades and at the other wretched and inhuman means employed
to compel people to change their religion? I am afraid not, though he admits
some persons could not be converted.
847 Saint Vincent de Paul (1566-1660), a well-known philanthropical
preacher, very successful in his missions; Saint Francis Xavier (1506-1553), a
Jesuit missionary, who made many converts in the East Indies.
848 See page 173, note 346.
849 See the chapter “Of Works of the Mind,” page 65, § 3.
850 Some scribbler of the time, a certain Gédéon Pontier, author of the
Cabinet des Grands, is said to have written almost similar nonsense.
851 In 1689, the same year this paragraph first appeared, seventy-nine royal
censors had been appointed, and no book could be printed without their
permission.
852 The last sentence of the above paragraph was added in the fifth edition
of the “Characters,” published in 1690, about one year after Fénelon had been
appointed teacher of the Duke of Burgundy, the grandson of Louis XIV. Fénelon
became archbishop of Cambrai in 1695.
853 See page 27, note 97. Several eminent divines had already written
against “freethinkers,” and about a year before the first edition of the
“Characters” appeared, Fénelon preached a sermon against them. Those
freethinkers were not deists nor atheists, but somewhat like those persons, at
present called agnostics, who neither affirm nor deny anything, but simply state
that they know nothing for certain. Among their sect might be reckoned at the
time our author wrote the celebrated traveller Bernier, Saint Evremond, Bayle,
Fontenelle, Chaulieu, La Fare, the Dukes de Nevers and de Bouillon, the Grand
Prior de Vendôme, and many others.
854 The French name for “freethinker” is esprit fort, literally “strong mind.”
855 Another play on words in the original on esprit fort and esprit faible.
856 This is perhaps an allusion to the traveller F. Bernier, a pupil of
Gassendi, who visited Assyria, Egypt, and India, and published a narrative of his
travels in 1670.
857 Libertin was another name for freethinker in French. See p. 161, note
319.
858 The original has une personne libre, to which our author adds in a note,
une fille.
859 An allusion to some such men as the Duke de la Feuillade, the Minister
de Louvois, and the Marquis de Seignelay, who have been mentioned before, and
who almost all died after a very short illness.
Page 387
860 Whenever our author has an opportunity he always opposes esprits forts
to esprits faibles, or faibles génies, as in the above paragraph.
861 Leo I., bishop of Rome, called the Great, died 461; St. Jerome (331-420)
was one of the fathers of the Latin Church. For Basil and Augustine (see page
446, note 837, and page 447, note 841.)
862 Spécieux in the original, with the Latin meaning.
863 This is perhaps a hit at Malebrancheʼs Nouvelle Métaphysique.
864 At the time our author wrote it was the custom to allow masked people
to enter a ball-room.
865 In “A New Historical Relation of Siam,” by M. de la Loubère (see page
155, note 2), we find: “The priests are the Talapoins.... They have umbrellas in
the form of a screen which they carry in their hand.... In Siamese they call them
‘Talapat,’ and it is probable that from hence comes the name of ‘Talapir’ or
‘Talapoin,’ which is in use among foreigners only.” The embassy from the King
of Siam to Louis XIV. took place in the year 1686. See page 338, note 624.
866 In 1685, when this paragraph was first published, La Bruyère was forty
years old.
867 St. Augustin (see page 447, note 841) and Descartes (see page 150, § 56)
had already made use of the above argument.
868 Our author adds in a note: “An objection to the system of freethinkers.”
An allusion to the system of Spinosa, which Fénelon also attempted to refute in
his Traité de lʼexistence de Dieu.
869 “This is what freethinkers bring forward,” says La Bruyère in a note. He
means probably the disciples of Gassendi, and followers of the systems of
Epicurus and Lucretius.
870 This is Descartesʼ doctrine.
871 Lucilius is supposed to have been the Duke of Bourbon, the pupil of La
Bruyère, and the spot of ground, the park of Chantilly, the seat of the Condé
family. (See page 25, § 48.)
872 Instead of the Nonette and the Thève, two small rivers canalised by order
of the Prince de Condé, our author names two other small streams, the Yvette,
which has its source near Rambouillet, and the Lignon, an affluent of the Loire.
873 André le Nôtre, a celebrated landscape-gardener, laid out the gardens of
Versailles and Chantilly, and died in 1700.
874 The calculations of La Bruyère were not always exact; thus the mass of
the moon is eighty-nine times less than the earthʼs; it is 2165 miles in diameter,
and revolves at a mean distance of 238,800 miles round the earth.
875 Our author argues as if he were no believer in the system of Copernicus
(1473-1543), but he only states that the sun appears to move through the
firmament, for on page 484 he distinctly mentions that “the earth is carried round
the sun.”
876 If we suppose that the earth is immovable, the moon moves at a rate of
more than eighteen hundred thousand miles a day, but in reality it moves at the
to esprits faibles, or faibles génies, as in the above paragraph.
861 Leo I., bishop of Rome, called the Great, died 461; St. Jerome (331-420)
was one of the fathers of the Latin Church. For Basil and Augustine (see page
446, note 837, and page 447, note 841.)
862 Spécieux in the original, with the Latin meaning.
863 This is perhaps a hit at Malebrancheʼs Nouvelle Métaphysique.
864 At the time our author wrote it was the custom to allow masked people
to enter a ball-room.
865 In “A New Historical Relation of Siam,” by M. de la Loubère (see page
155, note 2), we find: “The priests are the Talapoins.... They have umbrellas in
the form of a screen which they carry in their hand.... In Siamese they call them
‘Talapat,’ and it is probable that from hence comes the name of ‘Talapir’ or
‘Talapoin,’ which is in use among foreigners only.” The embassy from the King
of Siam to Louis XIV. took place in the year 1686. See page 338, note 624.
866 In 1685, when this paragraph was first published, La Bruyère was forty
years old.
867 St. Augustin (see page 447, note 841) and Descartes (see page 150, § 56)
had already made use of the above argument.
868 Our author adds in a note: “An objection to the system of freethinkers.”
An allusion to the system of Spinosa, which Fénelon also attempted to refute in
his Traité de lʼexistence de Dieu.
869 “This is what freethinkers bring forward,” says La Bruyère in a note. He
means probably the disciples of Gassendi, and followers of the systems of
Epicurus and Lucretius.
870 This is Descartesʼ doctrine.
871 Lucilius is supposed to have been the Duke of Bourbon, the pupil of La
Bruyère, and the spot of ground, the park of Chantilly, the seat of the Condé
family. (See page 25, § 48.)
872 Instead of the Nonette and the Thève, two small rivers canalised by order
of the Prince de Condé, our author names two other small streams, the Yvette,
which has its source near Rambouillet, and the Lignon, an affluent of the Loire.
873 André le Nôtre, a celebrated landscape-gardener, laid out the gardens of
Versailles and Chantilly, and died in 1700.
874 The calculations of La Bruyère were not always exact; thus the mass of
the moon is eighty-nine times less than the earthʼs; it is 2165 miles in diameter,
and revolves at a mean distance of 238,800 miles round the earth.
875 Our author argues as if he were no believer in the system of Copernicus
(1473-1543), but he only states that the sun appears to move through the
firmament, for on page 484 he distinctly mentions that “the earth is carried round
the sun.”
876 If we suppose that the earth is immovable, the moon moves at a rate of
more than eighteen hundred thousand miles a day, but in reality it moves at the
Page 388
rate of about sixty thousand miles during twenty-four hours.
877 Sound travels at the rate of more than nine hundred miles per hour.
878 It is in reality a hundred and ten times more.
879 Its absolute diameter is 860,000 miles.
880 The volume of the sun is equivalent to about one and a quarter million
times the volume of our earth; but its mean density is only a quarter of that of the
earth.
881 The mean distance of the sun from the earth, is, according to the latest
results, about 92,400,000 miles.
882 Saturnʼs volume is 686.7 that of the earth; it is the sixth planet in order
of distance from the sun, and describes in 10,795,22 days, or twenty-nine years
five months and fourteen days, an orbit whose semi-major axis is 872,137,000
miles. In our authorʼs time Saturn was supposed to be the planet the farthest
from the sun. See page 135, note 264.
883 “Immensurable” is a word La Bruyère tried to naturalise in French, but
he did not succeed, yet it exists in English; “incommensurable” is to be found in
both languages.
884 According to Aragoʼs Leçons dʼAstronomie the star nearest the earth is
still 22,800,000,000,000 leagues distant from it.
885 No south polar star exists.
886 Though the number of stars visible to the naked eye is not more than five
thousand, thousands of millions of stars are in existence of which only about a
hundred thousand have been observed.
887 See page 479, note 875. The sun is not the centre of the universe, but of
our planetary system.
888 The atomic system of philosophy started by Leucippus, and adopted by
Epicurus, Democritus, and many other philosophers, was that the universe,
material and mental, consisted of minute, indivisible, and impenetrable atoms,
which atoms were assumed to be the ultimate ground of nature, whilst necessity
was supposed to be the cause of all existence.
889 According to Descartesʼ Discours de la Méthode, animal spirits, which
are so often mentioned in the philosophical and moral works of his time, “are
like a very subtle mind, or rather like a very pure and bright flame, which is
continually and in great abundance ascending from the heart to the brain,
proceeds from thence through the nerves into the muscles, and produces motion
in all the members of the body.”
890 Pascal already in his Pensées (i. 6.) had called man “a thinking reed ...
nobler than the universe, even if it were to crush him, because he knows he has
to die.”
891 In the original ouvrier. See page 159, note 314.
892 Similar ideas as those expressed in the above paragraph are to be found
in a sermon “On Providence” preached by Bossuet at the Louvre in 1662, which
was not printed until long after he and La Bruyère were dead. But as the two
877 Sound travels at the rate of more than nine hundred miles per hour.
878 It is in reality a hundred and ten times more.
879 Its absolute diameter is 860,000 miles.
880 The volume of the sun is equivalent to about one and a quarter million
times the volume of our earth; but its mean density is only a quarter of that of the
earth.
881 The mean distance of the sun from the earth, is, according to the latest
results, about 92,400,000 miles.
882 Saturnʼs volume is 686.7 that of the earth; it is the sixth planet in order
of distance from the sun, and describes in 10,795,22 days, or twenty-nine years
five months and fourteen days, an orbit whose semi-major axis is 872,137,000
miles. In our authorʼs time Saturn was supposed to be the planet the farthest
from the sun. See page 135, note 264.
883 “Immensurable” is a word La Bruyère tried to naturalise in French, but
he did not succeed, yet it exists in English; “incommensurable” is to be found in
both languages.
884 According to Aragoʼs Leçons dʼAstronomie the star nearest the earth is
still 22,800,000,000,000 leagues distant from it.
885 No south polar star exists.
886 Though the number of stars visible to the naked eye is not more than five
thousand, thousands of millions of stars are in existence of which only about a
hundred thousand have been observed.
887 See page 479, note 875. The sun is not the centre of the universe, but of
our planetary system.
888 The atomic system of philosophy started by Leucippus, and adopted by
Epicurus, Democritus, and many other philosophers, was that the universe,
material and mental, consisted of minute, indivisible, and impenetrable atoms,
which atoms were assumed to be the ultimate ground of nature, whilst necessity
was supposed to be the cause of all existence.
889 According to Descartesʼ Discours de la Méthode, animal spirits, which
are so often mentioned in the philosophical and moral works of his time, “are
like a very subtle mind, or rather like a very pure and bright flame, which is
continually and in great abundance ascending from the heart to the brain,
proceeds from thence through the nerves into the muscles, and produces motion
in all the members of the body.”
890 Pascal already in his Pensées (i. 6.) had called man “a thinking reed ...
nobler than the universe, even if it were to crush him, because he knows he has
to die.”
891 In the original ouvrier. See page 159, note 314.
892 Similar ideas as those expressed in the above paragraph are to be found
in a sermon “On Providence” preached by Bossuet at the Louvre in 1662, which
was not printed until long after he and La Bruyère were dead. But as the two
Page 389
men were great friends, it is not unlikely that our author may have heard them
expressed by the eloquent pulpit orator, either in private conversation or in a
sermon.
893 See the chapter “Of Opinions,” page 364, § 104.
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON.
expressed by the eloquent pulpit orator, either in private conversation or in a
sermon.
893 See the chapter “Of Opinions,” page 364, § 104.
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON.
Page 390
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