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Title: The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy

Author: Lothrop Stoddard

Author of introduction, etc.: Madison Grant

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISING
TIDE OF COLOR AGAINST WHITE WORLD-SUPREMACY ***

THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR
AGAINST
WHITE WORLD-SUPREMACY

THE
RISING TIDE OF COLOR
AGAINST WHITE WORLD-SUPREMACY

BY

LOTHROP STODDARD, A.M., Ph.D. (Harv.)
AUTHOR OF “THE STAKES OF THE WAR,”
“PRESENT-DAY EUROPE: ITS NATIONAL STATES OF MIND,”
“THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN SAN DOMINGO,” ETC.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

MADISON GRANT
CHAIRMAN NEW YORK ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY; TRUSTEE AMERICAN
MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY; COUNCILLOR AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY;
AUTHOR OF “THE PASSING OF THE GREAT RACE”

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1921

Copyright, 1920, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS

All rights reserved

Published April, 1920
Reprinted June, July, September, October, 1920;
February, 1921

PREFACE
More than a decade ago I became convinced that the key-note of twentieth-
century world-politics would be the relations between the primary races of
mankind. Momentous modifications of existing race-relations were
evidently impending, and nothing could be more vital to the course of
human evolution than the character of these modifications, since upon the
quality of human life all else depends.
Accordingly, my attention was thenceforth largely directed to racial matters.
In the preface to an historical monograph (“The French Revolution in San
Domingo”) written shortly before the Great War, I stated: “The world-wide
struggle between the primary races of mankind—the ‘conflict of color,’ as it
has been happily termed—bids fair to be the fundamental problem of the
twentieth century, and great communities like the United States of America,
the South African Confederation, and Australasia regard the ‘color
question’ as perhaps the gravest problem of the future.”
Those lines were penned in June, 1914. Before their publication the Great
War had burst upon the world. At that time several reviewers commented
upon the above dictum and wondered whether, had I written two months
later, I should have held a different opinion.
As a matter of fact, I should have expressed myself even more strongly to
the same effect. To me the Great War was from the first the White Civil
War, which, whatever its outcome, must gravely complicate the course of
racial relations.
Before the war I had hoped that the readjustments rendered inevitable by
the renascence of the brown and yellow peoples of Asia would be a gradual,
and in the main a pacific, process, kept within evolutionary bounds by the
white world’s inherent strength and fundamental solidarity. The frightful
weakening of the white world during the war, however, opened up
revolutionary, even cataclysmic, possibilities.

In saying this I do not refer solely to military “perils.” The subjugation of
white lands by colored armies may, of course, occur, especially if the white
world continues to rend itself with internecine wars. However, such colored
triumphs of arms are less to be dreaded than more enduring conquests like
migrations which would swamp whole populations and turn countries now
white into colored man’s lands irretrievably lost to the white world. Of
course, these ominous possibilities existed even before 1914, but the war
has rendered them much more probable.
The most disquieting feature of the present situation, however, is not the
war but the peace. The white world’s inability to frame a constructive
settlement, the perpetuation of intestine hatreds, and the menace of fresh
white civil wars complicated by the spectre of social revolution, evoke the
dread thought that the late war may be merely the first stage in a cycle of
ruin.
In fact, so absorbed is the white world with its domestic dissensions that it
pays scant heed to racial problems whose importance for the future of
mankind far transcends the questions which engross its attention to-day.
This relative indifference to the larger racial issues has determined the
writing of the present book. So fundamental are these issues that a candid
discussion of them would seem to be timely and helpful.
In the following pages I have tried to analyze in their various aspects the
present relations between the white and non-white worlds. My task has
been greatly aided by the Introduction from the pen of Madison Grant, who
has admirably summarized the biological and historical background. A life-
long student of biology, Mr. Grant approaches the subject along that line.
My own avenue of approach being world-politics, the resulting convergence
of different view-points has been a most useful one.
For the stimulating counsel of Mr. Grant in the preparation of this book my
thanks are especially due. I desire also to acknowledge my indebtedness for
helpful suggestions to Messrs. Alleyne Ireland, Glenn Frank, and other
friends.
Lothrop Stoddard.

New York City,
February 28, 1920.

CONTENTS
PAGE

Introduction by Madison Grant xi

PART I
THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR
CHAPTER

I. The World of Color 3
II. Yellow Man’s Land 17
III. Brown Man’s Land 54
IV. Black Man’s Land 87
V. Red Man’s Land 104

PART II
THE EBBING TIDE OF WHITE
VI. The White Flood 145
VII. The Beginning of the Ebb 154
VIII. The Modern Peloponnesian War 173
IX. The Shattering of White Solidarity 198

PART III
THE DELUGE ON THE DIKES
X. The Outer Dikes 225
XI. The Inner Dikes 236
XII. The Crisis of the Ages 299
Index 311

MAPS
PAGE

I
Distribution of the Primary Races 14

II
Categories of White World-Supremacy 150

III
Distribution of the White Races 228

INTRODUCTION
Mr. Lothrop Stoddard’s “The Rising Tide of Color,” following so closely
the Great War, may appear to some unduly alarming, while others, as his
thread of argument unrolls, may recoil at the logic of his deductions.
In our present era of convulsive changes, a prophet must be bold, indeed, to
predict anything more definite than a mere trend in events, but the study of
the past is the one safe guide in forecasting the future.
Mr. Stoddard takes up the white man’s world and its potential enemies as
they are to-day. A consideration of their early relations and of the history of
the Nordic race, since its first appearance three or four thousand years ago,
tends strongly to sustain and justify his conclusions. For such a
consideration we must first turn to the map, or, better, to the globe.
Viewed in the light of geography and zoölogy, Europe west of Russia is but
a peninsula of Asia with the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea
included. True Africa, or rather Ethiopia, lies south of the Sahara Desert and
has virtually no connection with the North except along the valley of the
Nile.
This Eurasiatic continent has been, perhaps, since the origin of life itself,
the most active centre of evolution and radiation of the higher forms.
Confining ourselves to the mammalian orders, we find that a majority of
them have originated and developed there and have spread thence to the
outlying land areas of the globe. All the evidence points to the origin of the
Primates in Eurasia and we have every reason to believe that this continent
was also the scene of the early evolution of man from his anthropoid
ancestors.
The impulse that inaugurated the development of mankind seems to have
had its basic cause in the stress of changing climatic conditions in central
Asia at the close of the Pliocene, and the human inhabitants of Eurasia have
ever since exhibited in a superlative degree the energy developed at that

time. This energy, however, has not been equally shared by the various
species of man, either extinct or living, and the survivors of the earlier races
are, for the most part, to be found on the other continents and islands or in
the extreme outlying regions of Eurasia itself.
In other words those groups of mankind which at an early period found
refuge in the Americas, in Australia, in Ethiopia, or in the islands of the sea,
represent to a large extent stages in man’s physical and cultural
development, from which the more energized inhabitants of Eurasia have
long since emerged. In some cases, as in Mexico and Peru, the outlying
races developed in their isolation a limited culture of their own, but, for the
most part, they have exhibited, and continue to this day to exhibit, a lack of
capacity for sustained evolution from within as well as a lack of capacity to
adjust themselves of their own initiative to the rapid changes which modern
times impose upon them from without.
In Eurasia itself this same inequality of potential capacity is found, but in a
lesser degree, and consequently, in the progress of humanity, there has been
constant friction between those who push forward and those who are unable
to keep pace with changing conditions.
Owing to these causes the history of mankind has been that of a series of
impulses from the Eurasiatic continent upon the outlying regions of the
globe, but there has been an almost complete lack of reaction, either racial
or cultural, from them upon the masses of mankind in Eurasia itself. There
have been endless conflicts between the different sections of Eurasia, but
neither Amerinds, nor Austroloids, nor Negroes, have ever made a
concerted attack upon the great continent.

Without attempting a scientific classification of the inhabitants of Eurasia, it
is sufficient to describe the three main races. The first are the yellow-
skinned, straight black-haired, black-eyed, round-skulled Mongols and
Mongoloids massed in central and eastern Asia north of the Himalayan
system.

To the west of them, and merged with them, lie the Alpines, also
characterized by dark, but not straight, hair, dark eyes, relatively short
stature, and round skulls. These Alpines are thrust like a wedge into Europe
between the Nordics and the Mediterraneans, with a tip that reaches the
Atlantic Ocean. Those of western Europe are derived from one or more
very ancient waves of round-skulled invaders from the East, who probably
came by way of Asia Minor and the Balkans, but they have been so long in
their present homes that they retain little except their brachycephalic skull-
shape to connect them with the Asiatic Mongols.
South of the Himalayas and westward in a narrow belt to the Atlantic, and
on both sides of the Inland Sea, lies the Mediterranean race, more or less
swarthy-skinned, black-haired, dark-eyed, and long-skulled.
On the northwest, grouped around the Baltic and North Seas, lies the great
Nordic race. It is characterized by a fair white skin, wavy hair with a range
of color from dark brown to flaxen, light eyes, tall stature, and long skulls.
These races show other physical characters which are definite but difficult
to describe, such as texture of skin and cast of features, especially of the
nose. The contrast of mental and spiritual endowments is equally definite,
but even more elusive of definition.
It is with the action and interaction of these three groups, together with
internal civil wars, that recorded history deals.
While, so far as we know, these three races have occupied their present
relative positions from the beginning, there have been profound changes in
their distribution.
The two essential phenomena, however, are, first, the retreat of the Nordic
race westward from the Grasslands of western Asia and eastern Europe to
the borders of the Atlantic, until it occupies a relatively small area on the
periphery of Eurasia.
The second phenomenon is of equal importance, namely, the more or less
thorough Nordicizing of the westernmost extensions of the other two races,
namely, the Mediterranean on the north coast of the Inland Sea, who have
been completely Aryanized in speech, and have been again and again
saturated with Nordic blood, and the even more profound Nordicization in

speech and in blood of the short, dark, round-skulled inhabitants of central
Europe, from Brittany through central France, southern Germany, and
northern Italy into Austrian and Balkan lands. So thorough has been this
process that the western Alpines have at the present time no separate race
consciousness and are to be considered as wholly European.
As to the Alpines of eastern and central Europe, the Slavs, the case is
somewhat different. East of a line drawn from the Adriatic to the Baltic the
Nordicizing process has been far less perfect, although nearly complete as
to speech, since all the Slavic languages are Aryan. Throughout these Slavic
lands, great accessions of pure Mongoloid blood have been introduced
within relatively recent centuries.
East of this belt of imperfectly Nordicized Alpines we reach the Asiatic
Alpines, as yet entirely untouched by western blood or culture. These
groups merge into the Mongoloids of eastern Asia.
So we find, thrust westward from the Heartland, a race touching the
Atlantic at Brittany, thoroughly Asiatic and Mongoloid in the east, very
imperfectly Nordicized in the centre, and thoroughly Nordicized culturally
in the far west of Europe, where it has become, and must be accepted as, an
integral part of the White World.
As to the great Nordic race, within relatively recent historic times it
occupied the Grasslands north of the Black and Caspian Seas eastward to
the Himalayas. Traces of Nordic peoples in central Asia are constantly
found, and when archæological research there becomes as intensive as in
Europe we shall be astonished to find how long, complete, and extended
was their occupation of western Asia.
During the second millennium before our era successive waves of Nordics
began to cross the Afghan passes into India until finally they imposed their
primitive Aryan language upon Hindustan and the countries lying to the
east.
All those regions lying northwest of the mountains appear to have been
largely a white man’s country at the time of Alexander the Great. In
Turkestan the newly discovered Tokharian language, an Aryan tongue of the
western division, seems to have persisted down to the ninth century. The

decline of the Nordics in these lands, however, began probably far earlier
than Alexander’s time, and must have been nearly completed at the
beginning of our era. Such blond traits as are still found in western Asia are
relatively unimportant, and for the last two thousand years these countries
must be regarded as lost to the Nordic race.
The impulse that drove the early Nordics like a fan over the Himalayan
passes into India, the later Nordics southward into Mesopotamian lands, as
Kassites, Mitanni, and Persians, into Greece and Anatolia as Achæans,
Dorians, and Phrygians, westward as the Aryan-speaking invaders of Italy
and as the Celtic vanguards of the Nordic race across the Rhine into Gaul,
Spain, and Britain, may well have been caused by Mongoloid pressure from
the heart of central Asia. Of course, we have no actual knowledge of this,
but the analogy to the history of later migrations is strong, and the
conviction is growing among historians that the impulse that drove the
Hellenic Nordics upon the early Ægean culture world was the same as that
which later drove Germanic Nordics into the Roman Empire.
North of the Caspian and Black Seas the boundaries of Europe receded
steadily before Asia for nearly a thousand years after our era opened, but we
have scant record of the struggles which resulted in the eviction of the
Nordics from their homes in Russia, Poland, the Austrian and east German
lands.
By the time of Charlemagne the White Man’s world was reduced to
Scandinavia, Germany west of the Elbe, the British Isles, the Low
Countries, and northern France and Italy, with outlying groups in southern
France and Spain. This was the lowest ebb for the Nordics and it was the
crowning glory of Charlemagne’s career that he not only turned back the
flood, but began the organization of a series of more or less Nordicized
marches or barrier states from the Baltic to the Adriatic, which have served
as ramparts against Asiatic pressure from his day to ours. West of this line
the feudal states of mediæval Europe developed into western Christendom,
the nucleus of the civilized world of to-day.
South of the Caspian and Black Seas, after the first swarming of the
Nordics over the mountains during the second millennium before Christ, the
East pressed steadily against Europe until the strain culminated in the

Persian Wars. The defeat of Asia in these wars resulted later in Alexander’s
conquest of western Asia to the borders of India.
Alexander’s empire temporarily established Hellenic institutions throughout
western Asia and some of the provinces remained superficially Greek until
they were incorporated in the Roman Empire and ultimately became part of
early Christendom. On the whole, however, from the time of Alexander the
elimination of European blood, classic culture, and, finally, of Christianity,
went on relentlessly.
By later Roman times the Aryan language of the Persians, Parthians, and
people of India together with some shreds of Greek learning were about all
the traces of Europe that were to be found east of the oscillating boundary
along the Euphrates.
The Roman and Byzantine Empires struggled for centuries to check the
advancing tide of Asiatics, but Arab expansions under the impulse of the
Mohammedan religion finally tore away all the eastern and southern coasts
of the Mediterranean Sea, while from an Arabized Spain they threatened
western Europe. With the White Man’s world thus rapidly receding in the
south, a series of pure Mongol invasions from central Asia, sweeping north
of the Caspian and Black Seas, burst upon central Europe. Attila and his
Huns were the first to break through into Nordic lands as far as the plains of
northern France. None of the later hordes were able to force their way so far
into Nordic territories, but spent their strength upon the Alpines of the
Balkans and eastern Europe.
Eastern Germany, the Austrian states, Poland, and Russia had been Nordic
lands before the Slavs emerged after the fall of Rome. Whether the
occupation of Teutonic lands by the Wends and Slavs in eastern Europe was
an infiltration or a conquest is not known, but the conviction is growing
that, like other movements which preceded and followed, it was caused by
Mongoloid pressure.
That the western Slavs or Wends had been long Nordicized in speech is
indicated by the thoroughly Aryan character of the Slavic languages. They
found in the lands they occupied an underlying Teutonic population. They
cannot be regarded as the original owners of Poland, Bohemia, Silesia, or
other Wendish provinces of eastern Germany and Austria. The Teutonic

Marcomanni and Quadi were in Bohemia long before the Czechs came in
through the Moravian Gate in the sixth century. Pomerania and the Prussias
were the home of Teutonic Lombards, Burgunds, Vandals, and Suevi, while
the Crimea and the northwestern coast of the Black Sea were long held by
the Nordic Goths, who, just before our era, had migrated overland from the
Baltic by way of the Vistula.
No doubt some of this Nordic blood remained to ennoble the stock of the
later invaders, but by the time of Charlemagne, in the greater part of Europe
east of the Elbe, the Aryan language was the only bond with Europe.
When the Frankish Empire turned the tide and Christianized these Wendish
and Polish lands, civilization was carried eastward until it met the
Byzantine influences which brought to Russia and the lands east of the
Carpathians the culture and Orthodox Christianity of the Eastern or Greek
Empire.
The nucleus of Russia was organized in the ninth century by Scandinavian
Varangians, the Franks of the East, who founded the first civilized state
amid a welter of semi-Mongoloid tribes. How much Nordic blood they
found in the territories which afterward became Russia we have no means
of knowing, but it must have been considerable because we do know that
from the Middle Ages to the present time there has been a progressive
increase in brachycephaly or broad-headedness, to judge from the rise in the
percentage of round skulls found in the cemeteries of Moscow and
elsewhere in Russia.
Such was the condition of eastern Europe when a new and terrible series of
Mongoloid invasions swept over it, this time directly from the centre of
Asia.
The effect of these invasions was so profound and lasting that it may be
well to consider briefly the condition of eastern Europe after the elimination
of the Nordics and its partial occupation by the so-called Slavs. Beginning
with Attila and his Huns, in the fourth century, there was a series of purely
Mongoloid tribes entering from Asia in wave after wave.
Similar waves ultimately passed south of the Black and Caspian Seas, and
were called Turks, but these were long held back by the power of the

Byzantine Empire, to which history has done scant justice.
In the north these invaders, called in the later days Tatars, but all essentially
of central Asiatic Mongol stock, occupied Balkan lands after the expansion
of the south Slavs in those countries. They are known by various names, but
they are all part of the same general movement, although there was a
gradual slowing down of the impulse. Prior to Jenghiz Khan the later hordes
did not reach quite as far west as the earlier ones.
The first wave, Attila’s Huns, were followed during the succeeding
centuries by the Avars, the Bulgars, the Hunagar Magyars, the Patzinaks
and the Cumans. All of these tribes forced their way over the Carpathians
and the Danube, and much of their blood, notably in that of the Bulgars and
Magyars, is still to be found there. Most of them adopted Slavic dialects and
merged in the surrounding population, but the Magyars retain their Asiatic
speech to this day.
Other Tatar and Mongoloid tribes settled in southern and eastern Russia.
Chief among these were the Mongol Chazars, who founded an extensive
and powerful empire in southern and southeastern Russia as early as the
eighth century. It is interesting to note that they accepted Judaism and
became the ancestors of the majority of the Jews of eastern Europe, the
round-skulled Ashkenazim.
Into this mixed population of Christianized Slavs and more or less
Christianized and Slavized Mongols burst Jenghiz Khan with his great
hordes of pure Mongols. All southern Russia, Poland, and Hungary
collapsed before them, and in southern Russia the rule of the Mongol
persisted for centuries, in fact the Golden Horde of Tatars retained control
of the Crimea down to 1783.
Many of these later Tatars had accepted Islam, but entire groups of them
have retained their Asiatic speech and to this day profess the Mohammedan
religion.
The most lasting result of these Mongol invasions was that southern Poland
and all the countries east and north of the Carpathians, including Rumania
and the Ukraine, were saturated anew with Tatar blood, and, in dealing with

these populations and with the new nations founded among them, this fact
must not be forgotten.
The conflict between the East and the West—Europe and Asia—has thus
lasted for centuries, in fact it goes back to the Persian Wars and the long and
doubtful duel between Rome and Parthia along the eastern boundary of
Syria. As we have already said, the Saracens had torn away many of the
provinces of the Eastern Empire, and the Crusades, for a moment, had
rolled back the East, but the event was not decided until the Seljukian and
Osmanli Turks accepted Islam.
If these Turks had remained heathen they might have invaded and
conquered Asia Minor and the Balkan States, just as their cousins, the
Tartars, had subjected vast territories north of the Black Sea, but they could
not have held their conquests permanently unless they had been able to
incorporate the beaten natives into their own ranks through the
proselytizing power of Islam.
Even in Roman times the Greek world had been steadily losing, first its
Nordic blood and then later the blood of its Nordicized European
population, and it became in its declining years increasingly Asiatic until
the final fall of Constantinople in 1453.
Byzantium once fallen, the Turks advanced unchecked, conquering the
Alpine Slav kingdoms of the Balkans and menacing Christendom itself.
In these age-long conflicts between Asia and Europe the Crusades seem but
an episode, although tragically wasteful of Nordic stock. The Nordic
Frankish nobility of western Europe squandered its blood for two hundred
years on the desert sands of Syria and left no ethnic trace behind, save,
perhaps, some doubtful blond remnants in northern Syria and Edessa.
If the predictions of Mr. Stoddard’s book seem far-fetched, one has but to
consider that four times since the fall of Rome Asia has conquered to the
very confines of Nordic Europe. The Nordicized Alpines of eastern Europe
and the Nordicized Mediterraneans of southern Europe have proved too
feeble to hold back the Asiatic hordes, Mongol or Saracen. It was not until
the realms of pure Nordics were reached that the invaders were turned back.
This is shown by the fact that the Arabs had quickly mastered northern

Africa and conquered Spain, where the Nordic Goths were too few in
number to hold them back, while southern France, which was not then, and
is not now, a Nordic land, had offered no serious resistance. It was not until
the Arabs, in 732, at Tours, dashed themselves to pieces against the solid
ranks of heavy-armed Nordics, that Islam receded.
The same fate had already been encountered by Attila and his Huns, who,
after dominating Hungary and southern Germany and destroying the
Burgundians on the Rhine, had pushed into northern France as far as
Châlons. Here, in 376, he was beaten, not by the Romanized Gauls but by
the Nordic Visigoths, whose king, Roderick, died on the field. These two
victories, one against the Arab south and the other over the Mongoloid east,
saved Nordic Europe, which was at that time shrunken to little more than a
fringe on the seacoast.
How slender the thread and how easily snapped, had the event of either day
turned out otherwise! Never again did Asia push so far west, but the danger
was not finally removed until Charlemagne and his successors had
organized the Western Empire.
Christendom, however, had sore trials ahead when the successors of Jenghiz
Khan destroyed Moscovy and Poland and devastated eastern Europe. The
victorious career of the Tatars was unchecked, from the Chinese Sea on the
east to the Indian Ocean on the south, until in 1241, at Wahlstatt in Silesia,
they encountered pure Nordic fighting men. Then the tide turned. Though
outnumbering the Christians five to one and victorious in the battle itself,
the Tatars were unable to push farther west and turned south into Hungary
and other Alpine lands.
Some conception of the almost unbelievable horrors that western Europe
escaped at this time may be gathered from the fate of the countries which
fell before the irresistible rush of the Mongols, whose sole discernible
motive seems to have been blood lust. The destruction wrought in China,
central Asia, and Persia is almost beyond conception. In twelve years, in
China and the neighboring states, Jenghiz Khan and his lieutenants
slaughtered more than 18,500,000 human beings. After the sack of Merv in
Khorasan, the “Garden of Asia,” the corpses numbered 1,300,000, and after
Herat was taken 1,600,000 are said to have perished. Similar fates befell

every city of importance in central Asia, and to this day those once
populous provinces have never recovered. The cities of Russia and Poland
were burned, their inhabitants tortured and massacred, with the
consequence that progress was retarded for centuries.
Almost in modern times these same Mongoloid invaders, entering by way
of Asia Minor, and calling themselves Turks, after destroying the Eastern
Empire, the Balkan States, and Hungary, again met the Nordic chivalry of
western Europe under the walls of Vienna, in 1683, and again the Asiatics
went down in rout.
On these four separate occasions the Nordic race and it alone saved modern
civilization. The half-Nordicized lands to the south and to the east collapsed
under the invasions.
Unnumbered Nordic tribes, nameless and unsung, have been massacred, or
submerged, or driven from their lands. The survivors had been pushed ever
westward until their backs were against the Northern Ocean. There the
Nordics came to bay—the tide was turned. Few stop to reflect that it was
more than sixty years after the first American legislature sat at Jamestown,
Virginia, that Asia finally abandoned the conquest of Europe.
One of the chief results of forcing the Nordic race back to the seacoast was
the creation of maritime power and its development to a degree never
before known even in the days of the Phœnicians and Carthaginians. With
the recession of the Turkish flood, modern Europe emerges and inaugurates
a counter-attack on Asia which has placed virtually the entire world under
European domination.

While in the mediæval conflicts between Europe and Asia the latter was the
aggressor, the case was otherwise in the early wars between the Nordic and
the Mediterranean peoples. Here for three thousand years the Nordics were
the aggressors, and, although these wars were terribly destructive to their
numbers, they were the medium through which classic civilization was
introduced into Nordic lands. As to the ethnic consequences, northern
barbarians poured over the passes of the Balkans, Alpines, and Pyrenees

into the sunny lands of the south only to slowly vanish in the languid
environment which lacked the stimulus of fierce strife with hostile nature
and savage rivals.
Nevertheless, long before the opening of the Christian era the Alpines of
western Europe were thoroughly Nordicized, and in the centuries that
followed, the old Nordic element in Spain, Italy, and France has been again
and again strongly reinforced, so that these lands are now an integral part of
the White World.
In recent centuries Russia was again superficially Nordicized with a top
dressing of Nordic nobility, chiefly coming from the Baltic provinces.
Along with this process there was everywhere in Europe a resurgence
among the submerged and forgotten Alpines and among the Mediterranean
elements of the British Isles, while Bolshevism in Russia means the
elimination of the Nordic aristocracy and the dominance of the half-Asiatic
Slavic peasantry.

All wars thus far discussed have been race wars of Europe against Asia, or
of the Nordics against Mediterraneans. The wars against the Mongols were
necessary and vital; there was no alternative except to fight to the finish.
But the wars of northern Europe against the south, from the racial point of
view, were not only useless but destructive. Bad as they were, however,
they left untouched to a large extent the broodland of the race in the north
and west.
Another class of wars, however, has been absolutely deadly to the Nordic
race. There must have been countless early struggles where one Nordic tribe
attacked and exterminated its rival, such as the Trojan War, fought between
Achæans and Phrygians, both Nordics, while the later Peloponnesian War
was a purely civil strife between Greeks and resulted in the racial collapse
of Hellas.
Rome, after she emerged triumphant from her struggle with the
Carthaginians, of Mediterranean race, plunged into a series of civil wars
which ended in the complete elimination of the native Nordic element in

Rome. Her conquests also were destructive to the Nordic race; particularly
so was that of Cæsar in Gaul, one of the few exceptional cases where the
north was permanently conquered by the south. The losses of that ten-year
conquest fell far more heavily upon the Nordic Celts in Gaul and Britain
than on the servile strata of the population.
In the same way the Saxon conquest of England destroyed the Nordic
Brythons to a greater degree than the pre-Nordic Neolithic Mediterranean
element. From that time on all the wars of Europe, other than those against
the Asiatics and Saracens, were essentially civil wars fought between
peoples or leaders of Nordic blood.
Mediæval Europe was one long welter of Nordic immolation until the Wars
of the Roses in England, the Hundred Years’ War in the Lowlands, the
religious, revolutionary, and Napoleonic wars in France, and the ghastly
Thirty Years’ War in Germany dangerously depleted the ruling Nordic race
and paved the way for the emergence from obscurity of the servile races
which for ages had been dominated by them.
To what extent the present war has fostered this tendency, time alone will
show, but Mr. Stoddard has pointed out some of the immediate and visible
results. The backbone of western civilization is racially Nordic, the Alpines
and Mediterraneans being effective precisely to the extent in which they
have been Nordicized and vitalized.
If this great race, with its capacity for leadership and fighting, should
ultimately pass, with it would pass that which we call civilization. It would
be succeeded by an unstable and bastardized population, where worth and
merit would have no inherent right to leadership and among which a new
and darker age would blot out our racial inheritance.
Such a catastrophe cannot threaten if the Nordic race will gather itself
together in time, shake off the shackles of an inveterate altruism, discard the
vain phantom of internationalism, and reassert the pride of race and the
right of merit to rule.
The Nordic race has been driven from many of its lands, but still grasps
firmly the control of the world, and it is certainly not at a greater numerical

disadvantage than often before in contrast to the teeming population of
eastern Asia.
It has repeatedly been confronted with crises where the accident of battle, or
the genius of a leader, saved a well-nigh hopeless day. It has survived
defeat, it has survived the greater danger of victory, and, if it takes warning
in time, it may face the future with assurance. Fight it must, but let that
fight be not a civil war against its own blood kindred but against the
dangerous foreign races, whether they advance sword in hand or in the
more insidious guise of beggars at our gates, pleading for admittance to
share our prosperity. If we continue to allow them to enter they will in time
drive us out of our own land by mere force of breeding.
The great hope of the future here in America lies in the realization of the
working class that competition of the Nordic with the alien is fatal, whether
the latter be the lowly immigrant from southern or eastern Europe or
whether he be the more obviously dangerous Oriental against whose
standards of living the white man cannot compete. In this country we must
look to such of our people—our farmers and artisans—as are still of
American blood to recognize and meet this danger.
Our present condition is the result of following the leadership of idealists
and philanthropic doctrinaires, aided and abetted by the perfectly
understandable demand of our captains of industry for cheap labor.
To-day the need for statesmanship is great, and greater still is the need for
thorough knowledge of history. All over the world the first has been
lacking, and in the passions of the Great War the lessons of the past have
been forgotten both here and in Europe.
The establishment of a chain of Alpine states from the Baltic to the Adriatic,
as a sequel to the war, all of them organized at the expense of the Nordic
ruling classes, may bring Europe back to the days when Charlemagne,
marching from the Rhine to the Elbe, found the valley of that river
inhabited by heathen Wends. Beyond lay Asia, and his successors spent a
thousand years pushing eastward the frontiers of Europe.
Now that Asia, in the guise of Bolshevism with Semitic leadership and
Chinese executioners, is organizing an assault upon western Europe, the

new states—Slavic-Alpine in race, with little Nordic blood—may prove to
be not frontier guards of western Europe but vanguards of Asia in central
Europe. None of the earlier Alpine states have held firm against Asia, and it
is more than doubtful whether Poland, Bohemia, Rumania, Hungary, and
Jugo-Slavia can face the danger successfully, now that they have been
deprived of the Nordic ruling classes through democratic institutions.
Democratic ideals among an homogeneous population of Nordic blood, as
in England or America, is one thing, but it is quite another for the white
man to share his blood with, or intrust his ideals to, brown, yellow, black, or
red men.
This is suicide pure and simple, and the first victim of this amazing folly
will be the white man himself.
Madison Grant.
New York, March 1, 1920.

PART I

THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

CHAPTER I

THE WORLD OF COLOR
The man who, on a quiet spring evening of the year 1914, opened his atlas
to a political map of the world and pored over its many-tinted patterns
probably got one fundamental impression: the overwhelming
preponderance of the white race in the ordering of the world’s affairs.
Judged by accepted canons of statecraft, the white man towered the
indisputable master of the planet. Forth from Europe’s teeming mother-hive
the imperious Sons of Japhet had swarmed for centuries to plant their laws,
their customs, and their battle-flags at the uttermost ends of the earth. Two
whole continents, North America and Australia, had been made virtually as
white in blood as the European motherland; two other continents, South
America and Africa, had been extensively colonized by white stocks; while
even huge Asia had seen its empty northern march, Siberia, pre-empted for
the white man’s abode. Even where white populations had not locked
themselves to the soil few regions of the earth had escaped the white man’s
imperial sway, and vast areas inhabited by uncounted myriads of dusky folk
obeyed the white man’s will.
Beside the enormous area of white settlement or control, the regions under
non-white governance bulked small indeed. In eastern Asia, China, Japan,
and Siam; in western Asia, Turkey, Afghanistan, and Persia; in Africa,
Abyssinia, and Liberia; and in America the minute state of Haiti: such was
the brief list of lands under non-white rule. In other words, of the
53,000,000 square miles which (excluding the polar regions) constitute the
land area of the globe, only 6,000,000 square miles had non-white
governments, and nearly two-thirds of this relatively modest remainder was
represented by China and its dependencies.
Since 1914 the world has been convulsed by the most terrible war in
recorded history. This war was primarily a struggle between the white
peoples, who have borne the brunt of the conflict and have suffered most of
the losses. Nevertheless, one of the war’s results has been a further

whittling down of the areas standing outside white political control. Turkey
is to-day practically an Anglo-French condominium, Persia is virtually a
protectorate of the British Empire, while the United States has thrown over
the endemic anarchy of Haiti the ægis of the Pax Americana. Study of the
political map might thus apparently lead one to conclude that white world-
predominance is immutable, since the war’s ordeal has still further
broadened the territorial basis of its authority.
At this point the reader is perhaps asking himself why this book was ever
undertaken. The answer is: the dangerous delusion created by viewing
world affairs solely from the angle of politics. The late war has taught many
lessons as to the unstable and transitory character of even the most
imposing political phenomena, while a better reading of history must bring
home the truth that the basic factor in human affairs is not politics, but race.
The reader has already encountered this fundamental truth on every page of
the Introduction. He will remember, for instance, how west-central Asia,
which in the dawn of history was predominantly white man’s country, is to-
day racially brown man’s land in which white blood survives only as
vestigial traces of vanishing significance. If this portion of Asia, the former
seat of mighty white empires and possibly the very homeland of the white
race itself, should have so entirely changed its ethnic character, what
assurance can the most impressive political panorama give us that the
present world-order may not swiftly and utterly pass away?
The force of this query is exemplified when we turn from the political to the
racial map of the globe. What a transformation! Instead of a world
politically nine-tenths white, we see a world of which only four-tenths at
the most can be considered predominantly white in blood, the rest of the
world being inhabited mainly by the other primary races of mankind—
yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. Speaking by continents, Europe, North
America to the Rio Grande, the southern portion of South America, the
Siberian part of Asia, and Australasia constitute the real white world; while
the bulk of Asia, virtually the whole of Africa, and most of Central and
South America form the world of color. The respective areas of these two
racially contrasted worlds are 22,000,000 square miles for the whites and
31,000,000 square miles for the colored races. Furthermore it must be
remembered that fully one-third of the white area (notably Australasia and

Siberia) is very thinly inhabited and is thus held by a very slender racial
tenure—the only tenure which counts in the long run.
The statistical disproportion between the white and colored worlds becomes
still more marked when we turn from surveys of area to tables of
population. The total number of human beings alive to-day is about
1,700,000,000. Of these 550,000,000 are white, while 1,150,000,000 are
colored. The colored races thus outnumber the whites more than two to one.
Another fact of capital importance is that the great bulk of the white race is
concentrated in the European continent. In 1914 the population of Europe
was approximately 450,000,000. The late war has undoubtedly caused an
absolute decrease of many millions of souls. Nevertheless, the basic fact
remains that some four-fifths of the entire white race is concentrated on less
than one-fifth of the white world’s territorial area (Europe), while the
remaining one-fifth of the race (some 110,000,000 souls), scattered to the
ends of the earth, must protect four-fifths of the white territorial heritage
against the pressure of colored races eleven times its numerical strength.
As to the 1,150,000,000 of the colored world, they are divided, as already
stated, into four primary categories: yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. The
yellows are the most numerous of the colored races, numbering over
500,000,000. Their habitat is eastern Asia. Nearly as numerous and much
more wide-spread than the yellows are the browns, numbering some
450,000,000. The browns spread in a broad belt from the Pacific Ocean
westward across southern Asia and northern Africa to the Atlantic Ocean.
The blacks total about 150,000,000. Their centre is Africa south of the
Sahara Desert, but besides the African continent there are vestigial black
traces across southern Asia to the Pacific and also strong black outposts in
the Americas. Least numerous of the colored race-stocks are the reds—the
“Indians” of the western hemisphere. Mustering a total of less than
40,000,000, the reds are almost all located south of the Rio Grande in
“Latin America.”
Such is the ethnic make-up of that world of color which, as already seen,
outnumbers the white world two to one. That is a formidable ratio, and its
significance is heightened by the fact that this ratio seems destined to shift
still further in favor of color. There can be no doubt that at present the
colored races are increasing very much faster than the white. Treating the

primary race-stocks as units, it would appear that whites tend to double in
eighty years, yellows and browns in sixty years, blacks in forty years. The
whites are thus the slowest breeders, and they will undoubtedly become
slower still, since section after section of the white race is revealing that
lowered birth-rate which in France has reached the extreme of a stationary
population.
On the other hand, none of the colored races shows perceptible signs of
declining birth-rate, all tending to breed up to the limits of available
subsistence. Such checks as now limit the increase of colored populations
are wholly external, like famine, disease, and tribal warfare. But by a
curious irony of fate, the white man has long been busy removing these
checks to colored multiplication. The greater part of the colored world is to-
day under white political control. Wherever the white man goes he attempts
to impose the bases of his ordered civilization. He puts down tribal war, he
wages truceless combat against epidemic disease, and he so improves
communications that augmented and better distributed food-supplies
minimize the blight of famine. In response to these life-saving activities the
enormous death-rate which in the past has kept the colored races from
excessive multiplication is falling to proportions comparable with the death-
rate of white countries. But to lower the colored world’s prodigious birth-
rate is quite another matter. The consequence is a portentous increase of
population in nearly every portion of the colored world now under white
political sway. In fact, even those colored countries which have maintained
their independence, such as China and Japan, are adopting the white man’s
life-conserving methods and are experiencing the same accelerated increase
of population.
Now what must be the inevitable result of all this? It can mean only one
thing: a tremendous and steadily augmenting outward thrust of surplus
colored men from overcrowded colored homelands. Remember that these
homelands are already populated up to the available limits of subsistence.
Of course present limits can in many cases be pushed back by better living
conditions, improved agriculture, and the rise of modern machine industry
such as is already under way in Japan. Nevertheless, in view of the
tremendous population increases which must occur, these can be only
palliatives. Where, then, should the congested colored world tend to pour its
accumulating human surplus, inexorably condemned to emigrate or starve?

The answer is: into those emptier regions of the earth under white political
control. But many of these relatively empty lands have been definitely set
aside by the white man as his own special heritage. The upshot is that the
rising flood of color finds itself walled in by white dikes debarring it from
many a promised land which it would fain deluge with its dusky waves.
Thus the colored world, long restive under white political domination, is
being welded by the most fundamental of instincts, the instinct of self-
preservation, into a common solidarity of feeling against the dominant
white man, and in the fire of a common purpose internecine differences
tend, for the time at least, to be burned away. Before the supreme fact of
white political world-domination, antipathies within the colored world must
inevitably recede into the background.
The imperious urge of the colored world toward racial expansion was well
visualized by that keen English student of world affairs, Doctor E. J. Dillon,
when he wrote more than a decade ago: “The problem is one of life and
death—a veritable sphinx-question—to those most nearly concerned. For,
no race, however inferior it may be, will consent to famish slowly in order
that other people may fatten and take their ease, especially if it has a good
chance to make a fight for life.”[1]
This white statement of the colored thesis is an accurate reflection of what
colored men say themselves. For example, a Japanese scholar, Professor
Ryutaro Nagai, writes: “The world was not made for the white races, but for
the other races as well. In Australia, South Africa, Canada, and the United
States, there are vast tracts of unoccupied territory awaiting settlement, and
although the citizens of the ruling Powers refuse to take up the land, no
yellow people are permitted to enter. Thus the white races seem ready to
commit to the savage birds and beasts what they refuse to intrust to their
brethren of the yellow race. Surely the arrogance and avarice of the nobility
in apportioning to themselves the most and the best of the land in certain
countries is as nothing compared with the attitude of the white races toward
those of a different hue.”[2]
The bitter resentment of white predominance and exclusiveness awakened
in many colored breasts is typified by the following lines penned by a
brown man, a British-educated Afghan, shortly before the European War.

Inveighing against our “racial prejudice, that cowardly, wretched caste-
mark of the European and the American the world over,” he exultantly
predicts “a coming struggle between Asia, all Asia, against Europe and
America. You are heaping up material for a Jehad, a Pan-Islam, a Pan-Asia
Holy War, a gigantic day of reckoning, an invasion of a new Attila and
Tamerlane—who will use rifles and bullets, instead of lances and spears.
You are deaf to the voice of reason and fairness, and so you must be taught
with the whirring swish of the sword when it is red.”[3]
Of course in these statements there is nothing either exceptional or novel.
The colored races never welcomed white predominance and were always
restive under white control. Down to the close of the nineteenth century,
however, they generally accepted white hegemony as a disagreeable but
inevitable fact. For four hundred years the white man had added continent
to continent in his imperial progress, equipped with resistless sea-power and
armed with a mechanical superiority that crushed down all local efforts at
resistance. In time, therefore, the colored races accorded to white
supremacy a fatalistic acquiescence, and, though never loved, the white
man was usually respected and universally feared.
During the closing decades of the nineteenth century, to be sure,
premonitory signs of a change in attitude began to appear. The yellow and
brown races, at least, stirred by the very impact of Western ideas, measured
the white man with a more critical eye and commenced to wonder whether
his superiority was due to anything more than a fortuitous combination of
circumstances which might be altered by efforts of their own. Japan put this
theory to the test by going sedulously to the white man’s school. The upshot
was the Russo-Japanese War of 1904, an event the momentous character of
which is even now not fully appreciated. Of course, that war was merely the
sign-manual of a whole nexus of forces making for a revivified Asia. But it
dramatized and clarified ideas which had been germinating half-
unconsciously in millions of colored minds, and both Asia and Africa
thrilled with joy and hope. Above all, the legend of white invincibility lay, a
fallen idol, in the dust. Nevertheless, though freed from imaginary terrors,
the colored world accurately gauged the white man’s practical strength and
appreciated the magnitude of the task involved in overthrowing white
supremacy. That supremacy was no longer acquiesced in as inevitable and
hopes of ultimate success were confidently entertained, but the process was

usually conceived as a slow and difficult one. Fear of white power and
respect for white civilization thus remained potent restraining factors.
Then came the Great War. The colored world suddenly saw the white
peoples which, in racial matters had hitherto maintained something of a
united front, locked in an internecine death-grapple of unparalleled ferocity;
it saw those same peoples put one another furiously to the ban as
irreconcilable foes; it saw white race-unity cleft by political and moral gulfs
which white men themselves continuously iterated would never be filled.
As colored men realized the significance of it all, they looked into each
other’s eyes and there saw the light of undreamed-of hopes. The white
world was tearing itself to pieces. White solidarity was riven and shattered.
And—fear of white power and respect for white civilization together
dropped away like garments outworn. Through the bazaars of Asia ran the
sibilant whisper: “The East will see the West to bed!”
The chorus of mingled exultation, hate, and scorn sounded from every
portion of the colored world. Chinese scholars, Japanese professors, Hindu
pundits, Turkish journalists, and Afro-American editors, one and all voiced
drastic criticisms of white civilization and hailed the war as a well-merited
Nemesis on white arrogance and greed. This is how the Constantinople
Tanine, the most serious Turkish newspaper, characterized the European
Powers: “They would not look at the evils in their own countries or
elsewhere, but interfered at the slightest incident in our borders; every day
they would gnaw at some part of our rights and our sovereignty; they would
perform vivisection on our quivering flesh and cut off great pieces of it.
And we, with a forcibly controlled spirit of rebellion in our hearts and with
clinched but powerless fists, silent and depressed, would murmur as the fire
burned within: ‘Oh, that they might fall out with one another! Oh, that they
might eat one another up!’ And lo! to-day they are eating each other up, just
as the Turk wished they would.”[4]
The Afro-American author, W. E. Burghardt Dubois, wrote of the colored
world: “These nations and races, composing as they do a vast majority of
humanity, are going to endure this treatment just as long as they must and
not a moment longer. Then they are going to fight, and the War of the Color
Line will outdo in savage inhumanity any war this world has yet seen. For
colored folk have much to remember and they will not forget.”[5]

“What does the European War mean to us Orientals?” queried the Japanese
writer, Yone Noguchi. “It means the saddest downfall of the so-called
western civilization; our belief that it was builded upon a higher and
sounder footing than ours was at once knocked down and killed; we are
sorry that we somehow overestimated its happy possibility and were
deceived and cheated by its superficial glory. My recent western journey
confirmed me that the so-called dynamic western civilization was all
against the Asiatic belief. And when one does not respect the others, there
will be only one thing to come, that is, fight, in action or silence.”[6]

Larger Image

DISTRIBUTION OF THE PRIMARY RACES

Such was the colored world’s reaction to the white death-grapple, and as the
long struggle dragged on both Asia and Africa stirred to their very depths.
To be sure, no great explosions occurred during the war years, albeit lifting
veils of censorship reveal how narrowly such explosions were averted.
Nevertheless, Asia and Africa are to-day in acute ferment, and we must not
forget that this ferment is not primarily due to the war. The war merely

accelerated a movement already existent long before 1914. Even if the
Great War had been averted, the twentieth century must have been a time of
wide-spread racial readjustments in which the white man’s present position
of political world-domination would have been sensibly modified,
especially in Asia. However, had the white race and white civilization been
spared the terrific material and moral losses involved in the Great War and
its still unliquidated aftermath, the process of racial readjustment would
have been far more gradual and would have been fraught with far fewer
cataclysmic possibilities. Had white strength remained intact it would have
acted as a powerful shock-absorber, taking up and distributing the various
colored impacts. As a result, the coming modification of the world’s racial
equilibrium, though inevitable, would have been so graduated that it would
have seemed more an evolution than a revolution. Such violent breaches as
did occur might have been localized, and anything like a general race-
cataclysm would probably have been impossible.
But it was not to be. The heart of the white world was divided against itself,
and on the fateful 1st of August, 1914, the white race, forgetting ties of
blood and culture, heedless of the growing pressure of the colored world
without, locked in a battle to the death. An ominous cycle opened whose
end no man can foresee. Armageddon engendered Versailles; earth’s worst
war closed with an unconstructive peace which left old sores unhealed and
even dealt fresh wounds. The white world to-day lies debilitated and
uncured; the colored world views conditions which are a standing
incitement to rash dreams and violent action.
Such is the present status of the world’s race-problem, expressed in general
terms. The analysis of the specific elements in that complex problem will
form the subject of the succeeding chapters.

CHAPTER II

YELLOW MAN’S LAND
Yellow Man’s Land is the Far East. Here the group of kindred stocks
usually termed Mongolian have dwelt for unnumbered ages. Down to the
most recent times the yellows lived virtually a life apart. Sundered from the
rest of mankind by stupendous mountains, burning deserts, and the
illimitable ocean, the Far East constituted a world in itself, living its own
life and developing its own peculiar civilization. Only the wild nomads of
its northern marches—Huns, Mongols, Tartars, and the like—succeeded in
gaining direct contact with the brown and white worlds to the West.
The ethnic focus of the yellow world has always been China. Since the
dawn of history this immense human ganglion has been the centre from
which civilization has radiated throughout the Far East. About this “Middle
Kingdom,” as it sapiently styled itself, the other yellow folk were disposed
—Japanese and Koreans to the east; Siamese, Annamites, and Cambodians
to the south; and to the north the nomad Mongols and Manchus. To all these
peoples China was the august preceptor, sometimes chastising their
presumption, yet always instilling the principles of its ordered civilization.
However diverse may have been the individual developments of the various
Far Eastern peoples, they spring from a common Chinese foundation.
Despite modern Japan’s meteoric rise to political mastery of the Far East, it
must not be forgotten that China remains not only the cultural but also the
territorial and racial centre of the yellow world. Four-fifths of the yellow
race is concentrated in China, there being nearly 400,000,000 Chinese as
against 60,000,000 Japanese, 16,000,000 Koreans, 26,000,000 Indo-
Chinese, and perhaps 10,000,000 people of non-Chinese stocks included
within China’s political frontiers.
The age-long seclusion of the yellow world, first decreed by nature, was
subsequently maintained by the voluntary decision of the yellow peoples
themselves. The great expansive movement of the white race which began
four centuries ago soon brought white men to the Far East, by sea in the

persons of the Portuguese navigators and by land with the Cossack
adventurers ranging through the empty spaces of Siberia. Yet after a brief
acquaintance with the white strangers the yellow world decided that it
wanted none of them, and they were rigidly excluded. This exclusion policy
was not a Chinese peculiarity; it was common to all the yellow peoples and
was adopted spontaneously at about the same time. In China, Japan, Korea,
and Indo-China, the same reaction produced the same results. The yellow
world instinctively felt the white man to be a destructive, dissolving
influence on its highly specialized line of evolution, which it wished to
maintain unaltered. For three centuries the yellow world succeeded in
maintaining its isolation, then, in the middle of the last century, insistent
white pressure broke down the barriers and forced the yellow races into full
contact with the outer world.
At the moment, the “opening” of the Far East was hailed by white men with
general approval, but of late years many white observers have regretted this
forcible dragging of reluctant races into the full stream of world affairs. As
an Australian writer, J. Liddell Kelly, remarks: “We have erred grievously
by prematurely forcing ourselves upon Asiatic races. The instinct of the
Asiatic in desiring isolation and separation from other forms of civilization
was much more correct than our craze for imposing our forms of religion,
morals, and industrialism upon them. It is not race-hatred, nor even race-
antagonism, that is at the root of this attitude; it is an unerring intuition,
which in years gone by has taught the Asiatic that his evolution in the scale
of civilization could best be accomplished by his being allowed to develop
on his own lines. Pernicious European compulsion has led him to abandon
that attitude. Let us not be ashamed to confess that he was right and we
were wrong.”[7]
However, rightly or wrongly, the deed was done, and the yellow races,
forced into the world-arena, proceeded to adapt themselves to their new
political environment and to learn the correct methods of survival under the
strenuous conditions which there prevailed. In place of their traditional
equilibrated, self-sufficient order, the yellow peoples now felt the
ubiquitous impacts of the dynamic Western spirit, insistent upon rapid
material progress and forceful, expansive evolution. Japan was the first
yellow people to go methodically to the white man’s school, and Japan’s
rapid acquirement of the white man’s technology soon showed itself in

dramatic demonstrations like her military triumphs over China in 1894, and
over Russia a decade later.
Japan’s easy victory over huge China astounded the whole world. That
these “highly intelligent children,” as one of the early British ministers to
Japan had characterized them, should have so rapidly acquired the
technique of Western methods was almost unbelievable. Indeed, the full
significance of the lesson was not immediately grasped, and the power of
New Japan was still underestimated. A good example of Europe’s
underestimation of Japanese strength was the proposal a Dutch writer made
in 1896 to curb possible Japanese aggression on the Dutch Indies by taking
from Japan the island of Formosa which Japan had acquired from China as
one of the fruits of victory. “Holland,” asserted this writer, “must take
possession of Formosa.”[8] The grotesqueness of this dictum as it appears to
us in the light of subsequent history shows how the world has moved in
twenty-five years.
But even at that time Japan’s expansionist tendencies were well developed,
and voices were warning against Japanese imperialism. In the very month
when our Hollander was advocating a Dutch seizure of Formosa, an
Australian wrote the following lines in a Melbourne newspaper concerning
his recent travels in Japan: “While in a car with several Japanese officers,
they were conversing about Australia, saying that it was a fine, large
country, with great forests and excellent soil for the cultivation of rice and
other products. The whites settled in Australia, so thought these officers, are
like the dog in the manger. Some one will have to take a good part of
Australia to develop it, for it is a pity to see so fine a country lying waste. If
any ill-feeling arose between the two countries, it would be a wise thing to
send some battleships to Australia and annex part of it.”[9]
Whatever may have been the world’s misreading of the Chino-Japanese
conflict, the same cannot be said of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. The
echoes of that yellow triumph over one of the great white Powers
reverberated to the ends of the earth and started obscure trains of
consequences even to-day not yet fully disclosed. The war’s reactions in
these remoter fields will be discussed in later chapters. Its effect upon the
Far East is our present concern. And the well-nigh unanimous opinion of
both natives and resident Europeans was that the war signified a body-blow

to white ascendancy. So profound an English student of the Orient as
Meredith Townsend wrote: “It may be taken as certain that the victory of
Japan will be profoundly felt by the majority of European states. With the
exception of Austria, all European countries have implicated themselves in
the great effort to conquer Asia, which has now been going on for two
centuries, but which, as this author thinks, must now terminate.... The
disposition, therefore, to edge out intrusive Europeans from their Asiatic
possessions is certain to exist even if it is not manifested in Tokio, and it
may be fostered by a movement of which, as yet, but little has been said.
No one who has ever studied the question doubts that as there is a comity of
Europe, so there is a comity of Asia, a disposition to believe that Asia
belongs of right to Asiatics, and that any event which brings that right
nearer to realization is to all Asiatics a pleasurable one. Japanese victories
will give new heart and energy to all the Asiatic nations and tribes which
now fret under European rule, will inspire in them a new confidence in their
own power to resist, and will spread through them a strong impulse to avail
themselves of Japanese instruction. It will take, of course, many years to
bring this new force into play; but time matters nothing to Asiatics, and they
all possess that capacity for complete secrecy which the Japanese
displayed.”[10]
That Meredith Townsend was reading the Asiatic mind aright seems clear
from the pronouncements of Orientals themselves. For example, Buddhism,
of Rangoon, Burmah, a country of the Indo-Chinese borderland between the
yellow and brown worlds, expressed hopes for an Oriental alliance against
the whites. “It would, we think,” said this paper, “be no great wonder if a
few years after the conclusion of this war saw the completion of a defensive
alliance between Japan, China, and not impossibly Siam—the formulation
of a new Monroe Doctrine for the Far East, guaranteeing the integrity of
existing states against further aggression from the West. The West has
justified—perhaps with some reason—every aggression on weaker races by
the doctrine of the Survival of the Fittest; on the ground that it is best for
future humanity that the unfit should be eliminated and give place to the
most able race. That doctrine applies equally well to any possible struggle
between Aryan and Mongolian—whichever survives, should it ever come to
a struggle between the two for world-mastery, will, on their own doctrine,

be the one most fit to do so, and if the survivor be the Mongolian, then is
the Mongolian no ‘peril’ to humanity, but the better part of it.”[11]
The decade which elapsed between the Russo-Japanese and European Wars
saw in the Far East another event of the first magnitude: the Chinese
Revolution of 1911. Toward the close of the nineteenth century the world
had been earnestly discussing the “break-up” of China. The huge empire,
with its 400,000,000 of people, one-fourth the entire human race, seemed at
that time plunged in so hopeless a lethargy as to be foredoomed to speedy
ruin. About the apparently moribund carcass the eagles of the earth were
already gathered, planning a “partition of China” analogous to the recent
partition of Africa. The partition of China, however, never came off. The
prodigious moral shock of the Japanese War roused China’s élite to the
imminence of their country’s peril. First attempts at reform were blocked by
the Dowager Empress, but her reactionary lurch ended in the Boxer
nightmare and the frightful Occidental chastisement of 1900. This time the
lesson was learned. China was at last shaken broad awake. The Bourbon
Manchu court, it is true, wavered, but popular pressure forced it to keep the
upward path. Every year after 1900 saw increasingly rapid reform—reform,
be it noted, not imposed upon the country from above but forced upon the
rulers from below. When the slow-footed Manchus showed themselves
congenitally incapable of keeping step with the quickening national pace,
the rising tide of national life overwhelmed them in the Republican
Revolution of 1911, and they were no more.
Even with the Manchu handicap, the rate of progress during those years was
such as to amaze the wisest foreign observers. “Could the sage, Confucius,
have returned a decade ago,” wrote that “old China hand,” W. R. Manning,
in 1910, “he would have felt almost as much at home as when he departed
twenty-five centuries before. Should he return a decade hence he will feel
almost as much out of place as Rip Van Winkle, if the recent rate of
progress continues.”[12] Toward the close of 1909 a close student of things
Chinese, Harlan P. Beach, remarked: “Those who, like myself, can compare
the China of twenty-five years ago with the China of this year, can hardly
believe our senses.”[13] It was on top of all this that there came the
revolution, a happening hailed by so sophisticated an observer as Doctor
Dillon as “the most momentous event in a thousand years.”[14] Whatever
may have been the political blunders of the revolutionists (and they were

many), the revolution’s moral results were stupendous. The stream of
Western innovation flowed at a vastly accelerated pace into every Chinese
province. The popular masses were for the first time awakened to genuine
interest in political, as distinguished from economic or personal, questions.
Lastly, the semi-religious feeling of family kinship, which in the past had
been almost the sole recognized bond of Chinese race-solidarity, was
powerfully supplemented by those distinctively modern concepts, national
self-consciousness and articulate patriotism.
Here was the Far Eastern situation at the outbreak of the Great War—a
thoroughly modernized, powerful Japan, and a thoroughly aroused, but still
disorganized, China. The Great War automatically made Japan supreme in
the Far East by temporarily reducing all the European Powers to ciphers in
Oriental affairs. How Japan proceeded to buttress this supremacy by getting
a strangle-hold on China, every one knows. Japan’s methods were brutal
and cynical, though not a whit more so than the methods employed by
white nations seeking to attain vital ends. And “vital” is precisely how
Japan regards her hold over China. An essentially poor country with a
teeming population, Japan feels that the exploitation of China’s incalculable
natural resources, a privileged position in the Chinese market, and guidance
of Chinese national evolution in ways not inimical to Japan, can alone
assure her future.
Japan’s attitude toward her huge neighbor is one of mingled superiority and
apprehension. She banks on China’s traditional pacifism, yet she is too
shrewd not to realize the explosive possibilities latent in the modern
nationalist idea. As a Japanese publicist, Adachi Kinnosuke, remarks: “The
Twentieth Century Jenghiz Khan threatening the Sun-Flag with a Mongol
horde armed with Krupp guns may possibly strike the Western sense of
humor. But it is not altogether pleasing to contemplate a neighbor of
400,000,000 population with modern armament and soldiers trained on the
modern plan. The awakening of China means all this and a little more
which we of the present are not sure of. Japan cannot forget that between
this nightmare of armed China and herself there is only a very narrow
sea.”[15] Certainly, “Young China” has already displayed much of that
unpleasant ebullience which usually accompanies nationalist awakenings. A
French observer, Jean Rodes, writes on this point: “One of the things that
most disquiet thinking men is that this new generation, completely

neglecting Chinese studies while knowing nothing of Western science, yet
convinced that it knows everything, will no longer possess any standard of
values, national culture, or foreign culture. We can only await with
apprehension the results of such ignorance united with unbounded pride as
characterize the Chinese youth of to-day.”[16] And another French observer,
René Pinon, as far back as 1905, found the primary school children of
Kiang-Su province chanting the following lines: “I pray that the frontiers of
my country become hard as bronze; that it surpass Europe and America;
that it subjugate Japan; that its land and sea armies cover themselves with
resplendent glory; that over the whole earth float the Dragon Standard; that
the universal mastery of the empire extend and progress. May our empire,
like a sleeping tiger suddenly awakened, spring roaring into the arena of
combats.”[17]
Japan’s masterful policy in China is thus unquestionably hazardous.
Chinese national feeling is to-day genuinely aroused against Japan, and
resentment over Japanese encroachments is bitter and wide-spread.
Nevertheless, Japan feels that the game is worth the risk and believes that
both Chinese race-psychology and the general drift of world affairs
combine to favor her ultimate success. She knows that China has in the past
always acquiesced in foreign domination when resistance has proved
patently impossible. She also feels that her aspirations for white expulsion
from the Far East and for the winning of wider spheres for racial expansion
should appeal strongly to yellow peoples generally and to the Chinese in
particular. To turn China’s nascent nationalism into purely anti-white
channels and to transmute Chinese patriotism into a wider “Pan-
Mongolism” would constitute a Japanese triumph of incalculable splendor.
It would increase her effective force manyfold and would open up almost
limitless vistas of power and glory.
Nor are the Chinese themselves blind to the advantages of Chino-Japanese
co-operation. They have an instinctive assurance in their own capacities,
they know how they have ultimately digested all their conquerors, and
many Chinese to-day think that from a Chino-Japanese partnership, no
matter how framed, the inscrutable “Sons of Han” would eventually get the
lion’s share. Certainly no one has ever denied the Chinaman’s extraordinary
economic efficiency. Winnowed by ages of grim elimination in a land
populated to the uttermost limits of subsistence, the Chinese race is selected

as no other for survival under the fiercest conditions of economic stress. At
home the average Chinese lives his whole life literally within a hand’s
breadth of starvation. Accordingly, when removed to the easier environment
of other lands, the Chinaman brings with him a working capacity which
simply appalls his competitors. That urbane Celestial, Doctor Wu-Ting-
Fang, well says of his own people: “Experience proves that the Chinese as
all-round laborers can easily outdistance all competitors. They are
industrious, intelligent, and orderly. They can work under conditions that
would kill a man of less hardy race; in heat that would kill a salamander, or
in cold that would please a polar bear, sustaining their energies through long
hours of unremitting toil with only a few bowls of rice.”[18] This Chinese
estimate is echoed by the most competent foreign observers. The Australian
thinker, Charles H. Pearson, wrote of the Chinese a generation ago in his
epoch-making book, “National Life and Character”: “Flexible as Jews, they
can thrive on the mountain plateaux of Thibet and under the sun of
Singapore; more versatile even than Jews, they are excellent laborers, and
not without merit as soldiers and sailors; while they have a capacity for
trade which no other nation of the East possesses. They do not need even
the accident of a man of genius to develop their magnificent future.”[19]
And Lafcadio Hearn says: “A people of hundreds of millions disciplined for
thousands of years to the most untiring industry and the most self-denying
thrift, under conditions which would mean worse than death for our
working masses—a people, in short, quite content to strive to the uttermost
in exchange for the simple privilege of life.”[20]
This economic superiority of the Chinaman shows not only with other
races, but with his yellow kindred as well. As regards the Japanese, John
Chinaman has proved it to the hilt. Wherever the two have met in economic
competition, John has won hands down. Even in Japanese colonies like
Korea and Formosa, the Japanese, with all the backing of their government
behind them, have been worsted. In fact, Japan itself, so bitter at white
refusals to receive her emigrants, has been obliged to enact drastic
exclusion laws to protect her working classes from the influx of “Chinese
cheap labor.” It seems, therefore, a just calculation when Chinese estimate
that Japanese triumphs against white adversaries would inure largely to
China’s benefit. After all, Chinese and Japanese are fundamentally of the
same race and culture. They may have their very bitter family quarrels, but

in the last analysis they understand each other and may arrive at
surprisingly sudden agreements. One thing is certain: both these over-
populated lands will feel increasingly the imperious need of racial
expansion. For all these reasons, then, the present political tension between
China and Japan cannot be reckoned as permanent, and we would do well
to envisage the possibility of close Chinese co-operation in the ambitious
programme of Japanese foreign policy.
This Japanese programme looks first to the prevention of all further white
encroachment in the Far East by the establishment of a Far Eastern Monroe
Doctrine based on Japanese predominance and backed if possible by the
moral support of the other Far Eastern peoples. The next stage in Japanese
foreign policy seems to be the systematic elimination of all existing white
holdings in the Far East. Thus far practically all Japanese appear to be in
substantial agreement. Beyond this point lies a wide realm of aspiration
ranging from determination to secure complete racial equality and freedom
of immigration into white lands to imperialistic dreams of wholesale
conquests and “world-dominion.” These last items do not represent the
united aspiration of the Japanese nation, but they are cherished by powerful
circles which, owing to Japan’s oligarchical system of government, possess
an influence over governmental action quite disproportionate to their
numbers.
Although Japanese plans and aspirations have broadened notably since
1914, their outlines were well defined a decade earlier. Immediately after
her victory over Russia, Japan set herself to strengthen her influence all
over eastern Asia. Special efforts were made to establish intimate relations
with the other Asiatic peoples. Asiatic students were invited to attend
Japanese universities and as a matter of fact did attend by the thousand,
while a whole series of societies was formed having for their object the
knitting of close cultural and economic ties between Japan and specific
regions like China, Siam, the Pacific, and even India. The capstone was a
“Pan-Asiatic Association,” founded by Count Okuma. Some of the facts
regarding these societies, about which too little is known, make interesting
reading. For instance, there was the “Pacific Ocean Society” (“Taheijoka”),
whose preamble reads in part: “For a century the Pacific Ocean has been a
battle-ground wherein the nations have struggled for supremacy. To-day the
prosperity or decadence of a nation depends on its power in the Pacific: to

possess the empire of the Pacific is to be the Master of the World. As Japan
finds itself at the centre of that Ocean, whose waves bathe its shores, it must
reflect carefully and have clear views on Pacific questions.”[21]
Equally interesting is the “Indo-Japanese Association,” whose activities
appear somewhat peculiar in view of the political alliance between Japan
and the British Empire. One of the first articles of its constitution (from
Count Okuma’s pen, by the way) reads: “All men were born equal. The
Asiatics have the same claim to be called men as the Europeans themselves.
It is therefore quite unreasonable that the latter should have any right to
predominate over the former.”[22] No mention is made anywhere in the
document of India’s political connection with England. In fact, Count
Okuma, in the autumn of 1907, had this to say regarding India: “Being
oppressed by the Europeans, the 300,000,000 people of India are looking
for Japanese protection. They have commenced to boycott European
merchandise. If, therefore, the Japanese let the chance slip by and do not go
to India, the Indians will be disappointed. From old times, India has been a
land of treasure. Alexander the Great obtained there treasure sufficient to
load a hundred camels, and Mahmoud and Attila also obtained riches from
India. Why should not the Japanese stretch out their hands toward that
country, now that the people are looking to the Japanese? The Japanese
ought to go to India, the South Ocean, and other parts of the world.”[23]
In 1910, Putnam Weale, a competent English student of Oriental affairs,
asserted: “It can no longer be doubted that a very deliberate policy is
certainly being quietly and cleverly pursued. Despite all denials, it is a fact
that Japan has already a great hold in the schools and in the vernacular
newspapers all over eastern Asia, and that the gospel of ‘Asia for the
Asiatics’ is being steadily preached not only by her schoolmasters and her
editors, but by her merchants and peddlers, and every other man who
travels.”[24]
Exactly how much these Japanese propagandist efforts accomplished is
impossible to say. Certain it is, however, that during the years just previous
to the Great War the white colonies in the Far East were afflicted with
considerable native unrest. In French Indo-China, for example,
revolutionary movements during the year 1908 necessitated reinforcing the
French garrison by nearly 10,000 men, and though the disturbances were

sternly repressed, fresh conspiracies were discovered in 1911 and 1913.
Much sedition and some sharp fighting also took place in the Dutch Indies,
while in the Philippines the independence movement continued to gain
ground.
What the growing self-consciousness of the Far East portended for the
white man’s ultimate status in those regions was indicated by an English
publicist, J. D. Whelpley, who wrote, shortly after the outbreak of the
European War: “With the aid of Western ideas the Far East is fast attaining a
solidarity impossible under purely Oriental methods. The smug satisfaction
expressed in the West at what is called the ‘modernization’ of the East
shows lack of wisdom or an ineffective grasp of the meaning of
comparatively recent events in Japan, China, eastern Siberia, and even in
the Philippines. In years past the solidarity of the Far East was largely in
point of view, while in other matters the powerful nations of the West
played the game according to their own rules. To-day the solidarity of
mental outlook still maintains, while in addition there is rapidly coming
about a solidarity of political and material interests which in time will
reduce Western participation in Far Eastern affairs to that of a
comparatively unimportant factor. It might truly be said that this point is
already reached, and that it only needs an application of the test to prove to
the world that the Far East would resent Western interference as an
intolerable impertinence.”[25]
The scope of Japan’s aspirations, together with differences of outlook
between various sections of Japanese public opinion as to the rate of
progress feasible for Japanese expansion, account for Japan’s differing
attitudes toward the white Powers. Officially, the keystone of Japan’s
foreign policy since the beginning of the present century has been the
alliance with England, first negotiated in 1902 and renewed with extensive
modifications in 1911. The 1902 alliance was universally popular in Japan.
It was directed specifically against Russia and represented the common
apprehensions of both the contracting parties. By 1911, however, the
situation had radically altered. Japan’s aspirations in the Far East,
particularly as regards China, were arousing wide-spread uneasiness in
many quarters, and the English communities in the Far East generally
condemned the new alliance as a gross blunder of British diplomacy. In
Japan also there was considerable protest. The official organs, to be sure,

stressed the necessity of friendship with the Mistress of the Seas for an
island empire like Japan, but opposition circles pointed to England’s
practical refusal to be drawn into a war with the United States under any
circumstances which constituted the outstanding feature of the new treaty
and declared that Japan was giving much and receiving nothing in return.
The growing divergence between Japanese and English views regarding
China increased anti-English feeling, and in 1912 the semi-official Japan
Magazine asserted roundly that the general feeling in Japan was that the
alliance was a detriment rather than a benefit, going on to forecast a
possible alignment with Russia and Germany, and remarking of the latter:
“Germany’s healthy imperialism and scientific development would have a
wholesome effect upon our nation and progress, while the German habit of
perseverance and frugality is just what we need. German wealth and
industry are gradually creeping upward to that of Great Britain and
America, and the efficiency of the German army and navy is a model for
the world. Her lease of the territory of Kiaochow Bay brings her into
contact with us, and her ambition to exploit the coal-mines of Shantung
lends her a community of interest with us. It is not too much to say that
German interests in China are greater than those of any other European
Power. If the alliance with England should ever be abrogated, we might be
very glad to shake hands with Germany.”[26]
The outbreak of the European War gave Japan a golden opportunity (of
which she was not slow to take advantage) to eliminate one of the white
Powers from the Far East. The German stronghold of Kiaochow was
promptly reduced, while Germany’s possessions in the Pacific Ocean north
of the equator, the Caroline, Pelew, Marianne, and Marshall island-groups,
were likewise occupied by Japanese forces. Here Japan stopped and politely
declined all proposals to send armies to Europe or western Asia. Her sphere
was the Far East; her real objectives were the reduction of white influence
there and the riveting of her control over China. Japanese comment was
perfectly candid on these matters. As the semi-official Japanese Colonial
Journal put it in the autumn of 1914: “To protect Chinese territory Japan is
ready to fight no matter what nation. Not only will Japan try to erase the
ambitions of Russia and Germany; it will also do its best to prevent England
and the United States from touching the Chinese cake. The solution of the

Chinese problem is of great importance for Japan, and Great Britain has
little to do with it.”[27]
Equally frank were Japanese warnings to the English ally not to oppose
Japan’s progress in China. English criticism of the series of ultimatums by
which Japan forced reluctant China to do her bidding roused angry
admonitions like the following from the Tokio Universe in April, 1915:
“Hostile English opinion seems to want to oppose Japanese demands in
China. The English forget that Japan has, by her alliance, rendered them
signal services against Russia in 1905 and in the present war by assuring
security in their colonies of the Pacific and the Far East. If Japan allied
herself with England, it was with the object of establishing Japanese
preponderance in China and against the encroachments of Russia. To-day
the English seem to be neglecting their obligations toward Japan by not
supporting her cause. Let England beware! Japan will tolerate no wavering;
she is quite ready to abandon the Anglo-Japanese alliance and turn to
Russia—a Power with whom she can agree perfectly regarding Far Eastern
interests. In the future, even, she is ready to draw closer to Germany. The
English colonies will then be in great peril.”[28]
As to the imminence of a Russo-Japanese understanding, the journal just
quoted proved a true prophet, for a year later, in July, 1916, the Japanese
and Russian Governments signed a diplomatic instrument which amounted
practically to an alliance. By this document Russia recognized Japan’s
paramountcy over the bulk of China, while Japan recognized Russia’s
special interests in China’s Western dependencies, Mongolia and Turkestan.
Japan had thus eliminated another of the white Powers from the Far East,
since Russia renounced those ambitions to dominate China proper which
had provoked the war of 1904.
Meanwhile the press campaign against England continued. A typical sample
is this editorial from the Tokio Yamato: “Great Britain never wished at heart
to become Japan’s ally. She did not wish to enter into such intimate
relations with us, for she privately regarded us as an upstart nation radically
different from us in blood and religion. It was simply the force of
circumstances which compelled her to enter into an alliance with us. It is
the height of conceit on our part to think that England really cared for our
friendship, for she never did. It was the Russian menace to India and Persia

on the one hand, and the German ascendancy on the other, which compelled
her to clasp our hands.”[29]
At the same time many good things were being said about Germany. At no
time during the war was any real hostility to the Germans apparent in Japan.
Germany was of course expelled from her Far Eastern footholds in smart,
workmanlike fashion, but the fighting before Kiaochow was conducted
without a trace of hatred, the German prisoners were treated as honored
captives, and German civilians in Japan suffered no molestation. Japanese
writers were very frank in stating that, once Germany resigned herself to
exclusion from the Far East and acquiesced in Japanese predominance in
China, no reason existed why Japan and Germany should not be good
friends. Unofficial diplomatic exchanges certainly took place between the
two governments during the war, and no rancor for the past appears to exist
on either side to-day.
The year 1917 brought three momentous modifications into the world-
situation: the entrance of the United States and China into the Great War
and the Russian Revolution. The first two were intensely distasteful to
Japan. The transformation of virtually unarmed America into a first-class
fighting power reacted portentously upon the Far East, while China’s
adhesion to the Grand Alliance (bitterly opposed in Tokio) rescued her from
diplomatic isolation and gave her potential friends. The Russian Revolution
was also a source of perplexity to Tokio. In 1916, as we have seen, Japan
had arrived at a thorough understanding with the Czarist régime. The new
Russian Government was an unknown quantity, acting quite differently
from the old.
Russia’s collapse into Bolshevist anarchy, however, presently opened up
new vistas. Not merely northern Manchuria, but also the huge expanse of
Siberia, an almost empty world of vast potential riches, lay temptingly
exposed. At once the powerful imperialist elements in Japanese political life
began clamoring for “forward” action. An opportunity for such action was
soon vouchsafed by the Allied determination to send a composite force to
Siberia to checkmate the machinations of the Russian Bolsheviki, now
hostile to the Allies and playing into the hands of Germany. The imperialist
party at Tokio took the bit in its teeth, and, in flagrant disregard of the inter-
Allied agreement, poured a great army into Siberia, occupying the whole

country as far west as Lake Baikal. This was in the spring of 1918. The
Allies, then in their supreme death-grapple with the Germans, dared not
even protest, but in the autumn, when the battle-tide had turned in Europe,
Japan was called to account, the United States taking the lead in the matter.
A furious debate ensued at Tokio between the imperialist and moderate
parties, the hotter jingoes urging defiance of the United States even at the
risk of war. Then, suddenly, came the news that Germany was cracking, and
the moderates had their way. The Japanese armies in Siberia were reduced,
albeit they still remained the most powerful military factor in the situation.
Germany’s sudden collapse and the unexpectedly quick ending of the war
was a blow to Japanese hopes and plans in more ways than one. Despite
official felicitations, the nation could hardly disguise its chagrin. For Japan
the war had been an unmixed benefit. It had automatically made her
mistress of the Far East and had amazingly enriched her economic life.
Every succeeding month of hostilities had seen the white world grow
weaker and had conversely increased Japanese power. Japan had counted on
at least one more year of war. Small wonder that the sudden passing of this
halcyon time provoked disappointment and regret.
The above outline of Japanese foreign policy reveals beneath all its surface
mutations a fundamental continuity. Whatever may be its ultimate goals,
Japanese foreign policy has one minimum objective: Japan as hegemon of a
Far East in which white influence shall have been reduced to a vanishing
quantity. That is the bald truth of the matter—and no white man has any
reason for getting indignant about it. Granted that Japanese aims endanger
white vested interests in the Far East. Granted that this involves rivalry and
perhaps war. That is no reason for striking a moral attitude and inveighing
against Japanese “wickedness,” as many people are to-day doing. These
mighty racial tides flow from the most elemental of vital urges: self-
expansion and self-preservation. Both outward thrust of expanding life and
counter-thrust of threatened life are equally normal phenomena. To
condemn the former as “criminal” and the latter as “selfish” is either silly or
hypocritical and tends to envenom with unnecessary rancor what objective
fairness might keep a candid struggle, inevitable yet alleviated by mutual
comprehension and respect. This is no mere plea for “sportsmanship”; it is a
very practical matter. There are critical times ahead; times in which intense
race-pressures will engender high tensions and perhaps wars. If men will

keep open minds and will eschew the temptation to regard those opposing
their desires to defend or possess respectively as impious fiends, the
struggles will lose half their bitterness, and the wars (if wars there must be)
will be shorn of half their ferocity.
The unexpected ending of the European War was, as we have seen, a blow
to Japanese calculations. Nevertheless, the skill of her diplomats at the
ensuing Versailles Conference enabled Japan to harvest most of her war
gains. Japan’s territorial acquisitions in China were definitely written into
the peace treaty, despite China’s sullen veto, and Japan’s preponderance in
Chinese affairs was tacitly acknowledged. Japan also took advantage of the
occasion to pose as the champion of the colored races by urging the formal
promulgation of “racial equality” as part of the peace settlement, especially
as regards immigration. Of course the Japanese diplomats had no serious
expectation of their demands being acceded to; in fact, they might have
been rather embarrassed if they had succeeded, in view of Japan’s own
stringent laws against immigration and alien landholding. Nevertheless, it
was a politic move, useful for future propagandist purposes, and it
advertised Japan broadcast as the standard-bearer of the colored cause.
The notable progress that Japan has made toward the mastery of the Far
East is written plainly upon the map, which strikingly portrays the
broadening territorial base of Japanese power effected in the past twenty-
five years. Japan now owns the whole island chain masking the eastern sea
frontage of Asia, from the tip of Kamchatka to the Philippines, while her
acquisition of Germany’s Oceanican islands north of the equator gives her
important strategic outposts in mid-Pacific. Her bridge-heads on the Asiatic
continent are also strong and well located. From the Korean peninsula (now
an integral part of Japan) she firmly grasps the vast Chinese dependency of
Manchuria, while just south of Manchuria across the narrow waters of the
Pechili strait lies the rich Chinese province of Shantung, become a Japanese
sphere of influence as a result of the late war. Thus Japan holds China’s
capital, Peking, as in the jaws of a vice and can apply military pressure
whenever she so desires. In southern China lies another Japanese sphere of
influence, the province of Fukien opposite the Japanese island of Formosa.
Lastly, all over China runs a veritable network of Japanese concessions like
the recently acquired control of the great iron deposits near Hankow, far up
the Yangtse River in the heart of China.

Whether this Japanese imperium over China maintains itself or not, one
thing seems certain: future white expansion in the Far East has become
impossible. Any such attempt would instantly weld together Japanese
imperialism and Chinese nationalism in a “sacred union” whose result
would probably be at the very least the prompt expulsion of the white man
from every foothold in eastern Asia.
That is what will probably come anyway as soon as Japan and China,
impelled by overcrowding and conscious of their united potentialities, shall
have arrived at a genuine understanding. Since population-pressure seems
to be the basic factor in the future course of Far Eastern affairs, it would be
well to survey possible outlets for surplus population within the Far East
itself, in order to determine how much of this race-expansion can be
satisfied at home, thereby diminishing, or at least postponing, acute
pressure upon the political and ethnic frontiers of the white world.
To begin with, the population of Japan (approximately 60,000,000) is
increasing at the rate of about 800,000 per year. China has no modern vital
statistics, but the annual increase of her 400,000,000 population, at the
Japanese rate, would be 6,000,000. Now the settled parts of both Japan and
China may be considered as fully populated so far as agriculture is
concerned, further extensive increases of population being dependent upon
the rise of machine industry. Both countries have, however, thinly settled
areas within their present political frontiers. Japan’s northern island of
Hokkaido (Yezo) has a great amount of good agricultural land as yet almost
unoccupied, some of her other island possessions offer minor outlets, while
Korea and Manchuria afford extensive colonizing possibilities albeit
Chinese and Korean competition preclude a Japanese colonization on the
scale which the size and natural wealth of these regions would at first sight
seem to indicate. China has even more extensive colonizable areas. Both
Mongolia and Chinese Turkestan, though largely desert, contain within their
vast areas enough fertile land to support many millions of Chinese peasants
as soon as modern roads and railways are built. The Chinese colonization of
Manchuria is also proceeding apace, and will continue despite anything
Japan may do to keep it down. Lastly, the cold but enormous plateau of
Tibet offers considerable possibilities.

Allowing for all this, however, it cannot be said that either China or Japan
possess within their present political frontiers territories likely to absorb
those prodigious accretions of population which seem destined to occur
within the next couple of generations. From the resultant congestion two
avenues of escape will naturally present themselves: settlement of other
portions of the Far East to-day under white political control, but inhabited
by colored populations; and pressure into accessible areas not merely under
white political control, but also containing white populations. It is obvious
that these are two radically distinct issues, for while a white nation might
not unalterably oppose Mongolian immigration into its colored
dependencies, it would almost certainly fight to the limit rather than witness
the racial swamping of lands settled by its own flesh and blood.
Considering the former issue, then, it would appear that virtually all the
peninsulas and archipelagoes lying between China and Australia offer
attractive fields for yellow, particularly Chinese, race-expansion. Ethnically
they are all colored men’s lands; politically they are all, save Siam, under
white control; Britain, France, Holland, and the United States being the
titular owners of these extensive territories. So far as the native races are
concerned, none of them seem to possess the vitality and economic
efficiency needed to maintain themselves against unrestricted Chinese
immigration. Whether in the British Straits Settlements and North Borneo,
French Indo-China, the Dutch Indies, the American Philippines, or
independent Siam, the Chinaman, so far as he has been allowed, has
displayed his practical superiority, and in places where, like the Straits
Settlements, he has been allowed a free hand, he has virtually supplanted
the native stock, reducing the latter to an impotent and vanishing minority.
The chief barriers to Chinese race-expansion in these regions are legal
hindrances or prohibitions of immigration, and of course such barriers are
in their essence artificial and liable to removal under any shift of
circumstances. Many observers predict that most of these lands will
ultimately become Chinese. Says Alleyne Ireland, a recognized authority on
these regions: “There is every reason to suppose that, throughout the
tropics, possibly excepting India, the Chinaman, even though he should
continue to emigrate in no greater force than hitherto, will gradually
supersede all the native races.”[30] Certainly, if this be true, China has here a
vast outlet for her surplus population. It has been estimated that the

undeveloped portions of the Dutch Indies alone are capable of supporting
100,000,000 people living on the frugal Chinese plane. Their present
population is 8,000,000 semi-savages.
China’s possibilities of race-expansion in the colored regions of the Far East
are thus excellent. The same cannot be said, however, for Japan. The
Japanese, bred in a distinctively temperate, island environment, have not the
Chinese adaptability to climatic variation. The Japanese, like the white man,
does not thrive in tropic heat, nor does he possess the white man’s ability to
resist sub-Arctic cold. Formosa is not in the real tropics, yet Japanese
colonists have not done well there. On the other hand, even the far-from-
Arctic winters of Hokkaido (part of the Japanese archipelago) seem too
chilly for the Japanese taste.
Japan thus does not have the same vital interest as China in the Asiatic
tropics. Undoubtedly they would for Japan be valuable colonies of
exploitation, just as they to-day are thus valuable for white nations. But
they could never furnish outlets for Japan’s excess population, and even
commercially Japan would be exposed to increasing Chinese competition,
since the Chinaman excels the Japanese in trade as well as in migrant
colonization. Japanese lack of climatic adaptability is also the reason why
Japan’s present military excursion in eastern Siberia, even if it should
develop into permanent occupation, would yield no adequate solution of
Japan’s population problem. For the Chinaman, Siberia would do very well.
He would breed amazingly there and would fill up the whole country in a
remarkably short space of time. But the Japanese peasant, so averse to the
winters of Hokkaido, would find the sub-Arctic rigors of Siberia
intolerable.
Thus, for Japanese migration, neither the empty spaces of northern or
southern Asia will do. The natural outlets lie outside Asia in the United
States, Australasia, and the temperate parts of Latin America. But all these
outlets are rigorously barred by the white man, who has marked them for
his own race-heritage, and nothing but force will break those barriers down.
There lies a danger, not merely to the peace of the Far East, but to the peace
of the world. Fired by a fervent patriotism; resolved to make their country a
leader among the nations; the Japanese writhe at the constriction of their

present race-bounds. Placed on the flank of the Chinese giant whose
portentous growth she can accurately forecast, Japan sees herself
condemned to ultimate renunciation of her grandiose ambitions unless she
can somehow broaden the racial as well as the political basis of her power.
In short: Japan must find lands where Japanese can breed by the tens of
millions if she is not to be automatically overshadowed in course of time,
even assuming that she does not suffocate or blow up from congestion
before that time arrives. This is the secret of her aggressive foreign policy,
her chronic imperialism, her extravagant dreams of conquest and “world-
dominion.”
The longing to hack a path to greatness by the samurai sword lurks ever in
the back of Japanese minds. The library of Nippon’s chauvinist literature is
large and increasing. A good example of the earlier productions is Satori
Kato’s brochure entitled “Mastery of the Pacific,” published in 1909.
Herein the author announces confidently: “In the event of war Japan could,
as if aided by a magician’s wand, overrun the Pacific with fleets manned by
men who have made Nelson their model and transported to the armadas of
the Far East the spirit that was victorious at Trafalgar. Whether Japan avows
it or not, her persistent aim is to gain the mastery of the Pacific. Although
peace seems to prevail over the world at present, no one can tell how soon
the nations may be engaged in war. It does not need the English alliance to
secure success for Japan. That alliance may be dissolved at any moment,
but Japan will suffer no defeat. Her victory will be won by her men, not by
armor-plates—things weak by comparison.”[31]
The late war has of course greatly stimulated these bellicose emotions.
Viewing their own increased power and the debilitation of the white world,
Japanese jingoes glimpse prospects of glorious fishing in troubled waters.
The “world-dominion” note is stressed more often than of yore. For
instance, in the summer of 1919 the Tokio Hochi, Count Okuma’s organ,
prophesied exultantly: “That age in which the Anglo-Japanese alliance was
the pivot and American-Japanese co-operation an essential factor of
Japanese diplomacy is gone. In future we must not look eastward for
friendship but westward. Let the Bolsheviki of Russia be put down and the
more peaceful party established in power. In them Japan will find a strong
ally. By marching then westward to the Balkans, to Germany, to France, and
Italy, the greater part of the world may be brought under our sway. The

tyranny of the Anglo-Saxons at the Peace Conference is such that it has
angered both gods and men. Some may abjectly follow them in
consideration of their petty interests, but things will ultimately settle down
as has just been indicated.”[32]
Still more striking are the following citations from a Japanese imperialist
pronouncement written in the autumn of 1916:
“Fifty millions of our race wherewith to conquer and possess the earth! It is
indeed a glorious problem!... To begin with, we now have China; China is
our steed! Far shall we ride upon her! Even as Rome rode Latium to
conquer Italy, and Italy to conquer the Mediterranean; even as Napoleon
rode Italy and the Rhenish States to conquer Germany, and Germany to
conquer Europe; even as England to-day rides her colonies and her so-
called ‘allies’ to conquer her robust rival, Germany—even so shall we ride
China. So becomes our 50,000,000 race 500,000,000 strong; so grow our
paltry hundreds of millions of gold into billions!
“How well have done our people! How well have our statesmen led them!
No mistakes! There must be none now. In 1895 we conquered China—
Russia, Germany, and France stole from us the booty. How has our strength
grown since then—and still it grows! In ten years we punished and retook
our own from Russia; in twenty years we squared and retook from
Germany; with France there is no need for haste. She has already realized
why we withheld the troops which alone might have driven the invader
from her soil! Her fingers are clutching more tightly around her Oriental
booty; yet she knows it is ours for the taking. But there is no need of haste:
the world condemns the paltry thief; only the glorious conqueror wins the
plaudits and approval of mankind.
“We are now well astride of our steed, China; but the steed has long roamed
wild and is run down: it needs grooming, more grain, more training.
Further, our saddle and bridle are as yet mere makeshifts: would steed and
trappings stand the strain of war? And what would that strain be?
“As for America—that fatuous booby with much money and much
sentiment, but no cohesion, no brains of government; stood she alone we
should not need our China steed. Well did my friend speak the other day
when he called her people a race of thieves with the hearts of rabbits.

America, to any warrior race, is not as a foe, but as an immense melon, ripe
for the cutting. But there are other warrior races—England, Germany—
would they look on and let us slice and eat our fill? Would they?
“But, using China as our steed, should our first goal be the land? India? Or
the Pacific, the sea that must be our very own, even as the Atlantic is now
England’s? The land is tempting and easy, but withal dangerous. Did we
begin there, the coarse white races would too soon awaken, and combine,
and forever immure us within our long since grown intolerable bounds. It
must, therefore, be the sea; but the sea means the Western Americas and all
the islands between; and with those must soon come Australia, India. And
then the battling for the balance of world-power, for the rest of North
America. Once that is ours, we own and control the whole—a dominion
worthy of our race!
“North America alone will support a billion people; that billion shall be
Japanese with their slaves. Not arid Asia, nor worn-out Europe (which, with
its peculiar and quaint relics and customs should in the interests of history
and culture, be in any case preserved), nor yet tropical Africa, is fit for our
people. But North America, that continent so succulently green, fresh, and
unsullied—except for the few chattering, mongrel Yankees—should have
been ours by right of discovery: it shall be ours by the higher, nobler right
of conquest.”[33]
This apostle of Japanese world-dominion then goes on to discuss in detail
how his programme can best be attained. It should be remembered that at
the time he wrote America was still an unarmed nation, apparently ridden
by pacifism. Such imperialist extravagances as the above do not represent
the whole of Japan. But they do represent a powerful element in Japan,
against which the white world should be forewarned.

CHAPTER III

BROWN MAN’S LAND
Brown Man’s Land is the Near and Middle East. The brown world stretches
in an immense belt clear across southern Asia and northern Africa, from the
Pacific to the Atlantic Oceans. The numbers of brown and yellow men are
not markedly unequal (450,000,000 browns as against 500,000,000
yellows), but in most other respects the two worlds are sharply contrasted.
In the first place, while the yellow world is a fairly compact geographical
block, the brown world sprawls half-way round the globe, and is not only
much greater in size, but also infinitely more varied in natural features.
This geographical diversity is reflected both in its history and in the
character of its inhabitants. Unlike the secluded yellow world, the brown
world is nearly everywhere exposed to foreign influences and has
undergone an infinite series of evolutionary modifications. Racially it has
been a vast melting-pot, or series of melting-pots, wherein conquest and
migration have continually poured new heterogeneous elements, producing
the most diverse racial amalgamations. In fact, there is to-day no
generalized brown type-norm as there are generalized yellow or white type-
norms, but rather a series of types clearly distinguished from one another.
Some of these types, like the Persians and Ottoman Turks, are largely white;
others, like the southern Indians and Yemenite Arabs, are largely black;
while still others, like the Himalayan and Central Asian peoples, have much
yellow blood. Again, there is no generalized brown culture like those
possessed by yellows and whites. The great spiritual bond is Islam, yet in
India, the chief seat of brown population, Islam is professed by only one-
fifth of the inhabitants.
Nevertheless, there is a fundamental comity between the brown peoples.
This comity is subtle and intangible in character, yet it exists, and under
certain circumstances it is capable of momentous manifestations. Its salient
feature is the instinctive recognition by all Near and Middle Eastern peoples
that they are fellow Asiatics, however bitter may be their internecine feuds.

This instinctive Asiatic feeling has been noted by historians for more than
two thousand years, and it is just as true to-day as in the past. Of course it
comes out most strongly in face of the non-Asiatic—which in practice has
always meant the white man. The action and reaction of the brown and
white worlds has, indeed, been a constant historic factor, the rôles of
hammer and anvil being continually reversed through the ages. For the last
four centuries the white world has, in the main, been the dynamic factor.
Certainly, during the last hundred years the white world has displayed an
unprecedentedly aggressive vigor, the brown world playing an almost
passive rôle.
Here again is seen a difference between browns and yellows. The yellow
world did not feel the full tide of white aggression till the middle of the last
century, while even then it never really lost its political independence and
soon reacted so powerfully that its political freedom has to-day been
substantially regained. The brown world, on the other hand, felt the impact
of the white tide much earlier and was politically overwhelmed. The so-
called “independence” of brown states has long been due more to white
rivalries than to their own inherent strength. One by one they have been
swallowed up by the white Powers. In 1914 only three (Turkey, Persia, and
Afghanistan) survived, and the late war has sent them the way of the rest.
Turkey and Persia have lost their independence, however they may still be
painted on the map, while Afghanistan has been compelled to recognize
white supremacy as never before. Thus the cycle is fulfilled, and white
political mastery over the brown world is complete.
Political triumphs, however, of themselves guarantee nothing, and the
permanence of the present order of things in the brown world appears more
than doubtful when we glance beyond the map. The brown world, like the
yellow world, is to-day in acute reaction against white supremacy. In fact,
the brown reaction began a full century ago, and has been gathering
headway ever since, moved thereto both by its own inherent vitality and by
the external stimulus of white aggression. The great dynamic of this brown
reaction is the Mohammedan Revival. But before analyzing that movement
it would be well to glance at the human elements involved.
Four salient groupings stand out among the brown peoples: India, Irán,
“Arabistán,” and “Turkestán.” The last two words are used in a special

sense to denote ethnic and cultural aggregations for which no precise terms
have hitherto been coined. India is the population-centre of the brown
world. More than 300,000,000 souls live within its borders—two-thirds of
all the brown men on earth. India has not, however, been the brown world’s
spiritual or cultural dynamic, those forces coming chiefly from the brown
lands to the westward. Irán (the Persian plateau) is comparatively small in
area and has less than 15,000,000 inhabitants, but its influence upon the
brown world has been out of all proportion to its size and population.
“Arabistán” denotes the group of peoples, Arab in blood or Arabized in
language and culture, who inhabit the Arabian peninsula and its adjacent
annexes, Syria and Mesopotamia, together with the vast band of North
Africa lying between the Mediterranean and the Sahara Desert. The total
number of these Arabic peoples is 40,000,000, three-fourths of them living
in North Africa. The term “Turkestán” covers the group of kindred peoples,
often called “Turanians,” who stretch from Constantinople to Central Asia,
including the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor, the Tartars of South Russia and
Transcaucasia, and the Central Asian Turkomans. They number in all about
25,000,000. Such are the four outstanding race-factors in the brown world.
Let us now examine that spiritual factor, Islam, from which the brown
renaissance originally proceeded, and on which most of its present
manifestations are based.
Islam’s warlike vigor has impressed men’s minds ever since the far-off days
when its pristine fervor bore the Fiery Crescent from France to China. But
with the passing cycles this fervor waned, and a century ago Islam seemed
plunged in the stupor of senile decay. The life appeared to have gone out of
it, leaving naught but the dry husks of empty formalism and soulless ritual.
Yet at this darkest hour a voice came crying from out the vast Arabian
desert, the cradle of Islam, calling the Faithful to better things. This puritan
reformer was the famous Abd-el-Wahab, and his followers, known as
Wahabees, soon spread over the length and breadth of the Mohammedan
world, purging Islam of its sloth and rekindling the fervor of olden days.
Thus began the great Mohammedan Revival.
That revival, like all truly regenerative movements, had its political as well
as its spiritual side. One of the first things which struck the reformers was
the political weakness of the Moslem world and its increasing subjection to
the Christian West. It was during the early decades of the nineteenth century

that the revival spread through Islam. But this was the very time when
Europe, recovering from the losses of the Napoleonic Wars, began its
unparalleled aggressions upon the Moslem East. The result in Islam was a
fusing of religion and patriotism into a “sacred union” for the combined
spiritual regeneration and political emancipation of the Moslem world.
Of course Europe’s material and military superiority were then so great that
speedy success was recognized to be a vain hope. Nevertheless, with true
Oriental patience, the reformers were content to work for distant goals, and
the results of their labors, though hidden from most Europeans, was soon
discernible to a few keen-sighted white observers. Half a century ago the
learned Orientalist Palgrave wrote these prophetic lines: “Islam is even now
an enormous power, full of self-sustaining vitality, with a surplus for
aggression; and a struggle with its combined energies would be deadly
indeed.... The Mohammedan peoples of the East have awakened to the
manifold strength and skill of their Western Christian rivals; and this
awakening, at first productive of respect and fear, not unmixed with
admiration, now wears the type of antagonistic dislike, and even of
intelligent hate. No more zealous Moslems are to be found in all the ranks
of Islam than they who have sojourned longest in Europe and acquired the
most intimate knowledge of its sciences and ways.... Mohammedans are
keenly alive to the ever-shifting uncertainties and divisions that distract the
Christianity of to-day, and to the woful instability of modern European
institutions. From their own point of view, Moslems are as men standing on
a secure rock, and they contrast the quiet fixity of their own position with
the unsettled and insecure restlessness of all else.”[34]
This stability to which Palgrave alludes must not be confused with dead
rigidity. Too many of us still think of the Moslem East as hopelessly
petrified. But those Westerners best acquainted with the Islamic world
assert that nothing could be farther from the truth; emphasizing, on the
contrary, Islam’s present plasticity and rapid assimilation of Western ideas
and methods. “The alleged rigidity of Islam is a European myth,”[35] says
Theodore Morison, late principal of the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
College at Aligarh, India; and another Orientalist, Marmaduke Pickthall,
writes: “There is nothing in Islam, any more than in Christianity, which
should halt progress. The fact is that Christianity found, some time ago, a

modus vivendi with modern life, while Islam has not yet arrived thither. But
this process is even now being worked out.”[36]
The way in which the Mohammedan world has availed itself of white
institutions such as the newspaper in forging its new solidarity is well
portrayed by Bernard Temple. “It all comes to this, then,” he writes.
“World-politics, as viewed by Mohammedanism’s political leaders, resolve
themselves into a struggle—not necessarily a bloody struggle, but still an
intense and vital struggle—for place and power between the three great
divisions of mankind. The Moslem mind is deeply stirred by the prospect.
Every Moslem country is in communication with every other Moslem
country: directly, by means of special emissaries, pilgrims, travellers,
traders, and postal exchanges; indirectly, by means of Mohammedan
newspapers, books, pamphlets, leaflets, and periodicals. I have met with
Cairo newspapers in Bagdad, Teheran, and Peshawar; Constantinople
newspapers in Basra and Bombay; Calcutta newspapers in Mohammerah,
Kerbela, and Port Said.”[37]
These European judgments are confirmed by what Asiatics say themselves.
For example, a Syrian Christian, Ameen Rihani, thus characterizes the
present strength and vitality of the Moslem world: “A nation of 250,000,000
souls, more than one-half under Christian rule, struggling to shake off its
fetters; to consolidate its opposing forces; replenishing itself in the south
and in the east from the inexhaustible sources of the life primitive;
assimilating in the north, but not without discrimination, the civilization of
Europe; a nation with a glorious past, a living faith and language, an
inspired Book, an undying hope, might be divided against itself by
European diplomacy but can never be subjugated by European arms....
What Islam is losing on the borders of Europe it is gaining in Africa and
Central Asia through its modern propaganda, which is conducted according
to Christian methods. And this is one of the grand results of ‘civilization by
benevolent assimilation.’ Europe drills the Moslem to be a soldier who will
ultimately turn his weapons against her; and she sends her missionaries to
awaken in the ulema the proselytizing evil.”[38]
Typical of Mohammedan literature on this subject are the following
excerpts from a book published at Cairo in 1907 by an Egyptian, Yahya
Siddyk, significantly entitled “The Awakening of the Islamic Peoples in the

Fourteenth Century of the Hegira.”[39] The book is doubly interesting
because the author has a thorough Western education, holding a law degree
from the French university of Toulouse, and is a judge on the Egyptian
bench. Although writing as far back as 1907, Yahya Siddyk clearly foresaw
the imminence of the European War. “Behold,” he writes, “these Great
Powers ruining themselves in terrifying armaments; measuring each other’s
strength with defiant glances; menacing each other; contracting alliances
which continually break and which presage those terrible shocks which
overturn the world and cover it with ruins, fire, and blood! The future is
God’s, and nothing is lasting save His Will!”
He considers the white world degenerate. “Does this mean,” he asks, “that
Europe, our ‘enlightened guide,’ has already reached the summit of its
evolution? Has it already exhausted its vital force by two or three centuries
of hyper-exertion? In other words: is it already stricken with senility, and
will it see itself soon obliged to yield its civilizing rôle to other peoples less
degenerate, less neurasthenic; that is to say, younger, more robust, more
healthy, than itself? In my opinion, the present marks Europe’s apogee, and
its immoderate colonial expansion means, not strength, but weakness.
Despite the aureole of so much grandeur, power, and glory, Europe is to-day
more divided and more fragile than ever, and ill conceals its malaise, its
sufferings, and its anguish. Its destiny is inexorably working out!...
“The contact of Europe on the East has caused us both much good and
much evil: good, in the material and intellectual sense; evil, from the moral
and political point of view. Exhausted by long struggles, enervated by a
brilliant civilization, the Moslem peoples inevitably fell into a malaise, but
they are not stricken, they are not dead! These peoples, conquered by the
force of cannon, have not in the least lost their unity, even under the
oppressive régimes to which the Europeans have long subjected them.... I
have said that the European contact has been salutary to us from both the
material and the intellectual point of view. What reforming Moslem Princes
wished to impose by force on their Moslem subjects is to-day realized a
hundredfold. So great has been our progress in the last twenty-five years in
science, letters, and art that we may well hope to be in all these things the
equals of Europeans in less than half a century....

“A new era opens for us with the fourteenth century of the Hegira, and this
happy century will mark our renaissance and our great future! A new breath
animates the Mohammedan peoples of all races; all Moslems are penetrated
with the necessity of work and instruction! We all wish to travel, do
business, tempt fortune, brave dangers. There is in the East, among the
Mohammedans, a surprising activity, an animation, unknown twenty-five
years ago.... There is to-day a real public opinion throughout the East.”
The author concludes: “Let us hold firm, each for all, and let us hope, hope,
hope! We are fairly launched on the path of progress: let us profit by it! It is
Europe’s very tyranny which has wrought our transformation! It is our
continued contact with Europe which favors our evolution and inevitably
hastens our revival! It is simply History repeating itself; the Will of God
fulfilling itself despite all opposition and all resistance.... Europe’s tutelage
over Asiatics is becoming more and more nominal—the gates of Asia are
closing against the European! Surely we glimpse before us a revolution
without parallel in the world’s annals. A new age is at hand!”[40]
If this be indeed the present spirit of Islam it is a portentous fact, for its
numerical strength is very great. The total number of Mohammedans is
estimated at from 200,000,000 to 250,000,000, and they not only
predominate throughout the brown world with the exception of India, but
they also count 10,000,000 adherents in China and are gaining prodigiously
among the blacks of Africa.
The proselyting power of Islam is extraordinary, and its hold upon its
votaries is even more remarkable. Throughout history there has been no
single instance where a people, once become Moslem, has ever abandoned
the faith. Extirpated they may have been, like the Moors of Spain, but
extirpation is not apostasy. This extreme tenacity of Islam, this ability to
keep its hold, once it has got a footing, under all circumstances short of
downright extirpation, must be borne in mind when considering the future
of regions where Islam is to-day advancing.
And, save in eastern Europe, it is to-day advancing along all its far-flung
frontiers. Its most signal victories are being won among the negro races of
central Africa, and this phase will be discussed in the next chapter, but
elsewhere the same conditions, in lesser degree, prevail. Every Moslem is a

born missionary and instinctively propagates his faith among his non-
Moslem neighbors. The quality of this missionary temper has been well
analyzed by Meredith Townsend. “All the emotions which impel a Christian
to proselytize,” he writes, “are in a Mussulman strengthened by all the
motives which impel a political leader and all the motives which sway a
recruiting sergeant, until proselytism has become a passion, which,
whenever success seems practicable, and especially success on a large
scale, develops in the quietest Mussulman a fury of ardor which induces
him to break down every obstacle, his own strongest prejudices included,
rather than stand for an instant in the neophyte’s way. He welcomes him as
a son, and whatever his own lineage, and whether the convert be negro, or
Chinaman, or Indian, or even European, he will without hesitation or
scruple give him his own child in marriage, and admit him fully, frankly,
and finally into the most exclusive circle in the world.”[41]
Such is the vast and growing body of Islam, to-day seeking to weld its
forces into a higher unity for the combined objectives of spiritual revival
and political emancipation. This unitary movement is known as “Pan-
Islamism.” Most Western observers seem to think that Pan-Islamism centres
in the “Caliphate,” and European writers to-day hopefully discuss whether
the Caliphate’s retention by the discredited Turkish Sultans, its
transferrence to the rulers of the new Arab Hedjaz Kingdom, or its total
suppression, will best clip Islam’s wings.
This, however, is a very short-sighted and partial view. The Khalifa or
“Caliph” (to use the Europeanized form), the Prophet’s representative on
earth, has played an important historic rôle, and the institution is still
venerated in Islam. But the Pan-Islamic leaders have long been working on
a much broader basis. Pan-Islamism’s real driving power lies, not in the
Caliphate, but in institutions like the “Hajj” or pilgrimage to Mecca, the
propaganda of the “Habl-ul-Matin” or “Tie of True Believers,” and the great
religious fraternities. The Meccan Hajj, where tens of thousands of picked
zealots gather every year from every quarter of the Moslem world, is really
an annual Pan-Islamic congress, where all the interests of the faith are
discussed at length, and where plans are elaborated for its defense and
propagation. Similarly ubiquitous is the Pan-Islamic propaganda of the
Habl-ul-Matin, which works tirelessly to compose sectarian differences and
traditional feuds. Lastly, the religious brotherhoods cover the Islamic world

with a network of far-flung associations, quickening the zeal of their myriad
members and co-ordinating their energies for potential action.
The greatest of these brotherhoods (though there are others of importance)
is the famous Senussiyah, and its history well illustrates Islam’s evolution
during the past hundred years. Its founder, Seyyid Mahommed ben Senussi,
was born in Algeria about the beginning of the nineteenth century. He was
of high Arab lineage, tracing his descent from Fatima, the daughter of the
Prophet. In early youth he went to Arabia and there came under the
influence of the Wahabee movement. In middle life he returned to Africa,
settling in the Sahara Desert, and there built up the fraternity which bears
his name. Before his death the order had spread to all parts of the
Mohammedan world, but it is in northern Africa that it has attained its
peculiar pre-eminence. The Senussi Order is divided into local “Zawias” or
lodges, all absolutely dependent upon the Grand Lodge, headed by The
Master, El Senussi. The Grand Mastership still remains in the family, a
grandson of the founder being the order’s present head. The Senussi
stronghold is an oasis in the very heart of the Sahara. Only one European
eye has ever seen this mysterious spot. Surrounded by absolute desert, with
wells many leagues apart and the routes of approach known only to
experienced Senussi guides, every one of whom would suffer a thousand
deaths rather than betray him, El Senussi, The Master, sits serenely apart,
sending his orders throughout North Africa.
The Sahara itself is absolutely under Senussi control, while “Zawias”
abound in distant regions like Morocco, Lake Chad, and Somaliland. These
local Zawias are more than mere “lodges.” Their spiritual and secular
heads, the “Mokaddem” or priest and the “Wekil” or civil governor, have
discretionary authority not merely over the Zawia members, but also over
the community at large—at least, so great is the awe inspired by the Senussi
throughout North Africa that a word from Wekil or Mokaddem is always
listened to and obeyed. Thus, beside the various European authorities,
British, French, or Italian as the case may be, there exists an occult
government with which the colonial authorities are careful not to come into
conflict.
On their part, the Senussi are equally careful to avoid a downright breach
with the European Powers. Their long-headed, cautious policy is truly

astonishing. For more than half a century the order has been a great force,
yet it has never risked the supreme adventure. In all the numerous fanatic
risings against Europeans which have occurred in various parts of Africa,
local Senussi have undoubtedly taken part, but the order has never officially
entered the lists.
These Fabian tactics as regards open warfare do not mean that the Senussi
are idle. Far from it. On the contrary, they are ceaselessly at work with the
spiritual arms of teaching, discipline, and conversion. The Senussi
programme is the welding, first of Moslem Africa, and later of the whole
Moslem world, into the revived “Imamat” of Islam’s early days; into a great
theocracy, embracing all true believers—in other words, Pan-Islamism. But
they believe that the political liberation of Islam from Christian domination
must be preceded by a profound spiritual regeneration, thereby engendering
the moral forces necessary both for the war of liberation and for the fruitful
reconstruction which should follow thereafter. This is the secret of the
order’s extraordinary self-restraint. This is the reason why, year after year,
and decade after decade, the Senussi advance slowly, calmly, coldly,
gathering great latent power but avoiding the temptation to expend it one
instant before the proper time. Meanwhile they are covering Africa with
their lodges and schools, disciplining the people to the voice of their
Mokaddems and Wekils—and converting millions of pagan negroes to the
faith of Islam.
And what is true of the Senussi holds equally for the other wise leaders who
guide the Pan-Islamic movement. They know both Europe’s strength and
their own weakness. They know the peril of premature action. Feeling that
time is on their side, they are content to await the hour when internal
regeneration and external pressure shall have filled to overflowing the cup
of wrath. This is why Islam has offered only local resistance to the
unparalleled white aggressions of the last twenty years. This is the main
reason why there was no real “Holy War” in 1914. But the materials for a
Holy War have long been piling high, as a retrospective glance will show.
Europe’s conquests of Africa and Central Asia toward the close of the last
century, and the subsequent Anglo-French agreement mutually
appropriating Egypt and Morocco, evoked murmurs of impotent fury from
the Moslem world. Under such circumstances the Russo-Japanese War of

1904 sent a feverish tremor throughout Islam. The Japanese might be
idolaters, but the traditional Moslem loathing of idolaters as beings much
lower than Christians and Jews (recognized by Mohammed as “Peoples of
The Book”) was quite effaced by the burning sense of subjugation to the
Christian yoke. Accordingly, the Japanese were hailed as heroes throughout
Islam. Here we see again that tendency toward an understanding between
Asiatic and African races and creeds (in other words, a “Pan-Colored”
alliance against white domination) which has been so patent in recent years.
The way in which Islamic peoples began looking to Japan is revealed by
this editorial in a Persian newspaper, written in the year 1906: “Desirous of
becoming as powerful as Japan and of safeguarding its national
independence, Persia should make common cause with it. An alliance
becomes necessary. There should be a Japanese ambassador at Teheran.
Japanese instructors should be chosen to reorganize the army. Commercial
relations should also be developed.”[42] Indeed, some pious Moslems hoped
to bring this heroic people within the Islamic fold. Shortly after the Russo-
Japanese War a Chinese Mohammedan sheikh wrote: “If Japan thinks of
becoming some day a very great power and making Asia the dominator of
the other continents, it will be only by adopting the blessed religion of
Islam.”[43] And Al Mowwayad, an Egyptian Nationalist journal, remarked:
“England, with her 60,000,000 Indian Moslems, dreads this conversion.
With a Mohammedan Japan, Mussulman policy would change entirely.”[44]
As a matter of fact, Mohammedan missionaries actually went to Japan,
where they were smilingly received. Of course the Japanese had not the
faintest intention of turning Moslems, but these spontaneous approaches
from the brown world were quite in line with their ambitious plans, which,
as the reader will remember, were just then taking concrete shape.
However, it soon became plain that Japan had no present intention of going
so far afield as Western Asia, and Islam presently had to mourn fresh losses
at Christian hands. In 1911 came Italy’s barefaced raid on Turkey’s African
dependency of Tripoli. So bitter was the anger in all Mohammedan lands at
this unprovoked aggression that many European observers became
seriously alarmed. “Why has Italy found ‘defenseless’ Tripoli such a
hornet’s nest?” queried Gabriel Hanotaux, a former French minister of
foreign affairs. “It is because she has to do, not merely with Turkey, but
with Islam as well. Italy has set the ball rolling—so much the worse for her

—and for us all.”[45] But the Tripoli expedition was only the beginning of
the Christian assault, for next year came the Balkan War, which sheared
away Turkey’s European holdings to the walls of Constantinople and left
her crippled and discredited. At these disasters a cry of wrathful anguish
swept the world of Islam from end to end. Here is how a leading Indian
Moslem interpreted the Balkan conflict:
“The King of Greece orders a new crusade. From the London Chancelleries
rise calls to Christian fanaticism, and Saint Petersburg already speaks of the
planting of the cross on the dome of Sant’ Sophia. To-day they speak thus;
to-morrow they will thus speak of Jerusalem and the Mosque of Omar.
Brothers! Be ye of one mind, that it is the duty of every true believer to
hasten beneath the Khalifa’s banner and to sacrifice his life for the safety of
the faith.”[46] And another Indian Moslem leader thus adjured the British
authorities: “I appeal to the present government to change its anti-Turkish
attitude before the fury of millions of Moslem fellow subjects is kindled to
a blaze and brings disaster.”[47]
Still more significant were the appeals made by the Indian Moslems to their
Brahman fellow countrymen, the traditionally despised “Idolaters.” These
appeals betokened a veritable revolution in outlook, as can be gauged from
the text of one of them, significantly entitled “The Message of the East.”
“Spirit of the East,” reads this noteworthy document, “arise and repel the
swelling flood of Western aggression! Children of Hindustan, aid us with
your wisdom, culture, and wealth; lend us your power, the birthright and
heritage of the Hindu! Let the Spirit Powers hidden in the Himalayan
mountain-peaks arise. Let prayers to the god of battles float upward;
prayers that right may triumph over might; and call to your myriad gods to
annihilate the armies of the foe!”[48] In China also the same fraternizing
spirit was visible. During the Republican Revolution the Chinese
Mohammedans, instead of holding jealously aloof, co-operated whole-
heartedly with their Buddhist and Confucian fellow citizens, and Doctor
Sun-Yat-Sen, the Republican leader, announced gratefully: “The Chinese
will never forget the assistance which their Moslem compatriots have
rendered in the interest of order and liberty.”[49] The Great War thus found
Islam deeply stirred against European aggression, keenly conscious of its
own solidarity, and frankly reaching out for colored allies in the projected
struggle against white domination.

Under these circumstances it may at first sight appear strange that no
general Islamic explosion occurred when Turkey entered the lists at the
close of 1914 and the Sultan-Khalifa issued a formal summons to the Holy
War. Of course this summons was not the flat failure which Allied reports
led the West to believe at the time. As a matter of fact there was trouble in
practically every Mohammedan land under Allied control. To name only a
few of many instances: Egypt broke into a tumult smothered only by
overwhelming British reinforcements, Tripoli burst into a flame of
insurrection that drove the Italians headlong to the coast, Persia was
prevented from joining Turkey only by prompt Russian intervention, and
the Indian Northwest Frontier was the scene of fighting that required the
presence of a quarter of a million Anglo-Indian troops. The British
Government has officially admitted that during 1915 the Allies’ Asiatic and
African possessions stood within a hand’s breadth of a cataclysmic
insurrection.
That insurrection would certainly have taken place if Islam’s leaders had
everywhere spoken the fateful word. But the word was not spoken. Instead,
influential Moslems outside of Turkey generally condemned the latter’s
action and did all in their power to calm the passions of the fanatic
multitude. The attitude of these leaders does credit to their discernment.
They recognized that this was neither the time nor the occasion for a
decisive struggle with the West. They were not yet materially prepared, and
they had not perfected their understandings either among themselves or
with their prospective non-Moslem allies. Above all, the moral urge was
lacking. They knew that athwart the Khalifa’s writ was stencilled “Made in
Germany.” They knew that the “Young Turk” clique which had engineered
the coup was made up of Europeanized renegades, many of them not even
nominal Moslems, but atheistic Jews. Far-sighted Moslems had no intention
of pulling Germany’s chestnuts out of the fire, nor did they wish to further
Prussian schemes of world-dominion which for themselves would have
meant a mere change of masters. Far better to let the white world fight out
its desperate feud, weaken itself, and reveal fully its future intentions.
Meanwhile Islam could bide its time, grow in strength, and await the
morrow.
The Versailles Peace Conference was just such a revelation of European
intentions as the Pan-Islamic leaders had been awaiting in order to perfect

their programmes and enlist the moral solidarity of their peoples. At
Versailles the European Powers showed unequivocally that they had no
intention of relaxing their hold upon the Near and Middle East. By a
number of secret treaties negotiated during the war the Ottoman Empire had
been virtually partitioned between the victorious Allies, and these secret
treaties formed the basis of the Versailles settlement. Furthermore, Egypt
had been declared a British protectorate at the very beginning of the
European struggle, while the Versailles Conference had scarcely adjourned
before England announced an “agreement” with Persia which made that
country another British protectorate, in fact, if not in name. The upshot was,
as already stated, that the Near and Middle East were subjected to European
political domination as never before.
But there was another side to the shield. During the war years the Allied
statesmen had officially proclaimed times without number that the war was
being fought to establish a new world-order based on such principles as the
rights of small nations and the liberty of all peoples. These pronouncements
had been treasured and memorized throughout the East. When, therefore,
the East saw a peace settlement based, not upon these high professions, but
upon the imperialistic secret treaties, it was fired with a moral indignation
and sense of outraged justice never known before. A tide of impassioned
determination began rising which has already set the entire East in
tumultuous ferment, and which seems merely the premonitory ground-swell
of a greater storm. Many European students of Eastern affairs are gravely
alarmed at the prospect. Here, for example, is the judgment of Leone
Caetani, Duke of Sermoneta, an Italian authority on Oriental and
Mohammedan questions. Speaking in the spring of 1919 on the war’s effect
on the East, he said: “The convulsion has shaken Islamitic and Oriental
civilization to its foundations. The entire Oriental world, from China to the
Mediterranean, is in ferment. Everywhere the hidden fire of anti-European
hatred is burning. Riots in Morocco, risings in Algiers, discontent in Tripoli,
so-called Nationalist attempts in Egypt, Arabia, and Lybia, are all different
manifestations of the same deep sentiment, and have as their object the
rebellion of the Oriental world against European civilization.”[50]
The state of affairs in Egypt is a typical illustration of what has been going
on in the East ever since the close of the late war. Egypt was occupied by
England in 1882, and British rule has conferred immense material benefits,

raising the country from anarchic bankruptcy to ordered prosperity. Yet
British rule was never really popular, and as the years passed a
“Nationalist” movement steadily grew in strength, having for its slogan the
phrase “Egypt for the Egyptians,” and demanding Britain’s complete
evacuation of the country. This demand Great Britain refused even to
consider. Practically all Englishmen are agreed that Egypt with the Suez
Canal is the vital link between the eastern and western halves of the British
Empire, and they therefore consider the permanent occupation of Egypt an
absolute necessity. There is thus a clear deadlock between British imperial
and Egyptian national convictions.
Some years before the war Egypt became so unruly that England was
obliged to abandon all thoughts of conciliation and initiated a régime of
frank repression enforced by Lord Kitchener’s heavy hand. The European
War and Turkey’s adhesion to the Teutonic Powers caused fresh outbreaks
in Egypt, but these were quickly repressed and England took advantage of
Ottoman belligerency to abolish the fiction of Turkish overlordship and
declare Egypt a protectorate of the British Empire.
During the war Egypt, flooded with British troops, remained quiet, but the
end of the war gave the signal for an unparalleled outburst of Nationalist
activity. Basing their claims on such doctrines as the “rights of small
nations” and the “self-determination of peoples,” the Nationalists demanded
immediate independence and attempted to get Egypt’s case before the
Versailles Peace Conference. In defiance of English prohibitions, they even
held a popular plebiscite which upheld their claims. When the British
authorities answered this defiance by arresting Nationalist leaders, Egypt
flamed into rebellion from end to end. Everywhere it was the same story.
Railways and telegraph lines were systematically cut. Trains were stalled
and looted. Isolated British officers and soldiers were murdered. In Cairo
alone, thousands of houses were sacked by the mob. Soon the danger was
rendered more acute by the irruption out of the desert of swarms of Bedouin
Arabs bent on plunder. For a few days Egypt trembled on the verge of
anarchy, and the British Government admitted in Parliament that all Egypt
was in a state of insurrection.
The British authorities, however, met the crisis with vigor and
determination. The number of British troops in Egypt was very large, trusty

black regiments were hurried up from the Sudan, and the well-disciplined
Egyptian native police generally obeyed orders. The result was that after
several weeks of sharp fighting, lasting through the spring of 1919, Egypt
was again gotten under control. The outlook for the future is, however,
ominous in the extreme. Order is indeed restored, but only the presence of
massed British and Sudanese black troops guarantees that order will be
maintained. Even under the present régime of stern martial law hardly a
month passes without fresh rioting and heavy loss of life. Egypt appears
Nationalist to the core, its spokesmen swear they will accept nothing short
of independence, and in the long run Britain will realize the truth of that
pithy saying: “You can do everything with bayonets except sit on them.”
India is likewise in a state of profound unrest. The vast peninsula has been
controlled by England for almost two centuries, yet here again the last two
decades have witnessed a rapidly increasing movement against British rule.
This movement was at first confined to the upper-class Hindus, the great
Mohammedan element preserving its traditional loyalty to the British “Raj,”
which it considered a protection against the Brahmanistic Hindu majority.
But, as already seen, the Pan-Islamic leaven presently reached the Indian
Moslems, European aggressions on Islam stirred their resentment, and at
length Moslem and Hindu adjourned their ancient feud in their new
solidarity against European tutelage.
The Great War provoked relatively little sedition in India. Groups of Hindu
extremists, to be sure, hatched terroristic plots and welcomed German aid,
but India as a whole backed England and helped win the war with both
money and men. At the same time, Indians gave notice that they expected
their loyalty to be rewarded, and at the close of the war various memorials
were drawn up calling for drastic modifications of the existing
governmental régime.
India is to-day governed by an English Civil Service whose fairness,
honesty, and general efficiency no informed person can seriously impugn.
But this no longer contents Indian aspirations. India desires not merely
good government but self-government. The ultimate goal of all Indian
reformers is emancipation from European tutelage, though they differ
among themselves as to how and when this emancipation is to be attained.
The most conservative would be content with self-government under British

guidance, the middle group asks for the full status of a Dominion of the
British Empire like Canada and Australia, while the radicals demand
complete independence. Even the most conservative of these demands
would, however, involve great changes of system and a diminution of
British control. Such demands arouse in England mistrust and
apprehension. Englishmen point out that India is not a nation but a
congeries of diverse peoples spiritually sundered by barriers of blood,
language, culture, and religion, and they conclude that, if England’s control
were really relaxed, India would get out of hand and drift toward anarchy.
As for Indian independence, the average Englishman cannot abide the
thought, holding it fatal both for the British Empire and for India itself. The
result has been that England has failed to meet Indian demands, and this, in
turn, has roused an acute recrudescence of dissatisfaction and unrest. The
British Government has countered with coercive legislation like the Rowlatt
Acts and has sternly repressed rioting and terrorism. British authority is still
supreme in India. But it is an authority resting more and more upon force.
In fact, some Englishmen have long considered British rule in India, despite
its imposing appearance, a decidedly fragile affair. Many years ago
Meredith Townsend, who certainly knew India well, wrote:
“The English think they will rule India for many centuries or forever. I do
not think so, holding rather the older belief that the empire which came in a
day will disappear in a night.... Above all this inconceivable mass of
humanity, governing all, protecting all, taxing all, rises what we call here
‘the Empire,’ a corporation of less than 1,500 men, partly chosen by
examination, partly by co-optation, who are set to govern, and who protect
themselves in governing by finding pay for a minute white garrison of
65,000 men, one-fifth of the Roman legions—though the masses to be
controlled are double the subjects of Rome. That corporation and that
garrison constitute the ‘Indian Empire.’ There is nothing else. Banish those
1,500 men in black, defeat that slender garrison in red, and the empire has
ended, the structure disappears, and brown India emerges, unchanged and
unchangeable. To support the official world and its garrison—both,
recollect, smaller than those of Belgium—there is, except Indian opinion,
absolutely nothing. Not only is there no white race in India, not only is
there no white colony, but there is no white man who purposes to remain....
There are no white servants, not even grooms, no white policemen, no

white postmen, no white anything. If the brown men struck for a week, the
‘Empire’ would collapse like a house of cards, and every ruling man would
be a starving prisoner in his own house. He could not move or feed himself
or get water.”[51]
These words aptly illustrate the truth stated at the beginning of this book
that the basic factor in human affairs is not politics but race, and that the
most imposing political phenomena, of themselves, mean nothing. And that
is just the fatal weakness underlying the white man’s present political
domination over the brown world. Throughout that entire world there is no
settled white population save in the French colonies of Algeria and Tunis
along the Mediterranean seaboard, where whites form perhaps one-sixth of
the total. Elsewhere, from Morocco to the Dutch Indies, there is in the racial
sense, as Townsend well says, “no white anything,” and if white rule
vanished to-morrow it would not leave a human trace behind. White rule is
therefore purely political, based on prescription, prestige, and lack of
effective opposition. These are indeed fragile foundations. Let the brown
world once make up its mind that the white man must go, and he will go, for
his position will have become simply impossible. It is not solely a question
of a “Holy War”; mere passive resistance, if genuine and general, would
shake white rule to its foundations. And it is precisely the determination to
get rid of white rule which seems to be spreading like wild-fire over the
brown world to-day. The unrest which I have described in Egypt and India
merely typify what is going on in Morocco, Central Asia, the Dutch Indies,
the Philippines, and every other portion of the brown world whose
inhabitants are above the grade of savages.
Another factor favoring the prospects of brown emancipation is the lack of
sustained resistance which the white world would probably offer. For the
white world’s interests in these regions, though great, are not fundamental;
that is to say, racial. However grievously they might suffer politically and
economically, racially the white peoples would lose almost nothing. Here
again we see the basic importance of race in human affairs. Contrast, for
example, England’s attitude toward an insurgent India with France’s attitude
toward an insurgent North Africa. England, with nothing racial at stake,
would hesitate before a reconquest of India involving millions of soldiers
and billions of treasure. France, on the other hand, with nearly a million
Europeans in her North African possessions, half of these full-blooded

Frenchmen, might risk her last franc and her last poilu rather than see these
blood-brothers slaughtered and enslaved.
Assuming, then, what to-day seems probable, that white political control
over the brown world is destined to be sensibly curtailed if not generally
eliminated, what are the larger racial implications? Above all: will the
browns tend to impinge on white race-areas as the yellows show signs of
doing? Probably, no; at least, not to any great extent. In the first place, the
brown world has within its present confines plenty of room for potential
race-expansion. Outside India, Egypt, Java, and a few lesser spots, there is
scarcely a brown land where natural improvements such as irrigation would
not open up extensive settlement areas. Mesopotamia alone, now almost
uninhabited, might support a vast population, while Persia could nourish
several times its present inhabitants.
India, to be sure, is almost as congested as China, and the spectre of the
Indian coolie has lately alarmed white lands like Canada and South Africa
almost as much as the Chinese coolie has done. But an independent India
would fall under the same political blight as the rest of the brown world—
the blight of internecine dissensions and wars. The brown world’s present
growing solidarity is not a positive but a negative phenomenon. It is an
alliance, against a common foe, of traditional enemies who, once the bond
was loosed in victory, would inevitably quarrel among themselves. Turk
would fly at Arab and Turkoman at Persian, as of yore, while India would
become a welter of contending Hindus, Moslems, Sikhs, Gurkhas, and
heaven knows what, until perchance disciplined anew by the pressure of a
Yellow Peril. In Western Asia it is possible that the spiritual and cultural
bonds of Islam might temper these struggles, but Western Asia is precisely
that part of the brown world where population-pressure is absent. India, the
overpeopled brown land, would undergo such a cycle of strife as would
devour its human surplus and render distant aggressions impossible.
A potential brown menace to white race-areas would, indeed, arise in case
of a brown-yellow alliance against the white peoples. But such an alliance
could occur only in the first stages of a pan-colored war of liberation while
the pressure of white world-predominance was still keenly felt and before
the divisive tendencies within the brown world had begun to take effect.

Short of such an alliance (wherein the browns would abet the yellows’
aggressive, racial objectives in return for yellow support of their own
essentially defensive, political ends), the brown world’s emancipation from
white domination would apparently not result in more than local pressures
on white race-areas. It would, however, affect another sphere of white
political control—black Africa. The emancipation of brown, Islamic North
Africa would inevitably send a sympathetic thrill through every portion of
the Dark Continent and would stir both Mohammedan and pagan negroes
against white rule. Islam is, in fact, the intimate link between the brown and
black worlds. But this subject, with its momentous implications, will be
discussed in the next chapter.

CHAPTER IV

BLACK MAN’S LAND
Black Man’s Land is primarily Africa south of the Sahara Desert. Here
dwell the bulk of all the 150,000,000 black men on earth. The negro and
negroid population of Africa is estimated at about 120,000,000—four-fifths
of the black race-total. Besides its African nucleus the black race has two
distant outposts: the one in Australasia, the other in the Americas. The
Eastern blacks are found mainly in the archipelagoes lying between the
Asiatic land-mass and Australia. They are the Oriental survivors of the
black belt which in very ancient times stretched uninterruptedly from Africa
across southern Asia to the Pacific Ocean. The Asiatic blacks were
overwhelmed by other races ages ago, and only a few wild tribes like the
“Negritos” of the Philippines and the jungle-dwellers of Indo-China and
southern India survive as genuine negroid stocks. All the peoples of
southern Asia, however, are darkened by this ancient negroid strain. The
peoples of south India are notably tinged with black blood. As for the pure
blacks of the Australasian archipelagoes, they are so few in numbers (about
3,000,000) and so low in type that they are of negligible importance. Quite
otherwise are the blacks of the Far West. In the western hemisphere there
are some 25,000,000 persons of more or less mixed black blood, brought
thither in modern times as slaves by the white conquerors of the New
World. Still, whatever may be the destiny of these transplanted black folk,
the black man’s chief significance, from the world aspect, must remain
bound up with the great nucleus of negro population in the African
homeland.
Black Africa, as I have said, lies south of the Sahara Desert. Here the negro
has dwelt for unnumbered ages. The key-note of black history, like yellow
history, has been isolation. Cut off from the Mediterranean by the desert
which he had no means of crossing, and bounded elsewhere by oceans
which he had no skill in navigating, the black man vegetated in savage
obscurity, his habitat being well named the “Dark Continent.”

Until the white tide began breaking on its sea-fronts four centuries ago, the
black world’s only external stimuli had come from brown men landing on
its eastern coasts or ascending the valley of the Nile. As time passed, both
brown and white pressures became more intense, albeit the browns long led
in the process of penetration. Advancing from the east and trickling across
the desert from the north, Arab or Arabized adventurers conquered black
Africa to the equator; and this political subjugation had also a racial side,
for the conquerors sowed their blood freely and set a brownish stamp on
many regions. As for the whites, they long remained mere birds of passage.
Half a century ago they possessed little more than trading-posts along the
littorals, their only real settlement lying in the extreme south.
Then, suddenly, all was changed. In the closing decades of the nineteenth
century, Europe turned its gaze full upon the Dark Continent, and within a
generation Africa was partitioned between the European Powers. Negro and
Arab alike fell under European domination. Only minute Liberia and
remote Abyssinia retained a qualified independence. Furthermore, white
settlement also made distinct progress. The tropical bulk of Africa defied
white colonization, but the continent’s northern and southern extremities
were climatically “white man’s country.” Accordingly, there are to-day
nearly a million whites settled along the Algerian and Tunisian seaboard,
while in South Africa, Dutch and British blood has built up a powerful
commonwealth containing fully one and one-half million white souls. In
Africa, unlike Asia, the European has taken root, and has thus gained at
least local tenures of a fundamental nature.
The crux of the African problem therefore resolves itself into the question
whether the white man, through consolidated racial holds north and south,
will be able to perpetuate his present political control over the intermediate
continental mass which climate debars him from populating. This is a
matter of great importance, for Africa is a land of enormous potential
wealth, the natural source of Europe’s tropical raw materials and foodstuffs.
Whether Europe is to retain possession depends, in the last analysis, on the
character of the inhabitants. It is, then, to the nature of the black man and
his connection with the brown world that we must direct our attention.
From the first glance we see that, in the negro, we are in the presence of a
being differing profoundly not merely from the white man but also from

those human types which we discovered in our surveys of the brown and
yellow worlds. The black man is, indeed, sharply differentiated from the
other branches of mankind. His outstanding quality is superabundant animal
vitality. In this he easily surpasses all other races. To it he owes his intense
emotionalism. To it, again, is due his extreme fecundity, the negro being the
quickest of breeders. This abounding vitality shows in many other ways,
such as the negro’s ability to survive harsh conditions of slavery under
which other races have soon succumbed. Lastly, in ethnic crossings, the
negro strikingly displays his prepotency, for black blood, once entering a
human stock, seems never really bred out again.
Negro fecundity is a prime factor in Africa’s future. In the savage state
which until recently prevailed, black multiplication was kept down by a
wide variety of checks. Both natural and social causes combined to
maintain an extremely high death-rate. The negro’s political ineptitude,
never rising above the tribal concept, kept black Africa a mosaic of peoples,
warring savagely among themselves and widely addicted to cannibalism.
Then, too, the native religions were usually sanguinary, demanding a
prodigality of human sacrifices. The killings ordained by negro wizards and
witch-doctors sometimes attained unbelievable proportions. The combined
result of all this was a wastage of life which in other races would have
spelled a declining population. Since the establishment of white political
control, however, these checks on black fecundity are no longer operative.
The white rulers fight filth and disease, stop tribal wars, and stamp out
superstitious abominations. In consequence, population increases by leaps
and bounds, the latent possibilities being shown in the native reservations in
South Africa, where tribes have increased as much as tenfold in fifty or
sixty years. It is therefore practically certain that the African negroes will
multiply prodigiously in the next few decades.
Now, what will be the attitude of these augmenting black masses toward
white political dominion? To that momentous query no certain answer can
be made. One thing, however, seems clear: the black world’s reaction to
white ascendancy will be markedly different from those of the brown and
yellow worlds, because of the profound dissimilarities between negroes and
men of other stocks. To begin with, the black peoples have no historic pasts.
Never having evolved civilizations of their own, they are practically devoid
of that accumulated mass of beliefs, thoughts, and experiences which render

Asiatics so, impenetrable and so hostile to white influences. Although the
white race displays sustained constructive power to an unrivalled degree,
particularly in its Nordic branches, the brown and yellow peoples have
contributed greatly to the civilization of the world and have profoundly
influenced human progress. The negro, on the contrary, has contributed
virtually nothing. Left to himself, he remained a savage, and in the past his
only quickening has been where brown men have imposed their ideas and
altered his blood. The originating powers of the European and the Asiatic
are not in him.
This lack of constructive originality, however, renders the negro extremely
susceptible to external influences. The Asiatic, conscious of his past and his
potentialities, is chary of foreign innovations and refuses to recognize alien
superiority. The negro, having no past, welcomes novelty and tacitly admits
that others are his masters. Both brown and white men have been so
accepted in Africa. The relatively faint resistance offered by the naturally
brave blacks to white and brown conquest, the ready reception of
Christianity and Islam, and the extraordinary personal ascendancy acquired
by individual Arabs and Europeans, all indicate a willingness to accept
foreign tutelage which in the Asiatic is wholly absent.
The Arab and the European are, in fact, rivals for the mastership of black
Africa. The Arab had a long start, but the European suddenly overtook him
and brought not only the blacks but the African Arabs themselves under his
sway. It remains to be seen whether the Arab, allying himself with the
blacks, can oust his white rival. That some such move will be attempted, in
view of the brown world’s renaissance in general and the extraordinary
activity of the Arab peoples in particular, seems a foregone conclusion.
How the matter will work out depends on three things: (1) the brown man’s
inherent strength in Africa; (2) the possibilities of black disaffection against
white tutelage; (3) the white man’s strength and power of resistance.
The seat of brown power in Africa is of course the great belt of territory
north of the Sahara. From Egypt to Morocco the inhabitants are Arabized in
culture and Mohammedan in faith, while Arab blood has percolated ever
since the Moslem conquest twelve centuries ago. In the eastern half of this
zone Arabization has been complete, and Egypt, Tripoli, and the Sudan can
be considered as unalterably wedded to the brown Islamic world. The

zone’s western half, however, is in different case. The majority of its
inhabitants are Berbers, an ancient stock generally considered white, with
close affinities to the Latin peoples across the Mediterranean. As usual,
blood tells. The Berbers have been under Arab tutelage for over a thousand
years, yet their whole manner of life remains distinct, they have largely kept
their language, and there has been comparatively little intermarriage. Pure-
blooded Arabs abound, but they are still, in a way, foreigners. To-day the
entire region is under white, French, rule. Algeria, in particular, has been
politically French for almost a hundred years. Europeans have come in and
number nearly a million souls. The Arab element shows itself sullen and
refractory, but the Berbers display much less aversion to French rule,
which, as usual, is considerate of native susceptibilities. The French
colonial authorities are alive to the Berber’s ethnic affinities and tactfully
seek to stimulate his dormant white consciousness. In Algeria intermarriage
between Europeans and Berbers has actually begun. Of course the process
is merely in its first stages. Still, the blood is there, the leaven is working,
and in time Northwest Africa may return to the white world, where it was in
Roman days and where it racially belongs. In the anti-European
disturbances now taking place in Algeria and Tunis it is safe to say that the
Arab element is making most of the trouble.
It is Northeast Africa, then, which is the real nucleus of Arabism. Here
Arabism and Islam rule unchecked, and in the preceding chapter we saw
how the Senussi Order was marshalling the fierce nomads of the desert.
These tribesmen are relatively few in numbers, but more splendid fighting
material does not exist in the wide world. Furthermore, the Arab-negroid
peoples which have developed along the southern edge of the desert so
blend the martial qualities of both strains that they frequently display an
almost demoniacal fighting-power. It is Pan-Islamism’s hope to use these
Arab or Arabized fanatics as an officers’ corps for the black millions whom
it is converting to the faith.
Concerning Islam’s steady progress in black Africa there can be no shadow
of a doubt. Every candid European observer tells the same story.
“Mohammedanism,” says Sir Charles Elliott, “can still give the natives a
motive for animosity against Europeans and a unity of which they are
otherwise incapable.”[52] Twenty years ago another English observer, T. R.
Threlfall, wrote: “Mohammedanism is making marvellous progress in the

interior of Africa. It is crushing paganism out. Against it the Christian
propaganda is a myth.... The rapid spread of militant Mohammedanism
among the savage tribes to the north of the equator is a serious factor in the
fight for racial supremacy in Africa. With very few exceptions the colored
races of Africa are pre-eminently fighters. To them the law of the stronger is
supreme; they have been conquered, and in turn they conquered. To them
the fierce, warlike spirit inherent in Mohammedanism is infinitely more
attractive than is the gentle, peace-loving, high moral standard of
Christianity: hence, the rapid headway the former is making in central
Africa, and the certainty that it will soon spread to the south of the
Zambezi.”[53]
The way in which Islam is marching southward is dramatically shown by a
recent incident. A few years ago the British authorities suddenly discovered
that Mohammedanism was pervading Nyassaland. An investigation brought
out the fact that it was the work of Zanzibar Arabs. They began their
propaganda about 1900. Ten years later almost every village in southern
Nyassaland had its Moslem teacher and its mosque-hut. Although the
movement was frankly anti-European, the British authorities did not dare to
check it for fear of repercussions elsewhere. Another interesting fact,
probably not unconnected, is that Nyassaland has lately been the theatre of
an anti-white “Christian” propaganda—the so-called “Ethiopian Church,”
of which I shall presently speak.
Islam has thus two avenues of approach to the African negro—his natural
preference for a militant faith and his resentment at white tutelage. It is the
disinclination of the more martial African peoples for a pacific creed which
perhaps accounts for Christianity’s slow progress among the very warlike
tribes of South Africa, such as the Zulus and the Matabele. Islam is as yet
unknown south of the Zambezi, but white men universally dread the
possibility of its appearance, fearing its effect upon the natives. Of course
Christianity has made distinct progress in the Dark Continent. The natives
of the South African Union are predominantly Christianized. In east-central
Africa Christianity has also gained many converts, particularly in Uganda,
while on the West African Guinea coast Christian missions have long been
established and have generally succeeded in keeping Islam away from the
seaboard. Certainly, all white men, whether professing Christians or not,
should welcome the success of missionary efforts in Africa. The degrading

fetishism and demonology which sum up the native pagan cults cannot
stand, and all negroes will some day be either Christians or Moslems. In so
far as he is Christianized, the negro’s savage instincts will be restrained and
he will be disposed to acquiesce in white tutelage. In so far as he is
Islamized, the negro’s warlike propensities will be inflamed, and he will be
used as the tool of Arab Pan-Islamism seeking to drive the white man from
Africa and make the continent its very own.
As to specific anti-white sentiments among negroes untouched by Moslem
propaganda, such sentiments undoubtedly exist in many quarters. The
strongest manifestations are in South Africa, where interracial relations are
bad and becoming worse, but there is much diffused, half-articulate dislike
of white men throughout central Africa as well. Devoid though the African
savage is of either national or cultural consciousness, he could not be
expected to welcome a tutelage which imposed many irksome restrictions
upon him. Furthermore, the African negro does seem to possess a certain
rudimentary sense of race-solidarity. The existence of both these sentiments
is proved by the way in which the news of white military reverses have at
once been known and rejoiced in all over black Africa; spread, it would
seem, by those mysterious methods of communication employed by
negroes everywhere and called in our Southern States “grape-vine
telegraph.” The Russo-Japanese War, for example, produced all over the
Dark Continent intensely exciting effects.
This generalized anti-white feeling has, during the past decade, taken
tangible form in South Africa. The white population of the Union, though
numbering 1,500,000, is surrounded by a black population four times as
great and increasing more rapidly, while in many sections the whites are
outnumbered ten to one. The result is a state of affairs exactly paralleling
conditions in our own South, the South African whites feeling obliged to
protect their ascendancy by elaborate legal regulations and social taboos.
The negroes have been rapidly growing more restive under these
discriminations, and unpleasant episodes like race-riots, rapings, and
lynchings are increasing in South Africa from year to year.
One of the most significant, not to say ominous, signs of the times is the
“Ethiopian Church” movement. The movement began about fifteen years
ago, some of its founders being Afro-American Methodist preachers—a fact

which throws a curious light on possible American negro reflexes upon
their ancestral homeland. The movement spread rapidly, many native
mission congregations cutting loose from white ecclesiastical control and
joining the negro organization. It also soon displayed frankly anti-white
tendencies, and the government became seriously alarmed at its unsettling
influence upon the native mind. It was suspected of having had a hand in
the Zulu rising which broke out in Natal in 1907 and which was put down
only after many whites and thousands of natives had lost their lives. Shortly
afterward the authorities outlawed the Ethiopian Church and forbade Afro-
American preachers to enter South Africa, but the movement, though
legally suppressed, lived surreptitiously on and appeared in new quarters.
In 1915 a peculiarly fanatical form of Ethiopianism broke out in
Nyassaland. Its leader was a certain John Chilembwe, an Ethiopian
preacher who had been educated in the United States. His propaganda was
bitterly anti-white, asserting that Africa belonged to the black man, that the
white man was an intruder, and that he ought to be killed off until he grew
discouraged and abandoned the country. Chilembwe plotted a rising all over
Nyassaland, the killing of the white men, and the carrying off of the white
women. In January, 1915, the rising took place. Some plantations were
sacked and several whites killed, their heads being carried to Chilembwe’s
“church,” where a thanksgiving service for victory was held. The whites,
however, acted with great vigor, the poorly armed insurgents were quickly
scattered, and John Chilembwe himself was soon hunted down and killed.
In itself, the incident was of slight importance, but, taken in connection with
much else, it does not augur well for the future.[54]
An interesting indication of the growing sense of negro race-solidarity was
the “Pan-African Congress” held at Paris early in 1919. Here delegates
from black communities throughout the world gathered to discuss matters
of common interest. Most of the delegates were from Africa and the
Americas, but one delegate from New Guinea was also present, thus
representing the Australasian branch of the black race. The Congress was
not largely attended and was of a somewhat provisional character, but
arrangements for the holding of subsequent congresses were made.
Here, then, is the African problem’s present status: To begin with, we have a
rapidly growing black population, increasingly restive under white tutelage

and continually excited by Pan-Islamic propaganda with the further
complication of another anti-white propaganda spread by negro radicals
from America.
The African situation is thus somewhat analogous to conditions in Asia. But
the analogy must not be pressed too far. In Asia white hegemony rests
solely on political bases, while the Asiatics themselves, browns and yellows
alike, display constructive power and possess civilizations built up by their
own efforts from the remote past. The Asiatics are to-day once more
displaying their innate capacity by not merely adopting, but adapting, white
ideas and methods. We behold an Asiatic renaissance, whose genuineness is
best attested by the fact that there have been similar movements in past
times.
None of this applies to Africa. The black race has never shown real
constructive power. It has never built up a native civilization. Such progress
as certain negro groups have made has been due to external pressure and
has never long outlived that pressure’s removal, for the negro, when left to
himself, as in Haiti and Liberia, rapidly reverts to his ancestral ways. The
negro is a facile, even eager, imitator; but there he stops. He adopts; but he
does not adapt, assimilate, and give forth creatively again.
The whole of history testifies to this truth. As the Englishman Meredith
Townsend says: “None of the black races, whether negro or Australian,
have shown within the historic time the capacity to develop civilization.
They have never passed the boundaries of their own habitats as conquerors,
and never exercised the smallest influence over peoples not black. They
have never founded a stone city, have never built a ship, have never
produced a literature, have never suggested a creed.... There seems to be no
reason for this except race. It is said that the negro has been buried in the
most ‘massive’ of the four continents, and has been, so to speak, lost to
humanity; but he was always on the Nile, the immediate road to the
Mediterranean, and in West and East Africa he was on the sea. Africa is
probably more fertile, and almost certainly richer than Asia, and is pierced
by rivers as mighty, and some of them at least as navigable. What could a
singularly healthy race, armed with a constitution which resists the sun and
defies malaria, wish for better than to be seated on the Nile, or the Congo,
or the Niger, in numbers amply sufficient to execute any needed work, from

the cutting of forests and the making of roads up to the building of cities?
How was the negro more secluded than the Peruvian; or why was he ‘shut
up’ worse than the Tartar of Samarcand, who one day shook himself, gave
up all tribal feuds, and, from the Sea of Okhotsk to the Baltic and
southward to the Nerbudda, mastered the world?... The negro went by
himself far beyond the Australian savage. He learned the use of fire, the fact
that sown grain will grow, the value of shelter, the use of the bow and the
canoe, and the good of clothes; but there to all appearances he stopped,
unable, until stimulated by another race like the Arab, to advance another
step.”[55]
Unless, then, every lesson of history is to be disregarded, we must conclude
that black Africa is unable to stand alone. The black man’s numbers may
increase prodigiously and acquire alien veneers, but the black man’s nature
will not change. Black unrest may grow and cause much trouble.
Nevertheless, the white man must stand fast in Africa. No black
“renaissance” impends, and Africa, if abandoned by the whites, would
merely fall beneath the onset of the browns. And that would be a great
calamity. As stated in the preceding chapter, the brown peoples, of
themselves, do not directly menace white race-areas, while Pan-Islamism is
at present an essentially defensive movement. But Islam is militant by
nature, and the Arab is a restless and warlike breed. Pan-Islamism once
possessed of the Dark Continent and fired by militant zealots, might forge
black Africa into a sword of wrath, the executor of sinister adventures.
Fortunately the white man has every reason for keeping a firm hold on
Africa. Not only are its central tropics prime sources of raw materials and
foodstuffs which white direction can alone develop, but to north and south
the white man has struck deep roots into the soil. Both extremities of the
continent are “white man’s country,” where strong white peoples should
ultimately arise. Two of the chief white Powers, Britain and France, are
pledged to the hilt in this racial task and will spare no effort to safeguard the
heritage of their pioneering children. Brown influence in Africa is strong,
but it is supreme only in the northeast and its line of communication with
the Asiatic homeland runs over the narrow neck of Suez. Should stern
necessity arise, the white world could hold Suez against Asiatic assault and
crush brown resistance in Africa.

In short, the real danger to white control of Africa lies, not in brown attack
or black revolt, but in possible white weakness through chronic discord
within the white world itself. And that subject must be reserved for later
chapters.

CHAPTER V

RED MAN’S LAND
Red Man’s Land is the Americas between the Rio Grande and the tropic of
Capricorn. Here dwells the “Amerindian” race. At the time of Columbus the
whole western hemisphere was theirs, but the white man has extirpated or
absorbed them to north and south, so that to-day the United States and
Canada in North America and the southern portions of South America are
genuine “white man’s country.” In the intermediate zone above mentioned,
however, the Amerindian has survived and forms the majority of the
population, albeit considerably mixed with white and to a lesser degree with
negro blood. The total number of “Indians,” including both full-bloods and
mixed types, is about 40,000,000—more than two-thirds of the whole
population. In addition, there are several million negroes and mulattoes,
mostly in Brazil. The white population of the intermediate zone, even if we
include “near-whites,” does not average more than 10 per cent, though it
varies greatly with different regions. The reader should remember that
neither the West India Islands nor the southern portion of the South
American continent are included in this generalization. In the West Indies
the Amerindian has completely died out and has been replaced by the negro,
while southern South America, especially Argentina and Uruguay, are
genuine white man’s country in which there is little Indian and no negro
blood. Despite these exceptions, however, the fact remains that, taken as a
whole, “Latin America,” the vast land-block from the Rio Grande to Cape
Horn, is racially not “Latin” but Amerindian or negroid, with a thin Spanish
or Portuguese veneer. In other words, though commonly considered part of
the white world, most of Latin America is ethnically colored man’s land,
which has been growing more colored for the past hundred years.
Latin America’s evolution was predetermined by the Spanish Conquest.
That very word “conquest” tells the story. The United States was settled by
colonists planning homes and bringing their women. It was thus a genuine
migration, and resulted in a full transplanting of white stock to new soil.
The Indians encountered were wild nomads, fierce of temper and few in

number. After sharp conflicts they were extirpated, leaving virtually no
ethnic traces behind. The colonization of Latin America was the exact
antithesis. The Spanish Conquistadores were bold warriors descending
upon vast regions inhabited by relatively dense populations, some of which,
as in Mexico and Peru, had attained a certain degree of civilization. The
Spaniards, invincible in their shining armor, paralyzed with terror these
people still dwelling in the age of bronze and polished stone. With
ridiculous ease mere handfuls of whites overthrew empires and lorded it
like gods over servile and adoring multitudes. Cortez marched on Mexico
with less than 600 followers, while Pizarro had but 310 companions when
he started his conquest of Peru. Of course the fabulous treasures amassed in
these exploits drew swarms of bold adventurers from Spain. Nevertheless,
their numbers were always infinitesimal compared with the vastness of the
quarry, while the proportion of women immigrants continued to lag far
behind that of the men. The breeding of pure whites in Latin America was
thus both scanty and slow.
On the other hand, the breeding of mixed-bloods began at once and attained
notable proportions. Having slaughtered the Indian males or brigaded them
in slave-gangs, the Conquistadores took the Indian women to themselves.
The humblest man-at-arms had several female attendants, while the leaders
became veritable pashas with great harems of concubines. The result was a
prodigious output of half-breed children, known as “mestizos” or “cholos.”
And soon a new ethnic complication was added. The Indians having
developed a melancholy trick of dying off under slavery, the Spaniards
imported African negroes to fill the servile ranks, and since they took
negresses as well as Indian women for concubines, other half-breeds—
mulattoes—appeared. Here and there Indians and negroes mated on their
own account, the offspring being known as “zambos.” In time these various
hybrids bred among themselves, producing the most extraordinary ethnic
combinations. As Garcia-Calderon well puts it: “Grotesque generations with
every shade of complexion and every conformation of skull were born in
America—a crucible continually agitated by unheard-of fusions of races....
But there was little Latin blood to be found in the homes formed by the
sensuality of the first conquerors of a desolated America.”[56]

To be sure, this mongrel population long remained politically negligible.
The Spaniards regarded themselves as a master-caste, and excluded all save
pure whites from civic rights and social privileges. In fact, the European-
born Spaniards refused to recognize even their colonial-born kinsmen as
their equals, and “Creoles”[57] could not aspire to the higher distinctions or
offices. This attitude was largely inspired by the desire to maintain a
lucrative monopoly. Yet the European’s sense of superiority had some valid
grounds. There can be no doubt that the Creole whites, as a class, showed
increasing signs of degeneracy. Climate was a prime cause in the hotter
regions, but there were many plateau areas, as in Colombia, Mexico, and
Peru, which though geographically in the tropics had a temperate climate
from their elevation.
Even more than by climate the Creole was injured by contact with the
colored races. Pampered and corrupted from birth by obsequious slaves, the
Creole usually led an idle and vapid existence, disdaining work as servile
and debarred from higher callings by his European-born superiors. As time
passed, the degeneracy due to climate and custom was intensified by
degeneracy of blood. Despite legal enactment and social taboo, colored
strains percolated insidiously into the creole stock. The leading families, by
elaborate precautions, might succeed in keeping their escutcheons clean, but
humbler circles darkened significantly despite fervid protestations of “pure-
white” blood. Still, so long as Spain kept her hold on Latin America, the
process of miscegenation, socially considered, was a slow one. The whole
social system was based on the idea of white superiority, and the colors
were carefully graded. “In America,” wrote Humboldt toward the close of
Spanish rule, “the more or less white skin determines the position which a
man holds in society.”[58]
The revolution against Spain had momentous consequences for the racial
future of Latin America. In the beginning, to be sure, it was a white civil
war—a revolt of the Creoles against European oppression and
discrimination. The heroes of the revolution—Bolívar, Miranda, San
Martín, and the rest—were aristocrats of pure-white blood. But the
revolution presently developed new features. To begin with, the struggle
was very long. Commencing in 1809, it lasted almost twenty years. The
whites were decimated by fratricidal fury, and when the Spanish cause was
finally lost, multitudes of loyalists mainly of the superior social classes left

the country. Meanwhile, the half-castes, who had rallied wholesale to the
revolutionary banner, were demanding their reward. The Creoles wished to
close the revolutionary cycle and establish a new society based, like the old,
upon white supremacy, with themselves substituted for the Spaniards.
Bolívar planned a limited monarchy and a white electoral oligarchy. But
this was far from suiting the half-castes. For them the revolution had just
begun. Raising the cry of “democracy,” then become fashionable through
the North American and French revolutions, they proclaimed the doctrine of
“equality” regardless of skin. Disillusioned and full of foreboding, Bolívar,
the master-spirit of the revolution, disappeared from the scene, and his
lieutenants, like the generals of Alexander, quarrelled among themselves,
split Latin America into jarring fragments, and waged a long series of
internecine wars. The flood-gates of anarchy were opened, the result being
a steady weakening of the whites and a corresponding rise of the half-castes
in the political and social scale. Everywhere ambitious soldiers led the
mongrel mob against the white aristocracy, breaking its power and making
themselves dictators. These “caudillos” were apostles of equality and
miscegenation. Says Garcia-Calderon: “Tyrants found democracies; they
lean on the support of the people, the half-breeds and negroes, against the
oligarchies; they dominate the colonial nobility, favor the crossing of races,
and free the slaves.”[59]
The consequences of all this were lamentable in the extreme. Latin
America’s level of civilization fell far below that of colonial days. Spanish
rule, though narrow and tyrannical, had maintained peace and social
stability. Now all was a hideous chaos wherein frenzied castes and colors
grappled to the death. Ignorant mestizos and brutal negroes trampled the
fine flowers of culture under foot, while as by a malignant inverse selection
the most intelligent and the most cultivated perished.
These deplorable conditions prevailed in Latin America until well past the
middle of the nineteenth century. Of course, here as elsewhere, anarchy
engendered tyranny, and strong caudillos sometimes perpetuated their
dictatorship for decades, as in Paraguay under Doctor Francia and in
Mexico under Porfirio Diaz. However, these were mere interludes, of no
constructive import. Always the aging lion lost his grip, the lurking hyenas
of anarchy downed him at last, and the land sank once more into
revolutionary chaos. Some parts of Latin America did, indeed, definitely

emerge into the light of stable progress. But those favored regions owed
their deliverance, not to dictatorship, but to race. One of two factors always
operated: either (1) an efficient white oligarchy; or (2) Aryanization through
wholesale European immigration.
Stabilization through oligarchy is best illustrated by Chile. Chilean history
differs widely from that of the rest of Latin America. A land of cool climate,
no gold, and warlike Araucanian Indians, Chile attracted the pioneering
settler rather than the swashbuckling seeker of treasure-trove. Now the
pioneering types in Spain come mainly from those northern provinces
which have retained considerable Nordic blood. The Chilean colonists were
thus largely blond Asturians or austere, reasonable Basques, seeking homes
and bringing their women. Of course there was crossing with the natives,
but the fierce Araucanian aborigines clung to their wild freedom and kept
up an interminable frontier warfare in which the occasions for race-mixture
were relatively few. The country was thus settled by a resident squirearchy
of an almost English type. This ruling gentry jealously guarded its racial
integrity. In fact, it possessed not merely a white but a Nordic race-
consciousness. The Chilean gentry called themselves sons of the Visigoths,
scions of Euric and Pelayo, who had found in remote Araucania a chance to
slake their racial thirst for fighting and freedom.
In Chile, as elsewhere, the revolution provoked a cycle of disorder. But the
cycle was short, and was more a political struggle between white factions
than a social welter of caste and race. Furthermore, Chile was receiving
fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many English, Scotch, and Irish
gentleman-adventurers, taking part in the War of Independence, settled
down in a land so reminiscent of their own. Germans also came in
considerable numbers, settling especially in the colder south. Thus the
Chilean upper classes, always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in
ethnic character. The political and social results were unmistakable. Chile
rapidly evolved a stable society, essentially oligarchic and consciously
patterned on aristocratic England. Efficient, practical, and extremely
patriotic, the Chilean oligarchs made their country at once the most stable
and the most dynamic factor in Latin America.
The distinctly “Northern” character of Chile and the Chileans strike foreign
observers. Here, for example, are the impressions of a recent visitor, the

North American sociologist, Professor E. A. Ross. Landing at the port of
Valparaiso, he is “struck by signs of English influence. On the commercial
streets every third man suggests the Briton, while a large proportion of the
business people look as if they have their daily tub. The cleanliness of the
streets, the freshness of the parks and squares, the dressing of the shop-
windows, and the style of the mounted police remind one of England.”[60]
As to the Nordic affinities of the upper classes: “One sees it in stature, eye
color, and ruddy complexion.... Among the pupils of Santiago College there
are as many blonds as brunets.”[61] Even among the peon or “roto” class,
despite considerable Indian crossing, Professor Ross noted the strong
Nordic strain, for he met Chilean peasants “whose stature, broad shoulders,
big faces, and tawny mustaches proclaimed them as genuine Norsemen as
the Icelanders in our Red River Valley.”[62]
Chile is thus the prime example of social stability and progress attained
through white oligarchic rule. Other, though less successful, instances are to
be noted in Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Peru and Colombia, though
geographically within the tropics, have extensive temperate plateaux. Here
numerous whites settled during the colonial period, forming an upper caste
over a large Indian population. Unlike Chile, few Nordics came to leaven
society with those qualities of constructive genius and racial self-respect
which are the special birthright of Nordic man. Unlike Chile again, not only
were there dense Indian masses, but there was also an appreciable negro
element. Lastly, the number of mixed-bloods was very large. It is thus not
surprising that for both Peru and Colombia the revolution ushered in a
period of turmoil from which neither have even yet emerged. The whites
have consistently fought among themselves, invoking the half-castes as
auxiliaries and using Indians and negroes as their pawns. The whites are
still the dominant element, but only the first families retain their pure blood,
and miscegenation creeps upward with every successive generation. As for
Costa Rica, it is a tiny bit of cool hill-country, settled by whites in colonial
times, and to-day rises an oasis of civilization, above the tropic jungle of
degenerate, mongrel Central America.
The second method of social stabilization in Latin America—Aryanization
through wholesale European immigration—is exemplified by Argentina and
Uruguay. Neither of these lands had very promising beginnings. Their
populations, at the revolution, contained strong Indian infusions and traces

of negro blood, while after the revolution both fell under the sway of
tyrannical dictators who persecuted the white aristocrats and favored
miscegenation. However, Argentina and Uruguay possessed two notable
advantages: they were climatically white man’s country, and they at first
contained a very small population. Since they produced neither gold nor
tropical luxuries, Spain had neglected them, so that at the revolution they
consisted of little more than the port-towns of Buenos Aires and
Montevideo with a few dependent river-settlements. Their vast hinterlands
of fertile prairie then harbored only wandering tribes of nomad savages.
During the last half of the nineteenth century, however, the development of
ocean transport gave these antipodean prairies value as stock-raising and
grain-growing sources for congested Europe, and Europe promptly sent
immigrants to supply her needs. This immigrant stream gradually swelled to
a veritable deluge. The human tide was, on the whole, of sound stock,
mostly Spaniards and north Italians, with some Nordic elements from
northern Europe in the upper strata. Thus Europe locked antipodean
America securely to the white world. As for the colonial stock, it merged
easily into the newer, kindred flood. Here and there signs of former
miscegenation still show, the Argentino being sometimes, as Madison Grant
well puts it, “suspiciously swarthy.”[63] Nevertheless, these are but vestigial
traces which the ceaseless European inflow will ultimately eradicate. The
large impending German immigration to Argentina and Uruguay should
bring valuable Nordic elements.
This same tide of European immigration has likewise pretty well Aryanized
the southern provinces of Brazil, adjacent to the Uruguayan border. Those
provinces were neglected by Portugal as Argentina and Uruguay were by
Spain, and half a century ago they had a very sparse population. To-day
they support millions of European immigrants, mostly Italians and
European Portuguese, but with the further addition of nearly half a million
Germans. Brazil is, in fact, evolving into two racially distinct communities.
The southern provinces are white man’s country, with little Indian or negro
blood, and with a distinct “color line.” The tropical north is saturated with
Indian and negro strains, and the whites are rapidly disappearing in a
universal mongrelization. Ultimately this must produce momentous
political consequences.

Bearing in mind the exceptions above noted, let us now observe the vast
tropical and semi-tropical bulk of Latin America. Here we find notable
changes since colonial days. White predominance is substantially a thing of
the past. Persons of unmixed Spanish or Portuguese descent are relatively
few, most of the so-called “whites” being really near-whites, more or less
deeply tinged with colored bloods. It is a striking token of white race-
prestige that these near-whites, despite their degeneracy and inefficiency,
are yet the dominant element; occupying, in fact, much the same status as
the aristocratic Creoles immediately after the War of Independence.
Nevertheless, the near-whites’ supremacy is now threatened. Every decade
of chronic anarchy favors the darker half-breeds, while below these, in turn,
the Indian and negro full-bloods are beginning to stir, as in Mexico to-day.
Most informed observers agree that the mixed-bloods of Latin America are
distinctly inferior to the whites. This applies to both mestizos and
mulattoes, albeit the mestizo (the cross between white and Indian) seems
less inferior than the mulatto—the cross between white and black. As for
the zambo, the Indian-negro cross, everybody is agreed that it is a very bad
one. Analyses of these hybrid stocks show remarkable similarities to the
mongrel chaos of the declining Roman Empire. Here is the judgment of
Garcia-Calderon, a Peruvian scholar and generally considered the most
authoritative writer on Latin America. “The racial question,” he writes, “is a
very serious problem in American history. It explains the progress of certain
peoples and the decadence of others, and it is the key to the incurable
disorder which divides America. Upon it depend a great number of
secondary phenomena; the public wealth, the industrial system, the stability
of governments, the solidity of patriotism.... This complication of castes,
this admixture of diverse bloods, has created many problems. For example,
is the formation of a national consciousness possible with such disparate
elements? Would such heterogeneous democracies be able to resist the
invasion of superior races? Finally, is the South American half-caste
absolutely incapable of organization and culture?”[64] While qualifying his
answers to these queries, Garcia-Calderon yet deplores the half-caste’s
“decadence.”[65] “In the Iberian democracies,” he says, “an inferior Latinity,
a Latinity of the decadence, prevails; verbal abundance, inflated rhetoric,
oratorical exaggeration, just as in Roman Spain.... The half-caste loves
grace, verbal elegance, quibbles even, and artistic form; great passions and

desires do not move him. In religion he is sceptical, indifferent, and in
politics he disputes in the Byzantine manner. No one could discover in him
a trace of his Spanish forefather, stoical and adventurous.”[66] Garcia-
Calderon therefore concludes: “The mixture of rival castes, Iberians,
Indians, and negroes, has generally had disastrous consequences.... None of
the conditions established by the French psychologists are realized by the
Latin American democracies, and their populations are therefore
degenerate. The lower castes struggle successfully against the traditional
rules: the order which formerly existed is followed by moral anarchy; solid
conviction by a superficial scepticism; and the Castilian tenacity by
indecision. The black race is doing its work, and the continent is returning
to its primitive barbarism.”[67] This melancholy fate can, according to
Garcia-Calderon, be averted only by wholesale white immigration: “In
South America civilization is dependent upon the numerical predominance
of the victorious Spaniard, on the triumph of the white man over the
mulatto, the negro, and the Indian. Only a plentiful European immigration
can re-establish the shattered equilibrium of the American races.”[68]
Garcia-Calderon’s pronouncements are echoed by foreign observers.
During his South American travels Professor Ross noted the same
melancholy symptoms and pointed out the same unique remedy. Speaking
of Ecuador, he says: “I found no foreigners who have faith in the future of
this people. They point out that while this was a Spanish colony there was a
continual flow of immigrants from Spain, many of whom, no doubt, were
men of force. Political separation interrupted this current, and since then the
country has really gone back. Spain had provided a ruling, organizing
element, and, with the cessation of the flow of Spaniards, the mixed-bloods
took charge of things, for the pure-white element is so small as to be
negligible. No one suggests that the mestizos equal the white stock either in
intellect or in character.... Among the rougher foreigners and Peruvians the
pet name for these people is ‘monkeys.’ The thoughtful often liken them to
Eurasians, clever enough, but lacking in solidity of character. Natives and
foreigners alike declare that a large white immigration is the only hope for
Ecuador.”[69]
Concerning Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: “The wisest sociologist in
Bolivia told me that the zambo, resulting from the union of Indian with
negro, is inferior to both the parent races, and that likewise the mestizo is

inferior to both white and Indian in physical strength, resistance to disease,
longevity, and brains. The failure of the South American republics has been
due, he declares, to mestizo domination. Through the colonial period there
was a flow of Spaniards to the colonies, and all the offices down to
corregidor and cura were filled by white men. With independence, the
whites ceased coming, and the lower offices of state and church were filled
with mestizos. Then, too, the first crossing of white with Indian gave a
better result than the union between mestizos, so that the stock has
undergone progressive degeneration. The only thing, then, that can make
these countries progress is a large white immigration, something much
talked about by statesmen in all these countries, but which has never
materialized.”[70]
These judgments refer particularly to Spanish America. Regarding
Portuguese Brazil, however, the verdict seems to be the same. Many years
ago Professor Agassiz wrote: “Let any one who doubts the evil of this
mixture of races, and is inclined from mistaken philanthropy to break down
all barriers between them, come to Brazil. He cannot deny the deterioration
consequent upon the amalgamation of races, more wide-spread here than in
any country in the world, and which is rapidly effacing the best qualities of
the white man, the negro, and the Indian, leaving a mongrel, nondescript
type, deficient in physical and mental energy.”[71]
The mongrel’s political ascendancy produces precisely the results which
might have been expected. These unhappy beings, every cell of whose
bodies is a battle-ground of jarring heredities, express their souls in acts of
hectic violence and aimless instability. The normal state of tropical America
is anarchy, restrained only by domestic tyrants or foreign masters. Garcia-
Calderon exactly describes its psychology when he writes: “Precocious,
sensual, impressionable, the Americans of these vast territories devote their
energies to local politics. Industry, commerce, and agriculture are in a state
of decay, and the unruly imagination of the Creole expends itself in
constitutions, programmes, and lyrical discourses; in these regions anarchy
is sovereign mistress.”[72] The tropical republics display, indeed, a tendency
toward “atomic disintegration.... Given to dreaming, they are led by
presidents suffering from neurosis.”[73]

The stock feature of the mongrel tropics is, of course, the “revolution.”
These senseless and perennial outbursts are often ridiculed in the United
States as comic opera, but the grim truth of the matter is that few Latin
American revolutions are laughing matters. The numbers of men engaged
may not be very large according to our standards, but measured by the
scanty populations of the countries concerned, they lay a heavy blood-tax
on the suffering peoples. The tatterdemalion “armies” may excite our mirth,
but the battles are real enough, often fought out to the death with razor-
edged machetes and rusty bayonets, and there is no more ghastly sight than
a Latin American battle-field. The commandeerings, burnings, rapings, and
assassinations inflicted upon the hapless civilian population cry to heaven.
There is always wholesale destruction of property, frequently appalling loss
of life, and a general paralysis of economic and social activity. These
wretched lands have now been scourged by the revolutionary plague for a
hundred years, and W. B. Hale does not overstate the consequences when he
says: “Most of the countries clustering about the Caribbean have sunk into
deeper and deeper mires of misrule, unmatched for profligacy and violence
anywhere on earth. Revolution follows revolution; one band of brigands
succeeds another; atrocities revenge atrocities; the plundered people grow
more and more abject in poverty and slavishness; vast natural resources lie
neglected, while populations decrease, civilization recedes, and the jungle
advances.”[74] Of course, under these frightful circumstances, the national
character, weak enough at best, degenerates at an ever-quickening pace.
Peaceful effort of any sort appears vain and ridiculous, and men are taught
that wealth is procurable only by violence and extortion.
Another important point should be noted. I have said that Latin American
anarchy was restrained by dictatorship. But the reader must not infer that
dictatorships are halcyon times—for the dictated. On the contrary, they are
usually only a trifle less wretched and demoralizing than times of
revolution. The “caudillos” are nearly always very sinister figures. Often
they are ignorant brutes; oftener they are blood-thirsty, lecherous monsters;
oftenest they are human spiders who suck the land dry of all fluid wealth,
banking it abroad against the day when they shall fly before the
revolutionary blast to the safe haven of Paris and the congenial
debaucheries of Montmartre. The millions amassed by tyrants like Castro of

Venezuela and Zelaya of Nicaragua are almost beyond belief, considering
the backward, bankrupt lands they have “administered.”
Yet how can it be otherwise? Consider Critchfield’s incisive account of a
caudillo’s accession to power: “When an ignorant and brutal man, whose
entire knowledge of the world is confined to a few Indian villages, and
whose total experience has been gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his
alpagartes, and, machete in hand, cuts his way to power in a few weeks,
with a savage horde at his back who know nothing of the amenities of
civilization and care less than they know—when such a man comes to
power, evil and evil only can result. Even if the new dictator were well-
intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and constitutional forms, of
commercial processes and manufacturing arts, and of the fundamental and
necessary principles underlying all stable and free governments, would
render a successful administration by him extremely difficult, if not
impossible. But he is surrounded by all the elements of vice and flattery,
and he is imbued with that vain and absurd egotism which makes men of
small caliber imagine themselves to be Napoleons or Cæsars. Thus do petty
despotisms, unrestrained by constitutional provisions or by anything like a
virile public opinion, lead from absurdity to outrage and crime.”[75]
Such is the situation in mongrel-ruled America: revolution breeding
revolution, tyranny breeding tyranny, and the twain combining to ruin their
victims and force them ever deeper into the slough of degenerate barbarism.
The whites have lost their grip and are rapidly disappearing. The mixed-
breeds have had their chance and have grotesquely failed. The oft-quoted
panacea—white immigration—is under present conditions a vain dream, for
white immigrants will not expose themselves (and still less their women) to
the horrors of mongrel rule. So far, their, as internal factors are concerned,
anarchy seems destined to continue unchecked.
In fact, new conflicts loom on the horizon. The Indian masses, so docile to
the genuine white man, begin to stir. The aureole of white prestige has been
besmirched by the near-whites and half-castes who have traded so
recklessly upon its sanctions. Strong in the poise of normal heredity, the
Indian full-blood commences to despise these chaotic masters who turn his
homelands into bear-gardens and witches’ sabbaths. An “Indianista”
movement is to-day on foot throughout mongrel-ruled America. It is most

pronounced in Mexico, whose interminable agony becomes more and more
a war of Indian resurgence, but it is also starting along the west coast of
South America. Long ago, wise old Professor Pearson saw how the wind
was blowing. Noting how whites and near-whites were “everywhere
fighting and intriguing for the spoils of office,” he also noted that the Indian
masses, though relatively passive and “seemingly unobservant,” were yet
“conquering a place for themselves in other ways than by increasing and
multiplying,” and he concluded: “the general level of the autochthonous
race is being raised; it is acquiring riches and self-respect, and must sooner
or later get the country back into its hands.”[76] Recent visitors to the South
American west coast note the signs of Indian unrest. Some years ago Lord
Bryce remarked of Bolivia: “There have been Indian risings, and firearms
are more largely in their hands than formerly. They so preponderate in
numbers that any movement which united them against the upper class
might, could they find a leader, have serious consequences.”[77] Still more
recently Professor Ross wrote concerning Peru: “In Cuzco I met a
gentleman of education and travel who is said to be the only living lineal
descendant of the Incas. He has great influence with the native element and
voices their bitterness and their aspirations. He declares that the politics of
Peru is a struggle between the Spanish mestizos of Lima and the coast and
the natives of Cuzco and the interior, and predicts an uprising unless Cuzco
is made the capital of the nation. He even dreams of a Kechua republic,
with Cuzco as its capital and the United States its guarantor, as she is
guarantor of the Cuban republic.”[78] And of Bolivia, Professor Ross writes:
“Lately there has been a general movement of the Bolivian Indians for the
recovery of the lands of which they have been robbed piecemeal. Conflicts
have broken out and, although the government has punished the ringleaders,
there is a feeling that, so long as the exploiting of the Indian goes on,
Bolivians are living ‘in the crater of a slumbering volcano.’”[79]
Since the white man has gone and the Indian is preparing to wrest the
sceptre of authority from the mongrel’s worthless hands, let us examine this
Indian race, to see what potentiality it possesses of restoring order and
initiating progress.
To begin with, there can be no doubt that the Indian is superior to the negro.
The negro, even when quickened by foreign influences, never built up
anything approaching a real civilization; whereas the Indian, though

entirely sundered from the rest of mankind, evolved genuine polities and
cultures like the Aztec of Mexico, the Inca of Peru, and the Maya of
Yucatan. The Indian thus possesses creative capacity to an appreciable
degree. However, that degree seems strictly limited. The researches of
archæologists have sadly discounted the glowing tales of the
Conquistadores, and the “Empires” of Mexico and Peru, though far from
contemptible, certainly rank well below the achievements of European and
Asiatic races in mediæval and even in classic times.
The Indian possesses notable stability and poise, but the very intensity of
these qualities fetters his progress and renders questionable his ability to
rise to the modern plane. His conservatism is immense. With incredible
tenacity he clings to his ancestral ways and exhibits a dull indifference to
alien innovation. Of course the Indian sub-races differ considerably among
themselves, but the same fundamental tendencies are visible in all of them.
Says Professor Ellsworth Huntington: “The Indians are very backward.
They are dull of mind and slow to adopt new ideas. Perhaps in the future
they will change, but the fact that they have been influenced so little by four
hundred years of contact with the white man does not afford much ground
for hope. Judging from the past, there is no reason to think that their
character is likely to change for many generations.... Those who dwell
permanently in the white man’s cities are influenced somewhat, but here as
in other cases the general tendency seems to be to revert to the original
condition as soon as the special impetus of immediate contact with the
white man is removed.”[80] And Lord Bryce writes in similar vein: “With
plenty of stability, they lack initiative. They make steady soldiers, and fight
well under white or mestizo leaders, but one seldom hears of a pure Indian
accomplishing anything or rising either through war or politics, or in any
profession, above the level of his class....”[81]
The truth about the Indian seems to be substantially this: Left alone, he
would probably have continued to progress, albeit much more slowly than
either white or Asiatic peoples. But the Indian was not left alone. On the
contrary, he was suddenly felled by brutal and fanatical conquerors, who
uprooted his native culture and plunged him into abject servitude. The
Indian’s spiritual past was shorn away and his evolution was perverted.
Prevented from developing along his own lines, and constitutionally
incapable of adapting himself to the ways of his Spanish conquerors, the

Indian vegetated, learning nothing and forgetting much that he knew. This
has continued for four hundred years. Is it not likely that his ancestral
aptitudes have atrophied or decayed? Slavery and mental sloth have indeed
scarred him with their fell stigmata. Says Garcia-Calderon: “Without
sufficient food, without hygiene, a distracted and laborious beast, he decays
and perishes; to forget the misery of his daily lot he drinks, becomes an
alcoholic, and his numerous progeny present the characteristics of
degeneracy.”[82]
Furthermore, the Indian degenerates from another cause—mongrelization.
Miscegenation is a dual process. It works upward and downward at one and
the same time. In Latin America hybridization has been prodigious, the
hybrids to-day numbering millions. In some regions, as in Venezuela and
parts of Central America, there are very few full-blooded Indians left,
hybrids forming practically the entire population. Now, on the whole, the
white or “mestizo” crossing seems hurtful to the Indian, for what he gains
in intelligence he more than loses in character. But the mestizo crossing is
not the worst. There is another, much graver, racial danger. The hot
coastlands swarm with negroes, and the zambo or negro-Indian is
universally adjudged the worst of matings. Thus, for the Indian, white blood
appears harmful, while black blood is absolutely fatal. Yet the mongrelizing
tide sweeps steadily on. The Indian draws no “color line,” and continually
impairs the purity of his blood and the poise of his heredity.
Bearing all the above facts in mind, can we believe the Indian capable of
drawing mongrel-ruled America from its slough of despond? Can he set it
on the path of orderly progress? It does not seem possible. Assuming for the
sake of argument complete freedom from foreign intervention, the Indian
might in time displace his mongrel rulers—provided he himself were not
also mongrelized. But the present “Indianista” movement is not a sign of
Indian political efficiency; not the harbinger of an Indian “renaissance.” It is
the instinctive turning of the harried beast on his tormentor. Maddened by
the cruel vagaries of mongrel rule and increasingly conscious of the
mongrel’s innate worthlessness, the Indian at last bares his teeth. Under
civilized white tutelage the “Indianista” movement would have been
practically inconceivable.

However, guesses as to the final outcome of an Indian-mongrel conflict are
academic speculation, because mongrel America will not be left to itself.
Mongrel America cannot stand alone. Indeed, it never has stood alone, for it
has always been bolstered up by the Monroe Doctrine. But for our
protection, outside forces would have long since rushed into this political
and economic vacuum, and every omen to-day denotes that this vacuum,
like all others, will presently be filled. A world close packed as never before
will not tolerate countries that are a torment to themselves and a dangerous
nuisance to their neighbors. A world half bankrupt will not allow vast
sources of potential wealth to lie in hands which idle or misuse. Thus it is
practically certain that mongrel America will presently pass under foreign
tutelage. Exactly how, is not yet clear. It may be done by the United States
alone, or, what is more probable, in “Pan-American” co-operation with the
lusty young white nations of the antipodean south. It may be done by an
even larger combination, including some European states. After all, the
details of such action do not lie within the scope of this book, since they fall
exclusively within the white man’s sphere of activity.
There is, however, another dynamic which might transform mongrel
America. This dynamic is yellow Asia. The Far East teems with virile and
laborious life. It thrills to novel ambitions and desires. Avid with the urge of
swarming myriads, it hungrily seeks outlets for its superabundant vitality.
We have already seen how the Mongolian has earmarked the whole Far East
for his own, and in subsequent pages we shall see how he also beats
restlessly against the white world’s race-frontiers. But mongrel America!
What other field offers such tempting possibilities for Mongolian race-
expansion? Vast regions of incalculable, unexploited wealth, sparsely
inhabited by stagnant populations cursed with anarchy and feeble from
miscegenation—how could such lands resist the onslaught of tenacious and
indomitable millions? The answer is self-evident. They could not resist; and
such an invasion, once begun, would be consummated with a celerity and
thoroughness perhaps unexampled in human history.
Now the yellow world is alive to this momentous possibility. Japan, in
particular, has glimpsed in Latin America precious avenues to that racial
expansion which is the key-note of Japanese foreign policy. For years
Japanese statesmen and publicists have busied themselves with the
problem. The Chinese had, in fact, already pointed the way, for during the

later decades of the nineteenth century Chinamen frequented Latin
America’s Pacific coast, economically vanquishing the natives with ease,
and settling in Peru in such numbers that the alarmed Peruvians hastily
stopped the inflow by drastic exclusion acts. The successes of these Chinese
pioneers, humble coolies entirely without official backing, have fired the
Japanese imagination. The Japanese press has long discussed Latin America
in optimistic vein. Count Okuma is a good exemplar of these Japanese
aspirations. Some years ago he told the American sociologist Professor
Ross: “South America, especially the northern part, will furnish ample room
for our surplus.”[83] To his fellow countrymen Count Okuma was still more
specific. In 1907 he stated in the Tokio Economist that the Japanese were to
overspread the earth like a cloud of locusts, alighting on the North
American coasts, and swarming into Central and South America. Count
Okuma expressed a strong preference for Latin American countries as fields
for Japanese immigration, because most of them were “much easier to
include within the sphere of influence of Japan in the future.”[84]
And the Japanese have supplemented words with deeds. Especially since
1914, Japanese activity in Latin America has been ubiquitous and striking.
The west coast of South America, in particular, is to-day flooded with
Japanese goods, merchants, commercial missions, and financial agents
seeking concessions of every kind. Our State Department has had to
exercise special vigilance concerning Japanese concession-hunting in
Mexico.
Japan’s present activity is of course mere reconnoitring—testings and
mappings of terrain for possible later action on a more extensive scale. One
thing alone gives Japan pause—our veto. Japan knows that real aggression
against our southern neighbors would spell war with the United States.
Japan does not contemplate war with us at present. She has many fish to fry
in the Far East. So in Latin America she plays safe. But she bides her time.
In Latin America itself she has friends—even partisans. Japan seeks to
mobilize to her profit that distrust of the “Yanqui” which permeates Latin
America. The half-castes, in particular, rage at our “color line” and see in
the United States the Nemesis of their anarchic misrule. They flout the
Monroe Doctrine, caress dreams of Japanese aid, and welcome Nippon’s
pose as the champion of color throughout the world.

Japanese activities in Mexico are of especial interest. Here Japan has three
strong strings to her bow: (1) patriotic dislike of the United States; (2)
mestizo hatred of the white “gringo”; (3) the Indianista movement. In
Mexico the past decade of revolutionary turmoil has developed into a
complicated race-war of the mestizos against the white or near-white upper
class and of the Indian full-bloods against both whites and mestizos. The
one bond of union is dislike of the gringo, which often rises to fanatical
hatred. Our war against Mexico in 1847 has never been forgotten, and many
Mexicans cherish hopes of revenge and even aspire to recover the territories
then ceded to us. During the early stages of the European War our military
unpreparedness and apparent pacifism actually emboldened some Mexican
hotheads to concoct the notorious “Plan of San Diego.” The conspirators
plotted to rouse the Mexican population of our southern border, sow
disaffection among our Southern negroes, and explode the mine at the
psychological moment by means of a “Reconquering Equitable Army”
invading Texas. Our whole Southwest was to be rejoined to Mexico, while
our Southern States were to form a black republic. The projected war was
conceived strictly in terms of race, the reconquering equitable army to be
composed solely of “Latins,” negroes, and Japanese. The racial results were
to be decisive, for the entire white population of both our South and
Southwest was to be pitilessly massacred. Of course the plot completely
miscarried, and sporadic attempts to invade Texas during 1915 were easily
repulsed.
Nevertheless, this incident reveals the trend of many Mexican minds. The
framers of the “Plan of San Diego” were not ignorant peons, but persons of
some standing. The outrages and tortures inflicted upon numerous
Americans in Mexico during recent years are further indications of that
wide-spread hatred which expresses itself in vitriolic outbursts like the
following editorial of a Mexican provincial paper, written during our chase
after the bandit Villa in 1916: “Above all, do not forget that at a time of
national need, humanity is a crime and frightfulness is a virtue. Pull out
eyes, snatch out hearts, tear open breasts, drink—if you can—the blood in
the skulls of the invaders from the cities of Yankeeland. In defense of
liberty be a Nero, be a Caligula—that is to be a good patriot. Peace between
Mexico and the United States will be closed in throes of terror and
barbarism.”[85]

All this is naturally grist for the Japanese mill. Especially interesting are
Japanese attempts to play upon Mexican Indianista sentiment. Japanese
writers point out physical and cultural similarities between the Mexican
native races and themselves, deducing therefrom innate racial affinities
springing from the remote and forgotten past. All possible sympathetic
changes were rung during the diplomatic mission of Señor de la Barra to
Japan at the beginning of 1914. His reception in Tokio was a memorable
event. Señor de la Barra was greeted by cheering multitudes, and on every
occasion the manifold bonds between the two peoples were emphasized.
This of course occurred before the European War. During the war Japanese-
Mexican relations remained amicable. So far as official evidence goes, the
Japanese Government has never entered into any understandings with the
Mexican Government, though some Mexicans have hinted at a secret
agreement, and one Mexican writer, Gutierrez de Lara, asserts that in 1912
Francisco Madero, then President, “threw himself into the arms of Japan,”
and goes on: “We are well aware of the importance of this statement and of
its tremendous international significance, but we make it deliberately with
full confidence in our authority. Not only did Madero enlist the ardent
support of the South American republics in the cause of Mexico’s
inviolability, but he entered into negotiations with the Japanese minister in
Mexico City for a close offensive and defensive alliance with Japan to
checkmate United States aggression. When during the fateful twelve days’
battle in Mexico City a rumor of American intervention, more alarming
than usual, was communicated to Madero, he remarked coldly that he was
thoroughly anxious for that intervention, for he was confident of the
surprise the American Government would receive in discovering that they
had to deal with Japan.”[86]
But, after all, an official Japanese-Mexican understanding is not the
fundamental issue. The really significant thing is Mexican popular
antagonism to the United States, which is so wide-spread that Japan could
in a crisis probably count on Mexican benevolent neutrality if not on
Mexican support. The present Carranza government of Mexico is of course
notoriously anti-American. Its consistent policy, notably revealed in its
complaisance toward Germany and its intrigues with other anti-American
régimes like those of Colombia and Venezuela, makes Mexico the centre of
anti-Americanism in Latin America. As for the numerous Japanese residents

in Mexico, they have lost no opportunity to abet this attitude. Here, for
instance, is the text of a manifesto signed by prominent members of the
Japanese colony during the American-Mexican crisis of 1916: “Japanese:
Mexico is a friendly nation. Our commercial bonds with her are great. She
is, like us, a nation of heroes who will never consent to the world-
domination of a hard and brutal race, as are the Yankees. We cannot
abandon Mexico in her struggle against a nation supposedly stronger. The
Mexicans know how to defend themselves, but there is lacking aid which
we can furnish. If the Yankees invade Mexico, if they seize the California
coasts, Japanese commerce and the Japanese navy will face a grave peril.
The Yankees believe us impotent because of the European War, and we will
be expelled from American soil and our children from American schools.
We will aid the Mexicans. We will aid Mexico against Yankee rapacity. This
great and beautiful country is a victim of Yankee hatred toward Japan. Our
indifference would be a lack of patriotism, since the Yankees already are
against us and our divine Emperor. They have seized Hawaii, they have
seized the Philippine Islands, near our coasts, and are now about to crush
under foot our friend and possible ally, and injure our commerce and
imperil our naval power.”[87]
The fact is that Latin America’s attitude toward the yellow world tends
everywhere to crystallize along race lines. The half-castes, naturally hostile
to the United States, see in Japan a welcome offset to the “Colossus of the
North.” The self-conscious Indianista elements likewise heed Japanese
suggestions of ethnic affinity. On the other hand, the whites and near-whites
instinctively react against Japanese advances. Even those who have no love
for the Yankee see in the Mongolian the greatest of perils. Garcia-Calderon
typifies this point of view. He dreads our imperialistic tendencies, yet he
reproves those Latin Americans who, in a Japanese-American clash, would
favor Japan. “Victorious,” he writes, “the Japanese would invade Western
America and convert the Pacific into a vast closed sea, closed to foreign
ambitions, mare nostrum, peopled with Japanese colonies. The Japanese
hegemony would not be a mere change of tutelage for the nations of
America. In spite of essential differences, the Latins oversea have certain
common ties with the people of the (United) States: a long-established
religion, Christianity, and a coherent, European, Occidental civilization.
Perhaps there is some obscure fraternity between the Japanese and the

American Indians, between the yellow men of Nippon and the copper-
colored Quechuas, a disciplined and sober people. But the ruling race, the
dominant type of Spanish origin, which imposes the civilization of the
white man upon America, is hostile to the entire invading East.”[88]
White men throughout Latin America generally echo these sentiments.
Chile and Argentina repulse Oriental immigration, and the white oligarchs
of Peru dread keenly Japanese designs directed so specifically against their
country. Very recently a Peruvian, Doctor Jorge M. Corbacho,[89] wrote
most bitterly about the Japanese infiltration into Peru and adjacent Bolivia,
while some years ago Señor Augustin Edwards, owner of the leading
Chilean periodical, El Mercurio, denounced Count Okuma’s menaces and
called for a Pan-American rampart against Asia from Behring Strait to Cape
Horn. “Japanese immigration,” asserted Señor Edwards, “must be firmly
opposed, not only in South America, but in the whole American continent.
The same remark applies to Chinese immigration.... In short, these threats
of Okuma should induce the nations of South America to adopt the Monroe
Doctrine—an invincible weapon against the plans and intentions of that
‘Empire of the Orient,’ which has so lately risen up to new life, and already
manifests so dire a greed of conquest.”[90] From Central America similar
voices arise. A Salvadorean writer urges political federation with the United
States as the sole refuge against the “Yellow Peril,” to avoid becoming
“slaves and utterly insignificant”;[91] and a well-known Nicaraguan
politician, Señor Moncada,[92] writes in similar vein.
The momentous implications of Mongolian pressure upon Latin America
are admirably described by Professor Ross. “Provided that no barrier be
interposed to the inflow from man-stifled Asia,” he says, “it is well within
the bounds of probability that by the close of this century South America
will be the home of twenty or thirty millions of Orientals and descendants
of Orientals.... But Asiatic immigration of such volume would change
profoundly the destiny of South America. For one thing, it would forestall
and frustrate that great immigration of Europeans which South American
statesmen are counting on to relieve their countries from mestizo
unprogressiveness and misgovernment. The white race would withhold its
increase or look elsewhere for outlets; for those with the higher standard of
comfort always shun competition with those of a lower standard. Again,
large areas of South America might cease to be parts of Christendom. Some

of the republics there might come to be as dependent upon Asiatic Powers
as the Cuban republic is dependent upon the United States.”[93]
Very pertinent is Professor Ross’s warning as to the fate of the Indian
population—a warning which Indianista believers in Japanese “affinity”
should seriously take to heart. Whatever might be the lot of the Latin
American whites, Professor Ross points out that “an Asiatic influx would
seal the doom of the Indian element in these countries.... The Indians could
make no effective economic stand against the wide-awake, resourceful, and
aggressive Japanese or Chinese. The Oriental immigrants could beat the
Indians at every point, block every path upward, and even turn them out of
most of their present employments. In great part the Indians would become
a cringing sudra caste, tilling the poorer lands and confined to the menial or
repulsive occupations. Filled with despair, and abandoning themselves even
more than they do now to pisco and coca, they would shrivel into a
numerically negligible element in the population.”[94]
Such are the underlying factors in the Latin American situation. Once more
we see the essential instability of mere political phenomena. Once more we
see the supreme importance of race. No conquest could have been
completer than that of the Spaniards four centuries ago. The Indians were
helpless as sheep before the mail-clad Conquistadores. And military
conquest was succeeded by complete political domination. The Indian even
lost his cultural heritage, and became a passive tool in the hands of his
white masters. But the Spaniard did not seal his title-deed with the indelible
signet of race. Indian blood remained numerically predominant, and the
conqueror further weakened his tenure by bringing in black blood—the
most irreducible of ethnic factors. The inflow of white blood was small, and
much of what did come lost itself in the dismal swamp of miscegenation.
Lastly, the whites quarrelled among themselves.
The result was inevitable. The colonial whites triumphed only by aid of the
half-castes, who promptly claimed their reward. A fresh struggle ensued,
ending (save in the antipodean regions) in the triumph of the half-castes.
But these, in turn, had called in the Indians and negroes. Furthermore, the
half-castes recklessly squandered the white political heritage. So the
colored full-bloods stirred in their turn, and a new movement began which,
if allowed to run its natural course, might result in complete de-

Aryanization. In other words, the white race has been going back, and Latin
America has been getting more Indian and negro for the past hundred years.
This cycle, however, now nears its end. Latin America will be neither red
nor black. It will ultimately be either white or yellow. The Indian is patently
unable to construct a progressive civilization. As for the negro, he has
proved as incapable in the New World as in the Old. Everywhere his
presence has spelled regression, and his one New World field of triumph—
Haiti—has resulted in an abysmal plunge to the jungle-level of Guinea and
the Congo. Thus is created a political vacuum. And this vacuum unerring
nature makes ready to fill.
The Latin American situation is, indeed, akin to that of Africa. Latin
America, like Africa, cannot stand alone. An inexorable dilemma impends:
white or yellow. The white man has been first in the field and holds the
central colored zone between two strong bases, north and south, where his
tenure is the unimpeachable title of race. The yellow man has to conquer
every step, though he has already acquired footholds and has behind him
the welling reservoirs of Asia. Nevertheless, white victory in Latin America
is sure—if internecine discord does not rob the white world of its strength.
In Latin America, as in Africa, therefore, the whites must stand fast—and
stand together.

PART II

THE EBBING TIDE OF WHITE

CHAPTER VI

THE WHITE FLOOD
The world-wide expansion of the white race during the four centuries
between 1500 and 1900 is the most prodigious phenomenon in all recorded
history. In my opening pages I sketched both the magnitude of this
expansion and its ethnic and political implications. I there showed that the
white stocks together constitute the most numerous single branch of the
human species, nearly one-third of all the human souls on earth to-day
being whites. I also showed that white men racially occupy four-tenths of
the entire habitable land-area of the globe, while nearly nine-tenths of this
area is under white political control. Such a situation is unprecedented.
Never before has a race acquired such combined preponderance of numbers
and dominion.
This white expansion becomes doubly interesting when we realize how
sudden was its inception and how rapid its evolution. A single decade
before the voyage of Columbus, he would have been a bold prophet who
should have predicted this high destiny. At the close of the fifteenth century
the white race was confined to western and central Europe, together with
Scandinavia and the northwestern parts of European Russia. The total white
race-area was then not much over 2,000,000 square miles—barely one-tenth
its area to-day. And in numbers the proportion was almost as unfavorable.
At that moment (say, A. D. 1480) England could muster only about
2,000,000 inhabitants, the entire population of the British Isles not much
exceeding 3,000,000 souls. To be sure, the continent was relatively better
peopled. Still, the population of Europe in 1480 was probably not one-sixth
that of 1914.
Furthermore, population had dwindled notably in the preceding one
hundred and fifty years. During the fourteenth century Europe had been
hideously scourged by the “Black Death” (bubonic plague), which carried
off fully one-half of its inhabitants, while thereafter a series of great wars
had destroyed immense numbers of people. These losses had not been

repaired. Mediæval society was a static, equilibrated affair, which did not
favor rapid human multiplication. In fact, European life had been intensive
and recessive ever since the fall of the Roman Empire a thousand years
before. Europe’s one mediæval attempt at expansion (the Crusades) had
utterly failed. In fact, far from expanding, white Europe had been
continuously assailed by brown and yellow Asia. Beginning with the Huns
in the last days of Rome, continuing with the Arabs, and ending with the
Mongols and Ottoman Turks, Europe had undergone a millennium of
Asiatic aggression; and though Europe had substantially maintained its
freedom, many of its outlying marches had fallen under Asiatic domination.
In 1480, for example, the Turk was marching triumphantly across
southeastern Europe, embryonic Russia was a Tartar dependency, while the
Moor still clung to southern Spain.
The outlook for the white race at the close of the fifteenth century thus
seemed gloomy rather than bright. With a stationary or declining
population, exposed to the assaults of powerful external foes, and racked by
internal pains betokening the demise of the mediæval order, white Europe’s
future appeared a far from happy one.
Suddenly, in two short years, all was changed. In 1492 Columbus
discovered America, and in 1494 Vasco da Gama, doubling Africa, found
the way to India. The effect of these discoveries cannot be overestimated.
We can hardly conceive how our mediæval forefathers viewed the ocean.
To them the ocean was a numbing, constricting presence; the abode of
darkness and horror. No wonder mediæval Europe was static, since it faced
on ruthless, aggressive Asia, and backed on nowhere. Then, in the twinkling
of an eye, dead-end Europe became mistress of the ocean—and thereby
mistress of the world.
No such strategical opportunity had, in fact, ever been vouchsafed. From
classic times down to the end of the fifteenth century, white Europe had
confronted only the most martial and enterprising of Asiatics. With such
peoples war and trade had alike to be conducted on practically equal terms,
and by frontal assault no decisive victory could be won. But, after the great
discoveries, the white man could flank his old opponents. Whole new
worlds peopled by primitive races were unmasked, where the white man’s
weapons made victory certain, and whence he could draw stores of wealth

to quicken his home life and initiate a progress that would soon place him
immeasurably above his once-dreaded assailants.
And the white man proved worthy of his opportunity. His inherent racial
aptitudes had been stimulated by his past. The hard conditions of mediæval
life had disciplined him to adversity and had weeded him by natural
selection. The hammer of Asiatic invasion, clanging for a thousand years on
the brown-yellow anvil, had tempered the iron of Europe into the finest
steel. The white man could think, could create, could fight superlatively
well. No wonder that redskins and negroes feared and adored him as a god,
while the somnolent races of the Farther East, stunned by this strange
apparition rising from the pathless ocean, offered no effective opposition.
Thus began the swarming of the whites, like bees from the hive, to the
uttermost ends of the earth. And, in return, Europe was quickened to
intenser vitality. Goods, tools, ideas, men: all were produced at an
unprecedented rate. So, by action and reaction, white progress grew by
leaps and bounds. The Spanish and Portuguese pioneers presently showed
signs of lassitude, but the northern nations—even more vigorous and
audacious—instantly sprang to the front and carried forward the proud
oriflamme of white expansion and world-dominion. For four hundred years
the pace never slackened, and at the close of the nineteenth century the
white man stood the indubitable master of the world.
Now four hundred years of unbroken triumph naturally bred in the white
race an instinctive belief that its expansion would continue indefinitely,
leading automatically to ever higher and more splendid destinies. Before the
Russo-Japanese War of 1904 the thought that white expansion could be
stayed, much less reversed, never entered the head of one white man in a
thousand. Why should it, since centuries of experience had taught the exact
contrary? The settlement of America, Australasia, and Siberia, where the
few colored aborigines vanished like smoke before the white advance; the
conquest of brown Asia and the partition of Africa, where colored millions
bowed with only sporadic resistance to mere handfuls of whites; both sets
of phenomena combined to persuade the white man that he was invincible,
and that the colored types would everywhere give way before him and his
civilization. The continued existence of dense colored populations in the
tropics was ascribed to climate; and even in the tropics it was assumed that

whites would universally form a governing caste, directing by virtue of
higher intelligence and more resolute will, and exploiting natural resources
to the incalculable profit of the whole white race. Indeed, some persons
believed that the tropics would become available for white settlement as
soon as science had mastered tropical diseases and had prescribed an
adequate hygiene.
This uncritical optimism, suggested by experience, was fortified by ill-
assimilated knowledge. During the closing decades of the past century, not
only were biology and economics less advanced than to-day, but they were
also infinitely less widely understood, exact knowledge being confined to
academic circles. The general public had only a vulgarized smattering,
mostly crystallizing about catchwords into which men read their
prepossessions and their prejudices. For instance: biologists had recently
formulated the law of the “Survival of the Fittest.” This sounded very well.
Accordingly, the public, in conformity with the prevailing optimism,
promptly interpreted “fittest” as synonymous with “best,” in utter disregard
of the grim truth that by “fittest” nature denotes only the type best adapted
to existing conditions of environment, and that if the environment favors a
low type, this low type (unless humanly prevented) will win, regardless of
all other considerations. So again with economics. A generation ago
relatively few persons realized that low-standard men would drive out high-
standard men as inevitably as bad money drives out good, no matter what
the results to society and the future of mankind. These are but two instances
of that shallow, cock-sure nineteenth-century optimism, based upon
ignorance and destined to be so swiftly and tragically disillusioned.
However, for the moment, ignorance was bliss. Accordingly, the fin de
siècle white world, having partitioned Africa and fairly well dominated
brown Asia, prepared to extend its sway over the one portion of the colored
world which had hitherto escaped subjection—the yellow Far East. Men
began speaking glibly of “manifest destiny” or piously of “the white man’s
burden.” European publicists wrote didactically on “the break-up of China,”
while Russia, bestriding Siberia, dipped behemoth paws in Pacific waters
and eyed Japan.

Larger Image

CATEGORIES OF WHITE WORLD-SUPREMACY

Such was the white world’s confident, aggressive temper at the close of the
last century. To be sure, voices were occasionally raised warning that all
was not well. Such were the writings of Professor Pearson and Meredith
Townsend. But the white world gave these Cassandras the reception always
accorded prophets of evil in joyous times—it ignored them or laughed them
to scorn. In fact, few of the prophets displayed Pearson’s immediate
certainty. Most of them qualified their prophecies with the comforting
assurance that the ills predicted were relatively remote.
Meredith Townsend is a good case in point. The reader may recall his
prophecy of white expulsion from Asia, quoted in my second chapter.[95]
That prophecy occurs in the preface to the fourth edition, published in 1911,
and written in the light of the Russo-Japanese War. Now, of course, Mr.
Townsend’s main thesis—Europe’s inability permanently to master and
assimilate Asia—had been elaborated by him long before the close of the
nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the preface to the fourth edition speaks of
Europe’s failure to conquer Asia as absolute and eviction from present

holdings as probable within a relatively short time; whereas, in his original
introduction, written in 1899, he foresaw a great European assault upon
Asia, which would probably succeed and from which Asia would shake
itself free only after the lapse of more than a century.
In fact, Mr. Townsend’s words of 1899 so exactly portray white confidence
at that moment that I cannot do better than quote him. His object in
publishing his book is, he says, “to make Asia stand out clearer in English
eyes, because it is evident to me that the white races under the pressure of
an entirely new impulse are about to renew their periodic attempt to
conquer or at least to dominate that vast continent.... So grand is the prize
that failures will not daunt the Europeans, still less alter their conviction. If
these movements follow historic lines they will recur for a time upon a
constantly ascending scale, each repulse eliciting a greater effort, until at
last Asia like Africa is ‘partitioned,’ that is, each section is left at the
disposal of some white people. If Europe can avoid internal war, or war
with a much-aggrandized America, she will by A. D. 2000 be mistress in
Asia, and at liberty, as her people think, to enjoy.”[96] If the reader will
compare these lines with Mr. Townsend’s 1911 judgment, he will get a good
idea of the momentous change wrought in white minds by Asia’s awakening
during the first decade of the twentieth century as typified by the Russo-
Japanese War.
1900 was, indeed, the high-water mark of the white tide which had been
flooding for four hundred years. At that moment the white man stood on the
pinnacle of his prestige and power. Pass four short years, and the flash of
the Japanese guns across the murky waters of Port Arthur harbor revealed to
a startled world—the beginning of the ebb.

CHAPTER VII

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB
The Russo-Japanese War is one of those landmarks in human history whose
significance increases with the lapse of time. That war was momentous, not
only for what it did, but even more for what it revealed. The legend of white
invincibility was shattered, the veil of prestige that draped white civilization
was torn aside, and the white world’s manifold ills were laid bare for candid
examination.
Of course previous blindness to the trend of things had not been universal.
The white world had had its Cassandras, while keen-sighted Asiatics had
discerned symptoms of white weakness. Nevertheless, so imposing was the
white world’s aspect and so unbroken its triumphant progress that these
seers had been a small and discredited minority. The mass of mankind,
white and non-white alike, remained oblivious to signs of change.
This, after all, was but natural. Not only had the white advance been
continuous, but its tempo had been ever increasing. The nineteenth century,
in particular, witnessed an unprecedented outburst of white activity. We
have already surveyed white territorial gains, both as to area of settlement
and sphere of political control. But along many other lines white expansion
was equally remarkable. White race-increase—the basis of all else—was
truly phenomenal. In the year 1500 the white race (then confined to Europe)
could not have numbered more than 70,000,000. In 1800 the population of
Europe was 150,000,000, while the whites living outside Europe numbered
over 10,000,000. The white race had thus a trifle more than doubled its
numbers in three centuries. But in the year 1900 the population of Europe
was nearly 450,000,000, while the extra-European whites numbered fully
100,000,000. Thus the whites had increased threefold in the European
homeland, while in the new areas of settlement outside Europe they had
increased tenfold. The total number of whites at the end of the nineteenth
century was thus nearly 550,000,000—a gain in numbers of almost

400,000,000, or over 400 per cent. This spelled an increase six times as
great as that of the preceding three centuries.
White race-growth is most strikingly exemplified by the increase of its most
expansive and successful branch—the Anglo-Saxons. In 1480, as already
seen, the population of England proper was not much over 2,000,000. Of
course this figure was abnormally low even for mediæval times, it being
due to the terrible vital losses of the Wars of the Roses, then drawing to a
close. A century later, under Elizabeth, the population of England had risen
to 4,000,000. In 1900 the population of England was 31,000,000, and in
1910 it was 35,000,000, the population of the British Isles at the latter date
being 45,500,000. But in the intervening centuries British blood had
migrated to the ends of the earth, so that the total number of Anglo-Saxons
in the world to-day cannot be much less than 100,000,000. This figure
includes Scotch and Scotch-Irish strains (which are of course identical with
English in the Anglo-Saxon sense), and adopts the current estimate that
some 50,000,000 of people in the United States are predominantly of
Anglo-Saxon origin. Thus, in four centuries, the Anglo-Saxons multiplied
between forty and fifty fold.
The prodigious increase of the white race during the nineteenth century was
due not only to territorial expansion but even more to those astounding
triumphs of science and invention which gave the race unprecedented
mastery over the resources of nature. This material advance is usually
known as the “industrial revolution.” The industrial revolution began in the
later decades of the eighteenth century, but it matured during the first half of
the nineteenth century, when it swiftly and utterly transformed the face of
things.
This transformation was, indeed, absolutely unprecedented in the world’s
history. Hitherto man’s material progress had been a gradual evolution.
With the exception of gunpowder, he had tapped no new sources of material
energy since very ancient times. The horse-drawn mail-coach of our great-
grandfathers was merely a logical elaboration of the horse-drawn Egyptian
chariot; the wind-driven clipper-ship traced its line unbroken to Ulysses’s
lateen bark before Troy; while industry still relied on the brawn of man and
beast or upon the simple action of wind and waterfall. Suddenly all was
changed. Steam, electricity, petrol, the Hertzian wave, harnessed nature’s

hidden powers, conquered distance, and shrunk the terrestrial globe to the
measure of human hands. Man entered a new material world, differing not
merely in degree but in kind from that of previous generations.
When I say “Man,” I mean, so far as the nineteenth century was concerned,
the white man. It was the white man’s brain which had conceived all this,
and it was the white man alone who at first reaped the benefits. The two
outstanding features of the new order were the rise of machine industry
with its incalculable acceleration of mass-production, and the correlative
development of cheap and rapid transportation. Both these factors favored a
prodigious increase in population, particularly in Europe, since Europe
became the workshop of the world. In fact, during the nineteenth century,
Europe was transformed from a semi-rural continent into a swarming hive
of industry, gorged with goods, capital, and men, pouring forth its wares to
the remotest corners of the earth, and drawing thence fresh stores of raw
material for new fabrication and exchange. The amount of wealth amassed
by the white world in general and by Europe in particular since the
beginning of the nineteenth century is simply incalculable. Some faint
conception of it can be gathered from the growth of world-trade. In the year
1818 the entire volume of international commerce was valued at only
$2,000,000,000. In other words, after countless millenniums of human life
upon our globe, man had been able to produce only that relatively modest
volume of world-exchange. In 1850 the volume of world-trade had grown
to $4,000,000,000. In 1900 it had increased to $20,000,000,000, and in
1913 it swelled to the inconceivable total of $40,000,000,000—a
twentyfold increase in a short hundred years.
Such were the splendid achievements of nineteenth-century civilization. But
there was a seamy side to this cloth of gold. The vices of our age have been
portrayed by a thousand censorious pens, and there is no need here to
recapitulate them. They can mostly be summed up by the word
“Materialism.” That absorption in material questions and neglect of
idealistic values which characterized the nineteenth century has been
variously accounted for. But, after all, was it not primarily due to the
profound disturbance caused by drastic environmental change? Civilized
man had just entered a new material world, differing not merely in degree
but in kind from that of his ancestors. It is a scientific truism that every
living organism, in order to survive, must adapt itself to its environment.

Therefore any change of environment must evoke an immediate
readjustment on the part of the organism, and the more pronounced the
environmental change, the more rapid and thoroughgoing the organic
readjustment must be. Above all, speed is essential. Nature brooks no delay,
and the disharmonic organism must attune itself or perish.
Now, is not readaptation precisely the problem with which civilized man
has been increasingly confronted for the past hundred years? No one surely
can deny that our present environment differs vastly from that of our
ancestors. But if this be so, the necessity for profound and rapid adaptation
becomes equally true. In fact, the race has instinctively sensed this
necessity, and has bent its best energies to the task, particularly on the
materialistic side. That was only natural. The pioneer’s preoccupation with
material matters in opening up new country is self-evident, but what is not
so generally recognized is the fact that nineteenth-century Europe and the
eastern United States are in many respects environmentally “newer” than
remote backwoods settlements.
Of course the changed character of our civilization called for idealistic
adaptations no less sweeping. These were neglected, because their necessity
was not so compellingly patent. Indeed, man was distinctly attached to his
existing idealistic outfit, to the elaboration of which he had so assiduously
devoted himself in former days, and which had fairly served the
requirements of his simpler past. Therefore nineteenth-century man
concentrated intensively, exclusively upon materialistic problems, feeling
that he could thus concentrate because he believed that the idealistic
conquests of preceding epochs had given him sound moral bases upon
which to build the new material edifice.
Unfortunately, that which had at first been merely a means to an end
presently became an end in itself. Losing sight of his idealisms, nineteenth-
century man evolved a thoroughly materialistic philosophy. The upshot was
a warped, one-sided development which quickly revealed its unsoundness.
The fact that man was much less culpable for his errors than many moralists
aver is quite beside the point, so far as consequences are concerned. Nature
takes no excuses. She demands results, and when these are not forthcoming
she inexorably inflicts her penalties.

As the nineteenth century drew toward its close the symptoms of a
profound malaise appeared on every side. Even those most fundamental of
all factors, the vitality and quality of the race, were not immune. Vital
statistics began to display features highly disquieting to thoughtful minds.
The most striking of these phenomena was the declining birth-rate which
affected nearly all the white nations toward the close of the nineteenth
century and which in France resulted in a virtually stationary population.
Of course the mere fact of a lessened birth-rate, taken by itself, is not the
unmixed evil which many persons assume. Man’s potential reproductive
capacity, like that of all other species, is very great. In fact, the whole
course of biological progress has been marked by a steady checking of that
reproductive exuberance which ran riot at the beginning of life on earth. As
Havelock Ellis well says: “Of one minute organism it is estimated that, if its
reproduction were not checked by death or destruction, in thirty days it
would form a mass a million times larger than the sun. The conger-eel lays
15,000,000 eggs, and if they all grew up, and reproduced themselves on the
same scale, in two years the whole sea would become a wriggling mass of
fish. As we approach the higher forms of life reproduction gradually dies
down. The animals nearest to man produce few offspring, but they surround
them with parental care, until they are able to lead independent lives with a
fair chance of surviving. The whole process may be regarded as a
mechanism for slowly subordinating quantity to quality, and so promoting
the evolution of life to ever higher stages.”[97]
While man’s reproductive power is slight from the standpoint of bacteria
and conger-eels, it is yet far from negligible, as is shown by the birth-rate of
the less-advanced human types at all times, and by the birth-rate of the
higher types under exceptionally favorable circumstances. The nineteenth
century was one of these favorable occasions. In the new areas of settlement
outside Europe, vast regions practically untenanted by colored competitors
invited the white colonists to increase and multiply; while Europe itself,
though historically “old country,” was so transformed environmentally by
the industrial revolution that it suddenly became capable of supporting a
much larger population than heretofore. By the close of the century,
however, the most pressing economic stimuli to rapid multiplication had
waned in Europe and in many of the race dependencies. Therefore the rate

of increase, even under the most favorable biological circumstances, should
have shown a decline.
The trouble was that this diminishing human output was of less and less
biological value. Wherever one looked in the white world, it was precisely
those peoples of highest genetic worth whose birth-rate fell off most
sharply, while within the ranks of the several peoples it was those social
classes containing the highest proportion of able strains which were
contributing the smallest quotas to the population. Everywhere the better
types (on which the future of the race depends) were numerically stationary
or dwindling, while conversely, the lower types were gaining ground, their
birth-rate showing relatively slight diminution.
This “disgenic” trend, so ominous for the future of the race, is a melancholy
commonplace of our time, and many efforts have been made to measure its
progress in economic or social terms. One of the most striking and easily
measured examples, however, is furnished by the category of race. As
explained in the Introduction, the white race divides into three main sub-
species—the Nordics, the Alpines, and the Mediterraneans. All three are
good stocks, ranking in genetic worth well above the various colored races.
However, there seems to be no question that the Nordic is far and away the
most valuable type; standing, indeed, at the head of the whole human genus.
As Madison Grant well expresses it, the Nordic is “The Great Race.”
Now it is the Nordics who are most affected by the disgenic aspects of our
civilization. In the newer areas of white settlement like our Pacific coast or
the Canadian Northwest, to be sure, the Nordics even now thrive and
multiply. But in all those regions which typify the transformation of the
industrial revolution, the Nordics do not fit into the altered environment as
well as either Alpines or Mediterraneans, and hence tend to disappear.
Before the industrial revolution the Nordic’s chief eliminator was war. His
pre-eminent fighting ability, together with the position of leadership which
he had generally acquired, threw on his shoulders the brunt of battle and
exposed him to the greatest losses, whereas the more stolid Alpine and the
less robust Mediterranean stayed at home and reproduced their kind. The
chronic turmoil of both the mediæval and modern periods imposed a
perpetual drain on the Nordic stock, while the era of discovery and
colonization which began with the sixteenth century further depleted the

Nordic ranks in Europe, since it was adventurous Nordics who formed the
overwhelming majority of explorers and pioneers to new lands. Thus, even
at the end of the eighteenth century, Europe was much less Nordic than it
had been a thousand years before.
Nevertheless, down to the close of the eighteenth century, the Nordics
suffered from no other notable handicaps than war and migration, and even
enjoyed some marked advantages. Being a high type, the Nordic is naturally
a “high standard” man. He requires healthful living conditions, and quickly
pines when deprived of good food, fresh air, and exercise. Down to the
close of the eighteenth century, Europe was predominantly agricultural. In
cool northern and central Europe, therefore, environment actually favored
the big, blond Nordics, especially as against the slighter, less muscular
Mediterranean; while in the hotter south the Nordic upper class, being the
rulers, were protected from field labor, and thus survived as an aristocracy.
In peaceful times, therefore, the Nordics multiplied and repaired the gaps
wrought by proscription and war.
The industrial revolution, however, profoundly modified this state of things.
Europe was transformed from an agricultural to an urbanized, industrial
area. Numberless cities and manufacturing centres grew up, where men
were close packed and were subjected to all the evils of congested living.
Of course such conditions are not ideal for any stock. Nevertheless, the
Nordic suffered more than any one else. The cramped factory and the
crowded city weeded out the big, blond Nordic with portentous rapidity,
whereas the little brunet Mediterranean, in particular, adapted himself to the
operative’s bench or the clerk’s stool, prospered—and reproduced his kind.
The result of these new handicaps, combined with the continuance of the
traditional handicaps (war and migration), has been a startling decrease of
Nordics all over Europe throughout the nineteenth century, with a
corresponding resurgence of the Alpine, and still more of the
Mediterranean, elements. In the United States it has been the same story.
Our country, originally settled almost exclusively by Nordics, was toward
the close of the nineteenth century invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines
and Mediterraneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levantines and
Jews. As a result, the Nordic native American has been crowded out with

amazing rapidity by these swarming, prolific aliens, and after two short
generations he has in many of our urban areas become almost extinct.
The racial displacements induced by a changed economic or social
environment are, indeed, almost incalculable. Contrary to the popular
belief, nothing is more unstable than the ethnic make-up of a people. Above
all, there is no more absurd fallacy than the shibboleth of the “melting-pot.”
As a matter of fact, the melting-pot may mix but does not melt. Each race-
type, formed ages ago, and “set” by millenniums of isolation and
inbreeding, is a stubbornly persistent entity. Each type possesses a special
set of characters: not merely the physical characters visible to the naked
eye, but moral, intellectual, and spiritual characters as well. All these
characters are transmitted substantially unchanged from generation to
generation. To be sure, where members of the same race-stock intermarry
(as English and Swedish Nordics, or French and British Mediterraneans),
there seems to be genuine amalgamation. In most other cases, however, the
result is not a blend but a mechanical mixture. Where the parent stocks are
very diverse, as in matings between whites, negroes, and Amerindians, the
offspring is a mongrel—a walking chaos, so consumed by his jarring
heredities that he is quite worthless. We have already viewed the mongrel
and his works in Latin America.
Such are the two extremes. Where intermarriage takes place between stocks
relatively near together, as in crossings between the main divisions of the
white species, the result may not be bad, and is sometimes distinctly good.
Nevertheless, there is no true amalgamation. The different race-characters
remain distinct in the mixed offspring. If the race-types have generally
intermarried, the country is really occupied by two or more races, the races
always tending to sort themselves out again as pure types by Mendelian
inheritance. Now one of these race-types will be favored by the
environment, and it will accordingly tend to gain at the other’s expense,
while conversely the other types will tend to be bred out and to disappear.
Sometimes a modification of the environment through social changes will
suddenly reverse this process and will penalize a hitherto favored type. We
then witness a “resurgence,” or increase, of the previously submerged
element.

A striking instance of this is going on in England. England is inhabited by
two race-stocks—Nordics and Mediterraneans. Down to the eighteenth
century, England, being an agricultural country with a cool climate, favored
the Nordics, and but for the Nordic handicaps of war and migration the
Mediterraneans might have been entirely eliminated. Two hundred years
ago the Mediterranean element in England was probably very small. The
industrial revolution, however, reversed the selective process, and to-day
the small, dark types in England increase noticeably with every generation.
The swart “cockney” is a resurgence of the primitive Mediterranean stock,
and is probably a faithful replica of his ancestors of Neolithic times.
Such was the ominous “seamy side” of nineteenth-century civilization. The
regressive trend was, in fact, a vicious circle. An ill-balanced, faulty
environment penalized the superior strains and favored the inferior types;
while, conversely, the impoverishing race-stocks, drained of their geniuses
and overloading with dullards and degenerates, were increasingly unable to
evolve environmental remedies.
Thus, by action and reaction, the situation grew steadily worse, disclosing
its parlous state by numberless symptoms of social ill-health. All the
unlovely fin de siècle phenomena, such as the decay of ideals, rampant
materialism, political disruption, social unrest, and the “decadence” of art
and literature, were merely manifestations of the same basic ills.
Of course a thoughtful minority, undazzled by the prevalent optimism,
pointed out evils and suggested remedies. Unfortunately these “remedies”
were superficial, because the reformers confused manifestations with causes
and combated symptoms instead of fighting the disease. For example: the
white world’s troubles were widely ascribed to the loss of its traditional
ideals, especially the decay of religious faith. But, as the Belgian sociologist
Réné Gérard acutely remarks, “to reason in this manner is, we think, to
mistake the effect for the cause. To believe that philosophic and religious
doctrines create morals and civilizations is a seductive error, but a fatal one.
To transplant the beliefs and the institutions of a people to new regions in
the hope of transplanting thither their virtues and their civilization as well is
the vainest of follies.... The greater or less degree of vigor in a people
depends on the power of its vital instinct, of its greater or less faculty for
adapting itself to and dominating the conditions of the moment. When the

vital instinct of a people is healthy, it readily suggests to the people the
religious and moral doctrines which assure its survival. It is not, therefore,
because a people possesses a definite belief that it is healthy and vigorous,
but rather because the people is healthy and vigorous that it adopts or
invents the belief which is useful to itself. In this way, it is not because it
ceases to believe that it falls into decay, it is because it is in decay that it
abandons the fertile dream of its ancestors without replacing this by a new
dream, equally fortifying and creative of energy.”[98]
Thus we return once more to the basic principle of race. For what is “vital
instinct” but the imperious urge of superior heredity? As Madison Grant
well says: “The lesson is always the same, namely, that race is everything.
Without race there can be nothing except the slave wearing his master’s
clothes, stealing his master’s proud name, adopting his master’s tongue, and
living in the crumbling ruins of his master’s palace.”[99]
The disastrous consequences of failure to realize this basic truth is nowhere
more strikingly exemplified than in the field of white world-politics during
the half-century preceding the Great War. That period was dominated by
two antithetical schools of political thinking: national-imperialism and
internationalism. Swayed by the ill-balanced spirit of the times, both
schools developed extremist tendencies; the former producing such
monstrous aberrations as Pan-Germanism and Pan-Slavism, the latter
evolving almost equally vicious concepts like cosmopolitanism and
proletarianism. The adherents of these rival schools combated one another
and wrangled among themselves. They both disregarded the basic
significance of race, together with its immediate corollary, the essential
solidarity of the white world.
As a matter of fact, white solidarity has been one of the great constants of
history. For ages the white peoples have possessed a true “symbiosis” or
common life, ceaselessly mingling their bloods and exchanging their ideas.
Accordingly, the various white nations which are the race’s political
expression may be regarded as so many planets gravitating about the sun of
a common civilization. No such sustained and intimate race-solidarity has
ever before been recorded in human annals. Not even the solidarity of the
yellow peoples is comparable in scope.

Of course the white world’s internal frictions have been legion, and at
certain times these frictions have become so acute that white men have been
led to disregard or even to deny their fundamental unity. This is perhaps
also because white solidarity is so pervasive that we live in it, and thus
ordinarily do not perceive it any more than we do the air we breathe. Should
white men ever really lose their instinct of race-solidarity, they would
asphyxiate racially as swiftly and surely as they would asphyxiate
physically if the atmospheric oxygen should suddenly be withdrawn.
However, down to 1914 at least, the white world never came within
measurable distance of this fatal possibility. On the contrary, the white
peoples were continually expressing their fundamental solidarity by various
unifying concepts like the “Pax Romana” of antiquity, the “Civitas Dei” or
Christian commonwealth of the Middle Ages, and the “European Concert”
of nineteenth-century diplomacy.
It was typical of the malaise which was overtaking the white world that the
close of the nineteenth century should have witnessed an ominous ignoring
of white solidarity; that national-imperialists should have breathed mutual
slaughter while internationalists caressed visions of “human solidarity”
culminating in universal race-amalgamation; lastly, that Asia’s incipient
revolt against white supremacy, typified by the Russo-Japanese War, should
have found zealous white sponsors and abetters.
Nothing, indeed, better illustrates the white world’s unsoundness at the
beginning of the present century than its reaction to the Russo-Japanese
conflict. The tremendous significance of that event was no more lost upon
the whites than it was upon the colored peoples. Most far-seeing white men
recognized it as an omen of evil import for their race-future. And yet, even
in the first access of apprehension, these same persons generally admitted
that they saw no prospect of healing, constructive action to remedy the ills
which were driving the white world along the downward path. Analyzing
the possibility of Europe’s presenting a common front to the perils disclosed
by the Japanese victories, the French publicist Réné Pinon sadly concluded
in the negative, believing that political passions, social hates, and national
rivalries would speak louder than the general interest. “Contemporary
Europe,” he wrote, in 1905, “is probably not ready to receive and
understand the lesson of the war. What are the examples of history to those
gigantic commercial houses, uneasy for their New Year’s balances, which

are our modern nations? It is in the nature of States founded on
mercantilism to content themselves with a hand-to-mouth policy, without
general views or idealism, satisfied with immediate gains and unable to
prepare against a distant future.
“Whence, in the Europe of to-day, could come the principle of an entente,
and on what could it be based? Too many divergent interests, too many rival
ambitions, too many festering hates, too many ‘dead who speak,’ are
present to stifle the voice of Europe’s conscience.
“However menacing the external danger, we fear that political rancors
would not down; that the enemy from without would find accomplices, or at
least unconscious auxiliaries, within. Far more than in its regiments and
battleships, the power of Japan lies in our discords, in the absence of an
ideal capable of lifting the European peoples above the daily pursuit of
immediate interests, capable of stirring their hearts with the thrill of a
common emotion. The true ‘Yellow Peril’ lies within us.”[100]
Réné Pinon was a true prophet. Not only was the “writing on the wall” not
taken to heart, the decade following the Russo-Japanese conflict witnessed
a prodigious aggravation of all the ills which had afflicted white civilization
during the nineteenth century. As if scourged by a tragic fate, the white
world hurtled along the downward path, until it entered the fell shadow of
—the modern Peloponnesian War.

CHAPTER VIII

THE MODERN PELOPONNESIAN WAR
The Peloponnesian War was the suicide of Greek civilization. It is the
saddest page of history. In the brief Periclean epoch preceding the
catastrophe Hellas had shone forth with unparalleled splendor, and even
those wonderful achievements seemed but the prelude to still loftier heights
of glory. On the eve of its self-immolation the Greek race, far from being
exhausted, was bubbling over with exuberant vitality and creative genius.
But the half-blown rose was nipped by the canker of discord. Jealous
rivalries and mad ambitions smouldered till they burst into a consuming
flame. For a generation Hellas tore itself to pieces in a delirium of
fratricidal strife. And even this was not the worst. The “peace” which closed
the Peloponnesian War was no peace. It was a mere truce, dictated by the
victors of the moment to sullen and vengeful enemies. Imposed by the
sword and infused with no healing or constructive virtue, the Peloponnesian
War was but the first of a war cycle which completed Hellas’s ruin.
The irreparable disaster had, indeed, occurred: the gulfs of sundering hatred
had become fixed, and the sentiment of Greek race-unity was destroyed.
Having lost its soul, the Greek race soon lost its body as well. Drained of its
best strains, the diminished remnant bowed to foreign masters and
bastardized its blood with the hordes of inferior aliens who swarmed into
the land. By the time of the Roman conquest the Greeks were degenerate,
and the Roman epithet “Græculus” was a term of deserved contempt.
Thus perished the Greeks—the fairest slip that ever budded on the tree of
life. They perished by their own hands, in the flower of their youth, carrying
with them to the grave, unborn, potencies which might have blessed and
brightened the world for ages. Nature is inexorable. No living being stands
above her law; and protozoön or demigod, if they transgress, alike must die.
The Greek tragedy should be a warning to our own day. Despite many
unlikenesses, the nineteenth century was strangely reminiscent of the

Periclean age. In creative energy and fecund achievement, surely, its like
had not been seen since “the glory that was Greece,” and the way seemed
opening to yet higher destinies.
But the brilliant sunrise was presently dimmed by gathering clouds. The
birth of the twentieth century was attended with disquieting omens. The ills
which had afflicted the preceding epoch grew more acute, synchronizing
into an all-pervading, militant unrest. The spirit of change was in the air.
Ancient ideals and shibboleths withered before the fiery breath of a
destructive criticism, while the solid crust of tradition cracked and heaved
under the premonitory tremors of volcanic forces working far below.
Everywhere were seen bursting forth increasingly acute eruptions of human
energy: a triumph of the dynamic over the static elements of life; a growing
preference for violent and revolutionary, as contrasted with peaceful and
evolutionary, solutions, running the whole politico-social gamut from
“Imperialism” to “Syndicalism.” Everywhere could be discerned the spirit
of unrest setting the stage for the great catastrophe.
Grave disorders were simply inevitable. They might perhaps have been
localized. They might even have taken other forms. But the ills of our
civilization were too deep-seated to have avoided grave disturbances. The
Prussian plotters of “Weltmacht” did, indeed, precipitate the impending
crisis in its most virulent and concentrated form, yet after all they were but
sublimations of the abnormal trend of the times.
The best proof of this is the white world’s acutely pathological condition
during the entire decade previous to the Great War. That fierce quest after
alliances and mad piling-up of armaments; those paroxysmal “crises” which
racked diplomacy’s feverish frame; those ferocious struggles which
desolated the Balkans: what were all these but symptoms denoting a
consuming disease? To-day, by contrast, we think of the Great War as
having smitten a world basking in profound peace. What a delusion! Cast
back the mind’s eye, and recall how hectic was the eve of the Great War,
not merely in politics but in most other fields as well. Those opening
months of 1914! Why, Europe seethed from end to end! When the Great
War began, England was on the verge of civil strife, Russia was in the
throes of an acute social revolt, Italy had just passed through a “red week”
threatening anarchy, and every European country was suffering from grave

internal disorders. It was a strange, nightmarish time, that early summer of
1914, to-day quite overshadowed by subsequent events, but which later
generations will assign a proper place in the chain of world-history.
Well, Armageddon began and ran its horrid course. With the grim
chronology of those dreary years this book is not concerned. It is with the
aftermath that we here deal. And that is a sufficiently gloomy theme. The
material losses are prodigious, the vital losses appalling, while the spiritual
losses have well-nigh bankrupted the human soul.
Turning first to the material losses, they are of course in the broadest sense
incalculable, but approximate estimates have been made. Perhaps the best
of them is the analysis made by Professor Ernest L. Bogert, who places the
direct costs of the war at $186,000,000,000 and the indirect costs at
$151,000,000,000, thus arriving at the stupendous total of
$337,000,000,000. These well-nigh inconceivable estimates still do not
adequately represent the total losses, figured even in monetary terms, for, as
Professor Bogert remarks: “The figures presented in this summary are both
incomprehensible and appalling, yet even these do not take into account the
effect of the war on life, human vitality, economic well-being, ethics,
morality, or other phases of human relationships and activities which have
been disorganized and injured. It is evident from the present disturbances in
Europe that the real costs of the war cannot be measured by the direct
money outlays of the belligerents during the five years of its duration, but
that the very breakdown of modern economic society might be the price
exacted.”[101]
Yet prodigious as has been the destruction of wealth, the destruction of life
is even more serious. Wealth can sooner or later be replaced, while vital
losses are, by their very nature, irreparable. Never before were such masses
of men arrayed for mutual slaughter. During the late war nearly 60,000,000
soldiers were mobilized, and the combatants suffered 33,000,000 casualties,
of whom nearly 8,000,000 were killed or died of disease, nearly 19,000,000
were wounded, and 7,000,000 taken prisoners. The greatest sufferer was
Russia, which had over 9,000,000 casualties, while next in order came
Germany with 6,000,000 and France with 4,500,000 casualties. The British
Empire had 3,000,000 casualties. America’s losses were relatively slight,
our total casualties being a trifle under 300,000.

And this is only the beginning of the story. The figures just quoted refer
only to fighting men. They take no account of the civilian population. But
the civilian losses were simply incalculable, especially in eastern Europe
and the Ottoman Empire. It is estimated that for every soldier killed, five
civilians perished by hunger, exposure, disease, massacre, or heightened
infant mortality. The civilian deaths in Poland and Russia are placed at
many millions, while other millions died in Turkey and Serbia through
massacre and starvation. One item alone will give some idea of the wastage
of human life during the war. The deaths beyond the normal mortality due
to influenza and pneumonia induced by the war are estimated at 4,000,000.
The total loss of life directly attributable to the war is probably fully
40,000,000, while if decreased birth-rates be added the total would rise to
nearly 50,000,000. Furthermore, so far as civilian deaths are concerned, the
terrible conditions prevailing over a great part of Europe since the close of
1918 have caused additional losses relatively as severe as those during the
war years.
The way in which Europe’s population has been literally decimated by the
late war is shown by the example of France. In 1914 the population of
France was 39,700,000. From this relatively moderate population nearly
8,000,000 men were mobilized during the war. Of these, nearly 1,400,000
were killed, 3,000,000 were wounded, and more than 400,000 were made
prisoners. Of the wounded, between 800,000 and 900,000 were left
permanent physical wrecks. Thus fully 2,000,000 men—mostly drawn from
the flower of French manhood—were dead or hopelessly incapacitated.
Meanwhile, the civilian population was also shrinking. Omitting the civilian
deaths in the northern departments under German occupation, the excess of
deaths over births was more than 50,000 for 1914, and averaged nearly
300,000 for the four succeeding war years. And the most alarming feature
was that these losses were mainly due, not to deaths of adults, but to a
slump in the birth-rate. French births, which had been 600,000 in 1913,
dropped to 315,000 in 1916 and 343,000 in 1917. All told, it seems
probable that between 1913 and 1919 the population of France diminished
by almost 3,000,000—nearly one-tenth of the entire population.
France’s vital losses are only typical of what has to a greater or less extent
occurred all over Europe. The disgenic effect of the Great War is simply

appalling. The war was nothing short of a headlong plunge into white race-
suicide. It was essentially a civil war between closely related white stocks; a
war wherein every physical and mental effective was gathered up and
hurled into a hell of lethal machinery which killed out unerringly the
youngest, the bravest, and the best.
Even in the first frenzied hours of August, 1914, wise men realized the
horror that stood upon the threshold. The crowd might cheer, but the
reflective already mourned in prospect the losses which were in store. As
the English writer Harold Begbie then said: “Remember this. Among the
young conscript soldiers of Europe who will die in thousands, and perhaps
millions, are the very flower of civilization; we shall destroy brains which
might have discovered for us in ten or twenty years easements for the worst
of human pains and solutions for the worst of social dangers. We shall blot
those souls out of our common existence. We shall destroy utterly those
splendid burning spirits reaching out to enlighten our darkness. Our fathers
destroyed those strange and valuable creatures whom they called ‘witches.’
We are destroying the brightest of our angels.”[102]
But it is doubtful if any of these seers realized the full price which the race
was destined to pay during more than four long, agonizing years. Never
before had war shown itself such an unerring gleaner of the best racial
values. As early as the summer of 1915 Mr. Will Irwin, an American war
correspondent, remarked the growing convictions among all classes,
soldiers as well as civilians, that the war was fatally impoverishing the race.
“I have talked,” he wrote, “with British officers and British Tommies, with
English ladies of fashion and English housewives, with French deputies and
French cabmen, and in all minds alike I find the same idea fixed—what is
to become of the French race and the British race, yes, and the German
race, if this thing keeps up?”
Mr. Irwin then goes on to describe the cumulative process by which the
fittest were selected—for death.
“I take it for granted,” he says, “that, in a general way, the bravest are the
best, physically and spiritually. Now, in this war of machinery, this meat-
mill, it is the bravest who lead the charges and attempt the daring feats, and,
correspondingly, the loss is greatest among those bravest.

“So much when the army gets into line. But in the conscript countries, like
France and Germany, there is a process of selection in picking the army by
which the best—speaking in general terms—go out to die, while the
weakest remain. The undersized, the undermuscled, the underbrained, the
men twisted by hereditary deformity or devitalized by hereditary disease—
they remain at home to propagate the breed. The rest—all the rest—go out
to take chances.
“Furthermore, as modern conscript armies are organized, it is the youngest
men who sustain the heaviest losses—the men who are not yet fathers. And
from the point of view of the race, that is, perhaps, the most melancholy
fact of all.
“All the able-bodied men between the ages of nineteen and forty-five are in
the ranks. But the older men do not take many chances with death.... These
European conscript armies are arranged in classes according to age, and the
younger classes are the men who do most of the actual fighting. The men in
their late thirties or their forties, the ‘territorials,’ guard the lines, garrison
the towns, generally attend to the business of running up the supplies. When
we come to gather the statistics of this war we shall find that an
overwhelming majority of the dead were less than thirty years old, and
probably that the majority were under twenty-five. Now, the territorial of
forty or forty-five has usually given to the state as many children as he is
going to give, while the man of twenty-five or under has usually given the
state no children at all.”[103]
Mr. Irwin was gauging the racial cost by the criterion of youth. A leading
English scholar, Mr. H. A. L. Fisher, obtained equally alarming results by
applying the test of genius. He analyzed the casualty lists “filled with names
which, but for the fatal accidents of war, would certainly have been made
illustrious for splendid service to the great cause of life.... A government
actuated by a cold calculus of economic efficiency would have made some
provision for sheltering from the hazards of war young men on whose
exceptional intellectual powers our future progress might be thought to
depend. But this has not been done, and it is impossible to estimate the
extent to which the world will be impoverished in quality by the
disappearance of so much youthful genius and talent.... The spiritual loss to
the universe cannot be computed, and probably will exceed the injury

inflicted on the world by the wide and protracted prevalence of the celibate
orders in the Middle Ages.”[104]
The American biologist S. K. Humphrey did not underestimate the extent of
the slaughter of genius-bearing strains when he wrote: “It is safe to say that
among the millions killed will be a million who are carrying superlatively
effective inheritances—the dependence of the race’s future. Nothing is more
absurd than the notion that these inheritances can be replaced in a few
generations by encouraging the fecundity of the survivors. They are gone
forever. The survivors are going to reproduce their own less-valuable kind.
Words fail to convey the appalling nature of the loss.”[105]
It is the same melancholy tale when we apply the test of race. Of course the
war bore heavily on all the white race-stocks, but it was the Nordics—the
best of all human breeds—who suffered far and away the greatest losses.
War, as we have seen, was always the Nordic’s deadliest scourge, and never
was this truer than in the late struggle. From the racial standpoint, indeed,
Armageddon was a Nordic civil war, most of the officers and a large
proportion of the men on both sides belonging to the Nordic race.
Everywhere it was the same story: the Nordic went forth eagerly to battle,
while the more stolid Alpine and, above all, the little brunet Mediterranean
either stayed at home or even when at the front showed less fighting spirit,
took fewer chances, and oftener saved their skins.
The Great War has thus unquestionably left Europe much poorer in Nordic
blood, while conversely it has relatively favored the Mediterraneans.
Madison Grant well says: “As in all wars since Roman times, from the
breeding point of view the little dark man is the final winner.”[106]
Furthermore, it must be remembered that those disgenic effects which I
have been discussing refer solely to losses inflicted upon the actual
combatants. But we have already seen that for every soldier killed the war
took five civilian lives. In fact, the war’s profoundly devitalizing effects
upon the general population can hardly be overestimated. Those effects
include not merely such obvious matters as privation and disease, but also
obscurer yet highly destructive factors like nervous shock and prolonged
overstrain. To take merely one instance, consider Havelock Ellis’s remarks
concerning “the ever-widening circles of anguish and misery and destitution

which every fatal bullet imposes on humanity.” He concludes: “It is
probable that for every 10,000,000 soldiers who fall on the field,
50,000,000 other persons at home are plunged into grief, or poverty, or
some form of life-diminishing trouble.”[107]
Most serious has been the war’s effect upon the children. At home, as at the
front, it is the young who have been sacrificed. The heaviest civilian losses
have come through increased infant mortality and decreased birth-rates. The
“slaughter of the innocents” has thus been twofold: it has slain millions of
those already alive, and it has prevented millions more from being born or
conceived. The decreased fecundity of women during the war even under
good material conditions apparently shows that war’s psychological
reflexes tend to induce sterility.
An Italian savant, Professor Sergi, has elaborated this hypothesis in
considerable detail. He contends that “war continued for a long time is the
origin of this phenomenon (relative sterility), not only in the absolute sense
of the loss of men in battle, but also through a series of special conditions
which arise simultaneously with an unbalancing of vital processes and
which create in the latter a complex phenomenon difficult to examine in
every one of its elements.
“The biological disturbance does not derive solely from the destruction of
young lives, the ones best adapted to fecundity, but also from the
unfavorable conditions into which a nation is unexpectedly thrown; from
these come disorders of a mental and sentimental nature, nervousness,
anxiety, grief, and pain of all kinds, to which the serious economic
conditions of war-time also contribute; all these things have a harmful effect
on the general organic economy of nations.”[108]
From the combination of these losses on the battle-field and in the cradle
arises what the biologist Doctor Saleeby terms “the menace of the dearth of
youth.” The European populations to-day contain an undue proportion of
adults and the aged, while “the younger generation is no longer knocking at
the door. We senescents may grow old in peace; but the facts bode ill for
our national future.”[109]
Furthermore, this “dearth of youth” will not be easily repaired. The war
may be over, but its aftermath is only a degree less unfavorable to human

multiplication, especially of the better kinds. Bad industrial conditions and
the fearfully high cost of living continue to depress the birth-rate of all save
the most reckless and improvident elements, whose increase is a curse
rather than a blessing.
To show only one of the many causes that to-day keep down the birth-rate,
take the crushing burden of taxation, which hits especially the increase of
the upper classes. The London Saturday Review recently explained this very
clearly when it wrote: “From a man with £2,000 a year the tax-gatherer
takes £600. The remaining £1,400, owing to the decreased value of money,
has a purchasing power about equal to £700 a year before the war. No
young man will therefore think of marrying on less than £2,000 a year. We
are thinking of the young man in the upper and middle classes. The man
who starts with nothing does not, as a rule, arrive at £2,000 a year until he is
past the marrying age. So the continuance of the species will be carried on
almost exclusively by the class of manual workers of a low average caliber
of brain. The matter is very serious. Reading the letters and memoirs of a
hundred years ago, one is struck by the size of the families of the
aristocracy. One smiles at reading of the overflowing nurseries of Edens,
and Cokes, and Fitzgeralds. Fourteen or fifteen children were not at all
unusual amongst the county families.”[110]
Europe’s convalescence must, at the very best, be a slow and difficult one.
Both materially and spiritually the situation is the reverse of bright. To
begin with, the political situation is highly unsatisfactory. The diplomatic
arrangements made by the Versailles Peace Conference offer neither
stability nor permanence. In the next chapter I shall have more to say about
the Versailles Conference. For the moment, let me quote the observations of
the well-known British publicist J. L. Garvin, who adequately summarizes
the situation when he says: “As matters stand, no great war ever was
followed by a more disquieting and limited peace. Everywhere the
democratic atmosphere is charged with agitation. There is still war or
anarchy, or both, between the Baltic and the Pacific across a sixth part of
the whole earth. Without a restored Russia no outlook can be confident.
Either a Bolshevist or reactionary or even a patriotic junction between
Germany and Russia might disrupt civilization as violently as before or to
even worse effect.”[111]

Political uncertainty is a poor basis on which to rebuild Europe’s shattered
economic life. And this economic reconstruction would, under the most
favorable circumstances, be very difficult. We have already seen how,
owing to the industrial revolution, Europe became the world’s chief
workshop, exporting manufactured products in return for foodstuffs to feed
its workers and raw materials to feed its machines, these imports being
drawn from the four quarters of the globe. In other words, Europe had
ceased to be self-sufficing, the very life of its industries and its urban
populations being dependent upon foreign importations from the most
distant regions. Europe’s prosperity before the war was due to the
development of a marvellous system of world-trade; intricate, nicely
adjusted, functioning with great efficiency, and running at high speed.
Then down upon this delicately organized mechanism crashed the trip-
hammer of the Great War, literally smashing it to pieces. To reconstruct so
intricate a fabric takes time. Meanwhile, how are the huge urban masses to
live, unfitted and unable as they are to draw their sustenance from their
native soil? If their sufferings become too great there is a real danger that all
Europe may collapse into hopeless chaos. Mr. Frank A. Vanderlip did not
overstate the danger when he wrote: “I believe it is possible that there may
be let loose in Europe forces that will be more terribly destructive than have
been the forces of the Great War.”[112]
The best description of Europe’s economic situation is undoubtedly that of
Mr. Herbert Hoover, who, from his experience as inter-Allied food
controller, is peculiarly qualified to pass authoritative judgment. Says Mr.
Hoover:
“The economic difficulties of Europe as a whole at the signature of peace
may be almost summarized in the phrase ‘demoralized productivity.’ The
production of necessaries for this 450,000,000 population (including
Russia) has never been at so low an ebb as at this day.
“A summary of the unemployment bureaus in Europe will show that
15,000,000 families are receiving unemployment allowances in one form or
another, and are, in the main, being paid by constant inflation of currency. A
rough estimate would indicate that the population of Europe is at least
100,000,000 greater than can be supported without imports, and must live

by the production and distribution of exports; and their situation is
aggravated not only by lack of raw materials, and imports, but also by low
production of European raw materials. Due to the same low production,
Europe is to-day importing vast quantities of certain commodities which
she formerly produced for herself and can again produce. Generally, in
production, she is not only far below even the level of the time of the
signing of the armistice, but far below the maintenance of life and health
without an unparalleled rate of import....
“From all these causes, accumulated to different intensity in different
localities, there is the essential fact that, unless productivity can be rapidly
increased, there can be nothing but political, moral, and economic chaos,
finally interpreting itself in loss of life on a scale hitherto undreamed
of.”[113]
Such are the material and vital losses inflicted by the Great War. They are
prodigious, and they will not easily be repaired. Europe starts its
reconstruction under heavy handicaps, not the least of these being the drain
upon its superior stocks, which has deprived it of much of the creative
energy that it so desperately needs. Those 16,000,000 or more dead or
incapacitated soldiers represented the flower of Europe’s young manhood—
the very men who are especially needed to-day. It is young men who
normally alone possess both maximum driving power and maximum
plasticity of mind. All the European belligerents are dangerously
impoverished in their stock of youth. The resultant handicap both to
Europe’s working ability and Europe’s brain-activity is only too plain.
Moreover, material and even vital losses do not tell the whole story. The
moral and spiritual losses, though not easily measured, are perhaps even
more appalling. In fact, the darkest cloud on the horizon is possibly the
danger that reconstruction will be primarily material at the expense of moral
and spiritual values, thus leading to a warped development even more
pronounced than that of the nineteenth century and leading inevitably to yet
more disastrous consequences.
The danger of purely material reconstruction is of course the peril which
lurks behind every great war, and which in the past has wrought such tragic
havoc. At the beginning of the late war we heard much talk of its morally

“regenerative” effects, but as the grim holocaust went on year after year,
far-sighted moralists warned against a fatal drain of Europe’s idealistic
forces which might break the thin crust of European civilization so
painfully wrought since the Dark Ages.
That these warning voices were not without reason is proved by the chaos
of spiritual, moral, and even intellectual values which exists in Europe to-
day, giving play to such monstrous insanities as Bolshevism. The danger is
that this chaos may be prolonged and deepened by the complex of two
concurrent factors: spiritual drain during the war, and spiritual neglect in the
immediate future due to overconcentration upon material reconstruction.
Many of the world’s best minds are seriously concerned at the outlook. For
example, Doctor Gore, the Bishop of Oxford, writes: “There is the usual
depression and lowering of moral aims which always follows times of war.
For the real terror of the time of war is not during the war; then war has
certain very ennobling powers. It is after-war periods which are the curse of
the world, and it looks as if the same were going to prove true of this war. I
own that I never felt anxiety such as I do now. I think the aspect of things
has never been so dark as at this moment. I think the temper of the nations
has degraded since the declaration of the armistice to a degree that is almost
terrifying.”[114]
The intellectual impoverishment wrought by the war is well summarized by
Professor C. G. Shaw. “We did more before the war than we shall do after
it,” he writes. “War will have so exhausted man’s powers of action and
thought that he will have little wit or will left for the promotion of anything
over and above necessary repair.”[115]
Europe’s general impoverishment in all respects was vividly portrayed by a
leading article of the London Saturday Review entitled “The True
Destructiveness of War.” Pointing to the devastated areas of northern France
as merely symptomatic of the devastation wrought in spiritual as well as
material fields, it said:
“Reflection only adds to the effect upon us of these miles of wasted country
and ruined towns. All this represents not a thousandth part of the desolation
which the war has brought upon our civilization. These devastated areas
scarring the face of Europe are but a symbol of the desolation which will

shadow the life of the world for at least a generation. The coming years will
be bleak, in respect of all the generous and gracious things which are the
products of leisure and of minds not wholly taken up by the necessity to
live by bread alone. For a generation the world will have to concentrate
upon material problems.
“The tragedy of the Great War—a tragedy which enhances the desolation of
Rheims—is that it should have killed almost everything which the best of
our soldiers died to preserve, and that it should have raised more problems
than it has solved.
“We would sacrifice a dozen cathedrals to preserve what the war has
destroyed in England.... We would readily surrender our ten best cathedrals
to be battered by the artillery of Hindenburg as a ransom. Surely it would be
better to lose Westminster Abbey than never again to have anybody worthy
to be buried there.”[116]
Europe is, indeed, passing through the most critical spiritual phase of the
war’s aftermath—what I may term the zero hour of the spirit. When the
trenches used to fill with infantry waiting in the first cold flicker of the
dawn for the signal to go “over the top,” they called it the “zero hour.” Well,
Europe now faces the zero hour of peace. It is neither a pleasant nor a
stimulating moment. The “tumult and the shouting” have died. The
captains, kings—and presidents—have departed. War’s hectic urge wanes,
losses are counted, the heroic pose is dropped. Such is the moment when
the peoples are bidden to go “over the top” once more, this time toward
peace objectives no less difficult than those of the battle-field. Weakened,
tired Europe knows this, feels this—and dreads the plunge into the
unknown. Hence the malaise of the zero hour.
The extraordinary turmoil of the European soul is strikingly set forth by the
French thinker Paul Valéry.
“We civilizations,” he writes, “now know that we are mortal. We had heard
tell of whole worlds vanished, of empires gone to the bottom with all their
engines; sunk to the inexplorable bottom of the centuries with their gods
and their laws, their academies, their science, pure and applied; their
grammars, their dictionaries, their classics, their romantics and their
symbolists, their critics and their critics’ critics. We knew well that all the

apparent earth is made of ashes, and that ashes have a meaning. We
perceived, through the mists of history, phantoms and huge ships laden with
riches and spiritual things. We could not count them. But these wrecks, after
all, were no concern of ours.
“Elam, Nineveh, Babylon were vague and lovely names, and the total ruin
of these worlds meant as little to us as their very existence. But France,
England, Russia—these would also be lovely names. Lusitania also is a
lovely name. And now we see that the abyss of history is large enough for
every one. We feel that a civilization is as fragile as a life. Circumstances
which would send the works of Baudelaire and Keats to rejoin the works of
Menander are no longer in the least inconceivable; they are in all the
newspapers....
“Thus the spiritual Persepolis is ravaged equally with the material Susa. All
is not lost, but everything has felt itself perish.
“An extraordinary tremor has run through the spinal marrow of Europe. It
has felt, in all its thinking substance, that it recognized itself no longer, that
it no longer resembled itself, that it was about to lose consciousness—a
consciousness acquired by centuries of tolerable disasters, by thousands of
men of the first rank, by geographical, racial, historical chances
innumerable....
“The military crisis is perhaps at an end; the economic crisis is visibly at its
zenith; but the intellectual crisis—it is with difficulty that we can seize its
true centre, its exact phase. The facts, however, are clear and pitiless: there
are thousands of young writers and young artists who are dead. There is the
lost illusion of a European culture, and the demonstration of the impotence
of knowledge to save anything whatever; there is science, mortally
wounded in its moral ambitions, and, as it were, dishonored by its
applications; there is idealism, victor with difficulty, grievously mutilated,
responsible for its dreams; realism, deceived, beaten, with crimes and
misdeeds heaped upon it; covetousness and renunciation equally put out;
religions confused among the armies, cross against cross, crescent against
crescent; there are the sceptics themselves, disconcerted by events so
sudden, so violent, and so moving, which play with our thoughts as a cat

with a mouse—the sceptics lose their doubts, rediscover them, lose them
again, and can no longer make use of the movements of their minds.
“The rolling of the ship has been so heavy that at the last the best-hung
lamps have been upset.
“From an immense terrace of Elsinore which extends from Basle to
Cologne, and touches the sands of Nieuport, the marshes of the Somme, the
chalk of Champagne, and the granite of Alsace, the Hamlet of Europe now
looks upon millions of ghosts.”[117]
Such is Europe’s deplorable condition as she staggers forth from the
hideous ordeal of the Great War; her fluid capital dissipated, her fixed
capital impaired, her industrial fabric rent and tattered, her finances
threatened with bankruptcy, the flower of her manhood dead on the battle-
field, her populations devitalized and discouraged, her children stunted by
malnutrition. A sombre picture.
And Europe is the white homeland, the heart of the white world. It is
Europe that has suffered practically all the losses of Armageddon, which
may be considered the white civil war. The colored world remains virtually
unscathed.
Here is the truth of the matter: The white world to-day stands at the
crossroads of life and death. It stands where the Greek world stood at the
close of the Peloponnesian War. A fever has racked the white frame and
undermined its constitution. The unsound therapeutics of its diplomatic
practitioners retard convalescence and endanger real recovery. Worst of all,
the instinct of race-solidarity has partially atrophied.
Grave as is the situation, it is not yet irreparable, any more than Greece’s
condition was hopeless after Ægospotami. It was not the Peloponnesian War
which sealed Hellas’s doom, but the cycle of political anarchy and moral
chaos of which the Peloponnesian War was merely the opening phase. Our
world is too vigorous for even the Great War, of itself, to prove a mortal
wound.
The white world thus still has its choice. But it must be a positive choice.
Decisions—firm decisions—must be made. Constructive measures—drastic
measures—must be taken. Above all: time presses, and drift is fatal. The

tide ebbs. The swimmer must put forth strong strokes to reach the shore.
Else—swift oblivion in the dark ocean.

CHAPTER IX

THE SHATTERING OF WHITE SOLIDARITY
The instinctive comity of the white peoples is, as I have already said,
perhaps the greatest constant of history. It is the psychological basis of
white civilization. Cohesive instinct is as vital to race as gravitation is to
matter. Without them, atomic disintegration would alike result. In speaking
of race-instinct, I am not referring merely to the ethnic theories that have
been elaborated at various times. Those theories were, after all, but attempts
to explain intellectually the urge of that profound emotion known to
sociologists as the “consciousness of kind.”
White race-consciousness has been of course perturbed by numberless
internal frictions, which have at times produced partial inhibitions of
unitary feeling. Nevertheless, when really faced by non-white opposition,
white men have in the past instinctively tended to close their ranks against
the common foe. One of the Great War’s most deplorable results has been
an unprecedented weakening of white solidarity which, if not repaired, may
produce the most disastrous consequences.
During the nineteenth century the sentiment of white solidarity was strong.
The great explorers and empire-builders who spread white ascendancy to
the ends of the earth felt that they were apostles of their race and
civilization as well as of a particular country. Rivalries might be keen and
colonial boundary questions acute; nevertheless, in their calmer moments,
the white peoples felt that the expansion of one white nation buttressed the
expansion of all.
Professor Pearson undoubtedly voiced the spirit of the day when he wrote
(about 1890) that it would be well “if European statesmen could understand
that the wars which carry desolation into civilized countries are allowing
the lower races to recruit their numbers and strength. Two centuries hence it
may be matter of serious concern to the world if Russia has been displaced
by China on the Amoor, if France has not been able to colonize North

Africa, or if England is not holding India. For civilized men there can be
only one fatherland, and whatever extends the influence of those races that
have taken their faith from Palestine, their laws of beauty from Greece, and
their civil law from Rome, ought to be matter of rejoicing to Russian,
German, Anglo-Saxon, and Frenchman alike.”[118]
The progress of science also fortified white race-consciousness with its
sanctions. The researches of European scholars identified the founders of
our civilization with a race of tall, white-skinned barbarians, possessing
regular features, brown or blond hair, and light eyes. This was, of course,
what we now know as the Nordic type. At first the problem was ill
understood, the tests applied being language and culture rather than
physical characteristics. For these reasons the early “Caucasian” and
“Aryan” hypotheses were self-contradictory and inadequate. Nevertheless,
the basis was sound, and the effects on white popular psychology were
excellent.
Particularly good were the effects upon the peoples predominantly of
Nordic blood. Obviously typifying as they did the prehistoric creators of
white civilization, Nordics everywhere were strengthened in consciousness
of genetic worth, feeling of responsibility for world-progress, and urge
toward fraternal collaboration. The supreme value of Nordic blood was
clearly analyzed by the French thinker Count Arthur de Gobineau as early
as 1854[119] (albeit Gobineau employed the misleading “Aryan”
terminology), and his thesis was subsequently elaborated by many other
writers, notably by Englishmen, Germans, and Scandinavians.
The results of all this were plainly apparent by the closing years of the
nineteenth century. Quickened Nordic race-consciousness played an
important part in stimulating Anglo-American fraternization, and induced
acts like the Oxford Scholarship legacy of Cecil Rhodes. The trend of this
movement, though cross-cut by nationalistic considerations, was clearly in
the direction of a Nordic entente—a Pan-Nordic syndication of power for
the safeguarding of the race-heritage and the harmonious evolution of the
whole white world. It was a glorious aspiration, which, had it been realized,
would have averted Armageddon.

Unfortunately the aspiration remained a dream. The ill-balanced tendencies
of the late nineteenth century were against it, and they ultimately prevailed.
The abnormal growth of national-imperialism, in particular, wrought fatal
havoc. The exponents of imperialistic propagandas like Pan-Germanism
and Pan-Slavism put forth literally boundless pretensions, planning the
domination of the entire planet by their special brand of national-
imperialism. Such men had scant regard for race-lines. All who stood
outside their particular nationalistic group were vowed to the same
subjection.
Indeed, the national-imperialists presently seized upon race teachings, and
prostituted them to their own ends. A notable example of this is the extreme
Pan-German propaganda of Houston Stewart Chamberlain[120] and his
fellows. Chamberlain makes two cardinal assumptions: he conceives
modern Germany as racially almost purely Nordic; and he regards all
Nordics outside the German linguistic-cultural group as either unconscious
or renegade Teutons who must at all costs be brought into the German fold.
To any one who understands the scientific realities of race, the monstrous
absurdity of these assumptions is instantly apparent. The fact is that modern
Germany, far from being purely Nordic, is mainly Alpine in race. Nordic
blood preponderates only in the northwest, and is merely veneered over the
rest of Germany, especially in the upper classes. While the Germania of
Roman days was unquestionably a Nordic land, it has been computed that
of the 70,000,000 inhabitants of the German Empire in 1914, only
9,000,000 were purely Nordic in character. This displacement of the
German Nordics since classic times is chiefly due to Germany’s troubled
history, especially to the horrible Thirty Years’ War which virtually
annihilated the Nordics of south Germany. This racial displacement has
wrought correspondingly profound changes in the character of the German
people.
The truth of the matter is, of course, that the Pan-Germans were thinking in
terms of nationality instead of race, and that they were using pseudo-racial
arguments as camouflage for essentially political ends. The pity of it is that
these arguments have had such disastrous repercussions in the genuine
racial sphere. The late war has not only exploded Pan-Germanism, it has
also discredited Nordic race-feeling, so unjustly confused by many persons
with Pan-German nationalistic propaganda. Such persons should remember

that the overwhelming majority of Nordics live outside of Germany, being
mainly found in Scandinavia, the Anglo-Saxon countries, northern France,
the Netherlands, and Baltic Russia. To let Teuton propaganda gull us into
thinking of Germany as the Nordic fatherland is both a danger and an
absurdity.
While Pan-Germanism was mainly responsible for precipitating
Armageddon with all its disastrous consequences, it was Russian Pan-
Slavism which dealt the first shrewd blow to white solidarity. Toward the
close of the nineteenth century, Pan-Slavism’s “Eastern” wing, led by
Prince Ukhtomsky and other chauvinists of his ilk, went so far in its
imperialistic obsession as actually to deny Russia’s white blood. These Pan-
Slavists boldly proclaimed the morbid, mystical dogma that Russia was
Asiatic, not European, and thereupon attempted to seize China as a lever for
upsetting, first the rest of Asia, and then the non-Russian white world—
elegantly described as “the rotten west.” The white Power immediately
menaced was, of course, England, who in acute fear for her Indian Empire,
promptly riposted by allying herself with Japan. Russia was diplomatically
isolated and militarily beaten in the Russo-Japanese War. Thus the Russo-
Japanese War, that destroyer of white prestige whose ominous results we
have already noted, was precipitated mainly by the reckless short-
sightedness of white men themselves.
A second blow to white solidarity was presently administered—this time by
England in concluding her second alliance-treaty with Japan. The original
alliance, signed in 1902, was negotiated for a definite, limited objective—
the checkmating of Russia’s over-weening imperialism. Even that
instrument was dangerous, but under the circumstances it was justifiable
and inevitable. The second alliance-treaty, however, was so general and far-
reaching in character that practically all white men in the Far East,
including most emphatically Englishmen themselves, pronounced it a great
disaster.
Meanwhile, German imperialism was plotting even deadlier strokes at
white race-comity, not merely by preparing war against white neighbors in
Europe, but also by ingratiating itself with the Moslem East and by toying
with schemes for building up a black military empire in central Africa.

Lastly, France was actually recruiting black, brown, and yellow hordes for
use on European battle-fields; while Italy, by her buccaneering raid on
Tripoli, outraged Islam’s sense of justice and strained its patience to the
breaking-point.
Thus, in the years preceding Armageddon, all the European Powers
displayed a reckless absorption in particularistic ambitions and showed a
callous indifference to larger race-interests. The rapid weakening of white
solidarity was clearly apparent.
However, white solidarity, though diplomatically compromised, was
emotionally not yet really undermined. Those dangerous games above
mentioned were largely the work of cynical chancelleries and ultra-
imperialist propagandas. The average European, whatever his nationality,
still tended to react instinctively against such practices. This was shown by
the sharp criticism which arose from the most varied quarters. For example:
Russia and Britain were alike sternly taken to task both at home and abroad
for their respective Far Eastern policies; proposed German alliances with
Pan-Islamism and Japan preached by disciples of Machtpolitik were
strenuously opposed as race-treason by powerful sections of German
thought; while Italy’s Tripolitan imbroglio was generally denounced as the
most foolhardy trifling with the common European interest.
A good illustration of instinctive white solidarity in the early years of the
twentieth century is a French journalist’s description of the attitude of the
white spectators (of various nationalities) gathered to watch the landing in
Japan of the first Russian prisoners taken in the Russo-Japanese War. This
writer depicts in moving language the literally horrifying effect of the
spectacle upon himself and his fellows. “What a triumph,” he exclaims,
“what a revenge for the little Nippons to see thus humiliated these big,
splendid men who, for them, represented, not only Russians, but those
Europeans whom they so detest! This scene tragic in its simplicity, this grief
passing amid joy, these whites, vanquished and captives, defiling before
those free and triumphant yellows—this was not Russia beaten by Japan,
not the defeat of one nation by another; it was something new, enormous,
prodigious; it was the victory of one world over another; it was the revenge
which effaced the centuries of humiliations borne by Asia; it was the
awakening hope of the Oriental peoples; it was the first blow given to the

other race, to that accursed race of the West, which, for so many years, had
triumphed without even having to struggle. And the Japanese crowd felt all
this, and the few other Asiatics who found themselves there shared in this
triumph. The humiliation of these whites was solemn, frightful. I
completely forgot that these captives were Russians, and I would add that
the other Europeans there, though anti-Russian, felt the same malaise: they
also were forced to feel that these captives were their own kind. When we
took the train for Kobè, an instinctive solidarity drove us huddling into the
same compartment.”[121]
Thus white solidarity, while unquestionably weakened, was still a weighty
factor down to August, 1914. But the first shots of Armageddon saw white
solidarity literally blown from the muzzles of the guns. An explosion of
internecine hatred burst forth more intense and general than any ever known
before. Both sets of combatants proclaimed a duel to the death; both sides
vowed the enemy to something near annihilation; while even scientists and
littérateurs, disrupting the ancient commonwealths of wisdom and beauty,
put one another furiously to the ban.
In their savage death-grapple neither side hesitated for an instant to grasp at
any weapon, whatever the ultimate consequences to the race. The Allies
poured into white Europe colored hordes of every pigment under the sun;
the Teutonic Powers wielded Pan-Islam as a besom of wrath to sweep clean
every white foothold in Hither Asia and North Africa; while far and wide
over the Dark Continent black armies fought for their respective masters—
and learned the hidden weakness of the white man’s power. In the Far East,
Japan, left to her own devices, bent amorphous China to her imperious will,
thereby raising up a potential menace for the entire earth. Every day the tide
of intestine hatred within the white world rose higher, until the very concept
of a common blood and cultural past seemed in danger of being blotted out.
A symposium of the “hate literature” of the Great War is fortunately no part
of my task, but the reader will readily recall both its abysmal fury and its
irreconcilable implications. The most appalling feature was the way in
which many writers assumed that this state of mind would be permanent;
that the end of the Great War might be only the beginning of a war-cycle
leading to the utter disruption of white solidarity and civilization. In the
spring of 1916, the London Nation remarked gloomily: “Europe is now

being mentally conceived as inevitably and permanently dual. We are
ceasing to think of Europe. The normal end of war (which is peace) is to be
submerged in the idea of a war-series indefinitely prolonged. Soon the
entire Continent will have but one longing—the longing for rest. The cup is
to be dashed from its lips! For a world steeped in fear and ruled by the
barren logomachy of hate, diplomatic intercourse would almost cease to be
possible.... In the matter of culture, modern Europe would tend to relapse to
a state inferior even to that of mediæval Europe, and to sink far below that
of the Renaissance.”[122]
In similar vein, the noted German historian Eduard Meyer[123] predicted
that Armageddon was only the first of a long series of Anglo-German
“Punic Wars” in which modern civilization would retrograde to a condition
of semi-barbarism. Germany, according to this prophecy, would be the
victor—but a Pyrrhic victor, for the colored races, taking advantage of
white decadence, would destroy European supremacy and involve all the
white nations in a common ruin.
The ulcerated state of European war-psychology did, in fact, lend ominous
emphasis to these gloomy prognostications. Before 1914, as we have seen,
imperialistic trafficking with common race-interests usually roused wide-
spread criticism, while even more, the use of colored troops in white
quarrels always roused bitter popular condemnation. In the darkest hours of
the Boer War, English public opinion had refused to sanction the use of
either black African or brown Indian troops against the white foe, while
French plans for raising black armies of African savages for use in Europe
were almost universally reprobated. Before Armageddon there thus existed
a genuine moral repugnance against settling domestic differences by calling
in the alien without the gates.
The Great War, however, sent all such scruples promptly into the discard.
Not only did the belligerent governments use all the colored troops they
could equip, but the belligerent peoples hailed this action with unqualified
approval. The Allies were of course the more successful in practice, but the
Germans were just as eager, and the exertions of the Prussian General
Liman von Sanders actually got Turkish divisions to the European battle-
fronts.

The psychological effect of these colored auxiliaries in deepening the hatred
of the white combatants was deplorable. Germany’s use of Turks raised
among the Allies wrathful emotions reminiscent of the Crusades, while the
havoc wrought in the Teutonic ranks by black Senegalese and yellow
Gurkhas, together with Allied utterances like Lord Curzon’s wish to see
Bengal lancers on the Unter den Linden and Gurkhas camping at Sans
Souci, so maddened the German people that the very suggestion of white
solidarity was jeeringly scoffed at as the most idiotic sentimentality.
Here is a German officer’s account of a Senegalese attack on his position,
which vividly depicts the mingled horror and fury awakened in German
hearts by these black opponents: “They came. First singly, at wide intervals.
Feeling their way, like the arms of a horrible cuttlefish. Eager, grasping, like
the claws of a mighty monster. Thus they rushed closer, flickering and
sometimes disappearing in the cloud. Entire bodies and single limbs, now
showing in the harsh glare, now sinking in the shadows, came nearer and
nearer. Strong, wild fellows, their log-like, fat, black skulls wrapped in
pieces of dirty rags. Showing their grinning teeth like panthers, with their
bellies drawn in and their necks stretched forward. Some with bayonets on
their rifles. Many only armed with knives. Monsters all, in their confused
hatred. Frightful their distorted, dark grimaces. Horrible their unnaturally
wide-opened, burning, bloodshot eyes. Eyes that seem like terrible beings
themselves. Like unearthly, hell-born beings. Eyes that seemed to run ahead
of their owners, lashed, unchained, no longer to be restrained. On they came
like dogs gone mad and cats spitting and yowling, with a burning lust for
human blood, with a cruel dissemblance of their beastly malice. Behind
them came the first wave of the attackers, in close order, a solid, rolling
black wall, rising and falling, swaying and heaving, impenetrable,
endless.”[124]
Here, again, is the proposal of a British officer, to raise a million black
savages from England’s African colonies for use on the Western Front.
Major Stuart-Stephens exults in Britain’s “almost unlimited reservoir of
African man-power.” In northern Nigeria alone, he remarks, there are to-
day more than 700,000 warlike tribesmen. “Let them be used!” says the
major. “These ‘bonny fechters’ are now engaged in the pastoral arts of
peace. But I would make bold to assert that a couple of hundred thousand
could, after six months’ training, be usefully employed in daredevil charges

into German trenches.” Major Stuart-Stephens hopes that at least the
Sudanese battalions will be transferred en masse to the Western Front.
“This,” he concludes, “would mean the placing at once in the trenches of,
say, 70,000 big, lusty coal-black devils, the time of whose life is the
wielding of the bayonet, and whose advent would not be regarded by the
Boches as a pleasing omen of more to come of the same sort.”[125]
The military possibilities are truly engaging! There are literally tens of
millions of fighting blacks and scores of millions of fighting Asiatics now
living under white rule who could conceivably be armed and shipped to
European battle-fields. After which, of course, Europe, the white homeland,
would be—a queer place.
Fortunately for our race, the late war did not see this sort of thing carried to
its logical conclusion. But the harm done was bad enough. The white world
grew accustomed to the use of colored mercenaries and to the contracting of
alliances with colored peoples against white opponents as a mere matter of
course.
The German war-mind, in particular, teemed with colored alliance-projects.
Unable to compete with the Allies in getting colored troops to Europe,
Germans planned to revenge themselves in other fields. The Turkish
alliance and the resulting “Holy War” proclamation were hailed with
delight. “Over there in Turkey,” wrote the well-known German publicist
Ernst Jaeckh, “stretch Anatolia and Mesopotamia: Anatolia, the ‘Land of
the Sunrise’; Mesopotamia, the region of ancient paradise. May these
names be to us a sign: may this World War bring to Germany and Turkey
the sunrise and the paradise of a new time; may it confer upon an assured
Turkey and a Greater Germany the blessing of a fruitful Turco-Teutonic
collaboration in peace after a victorious Turco-Teutonic collaboration in
war.”[126]
The scope of Germany’s Asiatic aspirations during the war is exemplified
by an article from the pen of the learned Orientalist Professor Bernhardt
Molden.[127] Germany’s aid to Turkey, contends Professor Molden, is
merely symptomatic of her policy to raise the other Asiatic peoples now
crushed beneath English and Russian domination. Thus Germany will
create puissant allies for the “Second Punic War.” Germany must therefore

strive to solidify the great Central Asian bloc—Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan,
China. Professor Molden urges a “Pan-Asian railroad” from Constantinople
to Peking. This should be especially alluring to Afghanistan, which would
thereby become one of the great pivots of world-politics and trade. In fine:
“Germany must free Asia.” As another prominent German writer, Friedrich
Delitzsch, wrote in similar vein: “To renovate the East—such is Germany’s
mission.”[128]
In such a mood, Germans hailed Japan’s absence of genuine hostility with
the greatest satisfaction. The gust of rage which swept Germany at Japan’s
seizure of Kiao-chao was soon allayed by numerous writers preaching
reconciliation and eventual alliance with the mistress of the Far East.
Typical of this pro-Japanese propaganda is an article by Herr J. Witte, a
former official in the Far East, which appeared in 1915. Herr Witte chides
his countrymen for their talk about the Yellow Peril. Such a peril may exist
in the future, but it is not pressing at this moment, “at any rate for us
Germans, who have no great territorial possessions in the Far East.... We
might permit ourselves to speak of a Yellow Peril if there was a white
solidarity. This, however, does not exist. We are learning this just now by
bitter experience on our own flesh and blood. Our foes have marshalled
peoples of all races against us in battle. So long as this helps them, all race-
antipathies and race-interests are to them matters of supreme indifference.
Under these circumstances, in the midst of a life-and-death struggle against
the peoples of the white race, shall we play the rôle of guardian angel of
these peoples against the yellow peoples? For us, as Germans, there is now
only one supreme life-interest, to which all other interests must be
subordinated: the safety and advancement of Germany and of Deutschtum
in the world.” Herr Witte therefore advocates a “close political
understanding between Germany and Japan. In future we can accomplish
nothing in the teeth of Japan. Therefore we must get on good terms with
Japan. And we can do it, too. Germany is, in fact, the country above all
others who in the future has the best prospect of allying herself
advantageously with the Far Eastern peoples.”[129]
And so it went throughout the war-years: both sides using all possible
colored aid to down the white foe; both sides alike reckless of the ultimate
racial consequences.

In fact, leaving ultimate consequences aside, many persons feared during
the later phases of the war that Europe might be headed for immediate
dissolution. As early as mid-1916, Lord Loreburn expressed apprehension
lest the war was entailing general bankruptcy and “such a destruction of the
male youth of Europe as will break the thin crust of civilization which has
been built up since the Dark Ages.”[130] These fears were intensified by the
Russian revolution of 1917, with its hideous corollary of Bolshevism which
definitely triumphed before the close of that year. The Bolshevik triumph
evoked despairing predictions like Lord Lansdowne’s: “We are not going to
lose this war, but its prolongation will spell ruin for the civilized
world.”[131]
Well, the war was prolonged for another year, ending in the triumph of the
Allies and America, though leaving Europe in the deplorable condition
reviewed in the preceding chapter. The hopes of mankind were now centred
on the Peace Conference, but these hopes were oversanguine, for the
Versailles “settlement” was riddled with political and economic
imperfections from the Saar to Shantung.
This was what a sceptical minority had feared from the first. At the very
beginning of the war, for instance, the French publicist Urbain Gohier had
predicted that when the diplomats gathered at the end of the conflict they
would find the problem of constructive settlement insoluble.[132]
Most persons, however, had been more hopeful. Disappointment and
disillusionment were therefore correspondingly intense. The majority of
liberal-minded, forward-looking men and women throughout the world
deplored the Versailles settlement’s faulty character, some, however,
accepting the situation as the best of a bad business, others entirely
repudiating it on the ground that by crystallizing an intolerable status it
would entail worse disasters in the near future.
General Smuts, the South African delegate to the Conference, well
represents the first attitude. In a formal protest against the Versailles
settlement, General Smuts stated: “I have signed the peace treaty, not
because I consider it a satisfactory document, but because it is imperatively
necessary to close the war; because the world needs peace above all, and
nothing could be more fatal than the continuance of the state of suspense

between war and peace. The six months since the armistice was signed
have, perhaps, been as upsetting, unsettling, and ruinous to Europe as the
previous four years of war. I look upon the peace treaty as the close of these
two chapters of war and armistice, and only on that ground do I agree to it. I
say this now, not in criticism, but in faith; not because I wish to find fault
with the work done, but rather because I feel that in the treaty we have not
yet achieved the real peace to which our peoples were looking, and because
I feel that the real work of making peace will only begin after this treaty has
been signed, and a definite halt has thereby been called to the destructive
passions that have been desolating Europe for nearly five years.”[133]
The English economist J. L. Garvin, who, like General Smuts, accepted the
treaty faute de mieux, makes these trenchant comments upon the settlement
itself: “Derisive human genius surveying with pity and laughter the present
state of mankind and some of the obsolete means adopted at Paris to
remedy it, might do most good by another satire like Rabelais, Gulliver, or
Candide. But let us put from us here the temptation to conjure up vistas of
the grotesque. Let us pursue these plain studies in common sense. A treaty
even when signed is paper. It is in itself inoperative without the action or
control of living forces which it seeks to express or repress. Treaties not
drawn against sound and certain assets may be dishonored in the sequel like
bad checks or bills. You do not get peace merely by putting it on paper.
And, much more to the point, all that is called peace does not necessarily
spell prosperity any more than all that glitters is gold. You can ‘make a
solitude and call it peace.’ The quintessence of death or stupefaction
resembles a kind of peace. You can prolong relative stagnation and
depression and yet say that it is peace. But that would not be the reconciling
and lasting, the constructive and the creative peace, as it was visioned by
the Allied peoples in their greatest moments of insight and inspiration
during the war. For that higher and wiser thing we lavished our pent-up
energies and the accumulated treasure of a hundred years, and sent so many
of our best to die.”[134]
That veteran student of world-politics Doctor E. J. Dillon put the matter
succinctly when he wrote: “The peace is being made not, as originally
projected, on the basis of the fourteen points, nor on the lines of territorial
equilibrium, but by a compromise which misses the advantage of either, and
combines certain evils of both. The treaty has failed to lay the axe to the

roots of war, has perhaps increased their number while purporting to
destroy them. The germs of future conflicts, not only between the recent
belligerents, but also between other groups of states, are numerous, and if
present symptoms may be trusted will sprout up in the fulness of time.”[135]
The badness of the Versailles treaties is nowhere more manifest than in the
way they have alienated idealistic support and enthusiasm from the inchoate
League of Nations. Multitudes of persons once zealous Leaguers now feel
that the League has no moral foundation. Such persons contend that even
were the covenant theoretically perfect, the League could no more succeed
on the basis of the present peace settlement than a flawlessly designed
palace could be erected if superimposed upon a quicksand.
Europe is thus in evil case. Her statesmen have failed to formulate a
constructive settlement. Old problems remain unsolved while fresh
problems arise. The danger is redoubled by the fact that both Europe and
the entire world are faced with a new peril—Bolshevism. The menace of
Bolshevism is simply incalculable. Bolshevism is a peril in some ways
unprecedented in the world’s history. It is not merely a war against a social
system, not merely a war against our civilization; it is a war of the hand
against the brain. For the first time since man was man there is a definite
schism between the hand and the head. Every principle which mankind has
thus far evolved: community of interest, the solidarity of civilization and
culture, the dignity of labor, of muscle, of brawn, dominated and illumined
by intellect and spirit—all these Bolshevism howls down and tramples in
the mud.
Bolshevism’s cardinal tenets—the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the
destruction of the “classes” by social war—are of truly hideous import. The
“classes,” as conceived by Bolshevism, are very numerous. They comprise
not merely the “idle rich,” but also the whole of the upper and middle social
strata, the landowning country folk, the skilled working men; in short, all
except those who work with their untutored hands, plus the elect few who
philosophize for those who work with their untutored hands.
The effect of such ideas, if successful, not only on our civilization, but also
on the very fibre of the race, can be imagined. The death or degradation of
nearly all persons displaying constructive ability, and the tyranny of the

ignorant and anti-social elements, would be the most gigantic triumph of
disgenics ever seen. Beside it the ill effects of war would pale into
insignificance. Civilization would wither like a plant stricken by blight,
while the race, summarily drained of its good blood, would sink like lead
into the depths of degenerate barbarism.
This is precisely what is occurring in Russia to-day. Bolshevism has ruled
Russia less than three years—and Russia is ruined. She ekes out a bare
existence on the remains of past accumulations, on the surviving scraps of
her material and spiritual capital. Everywhere are hunger, cold, disease,
terror, physical and moral death. The “proletariat” is making its “clean
sweep.” The “classes” are being systematically eliminated by execution,
massacre, and starvation. The racial impoverishment is simply incalculable.
Meanwhile Lenine, surrounded by his Chinese executioners, sits behind the
Kremlin walls, a modern Jenghiz Khan plotting the plunder of a world.
Lenine’s Chinese “braves” are merely symptomatic of the intrigues which
Bolshevism is carrying on throughout the non-white world. Bolshevism is,
in fact, as anti-racial as it is anti-social. To the Bolshevik mind, with its
furious hatred of constructive ability and its fanatical determination to
enforce levelling, proletarian equality, the very existence of superior
biological values is a crime. Bolshevism has vowed the proletarianization of
the world, beginning with the white peoples. To this end it not only foments
social revolution within the white world itself, but it also seeks to enlist the
colored races in its grand assault on civilization. The rulers of Soviet Russia
are well aware of the profound ferment now going on in colored lands.
They watch this ferment with the same terrible glee that they watched the
Great War and the fiasco of Versailles—and they plot to turn it to the same
profit.
Accordingly, in every quarter of the globe, in Asia, Africa, Latin America,
and the United States, Bolshevik agitators whisper in the ears of
discontented colored men their gospel of hatred and revenge. Every
nationalist aspiration, every political grievance, every social discrimination,
is fuel for Bolshevism’s hellish incitement to racial as well as to class war.
And this Bolshevik propaganda has not been in vain. Its results already
show in the most diverse quarters, and they are ominous for the future.

China, Japan, Afghanistan, India, Java, Persia, Turkey, Egypt, Brazil, Chile,
Peru, Mexico, and the “black belts” of our own United States: here is a
partial list of the lands where the Bolshevik leaven in color is clearly at
work.
Bolshevism thus reveals itself as the arch-enemy of civilization and the
race. Bolshevism is the renegade, the traitor within the gates, who would
betray the citadel, degrade the very fibre of our being, and ultimately hurl a
rebarbarized, racially impoverished world into the most debased and
hopeless of mongrelizations.
Therefore, Bolshevism must be crushed out with iron heels, no matter what
the cost. If this means more war, let it mean more war. We know only too
well war’s dreadful toll, particularly on racial values. But what war-losses
could compare with the losses inflicted by the living death of Bolshevism?
There are some things worse than war, and Bolshevism stands foremost
among those dread alternatives.
So ends our survey of the white world as it emerges from the Great War.
The prospect is not a brilliant one. Weakened and impoverished by
Armageddon, handicapped by an unconstructive peace, and facing internal
Bolshevist disaffection which must at all costs be mastered, the white world
is ill-prepared to confront—the rising tide of color. What that tide portends
will be the subject of the concluding chapters.

PART III

THE DELUGE ON THE DIKES

CHAPTER X

THE OUTER DIKES
In my first chapter I showed that the rising tide of color to-day finds itself
confronted by dikes erected by the white race during the centuries of its
expansion. The reader will also remember that white expansion has taken
two forms: settlement and political control. These two phases differ
profoundly in character. Areas of settlement like North America have
become integral portions of the white world. On the other hand, regions of
political control like India are merely white dependencies, highly valuable
perhaps, yet in the last analysis held by title of the sword.
Between these clearly contrasted categories lies an intermediate class of
territories typified by South Africa, where whites have settled in large
numbers without displacing the native populations. Lastly, there exist
certain white territories which may be called “enclaves.” These enclaves
have become thoroughly white by settlement, yet they are so distant from
the main body of the white world and so contiguous to colored race-areas
that white tenure does not possess that security which settlement and
displacement of the aborigines normally confer. Australia typifies this
anomalous class of cases.
The white defenses against the colored tide can be divided into what may be
termed the “outer” and the “inner” dikes. The outer dikes (the regions of
white political control) contain no settled white population, so that their
abandonment, whatever the political or economic loss, would not directly
affect white race-integrity. The question of their retention or abandonment
should therefore (save in a few exceptional cases) be judged by political,
economic, or strategic considerations. The inner dikes (the areas of white
settlement), however, are a very different matter. Peopled as they are wholly
or largely by whites, they have become parts of the race-heritage, which
should be defended to the last extremity no matter if the costs involved are
greater than their mere economic value would warrant. They are the true
bulwarks of the race, the patrimony of future generations who have a right

to demand of us that they shall be born white in a white man’s land. Ill will
it fare if ever our race should close its ears to this most elemental call of the
blood. Then, indeed, would be manifest the writing on the wall.
That issue, however, is reserved for the next chapter. Let us here examine
the matter of the outer dikes—the regions of white political control. There,
where the white man is not settler but suzerain, his suzerainty should, in the
last analysis, depend on the character of the inhabitants.
Right here, let us clear away the doctrinaire pedantry that commonly
obscures discussion about the retention or abandonment of white political
control over racially non-white regions. Argument usually tends to
crystallize around two antitheses. On the one side are the doctrinaire
liberals, who maintain the “imprescriptible right” of every human group to
attain independence, and of every sovereign state to retain independence.
On the opposite side are the doctrinaire imperialists, who maintain the
equally imprescriptible right of their particular nation to “vital expansion”
regardless of injuries thereby inflicted upon other nations.
Now I submit that both these assumptions are unwarranted. There is no
“imprescriptible right” to either independence or empire. It depends on the
realities of each particular case. The extreme cases at either end of the scale
can be adjudged offhand by ordinary common sense. No one except a
doctrinaire liberal would be likely to assert that the Andaman Islanders had
an imprescriptible right to independence, or that Haiti, which owed its
independence only to a turn in European politics,[136] should forever remain
a sovereign—international nuisance. On the other hand, the whole world
(with the exception of Teutonic imperialists) denounced Germany’s attempt
to swallow highly civilized Belgium as a crime against humanity.
In other words: realities, not abstract theories, decide. That does not please
the doctrinaires, who insist on setting up Procrustean beds of theory on
which realities should be racked or crammed. It does, however, conform to
the dictates of nature, which decree that what is attuned shall live while the
disharmonic and degenerate shall pass away. And nature usually has the last
word.
Surveying the regions of white political control over non-white peoples in
this realistic way, thereby avoiding the pitfalls of doctrinaire theory and

blind prejudice, we may arrive at a series of conclusions which, though
lacking the trim symmetry of the idealogue, will correspond to the facts in
the various cases.
One thing is certain: the white man will have to recognize that the
practically absolute world-dominion which he exercised during the
nineteenth century can no longer be maintained. Largely because of that
very dominion, colored races have been drawn out of their traditional
isolation and have been quickened by white ideas, while the life-conserving
nature of white rule has everywhere favored colored multiplication. These
factors have combined to produce a wide-spread ferment which has been
clearly visible for the past two decades, and which is destined to grow more
acute in the near future.
This ferment would have developed even if the Great War had never
occurred. However, the white world’s weakening through Armageddon has
immensely accelerated the process and has opened up the possibility of
violent “short cuts” which would have mutually disastrous consequences.
Especially has it evoked in bellicose and fanatical minds the vision of a
“Pan-Colored” alliance for the universal overthrow of white hegemony at a
single stroke—a dream which would turn into a nightmare of race-war
beside which the late struggle in Europe would seem the veriest child’s
play.

Larger Image

DISTRIBUTION OF THE WHITE RACES

The effective centres of colored unrest are the brown and yellow worlds of
Asia. Both those worlds are not merely in negative opposition to white
hegemony, but are experiencing a real renaissance whose genuineness is
best attested by the fact that it is a faithful replica of similar movements in
past times. White men must get out of their heads the idea that Asiatics are
necessarily “inferior.” As a matter of fact, while Asiatics do not seem to
possess that sustained constructive power with which the whites,
particularly the Nordics, are endowed, the browns and yellows are yet
gifted peoples who have profoundly influenced human progress in the past
and who undoubtedly will contribute much to world-civilization. The
Asiatics have by their own efforts built up admirable cultures rooted in
remote antiquity and worthy of all respect. They are to-day once more
displaying their innate capacity by not merely adopting, but adapting, white
ideas and methods. That this profound Asiatic renaissance will eventually
result in the substantial elimination of white political control from Anatolia
to the Philippines is as natural as it is inevitable.

This does not mean a precipitate white “scuttle” from Asia. Far from it. It
does mean, however, a candid facing of realities and a basing of policy on
realities rather than on prepossessions or prejudices. Unless the white man
does this, he will injure himself more than any one else. If Asia is to-day
really renascent, Asia will ultimately reap the political fruits. Men worthy of
independence will sooner or later get independence. This is as certain as is
the converse truth that men unworthy of independence, though they cry for
it never so loudly, will either remain subject or will quickly relapse into
subjection should they by some lucky circumstance obtain what they could
only misuse.
If, then, Asia deserves to be free, she will be free. The only question is, how
she will attain her freedom. Shall it be an evolutionary process, in the main
peaceful, based upon mutual respect, with mutual recognition of both
increasing Asiatic fitness and white vested interests? Or shall it come
through cataclysmic revolution? This is the dilemma which those
imperialists should ponder who object to any relaxation of white political
control over Asia because of the “value” of the subject regions. That white
control over Asiatic lands has been, and still is, immensely profitable,
cannot be denied. But what basis for this value is there except lack of
effective opposition? If real, sustained opposition now develops, if subject
Asia becomes chronically rebellious, if its peoples resolutely boycott white
goods—as China and India have shown Asiatics capable of doing, will not
white control be transformed from an asset into a liability? Above all, let us
remember that no race-values are involved. No white race-areas would have
to be abandoned to non-white domination. White control over Asia is
political, and can thus be judged by the criteria of material interest
undisturbed by the categorical imperative of race-duty.
The need for sympathetic open-mindedness toward awakening Asia if
cataclysmic disasters are to be averted becomes all the clearer when we
realize that on important issues lying outside Asia the white world must
resolutely oppose Asiatic desires. We whites should be the more generous in
our attitude toward Asia because imperative reasons of self-protection
require us to deny to Asiatics some of their best opportunities in the outer
world.

In my opening chapters I discussed the rapid growth of Asiatic populations
and the resultant steadily augmenting outward thrust of surplus Asiatics
(principally yellow men, but also in lesser degree brown men) from
overcrowded homelands toward the less-crowded regions of the earth. It is,
in fact, Asiatics, and above all Mongolian Asiatics, who form the first
waves of the rising tide of color. Unfortunately, the white world cannot
permit this rising tide free scope. White men cannot, under peril of their
very race-existence, allow wholesale Asiatic immigration into white race-
areas. This prohibition, which will be discussed in the next chapter, is
already a serious blow to Asiatic aspirations.
But the matter does not end there. The white world also cannot permit with
safety to itself wholesale Asiatic penetration of non-Asiatic colored regions
like black Africa and tropical Latin America. To permit Asiatic colonization
and ultimate control of these vast territories with their incalculable
resources would be to overturn in favor of Asia the political, the economic,
and eventually the racial balance of power in the world. At present the
white man controls these regions. And he must stand fast. No other course
is possible. Neither black Africa nor mongrel-ruled tropical America can
stand alone. If the white man goes, the Asiatic comes—browns to Africa,
yellows to Latin America. And there is no reason under heaven why we
whites should deliberately present Asia with the richest regions of the
tropics, to our own impoverishment and probable undoing.
Our race-duty is therefore clear. We must resolutely oppose both Asiatic
permeation of white race-areas and Asiatic inundation of those non-white,
but equally non-Asiatic, regions inhabited by the really inferior races. But
we should also recognize that by taking this attitude we debar Asiatics from
golden opportunities and render impossible the realization of aspirations
intrinsically just as normal and laudable as our own. And, having closed in
their faces so many doors of hope, can we refuse to discuss with gifted and
capable Asiatics the problem of turning over to them the keys of their own
house without causing festering hatreds whose poison may spread far
beyond Asia into other colored lands and possibly into white lands as well?
Neither a Pan-Colored nor a Colored-Bolshevist alliance are impossibilities,
far-fetched though these terms may sound.

The fact is, we whites are in no position to indulge in the luxury of
Bourbonism. Weakened by Armageddon, hampered by Versailles, and
harassed by Bolshevism, the white world can ill afford to flout legitimate
Asiatic aspirations to independence. Our imperialists may argue that this
means abandoning “outer dikes,” but I contend that white positions in Asia
are not protective dikes but strategic blockhouses, built upon the sands
during the long Asiatic ebb-tide, and which the now rising Asiatic waves
must ultimately engulf. Is it not the part of wisdom to quit these outposts
before they collapse into the swirling waters? Our true “outer dikes” stand,
not in Asia, but in Africa and Latin America. Let us not exhaust ourselves
by stubborn resistance in Asia which in the end must prove futile. Let us
conserve our strength, remembering that by the time Asia has been
submerged the flood should have lost much of its pent-up power.
Particularly should this be true of the moral “imponderables.” By taking a
reasonable, conciliatory attitude toward Asiatic aspirations to independence
we would thereby eliminate the moral factors in Asia’s present hostility
toward ourselves. Many Asiatics would still be our foes from resentment at
balked expansion, but we should have separated the sheep from the goats.
And the sheep are the more numerous. There are of course irreconcilables
like Japanese imperialists and Pan-Islamic fanatics who would like to upset
the whole world. However, taken by and large, Asia is peopled neither by
fire-eating jingoes nor howling dervishes. The average Asiatic is by nature
less restless, less ambitious, and consequently less aggressive than
ourselves. To-day Asiatics are everywhere aroused by a whole complex of
stimuli like overcrowding, white domination, and white denial of
nationalistic aspirations, to an access of hatred and fury. Those last-
mentioned stimuli to anti-white hostility we can remove. The first-
mentioned cause of hostility—over-population—we cannot remove. Only
the Asiatic himself can do that by controlling his reckless procreation. Of
course over-population is of itself a sufficiently serious provoker of trouble.
There is no more certain breeder of strife than the expansive urge of a fast-
breeding people. Nevertheless, this hostile stimulus applies primarily to
yellow Asia. Brown Asia, once free or clearly on the road to freedom,
would be either satisfied or engrossed in its intestine broils. At any rate, the
twin spectres of a Pan-Asian or a Pan-Colored alliance would probably
vanish like a mirage of the desert, and the white world would be far better

able to deal with yellow pressure on its race-frontiers—no light task,
weakened and distracted as the white world finds itself to-day.
Unfortunately, no such wise foresight seems to have been vouchsafed our
statesmen. Imperialistic secret treaties formed the basis for Versailles’s
treatment of Asiatic questions, and those treaties were drawn precisely as
though Armageddon were a skirmish and Asia the sleeping giant of a
century ago. Upon the brown world, in particular, white domination was
riveted rather than relaxed.
This amazing disregard of present-day realities augurs ill for the future.
Indeed, its evil first-fruits are already apparent. The brown world,
convinced that its aspirations can be realized only by force, turns to the
yellow world and listens to Bolshevik propaganda, while Pan-Islamism
redoubles its efforts in Africa.
Thus is once more manifest the diplomatic bankruptcy of Versailles. The
white man, like King Canute, seats himself upon the tidal sands and bids the
waves be stayed. He will be lucky if he escapes merely with wet shoes.

CHAPTER XI

THE INNER DIKES
We come now to the frontiers of the white world—to its true frontiers,
marked, not by boundary-stones, but by flesh and blood. These frontiers are
not continuous: far from the European homeland, some run in remote
quarters of the earth, sundered by vast stretches of ocean and connected
only by the slate-gray thread of sea-power—the master-talisman which the
white man still grasps firmly in his hand.
But against these race-frontiers—these “inner dikes”—the rising tide of
color has for decades been beating, and will beat yet more fiercely as
congesting population, quickened self-consciousness, and heightened sense
of power impel the colored world to expansion and dominion. Above the
eastern horizon the dark storm-clouds lower, and the weakened, distracted
white world must soon face a colored peril threatening its integrity and
perhaps its existence. This colored peril has three facets: the peril of arms,
the peril of markets, and the peril of migration. All three contain ominous
potentialities, both singly and in combination. Let us review them in turn, to
appraise their dynamic possibilities.
First, the peril of arms. The military potencies of the colored races have
been the subject of earnest, and frequently alarmist, speculation for the past
twenty years, particularly since the Russo-Japanese War. The exciting
effects of Pan-Islamism upon the warlike peoples of Asia and Africa have
been frequently discussed, while the “Yellow Peril” has long been a
journalistic commonplace.
How shall we appraise the colored peril of arms? On the whole, it would
appear as though the colored military danger, in its isolated, purely
aggressive aspect, had been exaggerated. Visions of a united Asia, rising
suddenly in fanatic frenzy and hurling brown and yellow myriads upon the
white West seem to be the products of superheated imaginations. I say
“seem,” because there are unquestionably mysterious emotional depths in

the Asiatic soul which may yet justify the prophets of cataclysmic war. As
Hyndman says: “With all the facts before us, and with prejudice thrown
aside, we are still unable to lay bare the causes of the gigantic Asian
movements of the past. They were certainly not all economic in their origin,
unless we stretch the boundaries of theory so far as to include the massacre
of whole populations and the destruction of their wealth within the limits of
the invaders’ desire for material gain. And, whether these movements arose
from material or emotional causes, they have been before, and they may
occur again. Forecast here is impossible. A new Mohammed is quite as
likely to make his appearance as a new Buddha, a reborn Confucius, or a
modern Christ.... Asia raided and scourged Europe for more than a thousand
years. Now, for five hundred years, the counter-attack of Europe upon Asia
has been steadily going on, and it may be that the land of long memories
will cherish some desire to avenge this period of wrong and rapine in turn.
The seed of hatred has already been but too well sown.”[137]
Of course, on this particular point, forecast is, indeed, impossible.
Nevertheless, the point should be noted, for Asiatic war-fever may appear,
if not in isolation, then in conjunction with other stimuli to warlike action,
like population-pressure or imperialistic ambition, which to-day exist and
whose amplitude can be approximately gauged. We have already analyzed
the military potencies of Pan-Islamism and Japan, and China also should
not be forgotten. Pacifist though China has long been, she has had her
bellicose moments in the past and may have them in the future. Should this
occur, China, as the world’s greatest reservoir of intelligent man-power,
would be immensely formidable. Pearson visualizes a China “become an
aggressive military power, sending out her armies in millions to cross the
Himalayas and traverse the Steppes, or occupying the islands and the
northern parts of Australia, by pouring in immigrants protected by fleets.
Luther’s old name for the Turks, that they were ‘the people of the wrath of
God,’ may receive a new and terrible application.”[138]
Granted that the Chinese will never become the fighting equals of the
world’s warrior races, their incredible numbers combined with their
tenacious vitality might overcome opponents individually their superiors.
Says Professor Ross: “To the West the toughness of the Chinese physique
may have a sinister military significance. Nobody fears lest in a stand-up
fight Chinese troops could whip an equal number of well-conditioned white

troops. But few battles are fought by men fresh from tent and mess. In the
course of a prolonged campaign involving irregular provisioning, bad
drinking-water, lying out, loss of sleep, exhausting marches, exposure,
excitement, and anxiety, it may be that the white soldiers would be worn
down worse than the yellow soldiers. In that case the hardier men with less
of the martial spirit might in the closing grapple beat the better fighters with
the less endurance.”[139]
The potentialities of the Chinese soldier would acquire vastly greater
significance if China should be thoroughly subjugated by, or solidly leagued
to, ambitious and militaristic Japan. The combined military energies of the
Far East, welded into an aggressive unity, would be a weapon of
tremendous striking-power.
The colored peril of arms may thus be summarized: The brown and yellow
races possess great military potentialities. These (barring the action of
certain ill-understood emotional stimuli) are unlikely to flame out in
spontaneous fanaticism; but, on the other hand, they are very likely to be
mobilized for political reasons like revolt against white dominion or for
social reasons like over-population. The black race offers no real danger
except as the tool of Pan-Islamism. As for the red men of the Americas,
they are of merely local significance.
We are now ready to examine the economic facet of the colored peril: the
industrial-mercantile phase. In the second part of this volume I showed the
profound effect of the “industrial revolution” in furthering white world-
supremacy, and I pointed out the tremendous advantages accruing to the
white world from exploitation of undeveloped colored lands and from
exports of manufactured goods to colored markets. The prodigious wealth
thereby amassed has been a prime cause of white prosperity, has buttressed
the maintenance of white world-hegemony, and has made possible much of
the prodigious increase of white population.
We little realize what the loss of these advantages would mean. As a matter
of fact, it would mean throughout the white world diminished prosperity,
lessened political and military strength, and such relative economic and
social stagnation as would depress national vigor and check population. It is
even possible to visualize a white world reverting to the condition of

Europe in the fifteenth century—thrown back upon itself, on the defensive,
and with a static rather than a progressive civilization. Such conditions
could of course occur only as the result of colored military and industrial
triumphs of the most sweeping character. But the possibility exists,
nevertheless, as I shall endeavor to show.
Down to the close of the nineteenth century white supremacy was as
absolute in industry as it was in politics and war. Even the civilized brown
and yellow peoples were negligible from the industrial point of view. Asia
was economically on an agricultural basis. Such industries as she possessed
were still in the “house-industry” stage, and her products, while often
exquisite in quality, were produced by such slow, antiquated methods that
their quantity was limited and their market-price relatively high. Despite
very low wages, Asiatic products not only could not compete in the world-
market with European and American machine-made, mass-produced
articles, but were hard hit in their home-markets as well. The way in which
an ancient Asiatic handicraft like the Indian textiles was literally annihilated
by the destructive competition of Lancashire cottons is only one of many
similar instances.
With the beginning of the twentieth century, however, Asia began to show
signs of an economic activity as striking in its way as the activity which
Asia was displaying in idealistic and political fields. Japan had already laid
the foundations of her flourishing industrial life based on the most up-to-
date Western models, while in other Asiatic lands, notably in China and
India, the whir of machinery and the smoke of tall factory chimneys
proclaimed that the East was fathoming the industrial secrets of the West.
What Asiatics were seeking in their industrial revival was well expressed a
decade ago by a Hindu, who wrote in a leading Indian periodical: “In one
respect the Orient is really menacing the West, and so earnest and open-
minded is Asia that no pretense or apology whatever is made about it. The
Easterner has thrown down the industrial gantlet, and from now on Asia is
destined to witness a progressively intense trade warfare, the Occidental
scrambling to retain his hold on the markets of the East, and the Oriental
endeavoring to beat him in a battle in which heretofore he has been an easy
victor.... In competing with the Occidental commercialists, the Oriental has
awakened to a dynamic realization of the futility of pitting unimproved

machinery and methods against modern methods and appliances. Casting
aside his former sense of self-complacency, he is studying the sciences and
arts that have given the West its material prosperity. He is putting the results
of his investigations to practical use, as a rule, recasting the Occidental
methods and tools to suit his peculiar needs, and in some instances
improving upon them.”[140]
The accuracy of this Hindu statement of Asia’s industrial awakening is
indorsed by the statements of white observers. At the very moment when
the above article was penned, an American economic writer, Clarence Poe,
was making a study tour of the Orient, from which he brought back the
following report: “The real cause of Asia’s poverty lies in just two things:
the failure of Asiatic governments to educate their people, and the failure of
the people to increase their productive capacity by the use of machinery.
Ignorance and lack of machinery are responsible for Asia’s poverty;
knowledge and modern tools are responsible for America’s prosperity.” But,
continues Mr. Poe, we must watch out. Asia now realizes these things and is
doing much to remedy the situation. Hence, “we must face in ever-
increasing degree the rivalry of awakening peoples who are strong with the
strength that comes from struggle with poverty and hardship, and who have
set themselves to master and apply all our secrets in the coming world-
struggle for industrial supremacy and for racial readjustment.”[141] And
more recently another American observer of Asiatic economic conditions
reports: “All Asia is being permeated with modern industry and present-day
mechanical progress.”[142]
Take, for example, the momentous possibilities involved in the industrial
awakening of China. China is not merely the most populous of lands,
containing as it does nearly one-fourth of all the human beings on earth, but
it is also dowered with immense natural resources, notably coal and iron—
the prime requisites of modern industrial life. Hitherto China has been on an
agricultural basis, with virtually no exploitation of her mineral wealth and
with no industry in the modern sense. But the day when any considerable
fraction of China’s laborious millions turn from the plough and handicrafts
to the factory must see a portentous reaction in the most distant markets.
Thirty years ago, Professor Pearson forecast China’s imminent industrial
transformation. “Does any one doubt,” he asks, “that the day is at hand

when China will have cheap fuel from her coal-mines, cheap transport by
railways and steamers, and will have founded technical schools to develop
her industries? Whenever that day comes, she may wrest the control of the
world’s markets, especially throughout Asia, from England and
Germany.”[143]
Much of what Professor Pearson prophesied has already come to pass, for
China to-day has the beginnings of a promising industrial life. Even a
decade ago Professor Ross wrote of industrial conditions there:
“Assuredly the cheapness of Chinese labor is something to make a factory
owner’s mouth water. The women reelers in the silk filatures of Shanghai
get from eight to eleven cents for eleven hours of work. But Shanghai is
dear; and, besides, everybody there complains that the laborers are knowing
and spoiled. In the steel works at Hanyang common labor gets three dollars
a month, just a tenth of what raw Slavs command in the South Chicago
iron-works. Skilled mechanics get from eight to twelve dollars. In a coal-
mine near Ichang a thousand miles up the Yangtse the coolie receives one
cent for carrying a 400-pound load of coal on his back down to the river a
mile and a half away. He averages ten loads a day but must rest every other
week. The miners get seven cents a day and found; that is, a cent’s worth of
rice and meal. They work eleven hours a day up to their knees in water, and
all have swollen legs. After a week of it they have to lie off a couple of
days. No wonder the cost of this coal (semi-bituminous) at the pit’s mouth
is only thirty-five cents a ton. At Chengtu servants get a dollar and a half a
month and find themselves. Across Szechuan lusty coolies were glad to
carry our chairs half a day for four cents each. In Sianfu the common coolie
gets three cents a day and feeds himself, or eighty cents a month. Through
Shansi roving harvesters were earning from four to twelve cents a day, and
farm-hands got five or six dollars a year and their keep. Speaking broadly,
in any part of the empire, willing laborers of fair intelligence may be had in
any number at from eight to fifteen cents a day.
“With an ocean of such labor power to draw on, China would appear to be
on the eve of a manufacturing development that will act like a continental
upheaval in changing the trade map of the world. The impression is
deepened by the tale of industries that have already sprung up.”[144]

Of course there is another side to the story. Low wages alone do not insure
cheap production. As Professor Ross remarks: “For all his native capacity,
the coolie will need a long course of schooling, industrial training, and
factory atmosphere before he inches up abreast of the German or American
working man.”[145] In the technical and directing staffs there is the same
absence of the modern industrial spirit, resulting in chronic
mismanagement, while Chinese industry is further handicapped by
traditional evils like “squeeze,” nepotism, lust for quick profits, and
incapacity for sustained business team-play. These failings are not peculiar
to China; they hamper the industrial development of other Asiatic countries,
notably India. Still, the way in which Japanese industry, with all its faults, is
perfecting both its technic and its methods shows that these failings will be
gradually overcome and indicates that within a generation Asiatic industry
will probably be sufficiently advanced to supply at least the Asiatic home-
markets with most of the staple manufactures.
Thus it looks as though white manufactures will tend to be progressively
eliminated from Asiatic markets, even under conditions of absolutely free
competition. But it is a very moot point whether competition will remain
free—whether, on the contrary, white wares will not be increasingly
penalized. The Asiatic takes a keen interest in his industrial development
and consciously favors it even where whites are in political control. The
“swadeshi” movement in India is a good example, while the Chinese and
Egyptian boycotts of foreign as against native goods are further instances in
point. The Japanese have supplemented these spontaneous popular
movements by systematic governmental discrimination in favor of Japanese
products and the elimination of white competition from Japan and its
dependencies. This Japanese policy has been markedly successful, and
should Japan’s present hegemony over China be perpetuated the white man
may soon find himself economically as well as politically expelled from the
whole Far East.
A decade ago Putnam Weale wrote warningly: “If China is forced, owing to
the short-sighted diplomacy of those for whom the question has really
supreme importance, to make common cause with Japan as a pis aller, then
it may be accepted as inevitable that in the course of time there will be
created a mare clausum, which will extend from the island of Saghalien

down to Cochin-China and Siam, including all the island-groups, and the
shores of which will be openly hostile to the white man....
“And since there will be no danger from the competition of white workmen,
but rather from the white man’s ships, the white man’s merchants, his
inventions, his produce—it will be these which will be subjected to
humiliating conditions.... It is not a very far cry from tariffs on goods to
tariffs and restrictions on foreign shipping, on foreign merchants, on
everything foreign—restrictions which by imposing vast and unequal
burdens on the activities of aliens will soon totally destroy such activities....
What can very easily happen is that the federation of eastern Asia and the
yellow races will be finally arranged in such a manner as to exclude the
white man and his commerce more completely than any one yet dreams
of.”[146]
This latter misfortune may be averted by concerted white action, but it is
difficult to see how the gradual elimination of white goods from Asiatic
markets as the result of successful Asiatic competition can be averted.
Certainly the stubborn maintenance of white political domination over a
rebellious Asia would be no remedy. That would merely intensify swadeshi
boycotts in the subject regions, while in the lands freed from white political
control it would further Japan’s policy of excluding everything white. If
Asiatics resolve to buy their own products instead of ours we may as well
reconcile ourselves to the loss. Here again frank recognition of the
inevitable will enable us to take a much stronger and more justifiable
position on the larger world-aspects of the problem.
For Asia’s industrial transformation is destined to cause momentous
reactions in other parts of the globe. If Asiatic industry really does get on an
efficient basis, its potentialities are so tremendous that it must presently not
only monopolize the home-markets but also seek to invade white markets as
well, thus presenting the white world with commercial and economic
problems as unwelcome as they will be novel.
Again, industrialization will in some respects aggravate Asiatic longings for
migration and dominion. In my opening pages I mentioned industrialization
as a probable reliever of population-pressure in Asiatic countries by
affording new livelihoods to the congested masses. This is true. But,

looking a trifle farther, we can also see that industrialization would
stimulate a further prodigious increase of population. Consider the growth
of Europe’s population during the nineteenth century under the stimulus of
the industrial revolution, making possible the existence in our industrialized
Europe of three times as many people as existed in the agricultural Europe
of a hundred years ago. Why should not a similar development occur in
Asia? To-day Asia, though still upon a basis as agricultural as eighteenth-
century Europe, contains fully 900,000,000 people. That even a partially
industrialized Asia might support twice that number would (judging by the
European precedent) be far from improbable.
But this would mean vastly increased incentives to expansion—
commercial, political, racial—beyond the bounds of Asia. It would mean
intensified encroachments, not only upon areas of white settlement, but
perhaps even more upon non-Asiatic colored regions of white political
control like Africa and tropical America. Here again we see why the white
man, however conciliatory in Asia, must stand like flint in Africa and Latin
America. To allow the whole tropic belt clear round the world to pass into
Asiatic hands would practically spell white race-suicide.
Professor Pearson paints a truly terrible picture of the stagnation and
hopelessness which would ensue. “Let us conceive,” he writes, “the leading
European nations to be stationary, while the black and yellow belt,
including China, Malaysia, India, central Africa, and tropical America, is all
teeming with life, developed by industrial enterprise, fairly well
administered by native governments, and owning the better part of the
carrying trade of the world. Can any one suppose that, in such a condition
of political society, the habitual temper of mind in Europe would not be
profoundly changed? Depression, hopelessness, a disregard of invention
and improvement, would replace the sanguine confidence of races that at
present are always panting for new worlds to conquer. Here and there, it
may be, the more adventurous would profit by the traditions of old
supremacy to get their services accepted in the new nations, but as a rule
there would be no outlet for energy, no future for statesmanship. The
despondency of the English people, when their dream of conquest in France
was dissipated, was attended with a complete decay of thought, with civil
war, and with a standing still, or perhaps a decline of population, and to a
less degree of wealth.... It is conceivable that our later world may find itself

deprived of all that is valued on earth, of the pageantry of subject provinces
and the reality of commerce, while it has neither a disinterred literature to
amuse it nor a vitalized religion to give it spiritual strength.”[147]
To sum up: The economic phase of the colored peril, though not yet a major
factor, must still be seriously reckoned with by forward-looking
statesmanship as something which will increasingly complicate the
relations of the white and non-white worlds. In fact, even to-day it tends to
intensify Asiatic desires for expansion, and thus exacerbates the third, or
migratory, phase of the colored peril, which is already upon us.
The question of Asiatic immigration is incomparably the greatest external
problem which faces the white world. Supreme phase of the colored peril, it
already presses, and is destined to press harder in the near future. It
infinitely transcends the peril of arms or markets, since it threatens not
merely our supremacy or prosperity but our very race-existence, the
wellsprings of being, the sacred heritage of our children.
That this is no overstatement of the issue, a bare recital of a few biological
axioms will show. We have already seen that nothing is more unstable than
the racial make-up of a people, while, conversely, nothing is more
unchanging than the racial divisions of mankind. We have seen that true
amalgamation is possible only between members of the same race-stock,
while in crossings between stocks even as relatively near together as the
main divisions of the white species, the race-characters do not really fuse
but remain distinct in the mixed offspring and tend constantly to resort
themselves as pure types by Mendelian inheritance. Thus a country
inhabited by a mixed population is really inhabited by different races, one
of which always tends to dominate and breed the other out—the outbred
strains being lost to the world forever.
Now, since the various human stocks differ widely in genetic worth,
nothing should be more carefully studied than the relative values of the
different strains in a population, and nothing should be more rigidly
scrutinized than new strains seeking to add themselves to a population,
because such new strains may hold simply incalculable potentialities for
good or for evil. The potential reproductive powers of any stock are almost
unlimited. Therefore the introduction of even a small group of prolific and

adaptable but racially undesirable aliens may result in their subsequent
prodigious multiplication, thereby either replacing better native stocks or
degrading these by the injection of inferior blood.
The admission of aliens should, indeed, be regarded just as solemnly as the
begetting of children, for the racial effect is essentially the same. There is
no more damning indictment of our lopsided, materialistic civilization than
the way in which, throughout the nineteenth century, immigration was
almost universally regarded, not from the racial, but from the material point
of view, the immigrant being viewed not as a creator of race-values but as a
mere vocal tool for the production of material wealth.
Immigration is thus, from the racial standpoint, a form of procreation, and
like the more immediate form of procreation it may be either the greatest
blessing or the greatest curse. Human history is largely the story of
migrations, making now for good and now for ill. Migration peopled
Europe with superior white stocks displacing ape-like aborigines, and
settled North America with Nordics instead of nomad redskins. But
migration also bastardized the Roman world with Levantine mongrels,
drowned the West Indies under a black tide, and is filling our own land with
the sweepings of the European east and south.
Migration, like other natural movements, is of itself a blind force. It is
man’s divine privilege as well as duty, having been vouchsafed knowledge
of the laws of life, to direct these blind forces, rejecting the bad and
selecting the good for the evolution of higher and nobler destinies.
Colored immigration is merely the most extreme phase of a phenomenon
which has already moulded prodigiously the development of the white
world. In fact, before discussing the specific problems of colored
immigration, it would be well to survey the effects of the immigration of
various white stocks. When we have grasped the momentous changes
wrought by the introduction of even relatively near-related and hence
relatively assimilable strains, we will be better able to realize the far more
momentous consequences which the introduction of colored stocks into
white lands would entail.
The racial effects of immigration are ably summarized by that lifelong
student of immigration problems, Prescott F. Hall. These effects are, he

truly remarks, “more far-reaching and potent than all others. The
government, the state, society, industry, the political party, social and
political ideals, all are concepts and conventions created by individual men;
and when individuals change these change with them. Recent discoveries in
biology show that in the long run heredity is far more important than
environment or education; for though the latter can develop, it cannot
create. They also show what can be done in a few years in altering species,
and in producing new ones with qualities hitherto unknown, or unknown in
combination.”[148]
The ways in which admixture of alien blood can modify or even destroy the
very soul of a people have been fully analyzed both by biologists and by
social psychologists like Doctor Gustave Le Bon.[149] The way in which
wholesale immigration, even though mainly white, has already profoundly
modified American national character is succinctly stated by Mr. Eliot
Norton. “If,” he writes, “one considers the American people from, say, 1775
to 1860, it is clear that a well-defined national character was in process of
formation. What variations there were, were all of the same type, and these
variations would have slowly grown less and less marked. It needs little
study to see of what great value to any body of men, women, and children a
national or racial type is. It furnishes a standard of conduct by which any
one can set his course. The world is a difficult place in which to live, and to
establish moral standards has been one of the chief occupations of mankind.
Without such standards, man feels as a mariner without a compass.
Religions, rules, laws, and customs are only the national character in the
form of standards of conduct. Now national character can be formed only in
a population which is stable. The repeated introduction into a body of men
of other men of different type or types cannot but tend to prevent its
formation. Thus the 19,000,000 of immigrants that have landed have tended
to break up the type which was forming, and to make the formation of any
other type difficult. Every million more will only intensify this result, and
the absence of a national character is a loss to every man, woman, and
child. It will show itself in our religions, rules of conduct, in our laws, in
our customs.”[150]
The vital necessity of restriction and selection in immigration to conserve
and build race-values is thus set forth by Mr. Hall:

“There is one aspect of immigration restriction in the various countries
which does not often receive much attention; namely, the possibility of its
use as a method of world-eugenics. Most persons think of migration in
terms of space—as the moving of a certain number of people from one part
of the earth’s surface to another. Whereas the much more important aspect
of it is that of a functioning in time.
“This comes from two facts. The first is that the vacuum left in any country
by emigration is rapidly filled up through a rise in the birth-rate.... The
second fact is that immigration to any country of a given stratum of
population tends to sterilize all strata of higher social and economic levels
already in that country. So true is this that nearly all students of the matter
are agreed that the United States would have a larger population to-day if
there had been no immigration since 1820, and, it is needless to add, a much
more homogeneous population. As long as the people of any community are
relatively homogeneous, what differences of wealth and social position
there may be do not affect the birth-rate, or do so only after a considerable
time. But put into that community a number of immigrants, inferior
mentally, socially, and economically, and the natives are unwilling to have
their children associate with them in work or social life. They then limit the
number of their children in order to give them the capital or education to
enter occupations in which they will not be brought into contact with the
new arrivals. This result is quite apparent in New England, where
successive waves of immigration from lower and lower levels have been
coming in for eighty years. In the West, the same New England stock has a
much higher birth-rate, showing that its fertility is in no way diminished. In
the South, where until very recently there was no immigration at all, and the
only socially inferior race was clearly separated by the accident of color, the
birth-rate has remained very high, and the very large families of the colonial
period are even now not uncommon.
“This is not to say that other causes do not contribute to lower the birth-rate
of a country, for that is an almost world-wide phenomenon. But the desire
to be separated from inferiors is as strong a motive to birth-control as the
desire for luxury or to ape one’s economic superiors. Races follow
Gresham’s law as to money: the poorer of two kinds in the same place tends
to supplant the better. Mark you, supplant, not drive out. One of the most
common fallacies is the idea that the natives whose places are taken by the

lower immigrants are ‘driven up’ to more responsible positions. A few may
be pushed up; more are driven to a new locality, as happened in the mining
regions; but most are prevented from coming into existence at all.
“What is the result, then, of the migration of 1,000,000 persons of lower
level into a country where the average is of a higher level? Considering the
world as a whole, there are, after a few years, 2,000,000 persons of the
lower type in the world, and probably from 500,000 to 1,000,000 less of the
higher type. The proportion of lower to higher in the country from which
the migration goes may remain the same; but in the country receiving it, it
has risen. Is the world as a whole the gainer?
“Of course the euthenist[151] says at once that these immigrants are
improved. We may grant that, although the improvement is probably much
exaggerated. You cannot make bad stock into good by changing its
meridian, any more than you can turn a cart-horse into a hunter by putting it
into a fine stable, or make a mongrel into a fine dog by teaching it tricks.
But such improvement as there is involves time, expense, and trouble; and,
when it is done, has anything been gained? Will any one say that the races
that have supplanted the old Nordic stock in New England are any better, or
as good, as the descendants of that stock would have been if their birth-rate
had not been lowered?
“Further, in addition to the purely biological aspects of the matter, there are
certain psychological ones. Although a cosmopolitan atmosphere furnishes
a certain freedom in which strong congenital talents can develop, it is a
question whether as many are not injured as helped by this. Indeed, there is
considerable evidence to show that for the production of great men, a
certain homogeneity of environment is necessary. The reason of this is very
simple. In a homogeneous community, opinions on a large number of
matters are fixed. The individual does not have to attend to such things, but
is free to go ahead on some special line of his own, to concentrate to his
limit on his work, even though that work be fighting the common opinions.
“But in a community of many races, there is either cross-breeding or there
is not. If there is, the children of such cross-breeding are liable to inherit
two souls, two temperaments, two sets of opinions, with the result in many
cases that they are unable to think or act strongly and consistently in any

direction. The classic examples are Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil. On the other
hand, if there is no cross-breeding, the diversity exists in the original races,
and in a community full of diverse ideals of all kinds much of the energy of
the higher type of man is dissipated in two ways. First, in the intellectual
field there is much more doubt about everything, and he tends to weigh,
discuss, and agitate many more subjects, in order to arrive at a conclusion
amid the opposing views. Second, in practical affairs, much time and
strength have to be devoted to keeping things going along old lines, which
could have been spent in new research and development. In how many of
our large cities to-day are men of the highest type spending their whole time
fighting, often in vain, to maintain standards of honesty, decency, and order,
and in trying to compose the various ethnic elements, who should be free to
build new structures upon the old!
“The moral seems to be this: Eugenics among individuals is encouraging
the propagation of the fit, and limiting or preventing the multiplication of
the unfit. World-eugenics is doing precisely the same thing as to races
considered as wholes. Immigration restriction is a species of segregation on
a large scale, by which inferior stocks can be prevented from both diluting
and supplanting good stocks. Just as we isolate bacterial invasions, and
starve out the bacteria by limiting the area and amount of their food-supply,
so we can compel an inferior race to remain in its native habitat, where its
own multiplication in a limited area will, as with all organisms, eventually
limit its numbers and therefore its influence. On the other hand, the superior
races, more self-limiting than the others, with the benefits of more space
and nourishment will tend to still higher levels.
“This result is not merely a selfish benefit to the higher races, but a good to
the world as a whole. The object is to produce the greatest number of those
fittest not ‘for survival’ merely, but fittest for all purposes. The lower types
among men progress, so far as their racial inheritance allows them to,
chiefly by imitation and emulation. The presence of the highest
development and the highest institutions among any race is a distinct
benefit to all the others. It is a gift of psychological environment to any one
capable of appreciation.”[152]
The impossibility of any advanced and prosperous community maintaining
its social standards and handing them down to its posterity in these days of

cheap and rapid transportation except by restrictions upon immigrations is
thus explained by Professor Ross: “Now that cheap travel stirs the social
deeps and far-beckoning opportunity fills the steerage, immigration
becomes ever more serious to the people that hopes to rid itself at least of
slums, ‘masses,’ and ‘submerged.’ What is the good of practising prudence
in the family if hungry strangers may crowd in and occupy at the banquet
table of life the places reserved for its children? Shall it, in order to relieve
the teeming lands of their unemployed, abide in the pit of wolfish
competition and renounce the fair prospect of growth in suavity, comfort,
and refinement? If not, then the low-pressure society must not only slam its
doors upon the indraft, but must double-lock them with forts and iron-clads,
lest they be burst open by assault from some quarter where ‘cannon food’ is
cheap.”[153]
These admirable summaries of the immigration problem in its world-aspect
are strikingly illustrated by our own country, which may be considered as
the leading, if not the “horrible,” example. Probably few persons fully
appreciate what magnificent racial treasures America possessed at the
beginning of the nineteenth century. The colonial stock was perhaps the
finest that nature had evolved since the classic Greeks. It was the very pick
of the Nordics of the British Isles and adjacent regions of the European
continent—picked at a time when those countries were more Nordic than
now, since the industrial revolution had not yet begun and the consequent
resurgence of the Mediterranean and Alpine elements had not taken place.
The immigrants of colonial times were largely exiles for conscience’s sake,
while the very process of migration was so difficult and hazardous that only
persons of courage, initiative, and strong will-power would voluntarily face
the long voyage overseas to a life of struggle in an untamed wilderness
haunted by ferocious savages.
Thus the entire process of colonial settlement was one continuous, drastic
cycle of eugenic selection. Only the racially fit ordinarily came, while the
few unfit who did come were mostly weeded out by the exacting
requirements of early American life.
The eugenic results were magnificent. As Madison Grant well says: “Nature
had vouchsafed to the Americans of a century ago the greatest opportunity

in recorded history to produce in the isolation of a continent a powerful and
racially homogeneous people, and had provided for the experiment a pure
race of one of the most gifted and vigorous stocks on earth, a stock free
from the diseases, physical and moral, which have again and again sapped
the vigor of the older lands. Our grandfathers threw away this opportunity
in the blissful ignorance of national childhood and inexperience.”[154] The
number of great names which America produced at the beginning of its
national life shows the high level of ability possessed by this relatively
small people (only about 3,000,000 whites in 1790). With our hundred-odd
millions we have no such output of genius to-day.
The opening decades of the nineteenth century seemed to portend for
America the most glorious of futures. For nearly seventy years after the
Revolution, immigration was small, and during that long period of ethnic
isolation the colonial stock, unperturbed by alien influences, adjusted its
cultural differences and began to display the traits of a genuine new type,
harmonious in basic homogeneity and incalculably rich in racial promise.
The general level of ability continued high and the output of talent
remained extraordinarily large. Perhaps the best feature of the nascent
“native American” race was its strong idealism. Despite the materialistic
blight which was then creeping over the white world, the native American
displayed characteristics more reminiscent of his Elizabethan forebears than
of the materialistic Hanoverian Englishman. It was a wonderful time—and
it was only the dawn!
But the full day of that wondrous dawning never came. In the late forties of
the nineteenth century the first waves of the modern immigrant tide began
breaking on our shores, and the tide swelled to a veritable deluge which
never slackened till temporarily restrained by the late war. This
immigration, to be sure, first came mainly from northern Europe, was thus
largely composed of kindred stocks, and contributed many valuable
elements. Only during the last thirty years have we been deluged by the
truly alien hordes of the European east and south. But, even at its best, the
immigrant tide could not measure up to the colonial stock which it
displaced, not reinforced, while latterly it became a menace to the very
existence of our race, ideals, and institutions. All our slowly acquired
balance—physical, mental, and spiritual—has been upset, and we to-day

flounder in a veritable Serbonian bog, painfully trying to regain the solid
ground on which our grandsires confidently stood.
The dangerous fallacy in that short-sighted idealism which seeks to make
America the haven of refuge for the poor and oppressed of all lands, and its
evil effects not only on America but on the rest of the world as well, has
been convincingly exposed by Professor Ross. He has scant patience with
those social “uplifters” whose sympathy with the visible alien at the gate is
so keen that they have no feeling for the invisible children of our poor who
will find the chances gone, nor for those at the gate of the to-be, who might
have been born, but will not be.
“I am not of those,” he writes, “who consider humanity and forget the
nation, who pity the living but not the unborn. To me, those who are to
come after us stretch forth beseeching hands as well as do the masses on the
other side of the globe. Nor do I regard America as something to be spent
quickly and cheerfully for the benefit of pent-up millions in the backward
lands. What if we become crowded without their ceasing to be so? I regard
it (America) as a nation whose future may be of unspeakable value to the
rest of mankind, provided that the easier conditions of life here be made
permanent by high standards of living, institutions, and ideals, which finally
may be appropriated by all men. We could have helped the Chinese a little
by letting their surplus millions swarm in upon us a generation ago; but we
have helped them infinitely more by protecting our standards and having
something worth their copying when the time came.”[155]
The perturbing influence of recent immigration must vex American life for
many decades. Even if laws are passed to-morrow so drastic as to shut out
permanently the influx of undesirable elements, it will yet take several
generations before the combined action of assimilation and elimination
shall have restabilized our population and evolved a new type-norm
approaching in fixity that which was on the point of crystallizing three-
quarters of a century ago.
The biologist Humphrey thus punctures the “melting-pot” delusion: “Our
‘melting-pot,’” he writes, “would not give us in a thousand years what
enthusiasts expect of it—a fusing of all our various racial elements into a
new type which shall be the true American. It will give us for many

generations a perplexing diversity in ancestry, and since our successors
must reach back into their ancestry for characteristics, this diversity will
increase the uncertainty of their inheritances. They will inherit no stable
blended character, because there is no such thing. They will inherit from a
mixture of unlike characteristics contributed by unlike peoples, and in their
inheritance they will have certain of these characteristics in full identity,
while certain others they will not have at all.”[156]
Thus, under even the most favorable circumstances, we are in for
generations of racial readjustment—an immense travail, essentially
needless, since the final product will probably not measure up to the
colonial standard. We will probably never (unless we adopt positive eugenic
measures) be the race we might have been if America had been reserved for
the descendants of the picked Nordics of colonial times.
But that is no reason for folding our hands in despairing inaction. On the
contrary, we should be up and doing, for though some of our race-heritage
has been lost, more yet remains. We can still be a very great people—if we
will it so. Heaven be praised, the colonial stock was immensely prolific
before the alien tide wrought its sterilizing havoc. Even to-day nearly one-
half of our population is of the old blood, while many millions of the
immigrant stock are sound in quality and assimilable in kind. Only—the
immigrant tide must at all costs be stopped and America given a chance to
stabilize her ethnic being. It is the old story of the sibylline books. Some, to
be sure, are ashes of the dead past; all the more should we conserve the
precious volumes which remain.
One fact should be clearly understood: If America is not true to her own
race-soul, she will inevitably lose it, and the brightest star that has appeared
since Hellas will fall like a meteor from the human sky, its brilliant radiance
fading into the night. “We Americans,” says Madison Grant, “must realize
that the altruistic ideals which have controlled our social development
during the past century and the maudlin sentimentalism that has made
America ‘an asylum for the oppressed,’ are sweeping the nation toward a
racial abyss. If the melting-pot is allowed to boil without control and we
continue to follow our national motto and deliberately blind ourselves to
‘all distinctions of race, creed, or color,’ the type of native American of

colonial descent will become as extinct as the Athenian of the age of
Pericles and the Viking of the days of Rollo.”[157]
And let us not lay any sacrificial unction to our souls. If we cheat our
country and the world of the splendid promise of American life, we shall
have no one to blame but ourselves, and we shall deserve, not pity, but
contempt. As Professor Ross well puts it: “A people that has no more
respect for its ancestors and no more pride of race than this deserves the
extinction that surely awaits it.”[158]
This extended discussion of the evil effects of even white immigration has,
in my opinion, been necessary in order to get a proper perspective for
viewing the problem of colored immigration. For it is perfectly obvious that
if the influx of inferior kindred stocks is bad, the influx of wholly alien
stocks is infinitely worse. When we see the damage wrought in America, for
example, by the coming of persons who, after all, belong mostly to
branches of the white race and who nearly all possess the basic ideals of
white civilization, we can grasp the incalculably greater damage which
would be wrought by the coming of persons wholly alien in blood and
possessed of idealistic and cultural backgrounds absolutely different from
ours. If the white immigrant can gravely disorder the national life, it is not
too much to say that the colored immigrant would doom it to certain death.
This doom would be all the more certain because of the enormous potential
volume of colored immigration. Beside it, the white immigrant tide of the
past century would pale into insignificance. Leaving all other parts of the
colored world out of the present discussion, three Asiatic countries—China,
Japan, and India—together have a population of nearly 800,000,000. That is
practically twice the population of Europe—the source of white
immigration. And the vast majority of these 800,000,000 Asiatics are
potential immigrants into white territories. Their standards of living are so
inconceivably low, their congestion is so painful, and their consequent
desire for relief so keen that the high-standard, relatively empty white world
seems to them a perfect paradise. Only the barrier of the white man’s veto
has prevented a perfect deluge of colored men into white lands, and even as
it is the desperate seekers after fuller life have crept and crawled through
every crevice in that barrier, until even these advance-guards to-day
constitute serious local problems along the white world’s race-frontiers.

The simple truth of the matter is this: A mighty problem—a planet-wide
problem—confronts us to-day and will increasingly confront us in the days
to come. Says Putnam Weale: “A struggle has begun between the white man
and all the other men of the world to decide whether non-white men—that
is, yellow men, or brown men, or black men—may or may not invade the
white man’s countries in order there to gain their livelihood. The standard
of living being low in the lands of colored men and high in the lands of the
white man, it has naturally followed that it has been in the highest degree
attractive for men of color during the past few decades to proceed to regions
where their labor is rewarded on a scale far above their actual requirements
—that is, on the white man’s scale. This simple economic truth creates the
inevitable contest which has for years filled all the countries bordering on
the Pacific with great dread; and which, in spite of the temporary truce
which the so-called ‘Exclusion Policy’ has now enforced, will go much
farther than it has yet gone.”[159]
The world-wide significance of colored immigration and the momentous
conflicts which it will probably provoke are ably visualized by Professor
Ross.
“The rush of developments,” he writes, “makes it certain that the vision of a
globe ‘lapped in universal law’ is premature. If the seers of the mid-century
who looked for the speedy triumph of free trade had read their Malthus
aright, they might have anticipated the tariff barriers that have arisen on all
hands within the last thirty years. So, to-day one needs no prophet’s mantle
to foresee that presently the world will be cut up with immigration barriers
which will never be levelled until the intelligent accommodation of
numbers to resources has greatly equalized population-pressure all over the
globe.... Dams against the color races, with spillways of course for students,
merchants, and travellers, will presently enclose the white man’s world.
Within this area minor dams will protect the high wages of the less prolific
peoples against the surplus labor of the more prolific.
“Assuredly, every small-family nation will try to raise such a dam, and
every big-family nation will try to break it down. The outlook for peace and
disarmament is, therefore, far from bright. One needs but compare the
population-pressures in France, Germany, Russia, and Japan to realize that,

even to-day, the real enemy of the dove of peace is not the eagle of pride or
the vulture of greed, but the stork!
“The great point of doubt in birth restriction is the ability of the Western
nations to retain control of the vast African, Australasian, and South
American areas they have staked out as preserves to be peopled at their
leisure with the diminishing overflow of their population. If underbreeding
should leave them without the military strength that alone can defend their
far-flung frontiers in the southern hemisphere, those huge underdeveloped
regions will assuredly be filled with the children of the brown and the
yellow races.”[160]
Thus, white men, of whatever country and however far removed from
personal contact with colored competitors, must realize that the question of
colored immigration vitally concerns every white man, woman, and child;
because nowhere—absolutely nowhere—can white labor compete on equal
terms with colored immigrant labor. The grim truth is that there are enough
hard-working colored men to swamp the whole white world.
No palliatives will serve to mitigate the ultimate issue, for if the white race
should to-day surrender enough of its frontiers to ease the existing colored
population-pressure, so quickly would these surrendered regions be
swamped, and so rapidly would the fast-breeding colored races fill the
homeland gaps, that in a very short time the diminished white world would
be faced with an even louder colored clamor for admittance—backed by an
increased power to enforce the colored will.
The profoundly destructive effects of colored competition upon white
standards of labor and living has long been admitted by all candid students
of the problem. So warm a champion of Asiatics as Mr. Hyndman
acknowledges that “the white workers cannot hold their own permanently
against Chinese competition in the labor market. The lower standard of life,
the greater persistence, the superior education of the Chinese will beat
them, and will continue to beat them.”[161]
Wherever the white man has been exposed to colored competition,
particularly Asiatic competition, the story is the same. Says the Australian
Professor Pearson: “No one in California or Australia, where the effects of
Chinese competition have been studied, has, I believe, the smallest doubt

that Chinese laborers, if allowed to come in freely, could starve all the white
men in either country out of it, or force them to submit to harder work and a
much lower standard of wages.”[162]
And a South African, writing of the effects of Hindu immigration into
Natal, remarks in similar vein: “The condition of South Africa—especially
of Natal—is a warning to other lands to bar Asiatic immigrants.... Both
economically and socially the presence of a large Oriental population is
bad. The Asiatics either force out the white workers, or compel the latter to
live down to the Asiatic level. There must be a marked deterioration
amongst the white working classes, which renders useless a great deal of
the effort made in educational work. The white population is educated and
trained according to the best ideas of the highest form of Western
civilization—and has to compete for a livelihood against Asiatics! In South
Africa this competition is driving out the white working class, because the
average European cannot live down to the Asiatic level—and if it is
essential that the European must do so, for the sake of his own happiness,
do not educate him up to better things. If cheapness is the only
consideration, if low wages are to come before everything else, then it is not
only waste of money, but absolute cruelty, to inspire in the white working
classes tastes and aspirations which it is impossible for them to realize. To
meet Asiatic competition squarely, it would be necessary to train the white
children to be Asiatics. Even the pro-Orientals would hardly advocate
this.”[163]
The lines just quoted squarely counter the “survival of the fittest” plea so
often made by Asiatic propagandists for colored immigration. The argument
runs that, since the Oriental laborer is able to underbid the white laborer, the
Oriental is the “fittest” and should therefore be allowed to supplant the
white man in the interests of human progress. This is of course merely
clever use of the well-known fallacy which confuses the terms “fittest” and
“best.” The idea that, because a certain human type “fits” in certain ways a
particular environment (often an unhealthy, man-made social environment),
it should be allowed to drive out another type endowed with much richer
potentialities for the highest forms of human evolution, is a sophistry as
absurd as it is dangerous.

Professor Ross puts the matter very aptly when he remarks concerning
Chinese immigration: “The competition of white laborer and yellow is not
so simple a test of human worth as some may imagine. Under good
conditions the white man can best the yellow man in turning off work. But
under bad conditions the yellow man can best the white man, because he
can better endure spoiled food, poor clothing, foul air, noise, heat, dirt,
discomfort, and microbes. Reilly can outdo Ah-San, but Ah-San can
underlive Reilly. Ah-San cannot take away Reilly’s job as being a better
workman; but because he can live and do some work at a wage on which
Reilly cannot keep himself fit to work at all, three or four Ah-Sans can take
Reilly’s job from him. And they will do it, too, unless they are barred out of
the market where Reilly is selling his labor. Reilly’s endeavor to exclude
Ah-San from his labor market is not the case of a man dreading to pit
himself on equal terms against a better man. Indeed, it is not quite so simple
and selfish and narrow-minded as all that. It is a case of a man fitted to get
the most out of good conditions refusing to yield his place to a weaker man
able to withstand bad conditions.”[164]
All this is no disparagement of the Asiatic. He is perfectly justified in trying
to win broader opportunities in white lands. But we whites are equally
justified in keeping these opportunities for ourselves and our children. The
hard facts are that there is not enough for both; that when the enormous
outward thrust of colored population-pressure bursts into a white land it
cannot let live, but automatically crushes the white man out—first the white
laborer, then the white merchant, lastly the white aristocrat; until every
vestige of white has gone from that land forever.
This inexorable process is thus described by an Australian: “The colored
races become agencies of economic disturbance and social degradation.
They sap and destroy the upward tendencies of the poorer whites. The
latter, instead of always having something better to look at and strive after,
have a lower standard of living, health, and cleanliness set before them, and
the results are disastrous. They sink to the lower level of the Asiatics, and
the degrading tendency proceeds upward by saturation, affecting several
grades of society.... There is an insidious, yet irresistible, process of social
degradation. The colored race does not intentionally, or even consciously,
lower the European; it simply happens so, by virtue of a natural law which
neither race can control. As debased coinage will drive out good currency,

so a lowered standard of living will inexorably spread until its effects are
universally felt.”[165]
It all comes down to a question of self-preservation. And, despite what
sentimentalists may say, self-preservation is the first law of nature. To love
one’s cultural, idealistic, and racial heritage; to swear to pass that heritage
unimpaired to one’s children; to fight, and, if need be, to die in its defense:
all this is eternally right and proper, and no amount of casuistry or
sentimentality can alter that unalterable truth. An Englishman put the thing
in a nutshell when he wrote: “Asiatic immigration is not a question of
sentiment, but of sheer existence. The whole problem is summed up in
Lafcadio Hearn’s pregnant phrase: ‘The East can underlive the West.’”[166]
Rigorous exclusion of colored immigrants is thus vitally necessary for the
white peoples. Unfortunately, this exclusion policy will not be easily
maintained. Colored population-pressure is insistent and increasing, while
the matter is still further complicated by the fact that, while no white
community can gain by colored immigration, white individuals—employers
of labor—may be great gainers and hence often tend to put private interest
above racial duty. Barring a handful of sincere but misguided cosmopolitan
enthusiasts, it is unscrupulous business interests which are behind every
white proposal to relax the exclusion laws protecting white areas.
In fairness to these business interests, however, let us realize their great
temptations. To the average employer, especially in the newer areas of
white settlement where white labor is scarce and dictatorial, what could be
more enticing than the vision of a boundless supply of cheap and eager
colored labor?
Consider this Californian appraisement of the Chinese coolie: “The Chinese
coolie is the ideal industrial machine, the perfect human ox. He will
transform less food into more work, with less administrative friction, than
any other creature. Even now, when the scarcity of Chinese labor and the
consequent rise in wages have eliminated the question of cheapness, the
Chinese have still the advantage over all other servile labor in convenience
and efficiency. They are patient, docile, industrious, and above all ‘honest’
in the business sense that they keep their contracts. Also, they cost nothing
but money. Any other sort of labor costs human effort and worry, in

addition to the money. But Chinese labor can be bought like any other
commodity, at so much a dozen or a hundred. The Chinese contractor
delivers the agreed number of men, at the agreed time and place, for the
agreed price, and if any one should drop out he finds another in his place.
The men board and lodge themselves, and when the work is done they
disappear from the employer’s ken until again needed. The entire
transaction consists in paying the Chinese contractor an agreed number of
dollars for an agreed result. This elimination of the human element reduces
the labor problem to something the employer can understand. The Chinese
labor-machine, from his standpoint, is perfect.”[167]
What is true of the Chinese is true to a somewhat lesser extent of all
“coolie” labor. Hence, once introduced into a white country, it becomes
immensely popular—among employers. How it was working out in South
Africa, before the exclusion acts there, is clearly explained in the following
lines: “The experience of South Africa is that when once Asiatic labor is
admitted, the tendency is for it to grow. One manufacturer secures it and is
able to cut prices to such an extent that the other manufacturers are forced
either to employ Asiatics also or to reduce white wages to the Asiatic level.
Oriental labor is something which does not stand still. The taste for it
grows. A party springs up financially interested in increasing it. In Natal to-
day the suggestion that Indian labor should no longer be imported is met by
an outcry from the planters, the farmers, and landowners, and a certain
number of manufacturers, that industries and agriculture will be ruined. So
the coolie ships continue to arrive at Durban, and Natal becomes more and
more a land of black and brown people and less a land of white people.
Instead of becoming a Canada or New Zealand, it is becoming a Trinidad or
Cuba. Instead of white settlers, there are brown settlers.... The working-
class white population has to go, as it is going in Natal. The country
becomes a country of white landlords and supervisors controlling a horde of
Asiatics. It does not produce a nation or a free people. It becomes what in
the old days of English colonization was called a ‘plantation.’”[168]
All this gives a clearer idea of the difficulties involved in a successful
guarding of the gates. But it also confirms the conviction that the gates must
be strictly guarded. If anything further were needed to reinforce that
conviction it should be the present state of those white outposts where the
gates have been left ajar.

Hawaii is a good example. This mid-Pacific archipelago was brought under
white control by masterful American Nordics, who established Anglo-
Saxon institutions and taught the natives the rudiments of Anglo-Saxon
civilization. The native Hawaiians, like the other Polynesian races, could
not stand the pressure of white civilization, and withered away. But the
white oligarchy which controlled the islands determined to turn their
marvellous fertility to immediate profit. Labor was imported from the ends
of the earth, the sole test being working ability without regard to race or
color. There followed a great influx of Asiatic labor—at first Chinese until
annexation to the United States brought Hawaii under our Chinese
exclusion laws; later on Filipinos, Koreans, and, above all, Japanese.
The results are highly instructive. These Asiatics arrived as agricultural
laborers to work on the plantations. But they did not stay there. Saving their
wages, they pushed vigorously into all the middle walks of life. The
Hawaiian fisherman and the American artisan or shopkeeper were alike
ousted by ruthless undercutting. To-day the American mechanic, the
American storekeeper, the American farmer, even the American contractor,
is a rare bird indeed, while Japanese corporations are buying up the finest
plantations and growing the finest pineapples and sugar. Fully half the
population of the islands is Japanese, while the Americans are being
literally encysted as a small and dwindling aristocracy. In 1917 the births of
the two races were: American, 295; Japanese, 5,000! Comment is
superfluous.
Clear round the globe, the island of Mauritius, the half-way house between
Asia and Africa, tells the same tale. Originally settled by Europeans, mostly
French, Mauritius imported negroes from Africa to work its rich soil. This
at once made impossible the existence of a white laboring class, though the
upper, middle, and artisan classes remained unaffected by the economically
backward blacks. A hundred years ago one-third of the population were
whites. But after the abolition of slavery the negroes quit work, and Asiatics
were imported to take their place. The upshot was that the whites were
presently swamped beneath the Asiatic tide—here mostly Hindus. To-day
the Hindus alone form more than two-thirds of the whole population, the
whites numbering less than one-tenth. Indeed, the very outward aspect of
the island is changing. The old French landmarks are going, and the fabled
land of “Paul and Virginia” is becoming a bit of Hindustan, with a Chinese

fringe. Even Port Louis, the capital town, has mostly passed from white to
Indian or Chinese hands.
Now what do these two world-sundered cases mean? They mean, as an
English writer justly remarks, “that under the British flag Mauritius has
become an outpost of Asia, just as Hawaii is another such and under the
Stars and Stripes.”[169] And, of course, there is Natal, already mentioned,
which, at the moment when the recent South African Exclusion Act stayed
the Hindu tide, had not only been partially transformed into an Asiatic land,
but was fast becoming a centre of Asiatic radiation all over South Africa.
With such grim warnings before their eyes, it is not strange that the lusty
young Anglo-Saxon communities bordering the Pacific—Australia, New
Zealand, British Columbia, and our own “coast”—have one and all set their
faces like flint against the Oriental and have emblazoned across their portals
the legend: “All White.” Nothing is more striking than the instinctive and
instantaneous solidarity which binds together Australians and Afrikanders,
Californians and Canadians, into a “sacred union” at the mere whisper of
Asiatic immigration.
Everywhere the slogan is the same. “The ‘White Australia’ idea,” cries an
antipodean writer, “is not a political theory. It is a gospel. It counts for more
than religion; for more than flag, because the flag waves over all kinds of
races; for more than the empire, for the empire is mostly black, or brown or
yellow; is largely heathen, largely polygamous, partly cannibal. In fact, the
White Australia doctrine is based on the necessity for choosing between
national existence and national suicide.”[170] “White Australia!” writes
another Australian in similar vein. “Australians of all classes and political
affiliations regard the policy much as Americans regard the Constitution. It
is their most articulate article of faith. The reason is not far to seek....
Australian civilization is little more than a partial fringe round the
continental coastline of 12,210 miles. The coast and its hinterlands are
settled and developed, although not completely for the entire
circumference; in the centre of the country lie the apparently illimitable
wastes of the Never-Never Land, occupied entirely by scrub, snakes, sand,
and blackfellows. The almost manless regions of the island-continent are a
terrible menace. It is impossible to police at all adequately such an
enormous area. And the peoples of Asia, beating at the bars that confine

them, rousing at last from their age-long slumber, are chafing at the
restraints imposed upon their free entry into and settlement of such
uninhabited, undeveloped lands.”[171]
So the Australians, 5,000,000 whites in a far-off continent as large as the
United States, defy clamoring Asia and swear to keep Australia a white
man’s land. Says Professor Pearson: “We are guarding the last part of the
world in which the higher races can increase and live freely, for the higher
civilization. We are denying the yellow race nothing but what it can find in
the home of its birth, or in countries like the Indian Archipelago, where the
white man can never live except as an exotic.”[172]
So Australia has raised drastic immigration barriers conceived on the lines
laid down by Sir Henry Parkes many years ago: “It is our duty to preserve
the type of the British nation, and we ought not for any consideration
whatever to admit any element that would detract from, or in any
appreciable degree lower, that admirable type of nationality. We should not
encourage or admit amongst us any class of persons whatever whom we are
not prepared to advance to all our franchises, to all our privileges as
citizens, and all our social rights, including the right of marriage. I maintain
that no class of persons should be admitted here who cannot come amongst
us, take up all our rights, perform on a ground of equality all our duties, and
share in our august and lofty work of founding a free nation.”[173]
From Canada rises an equally uncompromising determination. Listen to Mr.
Vrooman, a high official of British Columbia: “Our province is becoming
Orientalized, and one of our most important questions is whether it is to
remain a British province or become an Oriental colony—for we have three
races demanding seats in our drawing-room, as well as places at our board
—the Japanese, Chinese, and East Indian.”[174] And a well-known Canadian
writer, Miss Laut, thus defines the issue: “If the resident Hindu had a vote
—and as a British subject, why not?—and if he could break down the
immigration exclusion act, he could outvote the native-born Canadian in ten
years. In Canada are 5,500,000 native-born, 2,000,000 aliens. In India are
hundreds of millions breaking the dikes of their own natural barriers and
ready to flood any open land. Take down the barriers on the Pacific coast,
and there would be 10,000,000 Hindus in Canada in ten years.”[175]

Our Pacific coast takes precisely the same attitude. Says Chester H. Rowell,
a California writer: “There is no right way to solve a race problem except to
stop it before it begins.... The Pacific coast is the frontier of the white man’s
world, the culmination of the westward migration which is the white man’s
whole history. It will remain the frontier so long as we regard it as such; no
longer. Unless it is maintained there, there is no other line at which it can be
maintained without more effort than American government and American
civilization are able to sustain. The multitudes of Asia are awake, after their
long sleep, as the multitudes of Europe were when our present flood of
immigration began. We know what could happen, on the Asiatic side, by
what did happen and is happening on the European side. On that side we
have survived.... But against Asiatic immigration we could not survive. The
numbers who would come would be greater than we could encyst, and the
races who would come are those which we could never absorb. The
permanence not merely of American civilization, but of the white race on
this continent, depends on our not doing on the Pacific side what we have
done on the Atlantic coast.”[176]
Says another Californian, Justice Burnett: “The Pacific States comprise an
empire of vast potentialities and capable of supporting a population of many
millions. Those now living there propose that it shall continue to be a home
for them and their children, and that they shall not be overwhelmed and
driven eastward by an ever-increasing yellow and brown flood.”[177]
All “economic” arguments are summarily put aside. “They say,” writes
another Californian, “that our fruit-orchards, mines, and seed-farms cannot
be worked without them (Oriental laborers). It were better that they never
be developed than that our white laborers be degraded and driven from the
soil. The same arguments were used a century and more ago to justify the
importation of African labor.... As it is now, no self-respecting white laborer
will work beside the Mongolian upon any terms. The proposition, whether
we shall have white or yellow labor on the Pacific coast, must soon be
settled, for we cannot have both. If the Mongolian is permitted to occupy
the land, the white laborer from east of the Rockies will not come here—he
will shun California as he would a pestilence. And who can blame
him?”[178]

The middle as well as the working class is imperilled by any large number
of Orientals, for “The presence of the Japanese trader means that the white
man must either go out of business or abandon his standard of comfort and
sink to the level of the Asiatic, who will sleep under his counter and subsist
upon food that would mean starvation to his white rival.”[179]
Indeed, Californian assertions that Oriental immigration menaces, not
merely the coast, but the whole continent, seem well taken. This view was
officially indorsed by Mr. Caminetti, Commissioner-General of
Immigration, who testified before a Congressional committee some years
ago: “Asiatic immigration is a menace to the whole country, and
particularly to the Pacific coast. The danger is general. No part of the
United States is immune. The Chinese are now spread over the entire
country, and the Japanese want to encroach. The Chinese have become so
acclimated that they can prosper in any part of our country.... I would have a
law to register the Asiatic laborers who come into the country. It is
impossible to protect ourselves from persons who come in
surreptitiously.”[180]
Fortunately, the majority of thinking Americans are to-day convinced that
Oriental immigration must not be tolerated. Most of our leading men have
so expressed themselves. For example, Woodrow Wilson, during his first
presidential campaign, declared on May 3, 1912: “In the matter of Chinese
and Japanese coolie immigration, I stand for the national policy of
exclusion. The whole question is one of assimilation of diverse races. We
cannot make a homogeneous population of a people who do not blend with
the Caucasian race. Their lower standard of living as laborers will crowd
out the white agriculturist and is in other fields a most serious industrial
menace. The success of free democratic institutions demands of our people
education, intelligence, and patriotism, and the State should protect them
against unjust and impossible competition. Remunerative labor is the basis
of contentment. Democracy rests on the equality of the citizen. Oriental
coolieism will give us another race-problem to solve and surely we have
had our lesson.”[181]
The necessity for rigid Oriental exclusion is nowhere better exemplified
than by the alarm felt to-day in California by the extraordinarily high birth-
rate of its Japanese residents. There are probably not over 150,000 Japanese

in the whole United States, their numbers being kept down by the
“Gentlemen’s Agreement” entered into by the Japanese and American
Governments. But, few though they are, they bring in their women—and
these women bring many children into the world. The California Japanese
settle in compact agricultural colonies, which so teem with babies that a
leading California organ, the Los Angeles Times, thus seriously discusses
the matter:
“There may have been a time when an anti-Japanese land bill would have
limited Japanese immigration. But such a law would be impotent now to
keep native Japanese from possessing themselves of the choicest
agricultural and horticultural land in California. For there are now more
than 30,000 children in the State of Japanese parentage, native-born; they
possess all the rights of leasing and ownership held by white children born
here.... The birth statistics seem to prove that the danger is not from the
Japanese soldiers, but from the picture brides. The fruitfulness of those
brides is almost uncanny.... Here is a Japanese problem of sufficient gravity
to merit serious consideration. We are threatened with an over-production of
Japanese children. First come the men, then the picture brides, then the
families. If California is to be preserved for the next generation as a ‘white
man’s country’ there must be some movement started that will restrict the
Japanese birth-rate in California. When a condition is reached in which two
children of Japanese parentage are born in some districts for every white
child, it is about time something else was done than making speeches about
it in the American Senate.... If the same present birth-ratio were maintained
for the next ten years, there would be 150,000 children of Japanese descent
born in California in 1929 and but 40,000 white children. And in 1949 the
majority of the population of California would be Japanese, ruling the
State.”[182]
The alarm of our California contemporary may, in this particular instance,
be exaggerated. Nevertheless, when we remember the practically unlimited
expansive possibilities of even small human groups under favorable
conditions, the picture drawn contains no features inherently impossible of
realization. What is absolutely certain is that any wholesale Oriental influx
would inevitably doom the whites, first of the Pacific coast, and later of the
whole United States, to social sterilization and ultimate racial extinction.

Thus all those newer regions of the white world won by the white
expansion of the last four centuries are alike menaced by the colored
migration peril; whether these regions be under-developed, under-populated
frontier marches like Australia and British Columbia, or older and better-
populated countries like the United States.
And let not Europe, the white brood-land, the heart of the white world,
think itself immune. In the last analysis, the self-same peril menaces it too.
This has long been recognized by far-sighted men. For many years
economists and sociologists have discussed the possibility of Asiatic
immigration into Europe. Low as wages and living standards are in many
European countries, they are yet far higher than in the congested East, while
the rapid progress of social betterment throughout Europe must further
widen the gap and make the white continent seem a more and more
desirable haven for the swarming, black-haired bread-seekers of China,
India, and Japan.
Indeed, a few observers of modern conditions have come to the conclusion
that this invasion of Europe by Asiatic labor is unescapable, and they have
drawn the most pessimistic conclusions. For example, more than a decade
ago an English writer asserted gloomily: “No level-headed thinker can
imagine that it will always be possible to prevent the free migration of
intelligent races, representing in the aggregate half the peoples of the world,
should those peoples actively conceive that their welfare demands that they
should seek employment in Europe. In these days of rapid transit, of
aviation, such a measure of repression is impossible.... We shall not be
destroyed, perhaps, by the sudden onrush of invaders, as Rome was
overwhelmed by the northern hordes; we shall be gradually subdued and
absorbed by the ‘peaceful penetration’ of more virile races.”[183]
Now, mark you! All that I have thus far written concerning colored
immigration has been written without reference to the late war. In other
words, the colored-migration peril would have been just as grave as I have
described it even if the white world were still as strong as in the years
before 1914.
But the war has of course immensely aggravated an already critical
situation. The war has shaken both the material and psychological bases of

white resistance to colored infiltration, while it has correspondingly
strengthened Asiatic hopes and hardened Asiatic determination to break
down the barriers debarring colored men from white lands.
Asia’s perception of what the war signified in this respect was
instantaneous. The war was not a month old before Japanese journals were
suggesting a relaxation of Asiatic exclusion laws in the British colonies as a
natural corollary to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and Anglo-Japanese
comradeship in arms. Said the Tokio Mainichi Deupo in August, 1914: “We
are convinced that it is a matter of the utmost importance that Britons
beyond the seas should make a better attempt at fraternizing with Japan, as
better relations between the English-speaking races and Japan will have a
vital bearing on the destiny of the empire. There is no reason why the
British colonies fronting on the Pacific should not actively participate in the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Britain needs population for her surplus land and
Japan needs land for her surplus population. This fact alone should draw the
two races closer together. Moreover, the British people have ample capital
but deficiency of labor, while it is the reverse with Japan.... The harmonious
co-operation of Britain and her colonies with Japan insures safety to British
and Japanese interests alike. Without such co-operation, Japan and Great
Britain are both unsafe.”[184]
What this “co-operation” implies was very frankly stated by The Japan
Magazine at about the same date: “There is nothing that would do so much
to bind East and West firmly together as the opening of the British colonies
to Japanese immigration. Then, indeed, Britain would be a lion endowed
with wings. Large numbers of Japanese in the British colonies would mean
that Britain would have the assistance of Japan in the protection of her
colonies. But if an anti-Japanese agitation is permitted, both countries will
be making the worst instead of the best of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.
Thus it would be allowed to make Japan an enemy instead of a friend. It
seems that the British people both at home and in the colonies are not yet
alive to the importance of the policy suggested, and it is, therefore, pointed
out and emphasized before it is too late.”[185]
The covert threat embodied in those last lines was a forerunner of the storm
of anti-white abuse which rose from the more bellicose sections of the
Japanese press as soon as it became evident that neither the British

Dominions nor the United States were going to relax their immigration
laws. Some of this anti-white comment, directed particularly against the
Anglo-Saxon peoples, I have already noted in the second chapter of this
book, but such comment as bears directly on immigration matters I have
reserved for discussion at this point.
For example, the Tokio Yorodzu wrote early in 1916: “Japan has been most
faithful to the requirements of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and yet the
treatment meted out to our countrymen in Canada, Australia, and other
British colonies has been a glaring insult to us.”[186] A year later a writer in
The Japan Magazine declared: “The agitation against Japanese in foreign
countries must cease, even if Japan has to take up arms to stop it. She
should not allow her immigration to be treated as a race-question.”[187] And
in 1919 the Yorodzu thus paid its respects to the exclusionist activity of our
Pacific coast States: “Whatever may be their object, their actions are more
despicable than those of the Germans whose barbarities they attacked as
worthy of Huns. At least, these Americans are barbarians who are on a
lower plane of civilization than the Japanese.”[188]
The war produced no letting down of immigration barriers along the white
world’s exposed frontiers, where men are fully alive to the peril. But the
war did produce temporary waverings of sentiment in the United States,
while in Europe colored labor was imported wholesale in ways which may
have ominous consequences.
Our own acute labor shortage during the war, particularly in agriculture, led
many Americans, especially employers, to cast longing eyes at the tempting
reservoirs of Asia. Typical of this attitude is an article by Hudson Maxim in
the spring of 1918. Mr. Maxim urged the importation of a million Chinese
to solve our farming and domestic-service problems.
“If it is possible,” he wrote, “by the employment of Chinese methods of
intensive farming, to increase the production of our lands to such an extent,
how stupendous would be the benefit of wide introduction of such methods.
The exhausted lands of New England could be made to produce like a
tropical garden. The vast areas of the great West that are to-day not
producing 10 per cent of what they ought to produce could be made to
produce the other 90 per cent by the introduction of Chinese labor.... The

average American does not like farming. The sons of the prosperous
farmers do not take kindly to the tilling of the soil with their own hands.
They prefer the excitement and the diversions and stimulus of the life of
city and town, and they leave the farm for the office and factory....
“Chinese, imported as agricultural laborers and household servants, would
solve the agricultural labor problem and the servant problem, and we should
have the best agricultural workers in the world and the best household
servants in the world, in unlimited numbers.”[189]
Now I submit that such arguments, however well-intentioned, are nothing
short of race-treason. If there be one truth which history has proved, it is the
solemn truth that those who work the land will ultimately own the land.
Furthermore, the countryside is the seed-bed from which the city
populations are normally recruited. The one bright spot in our otherwise
dubious ethnic future is the fact that most of our unassimilable aliens have
stopped in the towns, while many of the most assimilable immigrants have
settled in the country, thus reinforcing rather than replacing our native
American rural population. Any suggestion which advocates the settlement
of our countryside by Asiatics and the deliberate driving of our native
stocks to the towns, there to be sterilized and eliminated, is simply
unspeakable.
Fortunately, such fatal counsels were with us never acted upon, albeit they
should be remembered as lurking perils which will probably be urged again
in future times of stress. But during Europe’s war-agony, yellow, brown,
and black men were imported wholesale, not only for the armies, but also
for the factories and fields. These colored aliens have mostly been shipped
back to their homes. Nevertheless, they have carried with them vivid
recollections of the marvellous West, and the tale will spread to the remotest
corners of the colored world, stirring hard-pressed colored bread-seekers to
distant ventures. Furthermore, Europe has had a practical demonstration of
the colored alien’s manifold usefulness, and if Europe’s troubles are
prolonged, the colored man may be increasingly employed there both in
peace and war.
Even during the war the French and English working classes felt the
pressure of colored competition. Race-feeling grew strained, and presently

both England and France witnessed the (to them) unwonted spectacles of
race-riots in their port-towns where the colored aliens were most thickly
gathered. An American observer thus describes the “breaking of the
exclusion walls erected against the Chinese”:
“In London, one Wednesday evening, twenty-four months ago (i. e., in
1916), there was a mass-meeting held on the corner of Piggot Street,
Limehouse, to protest against the influx of John Chinaman into bonny old
England.... The London navvies that night heard a protest against ‘the
Chinese invasion’ of Britain. They knew that down on the London docks
there were two Chinamen to every white man since the coming of war.
They knew that many of these yellow aliens were married. They knew, too,
that a big Chinese restaurant had just opened down the West India Dock
Road.
“The Sailors’ and Firemen’s Union—one of the most powerful in England
—carried the protest into the Trades-Union Congress held at Birmingham.
There, alarm was voiced at the steady increase in the number of Chinese
hands on Britain’s ships. It was an increase, true, since the stress of war-
times had begun to try Britain. But what England’s sons of the seven seas
wanted to know was: when is ‘this Orientalizing’ of the British marine to
stop?... The seamen’s unions were willing to do their bit for John Bull, but
they wondered what was going to happen after the coming of peace. Would
the Chinese continue to man John Bull’s ships?...
“Such is one manifestation of the decisive lifting of gates and barriers that
has taken place since the white world went to war. To-day the Chinese—for
decades finding a wall in every white man’s country—are numbered by the
tens of thousands in the service of the Allies. They have made good. They
are a war-factor.... All told, 200,000 Chinese are ‘carrying on’ in the war-
zone, laboring behind the lines, in munition-works and factories, manning
ships....
“What will happen when peace comes upon this red world—a world turned
topsyturvy by the white man’s Great War, which has taken John Chinaman
from Shantung, Chihli, and Kwangtung to that battle-ground in France?...
That makes the drafting of China’s man-power one of the most supremely
important events in the Great War. The family of nations is taking on a new

meaning—John Chinaman overseas has a place in it. As Italian harvest-
labor before the war went to and from Argentina for a few months’ work, so
the Chinese have gone to Europe under contract and go home again.
Perhaps this action will have a bearing on the solution of the Far West’s
agricultural labor problem.
“Do not believe for a moment that the armies of Chinese in Europe will
forget the lessons taught them in the West. When these sons of Han come
home, the Great War will be found to have given birth to a new East.”[190]
So ends our survey. It has girdled the globe. And the lesson is always the
same: Colored migration is a universal peril, menacing every part of the
white world. Nowhere can the white man endure colored competition;
everywhere “the East can underlive the West.” The grim truth of the matter
is this: The whole white race is exposed, immediately or ultimately, to the
possibility of social sterilization and final replacement or absorption by the
teeming colored races.
What this unspeakable catastrophe would mean for the future of the planet,
and how the peril may be averted, will form the subject of my concluding
pages.

CHAPTER XII

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES
Ours is a solemn moment. We stand at a crisis—the supreme crisis of the
ages. For unnumbered millenniums man has toiled upward from the dank
jungles of savagery toward glorious heights which his mental and spiritual
potentialities give promise that he shall attain. His path has been slow and
wavering. Time and again he has lost his way and plunged into deep
valleys. Man’s trail is littered with the wrecks of dead civilizations and
dotted with the graves of promising peoples stricken by an untimely end.
Humanity has thus suffered many a disaster. Yet none of these disasters
were fatal, because they were merely local. Those wrecked civilizations and
blighted peoples were only parts of a larger whole. Always some strong
barbarians, endowed with rich, unspoiled heredities, caught the falling torch
and bore it onward flaming high once more.
Out of the prehistoric shadows the white races pressed to the front and
proved in a myriad ways their fitness for the hegemony of mankind.
Gradually they forged a common civilization; then, when vouchsafed their
unique opportunity of oceanic mastery four centuries ago, they spread over
the earth, filling its empty spaces with their superior breeds and assuring to
themselves an unparalleled paramountcy of numbers and dominion.
Three centuries later the whites took a fresh leap forward. The nineteenth
century was a new age of discovery—this time into the realms of science.
The hidden powers of nature were unveiled, incalculable energies were
tamed to human use, terrestrial distance was abridged, and at last the planet
was integrated under the hegemony of a single race with a common
civilization.
The prospects were magnificent, the potentialities of progress apparently
unlimited. Yet there were commensurate perils. Towering heights mean
abysmal depths, while the very possibility of supreme success implies the
possibility of supreme failure. All these marvellous achievements were due

solely to superior heredity, and the mere maintenance of what had been won
depended absolutely upon the prior maintenance of race-values. Civilization
of itself means nothing. It is merely an effect, whose cause is the creative
urge of superior germ-plasm. Civilization is the body; the race is the soul.
Let the soul vanish, and the body moulders into the inanimate dust from
which it came.
Two things are necessary for the continued existence of a race: it must
remain itself, and it must breed its best. Every race is the result of ages of
development which evolves specialized capacities that make the race what
it is and render it capable of creative achievement. These specialized
capacities (which particularly mark the superior races), being relatively
recent developments, are highly unstable. They are what biologists call
“recessive” characters; that is, they are not nearly so “dominant” as the
older, generalized characters which races inherit from remote ages and
which have therefore been more firmly stamped upon the germ-plasm.
Hence, when a highly specialized stock interbreeds with a different stock,
the newer, less stable, specialized characters are bred out, the variation, no
matter how great its potential value to human evolution, being irretrievably
lost. This occurs even in the mating of two superior stocks if these stocks
are widely dissimilar in character. The valuable specializations of both
breeds cancel out, and the mixed offspring tend strongly to revert to
generalized mediocrity.
And, of course, the more primitive a type is, the more prepotent it is. This is
why crossings with the negro are uniformly fatal. Whites, Amerindians, or
Asiatics—all are alike vanquished by the invincible prepotency of the more
primitive, generalized, and lower negro blood.
There is no immediate danger of the world being swamped by black blood.
But there is a very imminent danger that the white stocks may be swamped
by Asiatic blood.
The white man’s very triumphs have evoked this danger. His virtual
abolition of distance has destroyed the protection which nature once
conferred. Formerly mankind dwelt in such dispersed isolation that
wholesale contact of distant, diverse stocks was practically impossible. But
with the development of cheap and rapid transportation, nature’s barriers

are down. Unless man erects and maintains artificial barriers the various
races will increasingly mingle, and the inevitable result will be the
supplanting or absorption of the higher by the lower types.
We can see this process working out in almost every phase of modern
migration. The white immigration into Latin America is the exception
which proves the rule. That particular migration is, of course, beneficent,
since it means the influx of relatively high types into undeveloped lands,
sparsely populated by types either no higher or much lower than the new
arrivals. But almost everywhere else, whether we consider interwhite
migrations or colored encroachments on white lands, the net result is an
expansion of lower and a contraction of higher stocks, the process being
thus a disgenic one. Even in Asia the evils of modern migration are
beginning to show. The Japanese Government has been obliged to prohibit
the influx of Chinese and Korean coolies who were undercutting Japanese
labor and thus undermining the economic bases of Japanese life.
Furthermore, modern migration is itself only one aspect of a still more
fundamental disgenic trend. The whole course of modern urban and
industrial life is disgenic. Over and above immigration, the tendency is
toward a replacement of the more valuable by the less valuable elements of
the population. All over the civilized world racial values are diminishing,
and the logical end of this disgenic process is racial bankruptcy and the
collapse of civilization.
Now why is all this? It is primarily because we have not yet adjusted
ourselves to the radically new environment into which our epochal
scientific discoveries led us a century ago. Such adaptation as we have
effected has been almost wholly on the material side. The no less sweeping
idealistic adaptations which the situation calls for have not been made.
Hence, modern civilization has been one-sided, abnormal, unhealthy—and
nature is exacting penalties which will increase in severity until we either
fully adapt or finally perish.
“Finally perish!” That is the exact alternative which confronts the white
race. For white civilization is to-day conterminous with the white race. The
civilizations of the past were local. They were confined to a particular
people or group of peoples. If they failed, there were always some

unspoiled, well-endowed barbarians to step forward and “carry on.” But to-
day there are no more white barbarians. The earth has grown small, and
men are everywhere in close touch. If white civilization goes down, the
white race is irretrievably ruined. It will be swamped by the triumphant
colored races, who will obliterate the white man by elimination or
absorption. What has taken place in Central Asia, once a white and now a
brown or yellow land, will take place in Australasia, Europe, and America.
Not to-day, nor yet to-morrow; perhaps not for generations; but surely in the
end. If the present drift be not changed, we whites are all ultimately
doomed. Unless we set our house in order, the doom will sooner or later
overtake us all.
And that would mean that the race obviously endowed with the greatest
creative ability, the race which had achieved most in the past and which
gave the richer promise for the future, had passed away, carrying with it to
the grave those potencies upon which the realization of man’s highest hopes
depends. A million years of human evolution might go uncrowned, and
earth’s supreme life-product, man, might never fulfil his potential destiny.
This is why we to-day face “The Crisis of the Ages.”
To many minds the mere possibility of such a catastrophe may seem
unthinkable. Yet a dispassionate survey of the past shows that it is not only
possible but probable if present conditions go on unchanged. The whole
history of life, both human and subhuman, teaches us that nature will not
condone disobedience; that, as I have already phrased it, “no living being
stands above her law, and protozoön or demigod, if they transgress, alike
must die.”
Now we have transgressed; grievously transgressed—and we are suffering
grievous penalties. But pain is really kind. Pain is the importunate tocsin
which rouses to dangerous realities and spurs to the seeking of a cure.
As a matter of fact we are confusedly aware of our evil plight, and legion
are the remedies to-day proposed. Some of these are mere quack nostrums.
Others contain valuable remedial properties. To be sure, there is probably
no one curative agent, since our troubles are complex and magic elixirs heal
only in the realm of dreams. But one element should be fundamental to all
the compoundings of the social pharmacopœia. That element is blood.

It is clean, virile, genius-bearing blood, streaming down the ages through
the unerring action of heredity, which, in anything like a favorable
environment, will multiply itself, solve our problems, and sweep us on to
higher and nobler destinies. What we to-day need above all else is a
changed attitude of mind—a recognition of the supreme importance of
heredity, not merely in scientific treatises but in the practical ordering of the
world’s affairs. We are where we are to-day primarily because we have
neglected this vital principle; because we have concerned ourselves with
dead things instead of with living beings.
This disregard of heredity is perhaps not strange. It is barely a generation
since its fundamental importance was scientifically established, and the
world’s conversion to even the most vital truth takes time. In fact, we also
have much to unlearn. A little while ago we were taught that all men were
equal and that good conditions could, of themselves, quickly perfect
mankind. The seductive charm of these dangerous fallacies lingers and
makes us loath to put them resolutely aside.
Fortunately, we now know the truth. At last we have been vouchsafed clear
insight into the laws of life. We now know that men are not, and never will
be, equal. We know that environment and education can develop only what
heredity brings. We know that the acquirements of individuals are either not
inherited at all or are inherited in so slight a degree as to make no
perceptible difference from generation to generation. In other words: we
now know that heredity is paramount in human evolution, all other things
being secondary factors.
This basic truth is already accepted by large numbers of thinking men and
women all over the civilized world, and if it becomes firmly fixed in the
popular consciousness it will work nothing short of a revolution in the
ordering of the world’s affairs.
For race-betterment is such an intensely practical matter! When peoples
come to realize that the quality of the population is the source of all their
prosperity, progress, security, and even existence; when they realize that a
single genius may be worth more in actual dollars than a dozen gold-mines,
while, conversely, racial decline spells material impoverishment and decay;
when such things are really believed, we shall see much-abused “eugenics”

actually moulding social programmes and political policies. Were the white
world to-day really convinced of the supreme importance of race-values,
how long would it take to stop debasing immigration, reform social abuses
that are killing out the fittest strains, and put an end to the feuds which have
just sent us through hell and threaten to send us promptly back again?
Well, perhaps our change of heart may come sooner than now appears. The
horrors of the war, the disappointment of the peace, the terror of
Bolshevism, and the rising tide of color have knocked a good deal of the
nonsense out of us, and have given multitudes a hunger for realities who
were before content with a diet of phrases. Said wise old Benjamin
Franklin: “Dame Experience sets a dear school, but fools will have no
other.” Our course at the dame’s school is already well under way and
promises to be exceeding dear.
Only, it is to be hoped our education will be rapid, for time presses and the
hour is grave. If certain lessons are not learned and acted upon shortly, we
may be overwhelmed by irreparable disasters and all our dear schooling
will go for naught.
What are the things we must do promptly if we would avert the worst? This
“irreducible minimum” runs about as follows:
First and foremost, the wretched Versailles business will have to be
thoroughly revised. As it stands, dragon’s teeth have been sown over both
Europe and Asia, and unless they be plucked up they will presently grow a
crop of cataclysms which will seal the white world’s doom.
Secondly, some sort of provisional understanding must be arrived at
between the white world and renascent Asia. We whites will have to
abandon our tacit assumption of permanent domination over Asia, while
Asiatics will have to forego their dreams of migration to white lands and
penetration of Africa and Latin America. Unless some such understanding is
arrived at, the world will drift into a gigantic race-war—and genuine race-
war means war to the knife. Such a hideous catastrophe should be abhorrent
to both sides. Nevertheless, Asia should be given clearly to understand that
we cannot permit either migration to white lands or penetration of the non-
Asiatic tropics, and that for these matters we prefer to fight to a finish rather

than yield to a finish—because our “finish” is precisely what surrender on
these points would mean.
Thirdly, even within the white world, migrations of lower human types like
those which have worked such havoc in the United States must be
rigorously curtailed. Such migrations upset standards, sterilize better stocks,
increase low types, and compromise national futures more than war,
revolutions, or native deterioration.
Such are the things which simply must be done if we are to get through the
next few decades without convulsions which may render impossible the
white world’s recovery.
These things will not bring in the millennium. Far from it. Our ills are so
deep-seated that in nearly every civilized country racial values would
continue to depreciate even if all three were carried into effect. But they
will at least give our wounds a chance to heal, and they will give the new
biological revelation time to permeate the popular consciousness and
transfuse with a new idealism our materialistic age. As the years pass, the
supreme importance of heredity and the supreme value of superior stocks
will sink into our being, and we will acquire a true race-consciousness (as
opposed to national or cultural consciousness) which will bridge political
gulfs, remedy social abuses, and exorcise the lurking spectre of
miscegenation.
In those better days, we or the next generation will take in hand the problem
of race-depreciation, and segregation of defectives and abolition of
handicaps penalizing the better stocks will put an end to our present racial
decline. By that time biological knowledge will have so increased and the
popular philosophy of life will have been so idealized that it will be
possible to inaugurate positive measures of race-betterment which will
unquestionably yield the most wonderful results.
Those splendid tasks are probably not ours. They are for our successors in a
happier age. But we have our task, and God knows it is a hard one—the
salvage of a shipwrecked world! Ours it is to make possible that happier
age, whose full-fruits we shall never see.

Well, what of it? Does not the new idealism teach us that we are links in a
vital chain, charged with high duties both to the dead and the unborn? In
very truth we are at once sons of sires who sleep in calm assurance that we
will not betray the trust they confided to our hands, and sires of sons who in
the Beyond wait confident that we shall not cheat them of their birthright.
Let us, then, act in the spirit of Kipling’s immortal lines:
“Our Fathers in a wondrous age,
Ere yet the Earth was small,
Ensured to us an heritage,
And doubted not at all
That we, the children of their heart,
Which then did beat so high,
In later time should play like part
For our posterity.
* * * * *
Then, fretful, murmur not they gave
So great a charge to keep,
Nor dream that awestruck Time shall save
Their labor while we sleep.
Dear-bought and clear, a thousand year
Our fathers’ title runs.
Make we likewise their sacrifice,
Defrauding not our sons.”[191]

INDEX

INDEX

Abd-el-Wahab, 58

Abyssinia, 4, 89

Afghanistan, independence of, 4, 56;
Germany’s relations with, 212;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220

Africa, 3, 5;
effect of Russo-Japanese War on, 12, 15;
partition of, 24, 89, 149 ff., 152;
European conquests in, 70;
growth of Mohammedanism in, 65;
67;
Germany in, 204
North, brown race in, 7;
57, 68, 83 ff., 199;
Bolshevik agitators in, 220;
brown power in, 93 ff.;
spread of Arab blood in, 93;
native white blood in, 93 ff.;
rule of Islam in, 94, 101, 235, 142, 147
South, 10, 84;
home of black race, 7, 54, 87 ff.;
white colonization of, 89;
wealth of, 89 ff.;
result of white rule in, 91, 92;
spread of Islam in, 94 ff., 235;
Christianity in, 95 ff.;
anti-white sentiment in, 97 ff.;
uprising of 1915, 99;
situation of, 100 ff.;
white settlement in, 225;
danger of Asiatic penetration into, 232, 249;
results of Asiatic penetration into, 272 ff., 277;
Exclusion Act in, 281, 308;

result of Asiatic labor in, 278, 280;
Mauritius settled from, 280

Algeria, 67;
riots in, 77, 82;
white blood in, 93 ff.

Allies of the Great War, 40, 214

Al Mowwayad, 71

Alpine race, 162 ff., 165;
and the war, 183;
202, 261

America, 4;
black race in, 7, 87 ff. 99;
race prejudice in, 11;
36;
military preparations in, 39;
Japan’s attitude toward, 51 ff.;
red man in, 104;
discovery of, 147;
settlement of, 149;
cost of war in, 177;
triumph of, 214;
danger to white race in, 303
Central, white civilization in, 113;
race-mixture in, 128 ff.;
Japanese in, 131, 138 ff.
Latin, red man in, 7, 104;
Japanese in, 48, 131 ff.;
evolution of, 105;
mixed blood in, 106 ff., 116 ff., 124, 128 ff., 166;
revolution in, 108 ff.;
results of revolution in, 110 ff.;
oligarchies in, 110 ff.;

immigration into, 114;
loss of white supremacy in, 115;
anarchy in, 120 ff.;
inability of, to rule self, 128 ff.;
Asiatics in, 130 ff., 308;
anti-Americanism in, 136;
attitude of, toward yellow race, 137 ff.;
pressure of yellow race on, 139;
present situation in, 140 ff.;
future of, 141 ff.;
Bolshevik agitation in, 220;
danger of Asiatic penetration of, 232 ff., 249 ff., 303;
white migration into, 302
North, white man’s land, 3, 5, 104, 225;
attitude of Japs toward, 52;
Japs in, 131;
Nordics in, 253;
result of immigration on, 254 ff., 261 ff.;
need for prohibiting immigration into, 266 ff.;
a frontier against Asia, 284
South, colonization of, 3;
white man’s country, 5, 104;
colored man’s country, 6;
half-caste in, 117;
need for white immigration into, 118;
“Indianista” movement, 124;
Japs in, 131, 139.
See also Latin America

American Indian, home of, 104;
number of, 104;
Spanish Conquest of, 104 ff.;
racial mixtures of, 106 ff., 116 ff., 119 ff., 128, 301;
relations with Spaniards, 107;
in Chile, 111 ff.;
in Peru, 113;
in Colombia, 113;

in Costa Rica, 113;
in Argentina, 114;
in Uruguay, 114;
in northern Brazil, 115;
anti-white sentiment among, 124 ff.;
ancient civilizations among, 126;
capability of, 126 ff.;
influence of Spaniards on, 127;
“Indianista” movement, 129;
Japanese relations with, 137 ff., 146

Amerindian. See American Indian

Amoor, 199

Anatolia, 211, 229

Andaman Islanders, 227

Anglo-French agreement, 70

Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 291 ff.

Anglo-Oriental College, 60

Anglo-Saxons, Japanese agitation against, 50, 292;
race-growth of, 155 ff.;
“sacred union” of, 281

Annamites, 17

Arab-negroid, 94

Arabia, location of, 57;
Senussi in, 67;
nationalist movements in, 77

Arabistan, definition of, 57;
population of, 57

Arabs, 88 ff., 92 ff., 102, 146

Araucania, 111

Argentina, white man in, 105;
population of, 114;
agricultural development of, 114;
immigration into, 115;
Japanese immigration into, 138

Aryan race, 23, 200

Asia, 3, 4;
home-land of white race, 5;
of yellow race, 7;
of brown race, 7;
black race in, 7;
antagonism toward white continents, 11 ff., 15, 22;
Japan in, 43, 48, 52, 71;
European conquests in, 70;
renaissance in, 100;
Latin America invaded by, 130, 138, 142;
Europe assailed by, 146 ff., 237;
white man in, 149 ff., 237 ff.;
anti-white sentiment in, 171, 237;
Russia in, 203, 205 ff.;
Bolshevik agitators in, 220;
centre of colored unrest, 229 ff.;
non-Asiatic lands penetrated by, 232;
independence of, 232 ff.;
economic activity in, 241 ff., 244, 248;
causes of poverty in, 243;
population of, 249;
Hawaii penetrated by, 279;

Mauritius settled by, 280;
Pacific coast settled by, 284;
need in U. S. for laborers from, 293;
evils of modern migration in, 302;
white world’s need for understanding with, 307 ff.

Asia Minor, 57

Asturians, 111

Australasia, 5, 6, 48, 87, 303

Australia, 10;
Japanese desire for, 21, 52;
Chinese need for land in, 46;
80;
black race in, 87;
settlement of, 149;
225;
Chinese invasion of, 238, 272;
“White Australia” doctrine in, 281 ff.;
number of white in, 282;
immigration menace to, 289;
Japanese in, 292

Austria, 22

Aztec civilization, 126, 297

Bagdad, 61

Balkans, 50

Balkans, war, 72

Basques, 111

Basra, 61

Behring Strait, 138

Belgium, 82

Bengal lancers, 209

Berbers, white blood of, 93;
acceptance of French rule, 94;
European intermarriage with, 94

Birmingham, 296

Black Death, 146

Black race, 5;
numbers of, 7, 87;
home of, 7, 87 ff.;
Mohammedanism in, 65, 69;
brown race’s relations with, 85 ff., 88, 92 ff.;
white race’s relations with, 88 ff., 91, 149;
character of, 90, 100 ff.;
other races compared with, 91 ff.;
influence of other races on, 92;
spread of Islam in, 95 ff., 235, 240;
spread of Christianity in, 97 ff.;
anti-white sentiments of, 97;
“Ethiopian Church” movement and, 98 ff.;
in Latin America, 110, 116 ff., 141 ff.;
race-mixtures with, 116 ff., 126, 128, 142, 301;
Germany’s relations with, 204;
France’s relations with, 204;
in European War, 206, 209 ff., 295;
white lands entered by, 269

Boer War, 208

Bolivar, 108 ff.

Bolivia, mixed blood in, 119;
need of immigration in, 119;
Indian rising in, 124 ff.;
Japanese immigration into, 138

Bolsheviki, 50

Bolshevism, 191, 214, 218;
tenets of, 218 ff.;
menace to white race, 220 ff., 233

Bombay, 61

Brahman. See Hindu

Brazil, 103;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220;
Portugal’s neglect of, 115;
immigration into, 115;
white man in, 115;
Indians in, 115;
result of race-mixtures in, 120, 259

British Columbia, exclusion policy of, 281, 283;
colored immigration menace against, 289

British Dominion. See British Empire

British Empire, 4;
Japan’s relations with, 32;
India’s relations with, 32;
Egypt’s relations with, 78;
war losses of, 177;

immigration laws of, 292.
See England and Great Britain

British Straits Settlements, 46

Brown race, 5;
numbers of, 7, 54;
home of, 7, 54;
12, 17, 22;
types of, 54 ff.;
unity of, 55;
white race’s relations with, 50 ff., 149;
groupings of, 57;
Islam’s relations with, 58 ff.;
unrest under white rule, 83 ff., 229, 234;
possibility of brown-yellow alliance, 85 ff.;
black race’s relations with, 88, 91, 92 ff., 100 ff.;
Europe assailed by, 146, 148;
Germany’s relations with, 204;
France’s relations with, 204;
Italy’s relations with, 204;
in European War, 208 ff., 295;
Africa colonized by, 232;
military potency of, 237 ff.;
industrial conditions of, 241;
white lands penetrated by, 269;
Mauritius settled by, 280;
South Africa penetrated by, 277 ff.;
Central Asia taken by, 303

Bryce, Lord, 124, 127

Buddhism, 23, 73, 228

Buenos Aires, 114

Cairo, 61, 62, 78

Calcutta, 61

California, result of Chinese labor in, 272;
exclusion policy of, 285;
Japanese in, 287 ff.

Cambodians, 17

Canada, desire of yellow race for, 10;
80;
fear of Asiatic immigration into, 84;
white man’s country, 104;
278;
exclusion policy of, 281, 283;
population of, 284;
Nordics in, 163;
danger of Hindu immigration into, 283 ff.;
Caribbean, 121;
Caroline Islands, 36;
Carranza, 136;
Cape Horn, 105, 138;
Castro of Venezuela, 122;
Caucasian, 200

Chengtu, 245

Chile, 110;
Nordic colonists of, 111;
race-mixture in, 111;
stabilization of, 112;
characteristics of, 112;
progress of, 113;
Japanese immigration into, 138;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220

Chilembwe, John, 99

China, white control of, 4;
independence of, 8;
yellow world centred in, 17, 18;
population of, 18;
exclusion policy, 18;
Japanese war with, 20 ff., 23 ff.;
revolution in, 23 ff., 73;
partition of, 23;
Boxer War in, 24;
Japan’s relations with, 26 ff., 30 ff., 34, 38 ff., 42, 43, 50
ff., 58, 207, 239, 247, 302;
“Young China” movement in, 26;
economic efficiency of, 28 ff.;
population of, 44;
colonizing possibilities of, 45 ff.;
Mohammedans in, 73;
effect of war on, 77;
congestion in, 84;
Latin America penetrated by, 131, 140;
“break-up” of, 151, 199;
Russia’s relations with, 203;
Germany’s relations with, 212;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220;
white goods boycotted by, 230, 246 ff.;
military potency of, 238 ff.;
industrial life of, 241, 243 ff., 250;
labor conditions in, 244 ff., 268, 273 ff., 276 ff.;
Hawaii settled by, 279;
British Columbia penetrated by, 283;
United States settled by, 286;
Europe penetrated by, 289;
U. S. need for, 293 ff.;
England settled by, 296;
in war zone, 297

Christianity, in Africa, 92, 95 ff.;
in Latin America, 137

Civitas Dei, 170

Cochin-China, 247

Colombia, settlement of, 107, 113;
revolution in, 113;
anti-American sentiment in, 136

Colored-Bolshevist alliance, 233

Columbus, Christopher, 103, 145, 147

Confucius, 24;
followers of, 73

Congo, 101, 142

Conquistadores, 105 ff., 126, 140

Constantinople, 57, 61, 72, 212

Constantinople Tanine, 13

Contemporary Review, 25

Cortez, 106

Costa Rica, 113

Creoles, 107 and n.;
degeneracy of, 107 ff.;
anti-Spain revolt of, 108 ff.;
“democracy” of, 109;
status of, 116

Crusades, 146, 209

Cuba, 125, 139;
cross-breeding in, 259, 278

Cuzco, 125

“Dark Continent,” 88 ff., 97, 102

de Gama, Vasco, 147

de la Barra, Señor, 134

Diaz, Porfirio, 110

Dillon, Doctor E. J., 10, 25, 217

Durban, 278

Dutch Indies, 20, 34, 46;
colonization of, 47;
population of, 47, 82

Ecuador, mixed blood in, 118;
need for immigration into, 119

Egypt, taken by England, 70, 76 ff.;
1914 revolt in, 74;
nationalist movement in, 77 ff.;
effect of Versailles Conference on, 78;
insurrection in, 78 ff.;
unrest in, 83, 84;
Islam’s ascendancy in, 93;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220;

white products boycotted in, 246 ff.

El Mercurio (Chile), 138

England, India’s relations with, 32, 79 ff.;
Japan’s relations with, 35 ff., 50 ff., 71;
Islamite appeal to, 73;
Egypt’s relations with, 77 ff.;
Chile compared with, 112;
1480 population of, 146, 155 ff.;
race-stocks in, beginning of war in, 176, 180;
cost of war to, 192, 194, 199;
Russia’s threat against, 203;
Japan allied with, 203 ff.;
China’s industrial rivalry with, 244;
colored labor in, 295 ff.;
race-riots in, 296 ff.

English Civil Service, 80

“Ethiopian Church,” 96;
founding of, 98;
anti-white teachings of, 98;
Zulu rebellion caused by, 98

Ethiopianism, 99

Europe, 3, 5, 6, 11;
Asia’s hostility toward, 11, 46, 52;
Moslem East attacked by, 58;
relations with Islam, 61;
height attained by, 62 ff., 89;
Argentine and Uruguay settled by, 114, 142;
Black Death in, 146;
expansion attempted by, 146;
Asia’s attacks on, 146 ff.;
results of discovery of America in, 147;

results of Asian conflicts on, 148, 151 ff.;
industrial revolution in, 157 ff., 161, 164;
Nordic ranks in, 163;
results of Russo-Jap War in, 171 ff.;
results of Versailles Conference on, 216, 218, 307;
Bolshevism’s menace to, 220 ff.;
effect of colored migration on, 253, 268;
danger of Oriental immigration into, 289 ff.;
colored labor imported into, 293, 295 ff.
See also European War

“European Concert,” 170

European War, 4, 11, 13 ff., 25, 33, 36, 39 ff.;
Germany’s collapse in, 40;
end of, 42;
prophecy of, 62;
Islam at beginning of, 73;
Egypt at beginning of, 76;
East affected by, 77;
India in, 80;
U. S. in, 133, 134, 136, 169, 175, 176;
cost of, 176 ff.;
in civil life, 178 ff., 181 ff.;
results of, 187 ff., 190 ff., 206;
“hate literature” of, 207;
use of colored troops in, 208 ff., 214, 220, 290;
Asia’s attitude affected by, 290 ff.;
colored labor in, 293 ff.

“Exclusion Policy,” 269

Far East. See China, Japan

Fatima, 67

Filipinos in Hawaii, 279

Fisher, H. A. L., 182

Formosa, 20 ff., 30, 43, 47

France, birth-rate of, 8, 46;
Japan’s attitude toward, 50 ff., 83 ff., 103;
cost of war in, 177, 179 ff.;
conscription in, 181, 194;
Nordics in, 202, 204, 250, 270;
colored labor in, 296 ff.;
race-riots in, 296

“Gentlemen’s Agreement,” 287

Germany, Chinese interests of, 36;
Japan’s relations with, 36, 39, 212 ff.;
Asiatic expulsion of, 36 ff.;
Bolshevism’s aid to, 40;
collapse of, 40, 50 ff.;
Islam’s relations with, 75;
South American immigrations of, 111, 115;
Mexico’s relations with, 136;
cost of war in, 177, 180;
conscription in, 181;
Russia’s relations with, 187;
Nordic race in, 201;
Alpine race in, 202;
population of, 202;
in central Africa, 204;
Belgium invaded by, 228;
Chinese industrial rivalry with, 244, 270

Grand Alliance, 39

Grant, Madison, 115, 162, 169, 183, 262

Great Britain, 36 ff.;
Japan’s relations with, 38, 291 ff.
See also England and British Empire

Great War. See European War

Greece, 72, 196, 199

Guinea, 142

Gurkhas, 209

“Habl-ul-Matin,” 66 ff.

Haiti, 4, 100, 142, 227 and n.

“Hajj,” 66 ff.

Hall, Prescott F., 253, 255

Hangkow, 43

Hanyang, 244

Hawaii, 136;
white rule in, 279;
Asiatic labor in, 279 ff.;
U. S. annexation of, 279;
Americans in, 279 ff.

Hedjaz Kingdom, 66

Himalayans, 55, 238

Hindustan, Islam’s relations with, 73;
England’s relations with, 79;
Mauritius a part of, 280

Hokkaido, 44, 47 ff.

Holland, 20, 46

Huns, 17, 146

Ichang, 244

Incas, 125 ff.

India, Japanese relations with, 31 ff.;
English relations with, 32, 80;
population of, 32, 57;
wealth of, 33;
Russian menace to, 38, 203;
47, 52;
southern, 55;
brown world centred in, 57;
revolt in Northwest, 74;
unrest in, 79;
government of, 80 ff.;
congestion in, 84 ff., 250, 268;
“Negritos” in, 87, 147, 199;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220, 225;
foreign goods boycotted by, 230;
industrial growth of, 241;
handicaps to, 246;
“Swadeshi” movement, 246, 248;
in South Africa, 278;
in British Columbia, 283;
in Europe, 289