Anabasis Xenophon 34816 downloads.pdf

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anabasis
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: Anabasis

Author: Xenophon

Translator: Henry Graham Dakyns

Release date: January 1, 1998 [eBook #1170]
Most recently updated: October 29, 2024

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1170

Credits: Produced by John Bickers, and David Widger

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANABASIS ***

ANABASIS

By Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns

Dedicated To
Rev. B. Jowett, M.A.
Master of Balliol College
Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford

Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a
pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,
and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land
and property in Scillus, where he lived for many
years before having to move once more, to settle
in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.

The Anabasis is his story of the march to Persia
to aid Cyrus, who enlisted Greek help to try and
take the throne from Artaxerxes, and the ensuing
return of the Greeks, in which Xenophon played a
leading role. This occurred between 401 B.C. and
March 399 B.C.

CONTENTS

BOOK I.
I.

II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X

BOOK II
I
II
III
IV
V
VI

BOOK III
I
II
III
IV

V

BOOK IV
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII

BOOK V
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII

BOOK VI

I
II
III
IV
V
VI

BOOK VII
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII

PREPARER'S NOTE

This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a four-
volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though there is doubt
about some of these) is:

Work Number of books

The Anabasis 7
The Hellenica 7
The Cyropaedia 8
The Memorabilia 4
The Symposium 1
The Economist 1
On Horsemanship 1
The Sportsman 1
The Cavalry General 1
The Apology 1
On Revenues 1
The Hiero 1
The Agesilaus 1
The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2

Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into English
using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The diacritical marks
have been lost.

ANABASIS
BOOK I

I.
Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and
the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of life drew
near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as it chanced, was
already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from the province over
which he had made him satrap, having appointed him general moreover of
all the forces that muster in the plain of the Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up,
taking with him Tissaphernes as his friend, and accompanied also by a body
of Hellenes, three hundred heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias
the Parrhasian (1).

(1) Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of Arcadia.

Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the
kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus before
his brother, the king, of harbouring designs against him. And Artaxerxes,
listening to the words of Tissaphernes, laid hands upon Cyrus, desiring to
put him to death; but his mother made intercession for him, and sent him
back again in safety to his province. He then, having so escaped through
peril and dishonour, fell to considering, not only how he might avoid ever
again being in his brother's power, but how, if possible, he might become
king in his stead. Parysatis, his mother, was his first resource; for she had
more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover Cyrus's
behaviour towards all who came to him from the king's court was such that,
when he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to
the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own service;
but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and devoted adherents of
himself. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic armament, but with the
utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king as far as might be at
unawares.
The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as
follows: First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the cities
(so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body of picked
Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the plea that

Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities; and truly these cities of Ionia
had originally belonged to Tissaphernes, being given to him by the king; but
at this time, with the exception of Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In
Miletus, Tissaphernes, having become aware of similar designs, had
forestalled the conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the
remainder. Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and having
collected an army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavouring to
reinstate the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an
armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being the
king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself rather than that
Tissaphernes should continue to govern them; and in furtherance of this
end, the queen, his mother, co-operated with him, so that the king not only
failed to see the design against himself, but concluded that Cyrus was
spending his money on armaments in order to make war on Tissaphernes.
Nor did it pain him greatly to see the two at war together, and the less so
because Cyrus was careful to remit the tribute due to the king from the
cities which belonged to Tissaphernes.
A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over against
Abydos, the origin of which was as follows: There was a Lacedaemonian
exile, named Clearchus, with whom Cyrus had become associated. Cyrus
admired the man, and made him a present of ten thousand darics (2).
Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised an army, and using the
Chersonese as his base of operations, set to work to fight the Thracians
north of the Hellespont, in the interests of the Hellenes, and with such
happy result that the Hellespontine cities, of their own accord, were eager to
contribute funds for the support of his troops. In this way, again, an
armament was being secretly maintained for Cyrus.

(2) A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.

Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend (3), who, under
pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus and asked
him for pay for two thousand mercenaries, to be continued for three
months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper hand of his
antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six months' pay for four
thousand mercenaries—only stipulating that Aristippus should not come to
terms with his antagonists without final consultation with himself. In this
way he secured to himself the secret maintenance of a fourth armament.

(3) Lit. "guest-friend." Aristippus was, as we learn from the "Meno"
of Plato, a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and a
pupil of Gorgias. He was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to
have sent on this expedition instead of himself.

Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get
together as many men as possible, and join him in an expedition which he
meditated against the Pisidians (4), who were causing annoyance to his
territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the Stymphalian (5), and
Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together as many men as possible
and come to him, since he was on the point of opening a campaign, along
with Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes. These orders were duly carried
out by the officers in question.

(4) Lit. "into the country of the Pisidians."

(5) Of Stymphalus in Arcadia.

II
But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he
should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put forward
was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the country; and he began
collecting both his Asiatic and his Hellenic armaments, avowedly against
that people. From Sardis in each direction his orders sped: to Clearchus, to
join him there with the whole of his army; to Aristippus, to come to terms
with those at home, and to despatch to him the troops in his employ; to
Xenias the Arcadian, who was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign
troops in the cities, to present himself with all the men available, excepting
only those who were actually needed to garrison the citadels. He next
summoned the troops at present engaged in the siege of Miletus, and called
upon the exiles to follow him on his intended expedition, promising them
that if he were successful in his object, he would not pause until he had
reinstated them in their native city. To this invitation they hearkened gladly;
they believed in him; and with their arms they presented themselves at
Sardis. So, too, Xenias arrived at Sardis with the contingent from the cities,
four thousand hoplites; Proxenus, also, with fifteen hundred hoplites and
five hundred light-armed troops; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, with one
thousand hoplites; Socrates the Achaean, with five hundred hoplites; while
the Megarion Pasion came with three hundred hoplites and three hundred
peltasts (1). This latter officer, as well as Socrates, belonged to the force
engaged against Miletus. These all joined him at Sardis.

(1) "Targeteers" armed with a light shield instead of the larger one
of the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great
use of this arm at a later date.

But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment so
large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he argued;
and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended by about five
hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner heard from
Tissaphernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to make counter-
preparations.

Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from Sardis, and
marched on and on through Lydia three stages, making two-and-twenty
parasangs (2), to the river Maeander. That river is two hundred feet (3)
broad, and was spanned by a bridge consisting of seven boats. Crossing it,
he marched through Phrygia a single stage, of eight parasangs, to Colossae,
an inhabited city (4), prosperous and large. Here he remained seven days,
and was joined by Menon the Thessalian, who arrived with one thousand
hoplites and five hundred peltasts, Dolopes, Aenianes, and Olynthians.
From this place he marched three stages, twenty parasangs in all, to
Celaenae, a populous city of Phrygia, large and prosperous. Here Cyrus
owned a palace and a large park (5) full of wild beasts, which he used to
hunt on horseback, whenever he wished to give himself or his horses
exercise. Through the midst of the park flows the river Maeander, the
sources of which are within the palace buildings, and it flows through the
city of Celaenae. The great king also has a palace in Celaenae, a strong
place, on the sources of another river, the Marsyas, at the foot of the
acropolis. This river also flows through the city, discharging itself into the
Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is the place where
Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, when he had conquered him in the
contest of skill. He hung up the skin of the conquered man, in the cavern
where the spring wells forth, and hence the name of the river, Marsyas. It
was on this site that Xerxes, as tradition tells, built this very palace, as well
as the citadel of Celaenae itself, on his retreat from Hellas, after he had lost
the famous battle. Here Cyrus remained for thirty days, during which
Clearchus the Lacedaemonian arrived with one thousand hoplites and eight
hundred Thracian peltasts and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same
time, also, came Sosis the Syracusian with three thousand hoplites, and
Sophaenetus the Arcadian (6) with one thousand hoplites; and here Cyrus
held a review, and numbered his Hellenes in the park, and found that they
amounted in all to eleven thousand hoplites and about two thousand
peltasts.

(2) The Persian "farsang" = 30 stades, nearly 1 league, 3 1/2 statute
miles, though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia.

(3) "Two plethra": the plethron = about 101 English feet.

(4) Lit. "inhabited," many of the cities of Asia being then as now
deserted, but the suggestion is clearly at times "thickly
inhabited," "populous."

(5) Lit. "paradise," an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.

(6) Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael
suggests. Sophaenetus has already been named above.

From this place he continued his march two stages—ten parasangs—to
the populous city of Peltae, where he remained three days; while Xenias,
the Arcadian, celebrated the Lycaea (7) with sacrifice, and instituted games.
The prizes were headbands of gold; and Cyrus himself was a spectator of
the contest. From this place the march was continued two stages—twelve
parasangs—to Ceramon-agora, a populous city, the last on the confines of
Mysia. Thence a march of three stages—thirty parasangs—brought him to
Caystru-pedion (8), a populous city. Here Cyrus halted five days; and the
soldiers, whose pay was now more than three months in arrear, came
several times to the palace gates demanding their dues; while Cyrus put
them off with fine words and expectations, but could not conceal his
vexation, for it was not his fashion to stint payment, when he had the
means. At this point Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the
Cilicians, arrived on a visit to Cyrus; and it was said that Cyrus received a
large gift of money from the queen. At this date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the
army four months' pay. The queen was accompanied by a bodyguard of
Cilicians and Aspendians; and, if report speaks truly, Cyrus had intimate
relations with the queen.

(7) The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin
to the Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival,
the introduction of which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian
Evander.

(8) Lit. "plain of the Cayster," like Ceramon-agora, "the market of
the Ceramians" above, the name of a town.

From this place he marched two stages—ten parasangs—to Thymbrium,
a populous city. Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of Midas, the
king of Phrygia, as it is called, where Midas, as the story goes, caught the
satyr by drugging the spring with wine. From this place he marched two
stages—ten parasangs—to Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here he halted three
days; and the Cilician queen, according to the popular account, begged
Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her amusement. The latter being only too
glad to make such an exhibition, held a review of the Hellenes and
barbarians in the plain. He ordered the Hellenes to draw up their lines and
post themselves in their customary battle order, each general marshalling

his own battalion. Accordingly they drew up four-deep. The right was held
by Menon and those with him; the left by Clearchus and his men; the centre
by the remaining generals with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians,
who marched past in troops of horses and companies of infantry. He then
inspected the Hellenes; driving past them in his chariot, with the queen in
her carriage. And they all had brass helmets and purple tunics, and greaves,
and their shields uncovered (9).

(9) I.e. ready for action, c.f. "bayonets fixed".

After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in front
of the centre of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter Pigres to the generals
of the Hellenes, with orders to present arms and to advance along the whole
line. This order was repeated by the generals to their men; and at the sound
of the bugle, with shields forward and spears in rest, they advanced to meet
the enemy. The pace quickened, and with a shout the soldiers spontaneously
fell into a run, making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of
the barbarians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the
sutlers in the marketing place left their wares and took to their heels; and
the Hellenes meanwhile came into camp with a roar of laughter. What
astounded the queen was the brilliancy and order of the armament; but
Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the Hellenes in the hearts of
the Asiatics.
From this place he marched on three stages—twenty parasangs—to
Iconium, the last city of Phrygia, where he remained three days. Thence he
marched through Lycaonia five stages—thirty parasangs. This was hostile
country, and he gave it over to the Hellenes to pillage. At this point Cyrus
sent back the Cilician queen to her own country by the quickest route; and
to escort her he sent the soldiers of Menon, and Menon himself. With the
rest of the troops he continued his march through Cappadocia four stages—
twenty-five parasangs—to Dana, a populous city, large and flourishing.
Here they halted three days, within which interval Cyrus put to death, on a
charge of conspiracy, a Persian nobleman named Megaphernes, a wearer of
the royal purple; and along with him another high dignitary among his
subordinate commanders.
From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into Cilicia. Now
the entrance was by an exceedingly steep cart-road, impracticable for an

army in face of a resisting force; and report said that Syennesis was on the
summit of the pass guarding the approach. Accordingly they halted a day in
the plain; but next day came a messenger informing them that Syenesis had
left the pass; doubtless, after perceiving that Menon's army was already in
Cilicia on his own side of the mountains; and he had further been informed
that ships of war, belonging to the Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself,
with Tamos on board as admiral, were sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia.
Whatever the reason might be, Cyrus made his way up into the hills without
let or hindrance, and came in sight of the tents where the Cilicians were on
guard. From that point he descended gradually into a large and beautiful
plain country, well watered, and thickly covered with trees of all sorts and
vines. This plain produces sesame plentifully, as also panic and millet and
barley and wheat; and it is shut in on all sides by a steep and lofty wall of
mountains from sea to sea. Descending through this plain country, he
advanced four stages—twenty-five parasangs—to Tarsus, a large and
prosperous city of Cilicia. Here stood the palace of Syennesis, the king of
the country; and through the middle of the city flows a river called the
Cydnus, two hundred feet broad. They found that the city had been deserted
by its inhabitants, who had betaken themselves, with Syennesis, to a strong
place on the hills. All had gone, except the tavern-keepers. The sea-board
inhabitants of Soli and Issi also remained. Now Epyaxa, Syennesis's queen,
had reached Tarsus five days in advance of Cyrus. During their passage
over the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon's army were
lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, while engaged on
some pillaging affair; another account was that they had been left behind,
and being unable to overtake the main body, or discover the route, had gone
astray and perished. However it was, they numbered one hundred hoplites;
and when the rest arrived, being in a fury at the destruction of their fellow
soldiers, they vented their spleen by pillaging the city of Tarsus and the
palace to boot. Now when Cyrus had marched into the city, he sent for
Syennesis to come to him; but the latter replied that he had never yet put
himself into the hands of any one who was his superior, nor was he willing
to accede to the proposal of Cyrus now; until, in the end, his wife persuaded
him, and he accepted pledges of good faith. After this they met, and
Syennesis gave Cyrus large sums in aid of his army; while Cyrus presented
him with the customary royal gifts—to wit, a horse with a gold bit, a
necklace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian dress, and

lastly, the exemption of his territory from further pillage, with the privilege
of taking back the slaves that had been seized, wherever they might chance
to come upon them.

III
At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the soldiers
refusing to advance further, since the suspicion ripened in their minds, that
the expedition was in reality directed against the king; and as they insisted,
they had not engaged their services for that object. Clearchus set the
example of trying to force his men to continue their march; but he had no
sooner started at the head of his troops than they began to pelt him and his
baggage train, and Clearchus had a narrow escape of being stoned to death
there and then. Later on, when he perceived that force was useless, he
summoned an assembly of his own men; and for a long while he stood and
wept, while the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as
follows: "Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on
account of the present troubles. Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me.
When I was in banishment he honoured me in various ways, and made me
also a present of ten thousand darics. These I accepted, but not to lay them
up for myself for private use; not to squander them in pleasure, but to
expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went to war with the
Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in behalf of
Hellas; driving them out of the Chersonese, when they wanted to deprive its
Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as Cyrus summoned me, I
took you with me and set out, so that, if my benefactor had any need of me,
I might requite him for the good treatment I myself had received at his
hands.... But since you are not minded to continue the march with me, one
of two things is left to me to do; either I must renounce you for the sake of
my friendship with Cyrus, or I must go with you at the cost of deceiving
him. Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose
yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never shall it
be said of me by any one that, having led Greek troops against the
barbarians (1), I betrayed the Hellenes, and chose the friendship of the
barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey and follow me, I will follow
after you. Whatever betide, I will share your fate. I look upon you as my
country, my friends, my allies; with you I think I shall be honoured,

wherever I be; without you I do not see how I can help a friend or hurt a
foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you go, I go also."

(1) Lit. "into the country of the barbarian."

Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest also,
when they heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of going up
to the great king's palace (2), expressed their approval; and more than two
thousand men deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their arms and
baggage-train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But Cyrus, in
despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for Clearchus. He refused to
come; but, without the knowledge of the soldiers, sent a message to Cyrus,
bidding him keep a good heart, for that all would arrange itself in the right
way; and bade him keep on sending for him, whilst he himself refused to
go. After that he got together his own men, with those who had joined him,
and of the rest any who chose to come, and spoke as follows: "Fellow
soldiers, it is clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are identical with ours to
him. We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow him; and
he, on his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no doubt considers
himself wronged by us; and though he goes on sending for me, I cannot
bring myself to go to him: for two reasons, chiefly from a sense of shame,
for I am forced to admit to myself that I have altogether deceived him; but
partly, too, because I am afraid of his seizing me and inflicting a penalty on
the wrongs which he conceives that I have done him. In my opinion, then,
this is no time for us to go to sleep and forget all about ourselves, rather it is
high time to deliberate on our next move; and as long as we do remain here,
we had better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we are
resolved to turn our backs at once, what will be the safest means of retreat;
and, further, how we are to procure supplies, for without supplies there is no
profit whatsoever in the general or the private soldier. The man with whom
we have to deal is an excellent friend to his friends, but a very dangerous
enemy to his foes. And he is backed by a force of infantry and cavalry and
ships such as we all alike very well see and know, since we can hardly be
said to have posted ourselves at any great distance from him. If, then, any
one has a suggestion to make, now is the time to speak." With these words
he ceased.

(2) Or "how he insisted that he was not going up."

Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound
their views; others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless difficulty
of either staying, or going back without the goodwill of Cyrus. One of
these, in particular, with a make-believe of anxiety to commence the
homeward march without further pause, called upon them instantly to
choose other generals, if Clearchus were not himself prepared to lead them
back: "Let them at once purchase supplies" (the market being in the heart of
the Asiatic camp), "let them pack up their baggage: let them," he added, "go
to Cyrus and ask for some ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to
give them ships, let them demand of him a guide to lead them back through
a friendly district; and if he would not so much as give them a guide, they
could but put themselves, without more ado, in marching order, and send on
a detachment to occupy the pass—before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose
property," the speaker added, "we have so plentifully pillaged, can
anticipate us." Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed by
Clearchus, who merely said: "As to my acting personally as general at this
season, pray do not propose it: I can see numerous obstacles to my doing
so. Obedience, in the fullest, I can render to the man of your choice, that is
another matter: and you shall see and know that I can play my part, under
command, with the best of you."
After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out
the simplicity of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just as if
Cyrus were minded to renounce the expedition and sail back again. "And let
me further point out," he said, "what a simple-minded notion it is to beg a
guide of the very man whose designs we are marring. If we can trust any
guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe to us, why not order Cyrus at once to
occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part, I should think twice before I
set foot on any ships that he might give us, for fear lest he should sink them
with his men-of-war; and I should equally hesitate to follow any guide of
his: he might lead us into some place out of which we should find it
impossible to escape. I should much prefer, if I am to return home against
the will of Cyrus at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which indeed is
impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal is that a
deputation of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus: let them go to
Cyrus and ask him: what use he proposes to make of us? and if the business
is at all similar to that on which he once before employed a body of
foreigners—let us by all means follow: let us show that we are the equals of

those who accompanied him on his march up formerly. But if the design
should turn out to be of larger import than the former one—involving more
toil and more danger—we should ask him, either to give us good reasons
for following his lead, or else consent to send us away into a friendly
country. In this way, whether we follow him, we shall do so as friends, and
with heart and soul, or whether we go back, we shall do so in security. The
answer to this shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we
will advise as to our best course."
This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with
Clearchus, who put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon by
the army. Cyrus replied as follows: That he had received news that
Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted on the Euphrates, twelve stages
off; his object was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas: and if he
were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, "or if he be fled"
(so the reply concluded), "we will there deliberate on the best course." The
deputation received the answer and reported it to the soldiers. The suspicion
that he was leading them against the king was not dispelled; but it seemed
best to follow him. They only demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus
promised to give them half as much again as they had hitherto received—
that is to say, a daric and a half a month to each man, instead of a daric. Was
he really leading them to attack the king? Not even at this moment was any
one apprised of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.

IV
From this point he marched two stages—ten parasangs—to the river
Psarus, which is two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he marched a
single stage—five parasangs—to Issi, the last city in Cilicia. It lies on the
seaboard—a prosperous, large and flourishing town. Here they halted three
days, and here Cyrus was joined by his fleet. There were thirty-five ships
from Peloponnesus, with the Lacedaemonian admiral Pythagoras on board.
These had been piloted from Ephesus by Tamos the Egyptian, who himself
had another fleet of twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus. These had
formed Tamos's blockading squadron at Miletus, when that city sided with
Tissaphernes; he had also used them in other military services rendered to
Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. There was a third officer on
board the fleet, the Lacedaemonian Cheirisophus, who had been sent for by
Cyrus, and had brought with him seven hundred hoplites, over whom he
was to act as general in the service of Cyrus. The fleet lay at anchor
opposite Cyrus's tent. Here too another reinforcement presented itself. This
was a body of four hundred hoplites, Hellenic mercenaries in the service of
Abrocomas, who deserted him for Cyrus, and joined in the campaign
against the king.
From Issi, he marched a single stage—five parasangs—to the gates of
Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer one,
which protects Cilicia, was held by Syennesis and a garrison of Cilicians;
the outer and further one, protecting Syria, was reported to be garrisoned by
a body of the king's troops. Through the gap between the two fortresses
flows a river named the Carsus, which is a hundred feet broad, and the
whole space between was scarcely more than six hundred yards. To force a
passage here would be impossible, so narrow was the pass itself, with the
fortification walls stretching down to the sea, and precipitous rocks above;
while both fortresses were furnished with gates. It was the existence of this
pass which had induced Cyrus to send for the fleet, so as to enable him to
lead a body of hoplites inside and outside the gates; and so to force a
passage through the enemy, if he were guarding the Syrian gate, as he fully
expected to find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This, however,

Abrocomas had not done; but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus was in Cilicia,
he had turned round and made his exit from Phoenicia, to join the king with
an army amounting, as report said, to three hundred thousand men.
From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through Syria a single stage—
five parasangs—to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians, on the sea-
coast. This was a commercial port, and numerous merchant vessels were
riding at anchor in the harbour. Here they halted seven days, and here
Xenias the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Megarian got on board a trader,
and having stowed away their most valuable effects, set sail for home; most
people explained the act as the outcome of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus
had allowed Clearchus to retain their men, who had deserted to him, in
hopes of returning to Hellas instead of marching against the king; when the
two had so vanished, a rumour spread that Cyrus was after them with some
ships of war, and some hoped the cowards might be caught, others pitied
them, if that should be their fate.
But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: "Xenias and
Pasion," he said, "have taken leave of us; but they need not flatter
themselves that in so doing they have stolen into hiding. I know where they
are gone; nor will they owe their escape to speed; I have men-of-war to
capture their craft, if I like. But heaven help me! if I mean to pursue them:
never shall it be said of me, that I turn people to account as long as they
stay with me, but as soon as they are minded to be off, I seize and maltreat
them, and strip them of their wealth. Not so! let them go with the
consciousness that our behaviour to them is better than theirs to us. And yet
I have their children and wives safe under lock and key in Tralles; but they
shall not be deprived even of these. They shall receive them back in return
for their former goodness to me." So he spoke, and the Hellenes, even those
who had been out of heart at the thought of marching up the country, when
they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and more eager to
follow him on his path.
After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages—twenty parasangs—to
the river Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with
tame fish which the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be injured
—and so too the pigeons of the place. The villages in which they encamped
belonged to Parysatis, as part of her girdle money (1). From this point he
marched on five stages—thirty parasangs—to the sources of the river

Dardas, which is a hundred feet broad. Here stood the palace of Belesys, the
ruler of Syria, with its park—which was a very large and beautiful one, and
full of the products of all the seasons in their course. But Cyrus cut down
the park and burnt the palace. Thence he marched on three stages—fifteen
parasangs—to the river Euphrates, which is nearly half a mile broad. A
large and flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands on its banks. Here they
halted five days, and here Cyrus sent for the generals of the Hellenes, and
told them that the advance was now to be upon Babylon, against the great
king; he bade them communicate this information to the soldiers and
persuade them to follow. The generals called an assembly, and announced
the news to the soldiers. The latter were indignant and angry with the
generals, accusing them of having kept secret what they had long known;
and refused to go, unless such a bribe of money were given them as had
been given to their predecessors, when they went up with Cyrus to the court
of his father, not as now to fight a battle, but on a peaceful errand—the visit
of a son to his father by invitation. The demand was reported to Cyrus by
the generals, and he undertook to give each man five silver minae as soon
as Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until he had safely conveyed
them back to Ionia again. In this manner the Hellenic force were persuaded
—that is to say, the majority of them. Menon, indeed, before it was clear
what the rest of the soldiers would do—whether, in fact they would follow
Cyrus or not—collected his own troops apart and made them the following
speech; "Men," he said, "if you will listen to me, there is a method by
which, without risk or toil, you may win the special favour of Cyrus beyond
the rest of the soldiers. You ask what it is I would have you to do? I will tell
you. Cyrus at this instant is begging the Hellenes to follow him to attack the
king. I say then: Cross the Euphrates at once, before it is clear what answer
the rest will make; if they vote in favour of following, you will get the
credit of having set the example, and Cyrus will be grateful to you. He will
look upon you as being the heartiest in his cause; he will repay, as of all
others he best knows how; while, if the rest vote against crossing, we shall
go back again; but as the sole adherents, whose fidelity he can altogether
trust, it is you whom Cyrus will turn to account, as commandants of
garrisons or captains of companies. You need only ask him for whatever
you want, and you will get it from him, as being the friends of Cyrus."

(1) Cf. Plat. "Alcib." i. 123 B. "Why, I have been informed by a
credible person, who went up to the king (at Susa), that he passed

through a large tract of excellent land, extending for nearly a
day's journey, which the people of the country called the queen's
girdle, and another which they called her veil," etc. Olympiodorus
and the Scholiast both think that Plato here refers to Xenophon
and this passage of the "Anabasis." Grote thinks it very probable
that Plato had in his mind Xenophon (either his "Anabasis" or
personal communications with him).

The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given their answer,
they were already across. But when Cyrus perceived that Menon's troops
had crossed, he was well pleased, and he sent Glus to the division in
question, with this message: "Soldiers, accept my thanks at present;
eventually you shall thank me. I will see to that, or my name is not Cyrus."
The soldiers therefore could not but pray heartily for his success; so high
their hopes ran. But to Menon, it was said, he sent gifts with lordly
liberality. This done, Cyrus proceeded to cross; and in his wake followed
the rest of the armament to a man. As they forded, never a man was wetted
above the chest: nor ever until this moment, said the men of Thapascus, had
the river been so crossed on foot, boats had always been required; but these,
at the present time, Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from crossing,
had been at pains to burn. Thus the passage was looked upon as a thing
miraculous; the river had manifestly retired before the face of Cyrus, like a
courtier bowing to his future king. From this place he continued his march
through Syria nine stages—fifty parasangs—and they reached the river
Araxes. Here were several villages full of corn and wine; in which they
halted three days, and provisioned the army.

V
Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the Euphrates on the
right, five desert stages—thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground
was one long level plain, stretching far and wide like the sea, full of
absinth; whilst all the other vegetation, whether wood or reed, was sweet
scented like spice or sweet herb; there were no trees; but there was wild
game of all kinds—wild asses in greatest abundance, with plenty of
ostriches; besides these, there were bustards and antelopes. These creatures
were occasionally chased by the cavalry. The asses, when pursued, would
run forward a space, and then stand still—their pace being much swifter
than that of horses; and as soon as the horses came close, they went through
the same performance. The only way to catch them was for the riders to
post themselves at intervals, and to hunt them in relays, as it were. The flesh
of those they captured was not unlike venison, only more tender. No one
was lucky enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers did give
chase, but it had soon to be abandoned; for the bird, in its effort to escape,
speedily put a long interval between itself and its pursuers; plying its legs at
full speed, and using its wings the while like a sail. The bustards were not
so hard to catch when started suddenly; for they only take short flights, like
partridges, and are soon tired. Their flesh is delicious.
As the army wended its way through this region, they reached the river
Mascas, which is one hundred feet in breadth. Here stood a big deserted city
called Corsote, almost literally environed by the stream, which flows round
it in a circle. Here they halted three days and provisioned themselves.
Thence they continued their march thirteen desert stages—ninety parasangs
—with the Euphrates still on their right, until they reached the Gates. On
these marches several of the baggage animals perished of hunger, for there
was neither grass nor green herb, or tree of any sort; but the country
throughout was barren. The inhabitants make their living by quarrying
millstones on the river banks, which they work up and take to Babylon and
sell, purchasing corn in exchange for their goods. Corn failed the army, and
was not to be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in Cyrus's
Asiatic army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four shekels; the

shekel being equal to seven and a half Attic obols, whilst the kapithe is the
equivalent of two Attic choeneces (1), dry measure, so that the soldiers
subsisted on meat alone for the whole period. Some of the stages were very
long, whenever they had to push on to find water or fodder; and once they
found themselves involved in a narrow way, where the deep clay presented
an obstacle to the progress of the wagons. Cyrus, with the nobles about him,
halted to superintend the operation, and ordered Glus and Pigres to take a
body of barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons. As they seemed to
be slow about the business, he turned round angrily to the Persian nobles
and bade them lend a hand to force the wagons out. Then, if ever, what goes
to constitute one branch of good discipline, was to be witnessed. Each of
those addressed, just where he chanced to be standing, threw off his purple
cloak, and flung himself into the work with as much eagerness as if it had
been a charge for victory. Down a steep hill side they flew, with their costly
tunics and embroidered trousers—some with the circlets round their necks,
and bracelets on their arms—in an instant, they had sprung into the miry
clay, and in less time than one could have conceived, they had landed the
wagons safe on terra firma.

(1) The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1 1/2 pint).
It was the minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per
diem. The Spartan was allowed at the public table 2 choenices a
day.

Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on pressing on the march,
and averse to stoppages, except where he halted for the sake of provisioning
or some other necessary object; being convinced that the more rapidly he
advanced, the less prepared for battle would he find the king; while the
slower his own progress, the larger would be the hostile army which he
would find collected. Indeed, the attentive observer could see, at a glance,
that if the king's empire was strong in its extent of territory and the number
of inhabitants, that strength is compensated by an inherent weakness,
dependent upon the length of roads and the inevitable dispersion of
defensive forces, where an invader insists upon pressing home the war by
forced marches.
On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached on one of these
desert stages, was a large and flourishing city named Charmande. From this
town the soldiers made purchases of provisions, crossing the river on rafts,
in the following fashion: They took the skins which they used as tent

coverings, and filled them with light grass; they then compressed and
stitched them tightly together by the ends, so that the water might not touch
the hay. On these they crossed and got provisions: wine made from the
date-nut, and millet or panic-corn, the common staple of the country. Some
dispute or other here occurred between the soldiers of Menon and
Clearchus, in which Clearchus sentenced one of Menon's men, as the
delinquent, and had him flogged. The man went back to his own division
and told them. Hearing what had been done to their comrade, his fellows
fretted and fumed, and were highly incensed against Clearchus. The same
day Clearchus visited the passage of the river, and after inspecting the
market there, was returning with a few followers, on horseback, to his tent,
and had to pass through Menon's quarters. Cyrus had not yet come up, but
was riding up in the same direction. One of Menon's men, who was splitting
wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode past, and aimed a blow at him
with his axe. The aim took no effect; when another hurled a stone at him,
and a third, and then several, with shouts and hisses. Clearchus made a
rapid retreat to his own troops, and at once ordered them to get under arms.
He bade his hoplites remain in position with their shields resting against
their knees, while he, at the head of his Thracians and horsemen, of which
he had more than forty in his army—Thracians for the most part—advanced
against Menon's soldiers, so that the latter, with Menon himself, were panic-
stricken, and ran to seize their arms; some even stood riveted to the spot, in
perplexity at the occurrence. Just then Proxenus came up from behind, as
chance would have it, with his division of hoplites, and without a moment's
hesitation marched into the open space between the rival parties, and
grounded arms; then he fell to begging Clearchus to desist. The latter was
not too well pleased to hear his trouble mildly spoken of, when he had
barely escaped being stoned to death; and he bade Proxenus retire and leave
the intervening space open. At this juncture Cyrus arrived and inquired
what was happening. There was no time for hesitation. With his javelins
firmly grasped in his hands he galloped up—escorted by some of his
faithful bodyguard, who were present—and was soon in the midst,
exclaiming: "Clearchus, Proxenus, and you other Hellenes yonder, you
know not what you do. As surely as you come to blows with one another,
our fate is sealed—this very day I shall be cut to pieces, and so will you:
your turn will follow close on mine. Let our fortunes once take an evil turn,
and these barbarians whom you see around will be worse foes to us than

those who are at present serving the king." At these words Clearchus came
to his senses. Both parties paused from battle, and retired to their quarters:
order reigned.

VI
As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon
the hoof-prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked like the
trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army, these fellows
burnt up the grass and everything else that was good for use. Now there was
a Persian, named Orontas; he was closely related to the king by birth: and in
matters pertaining to war reckoned among the best of Persian warriors.
Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and afterwards reconciled to him,
he now made a conspiracy to destroy him. he made a proposal to Cyrus: if
Cyrus would furnish him with a thousand horsemen, he would deal with
these troopers, who were burning down everything in front of them; he
would lay an ambuscade and cut them down, or he would capture a host of
them alive; in any case, he would put a stop to their aggressiveness and
burnings; he would see to it that they did not ever get a chance of setting
eyes on Cyrus's army and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal
seemed plausible to Cyrus, who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a
detachment from each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had
got his horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, announcing
that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he could bring; he
bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to welcome him as a
friend. The letter further contained certain reminders of his former
friendship and fidelity. This despatch he delivered into the hands of one
who was a trusty messenger, as he thought; but the bearer took and gave it
to Cyrus. Cyrus read it. Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his
tent seven of the noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent
orders to the Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops
were to take up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up
about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to assist at
the court-martial; a compliment due to the position he held among the other
generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also of the rest of the court.
When he came out, he reported the circumstances of the trial (as to which,
indeed, there was no mystery) to his friends. He said that Cyrus opened the
inquiry with these words: "I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may

take advice with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man,
it is right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Orontas. The
prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be my
faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words, under the
orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of Sardis, he went to
war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to think it more prudent to
desist from war with me: whereupon we shook hands, exchanging solemn
pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus turned to Orontas, and
addressed him personally—"after that, did I do you any wrong?" Answer,
"Never." Again another question: "Then later on, having received, as you
admit, no injury from me, did you revolt to the Mysians and injure my
territory, as far as in you lay?"—"I did," was the reply. "Then, once more
having discovered the limits of your power, did you flee to the altar of
Artemis, crying out that you repented? and did you thus work upon my
feelings, that we a second time shook hands and made interchange of
solemn pledges? Are these things so?" Orontas again assented. "Then what
injury have you received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now for the third
time, you have been detected in a treasonous plot against me?"—"I must
needs do so," he answered. Then Cyrus put one more question: "But the day
may come, may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother,
and a faithful friend to myself?" The other answered: "Even if I were, you
could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus."
At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: "Such has
been the conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language now. I now
call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your opinion—what
think you?" And Clearchus answered: "My advice to you is to put this man
out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be saved the necessity of
watching him, and have more leisure, as far as he is concerned, to requite
the services of those whose friendship is sincere."—"To this opinion," he
told us, "the rest of the court adhered." After that, at the bidding of Cyrus,
each of those present, in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him
by the girdle; which is as much as to say, "Let him die the death," and then
those appointed led him out; and they who in old days were wont to do
obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing
down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.
After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest of
Cyrus's wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or dead. No

one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his death; though
some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to mark his resting-
place, either then or since, was ever seen.

VII
From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages—twelve
parasangs. Now, on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a review of
the Hellenes and Asiatics in the plain, expecting that the king would arrive
the following day with his army to offer battle. He gave orders to Clearchus
to take command of the right wing, and to Menon the Thessalian of the left,
while he himself undertook to the disposition of his own forces in person.
After the review, with the first approach of day, deserters from the great
king arrived, bringing Cyrus information about the royal army. Then Cyrus
summoned the generals and captains of the Hellenes, and held a council of
war to arrange the plan of battle. He took this opportunity also to address
the following words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting:
"Men of Hellas," he said, "it is certainly not from dearth of barbarians to
fight my battles that I put myself at your head as my allies; but because I
hold you to be better and stronger than many barbarians. That is why I took
you. See then that you prove yourselves to be men worthy of the liberty
which you possess, and which I envy you. Liberty—it is a thing which, be
well assured, I would choose in preference to all my other possessions,
multiplied many times. But I would like you to know into what sort of
struggle you are going: learn its nature from one who knows. Their numbers
are great, and they come on with much noise; but if you can hold out
against these two things, I confess I am ashamed to think, what a sorry set
of folk you will find the inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and
brave you must be, being men: it is agreed; then if you wish to return home,
any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such sort that your friends at
home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade many of you to
accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you left at home."
Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being
present, exclaimed: "Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make large
promises now, because you are in the crisis of impending danger; but let
matters go well with you, will you recollect? They shake their heads.
Indeed, some add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever so willing,
you would not be able to make good all your promises, and repay." When

Cyrus heard that, he answered: "You forget, sirs, my father's empire
stretches southwards to a region where men cannot dwell by reason of the
heat, and northwards to a region uninhabitable through cold; but all the
intervening space is mapped out in satrapies belonging to my brother's
friends: so that if the victory be ours, it will be ours also to put our friends
in possession in their room. On the whole my fear is, not that I may not
have enough to give to each of my friends, but lest I may not have friends
enough on whom to bestow what I have to give, and to each of you
Hellenes I will give a crown of gold."
So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever
themselves, and spread the good news among the rest outside. And there
came into his presence both the generals and some of the other Hellenes
also, claiming to know what they should have in the event of victory; and
Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each and all, and so dismissed them.
Now the advice and admonition of all who came into conversation with him
was, not to enter the battle himself, but to post himself in rear of
themselves; and at this season Clearchus put a question to him: "But do you
think that your brother will give battle to you, Cyrus?" and Cyrus answered:
"Not without a battle, be assured, shall the prize be won; if he be the son of
Darius and Parysatis, and a brother of mine."
In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as
follows: Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy infantry
with two thousand five hundred targeteers, while the barbarians with Cyrus
reached a total of one hundred thousand. He had too about twenty scythe-
chariots. The enemy's forces were reported to number one million two
hundred thousand, with two hundred scythe-chariots, besides which he had
six thousand cavalry under Artagerses. These formed the immediate
vanguard of the king himself. The royal army was marshalled by four
generals or field-marshals, each in command of three hundred thousand
men. Their names were Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces.
(But of this total not more than nine hundred thousand were engaged in the
battle, with one hundred and fifty scythe-chariots; since Abrocomas, on his
march from Phoenicia, arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was
the information brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from the king's
army before the battle, and it was corroborated after the battle by those of
the enemy who were taken prisoners.

From this place Cyrus advanced one stage—three parasangs—with the
whole body of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of battle. He
expected the king to give battle the same day, for in the middle of this day's
march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet broad, and eighteen feet
deep. The trench was carried inland through the plain, twelve parasang's
distance, to the wall of Media (1). (Here are canals, flowing from the river
Tigris; they are four in number, each a hundred feet broad, and very deep,
with corn ships plying upon them; they empty themselves into the
Euphrates, and are at intervals of one parasang apart, and are spanned by
bridges.)

(1) For "the wall of Media" see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p.
87 and foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there
quoted or referred to. The next passage enclosed in () may
possibly be a commentator's or editor's note, but, on the whole, I
have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of
relegating them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future
traveller may clear up all difficulties.

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet
only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great king
upon hearing of Cyrus's approach, to serve as a line of defence. Through
this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found themselves
safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought with the king that
day; only there were numerous unmistakable traces of horse and infantry in
retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus, his Ambraciot soothsayer, and
presented him with three thousand darics; because eleven days back, when
sacrificing, he had told him that the king would not fight within ten days,
and Cyrus had answered: "Well, then, if he does not fight within that time,
he will not fight at all; and if your prophecy comes true, I promise you ten
talents." So now, that the ten days were passed, he presented him with the
above sum.
But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at the
trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have abandoned
the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced with less than
his former caution. On the third day he was conducting the march, seated in
his carriage, with only a small body of troops drawn up in front of him. The
mass of the army was moving on in no kind of order: the soldiers having
consigned their heavy arms to be carried in the wagons or on the backs of
beasts.

VIII
It was already about full market time (1) and the halting-place at which
the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a
Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came galloping up at full
speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat, and to every one he met he
shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he could ejaculate the words: "The
king is advancing with a large army ready for battle." Then ensued a scene
of wild confusion. The Hellenes and all alike were expecting to be attacked
on the instant, and before they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his
carriage and donned his corselet; then leaping on to his charger's back, with
the javelins firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm
themselves and fall into their several ranks.

(1) I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.

The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped themselves.
Clearchus held the right wing resting on the Euphrates, Proxenus was next,
and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left.
Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian cavalry, one thousand strong, were
posted beside Clearchus on the right, and with them stood the Hellenic
peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest
of the barbarian host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six
hundred strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuirasses and
helmets; but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head unhelmeted (2). So
too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces and breast-pieces, and
the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.

(2) The MSS. add, "to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded
is, it is said, a practice common to the Persians," which I regard
as a commentator's note, if not an original marginal note of some
early editor, possibly of the author himself. The "Cyropaedeia" is
full of such comments, "pieces justificatives" inserted into the
text.

It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the
approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a
considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high above the

plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and there a glint of
bronze and spear-points; and the ranks could plainly be distinguished. On
the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses. That is Tissaphernes in
command, they said, and next to these a body of men bearing wicker-
shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry, with long wooden shields
reaching to the feet. These were the Egyptians, they said, and then other
cavalry, other bowmen; all were in national divisions, each nation marching
in densely-crowded squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots
at considerable intervals from one another—the famous scythe-chariots, as
they were named—having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and
stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the chariot-seats,
facing the ground, so as to cut through all they encountered. The design was
to let them dash full speed into the ranks of the Hellenes and cut them
through.
Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war
he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics, was
not justified. Instead of shouting, they came on in deep silence, softly and
slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding past in person,
accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or four others, called
aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's centre, for there the king
was to be found: "And if we strike home at this point," he added, "our work
is finished." Clearchus, though he could see the compact body at the centre,
and had been told by Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for,
owing to numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own centre,
could well overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right
wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks; and he simply
replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.
At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic
division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as the various
contingents came up. Cyrus, riding past at some distance from the lines,
glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the other, so as to take a
complete survey of friends and foes; when Xenophon the Athenian, seeing
him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter to meet him, asking him whether he
had any orders to give. Cyrus, pulling up his horse, begged him to make the
announcement generally known that the omens from the victims, internal
and external alike, were good (3). While he was still speaking, he heard a
confused murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The

other replied that it was the watchword being passed down for the second
time. Cyrus wondered who had given the order, and asked what the
watchword was. On being told it was "Zeus our Saviour and Victory," he
replied, "I accept it; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own
position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four
furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the
same time advanced against the enemy.

(3) I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the
omens from the acts and movements of the victims.

But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved
onwards in advance, with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left behind
quickened to a run; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst from all lips,
like that in honour of the war-god—eleleu! eleleu! and the running became
general. Some say they clashed their shields and spears, thereby causing
terror to the horses (4); and before they had got within arrowshot the
barbarians swerved and took to flight. And now the Hellenes gave chase
with might and main, checked only by shouts to one another not to race, but
to keep their ranks. The enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept
onwards, some through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes.
They, as they saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One
fellow, like some dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was caught by the
heels, but even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single
exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded
by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single hurt.

(4) Some critics regard this sentence as an editor's or commentator's
note.

Cyrus, seeing the Hellene's conquering, as far as they at any rate were
concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of his joy and
the salutations offered him at that moment by those about him, as though he
were already king, he was not led away to join in the pursuit, but keeping
his squadron of six hundred horsemen in close order, waited and watched to
see what the king himself would do. The king, he knew, held the centre of
the Persian army. Indeed it is the fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy
that position during action, for this twofold reason: he holds the safest
place, with his troops on either side of him, while, if he has occasion to

despatch any necessary rider along the lines, his troops will receive the
message in half the time. The king accordingly on this occasion held the
centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside Cyrus's left wing; and
seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops in front of
him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then that Cyrus, in
apprehension lest the king might get round to the rear and cut to pieces the
Hellenic body, charged to meet him. Attacking with his six hundred, he
mastered the line of troops in front of the king, and put to flight the six
thousand, cutting down, as is said, with his own hand their general,
Artagerses.
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves,
in the ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a handful who
were left with Cyrus himself—chiefly his table companions, so-called. Left
alone with these, he caught sight of the king, and the close throng about
him. Unable longer to contain himself, with a cry, "I see the man," he
rushed at him and dealt a blow at his chest, wounding him through the
corselet. This, according to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon (5), who
further states that he himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the
blow, some one struck him with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the
struggle which then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about
them to protect one or other, we have the statement of Ctesias as to the
number slain on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus
himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of him. The
story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his wand-wearers, when he saw
that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt from his horse and threw his arms
about him. Then, as one account says, the king bade one slay him as a
worthy victim to his brother: others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and
slew himself by his own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he had; he wore
also a collar and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest
Persians wear; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honours at the
hands of Cyrus.

(5) "Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos.
Seventeen years of his life were passed at the court of Persia,
fourteen in the service of Darios, three in that of Artaxerxes; he
returned to Greece in 398 B.C.," and "was employed by Artaxerxes
in diplomatic services." See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his life
and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three
parts—Assyrian, Median, Persian—with a chapter "On Tributes;"
(2) a history of Indian affairs (written in the vein of Sir John

Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise on Mountains;
(5) a treatise on Rivers.

IX
So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest (1) and most worthy to rule of all the
Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the concurrent
testimony of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin
from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his
brother and the other lads, his unrivalled excellence was recognised. For the
sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one and all,
at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely
be laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed
upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving
honour from the king, and again of others receiving dishonour; and the tale
of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood they learn how to
rule and to be ruled.

(1) The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the
Cyrus of the Cyropaedeia.

In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he was
held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience
to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors; and next he
bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal
itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was
he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of learners and the most
eager practiser. As soon as his age permitted, the same pre-eminence
showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for
perilous adventure in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a
furious rush at him (2), and without wincing he grappled with her, and was
pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible
through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget him who
first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.

(2) The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.

After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and Great
Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the forces,

whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was
more noticeable in his conduct than the importance which he attached to the
faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or undertaking entered into
with others. He would tell no lies to any one. Thus doubtless it was that he
won the confidence alike of individuals and of the communities entrusted to
his care; or in case of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee
sufficient to the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its
terms. Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own
accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of Miletus,
and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he refused to
abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore emphatic
witness to his principle: even if they were weakened in number or in
fortune, he would never abandon those who had once become his friends.
He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes
alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to him, "God
grant I may live along enough to recompense my friends and requite my
foes with a strong arm." However this may be, no one, at least in our days,
ever drew together so ardent a following of friends, eager to lay at his feet
their money, their cities, their own lives and persons; nor is it to be inferred
from this that he suffered the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to
scorn; on the contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare
sight to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited hand or
foot or eye; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any one,
Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly travel
wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt disposed.
However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he reserved
especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war with the
Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an expedition into
those territories, he could observe those who voluntarily encountered risks;
these he made rulers of the territory which he subjected, and afterwards
honoured them with other gifts. So that, if the good and brave were set on a
pinnacle of fortune, cowards were recognised as their natural slaves; and so
it befell that Cyrus never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger,
whenever it was expected that his eye would be upon them.
So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish
himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this man
richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same principle,

his own administration was in all respects uprightly conducted, and, in
particular, he secured the services of an army worthy of the name. Generals,
and subalterns alike, came to him from across the seas, not merely to make
money, but because they saw that loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable
investment than so many pounds a month. Let any man whatsoever render
him willing service, such enthusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so
Cyrus could always command the service of the best assistants, it was said,
whatever the work might be.
Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the country
over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing him at any
time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure,
and gains were amassed with confidence, and least of all from Cyrus would
a man conceal the amount of his possessions, seeing that he showed no
jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his endeavour was rather to turn to
account the riches of those who kept them secret. Towards the friends he
had made, whose kindliness he knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers
with himself, in aught which he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he
showed himself in turn an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as
he felt the need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of
them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.
Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no
one man, perhaps, ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more
ready to bestow them upon others, with an eye ever to the taste of each, so
as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement. Many of these
presents were sent to him to serve as personal adornments of the body or for
battle; and as touching these he would say, "How am I to deck myself out in
all these? to my mind a man's chief ornament is the adornment of nobly-
adorned friends." Indeed, that he should triumph over his friends in the
great matters of welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more
powerful than they, but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions,
and in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more
admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent wine, he
would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to say:
"Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long time, that is his
excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will drink it up to-day with a
choice party of friends." Or, perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish
of geese, half loaves of bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed to

say: "This is Cyrus's favourite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself." Or,
perhaps, there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number
of his servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get
supplies for himself; at such times he would send to his friends in different
parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it would not do for
the horses that carried his friends to go starving. Then, on any long march
or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on would be large, he would call
his friends to him and entertain them with serious talk, as much as to say,
"These I delight to honour."
So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be disposed to
say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved. In proof of this, I
may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the king's vassal and slave, no one
ever forsook him to join his master, if I may except the attempt of Orontas,
which was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to
the heart of him on whose fidelity he relied than he himself was. On the
other hand, many a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to
war with one another; nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in
the king's affection; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues would
obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king. Another
great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity rightly to discern
all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded by an incident which
belongs to the last moment of his life. He was slain, but fighting for his life
beside him fell also every one of his faithful bodyguard of friends and table-
companions, with the sole exception of Ariaeus, who was in command of
the cavalry on the left, and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he
betook himself to flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.

X
Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body.
But the king and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian camp,
and the troops of Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled through
their own camp back to the halting-place of the night before—a distance of
four parasangs, it was said. So the king and those with him fell to ravaging
right and left, and amongst other spoil he captured the Phocaean woman,
who was a concubine of Cyrus, witty and beautiful, if fame speaks
correctly. The Milesian, who was the younger, was also seized by some of
the king's men; but, letting go her outer garment, she made good her escape
to the Hellenes, who had been left among the camp followers on guard.
These fell at once into line and put to the sword many of the pillagers,
though they lost some men themselves; they stuck to the place and
succeeded in saving not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or
human beings, which lay within their reach.
At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three miles
apart; the one set were pursuing their opponents just as if their conquest had
been general; the others were pillaging as merrily as if their victory were
already universal. But when the Hellenes learnt that the king and his troops
were in the baggage camp; and the king, on his side, was informed by
Tissaphernes that the Hellenes were victorious in their quarter of the field,
and had gone forward in pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king
massed his troops and formed into line. Clearchus summoned Proxenus,
who was next him, and debated whether to send a detachment or to go in a
body to the camp to save it.
Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the
rear; and the Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his attack
then and there. But instead of advancing upon them at that point, he drew
off, following the line by which he had passed earlier in the day, outside the
left wing of his opponent, and so picked up in his passage those who had
deserted to the Hellenes during the battle, as also Tissaphernes and his
division. The latter had not fled in the first shock of the encounter; he had
charged parallel to the line of the Euphrates into the Greek peltasts, and

through them. But charge as he might, he did not lay low a single man. On
the contrary, the Hellenes made a gap to let them through, hacking them
with their swords and hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes of
Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a
sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got through
haphazard, with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round and return the
way he came, but reaching the camp of the Hellenes, there fell in with the
king; and falling into order again, the two divisions advanced side by side.
When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes, fear
seized the latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold them on both
sides and cut them down. In this apprehension they determined to extend
their line and place the river on their rear. But while they deliberated, the
king passed by and ranged his troops in line to meet them, in exactly the
same position in which he had advanced to offer battle at the
commencement of the engagement. The Hellenes, now seeing them in close
proximity and in battle order, once again raised the paean and began the
attack with still greater enthusiasm than before: and once again the
barbarians did not wait to receive them, but took to flight, even at a greater
distance than before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached a
certain village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, on
which the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no infantry any
longer, but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that it was impossible to
discover what was happening. They did see, they said, the royal standard, a
kind of golden eagle, with wings extended, perched on a bar of wood and
raised upon a lance.
But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry at
once left the hillock—not in a body any longer, but in fragments—some
streaming from one side, some from another; and the crest was gradually
stripped of its occupants, till at last the company was gone. Accordingly,
Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but posting his army at its base, he sent
Lycius of Syracuse and another to the summit, with orders to inspect the
condition of things on the other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped
up and investigated, bringing back news that they were fleeing might and
main. Almost at that instant the sun sank beneath the horizon. There the
Hellenes halted; they grounded arms and rested, marvelling the while that
Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger had come from
him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death, and conjectured that

either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed forward to occupy some
point. Left to themselves, they now deliberated, whether they should stay
where they were and have the baggage train brought up, or should return to
camp. They resolved to return, and about supper time reached the tents.
Such was the conclusion of this day.
They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and
drinkables alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine, which
Cyrus had prepared in case of some extreme need overtaking the
expedition, to divide among the Hellenes. There were four hundred of these
wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked by the king and his
men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went supperless, having
already gone without their breakfasts, since the king had appeared before
the usual halt for breakfast. Accordingly, in no better plight than this they
passed the night.

BOOK II
(In the previous book will be found a full account of the
method by which Cyrus collected a body of Greeks when
meditating an expedition against his brother Artaxerxes; as
also of various occurrences on the march up; of the battle
itself, and of the death of Cyrus; and lastly, a description
of the arrival of the Hellenes in camp after the battle, and
as to how they betook themselves to rest, none suspecting
but what they were altogether victorious and that Cyrus
lived.)

I
With the break of day the generals met, and were surprised that Cyrus
should not have appeared himself, or at any rate have sent some one to tell
them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had together,
to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected junction with
Cyrus. Just as they were on the point of starting, with the rising sun came
Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a descendant of Damaratus (1) the
Laconian, and with him also came Glus the son of Tamos. These two told
them, first, that Cyrus was dead; next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the
rest of the barbarians to the halting-place whence they had started at dawn
on the previous day; and wished to inform them that, if they were minded to
come, he would wait for this one day, but on the morrow he should return
home again to Ionia, whence he came.

(1) The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to
King Darius, and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi.
50, 61-70. We shall hear more of his descendant, Procles, the
ruler of Teuthrania, in the last chapter of this work.

When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely distressed; so too
were the rest of the Hellenes when they were informed of it. Then
Clearchus spoke as follows: "Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But since he
is dead, take back this answer to Ariaeus, that we, at any rate, have
conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see, there is not a man left
in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you not arrived, we should ere this have
begun our march upon the king. Now, we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he
will join us here, we will place him on the king's throne. Surely to those
who conquer empire pertains." With these words he sent back the
messengers and with them he sent Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon
the Thessalian. That was what Menon himself wished, being, as he was, a
friend and intimate of Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of hospitality. So
these set off, and Clearchus waited for them.
The soldiers furnished themselves with food (and drink) as best they
might—falling back on the baggage animals, and cutting up oxen and asses.
There was no lack of firewood; they need only step forward a few paces

from the line where the battle was fought, and they would find arrows to
hand in abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the deserters from the
king to throw away. There were arrows and wicker shields also, and the
huge wooden shields of the Egyptians. There were many targets also, and
empty wagons left to be carried off. Here was a store which they were not
slow to make use of to cook their meat and serve their meals that day.
It was now about full market hour (2) when heralds from the king and
Tissaphernes arrived. These were barbarians with one exception. This was a
certain Phalinus, a Hellene who lived at the court of Tissaphernes, and was
held in high esteem. He gave himself out to be a connoisseur of tactics and
the art of fighting with heavy arms. These were the men who now came up,
and having summoned the generals of the Hellenes, they delivered
themselves of the following message: "The great king having won the
victory and slain Cyrus, bids the Hellenes to surrender their arms; to betake
themselves to the gates of the king's palace, and there obtain for themselves
what terms they can." That was what the heralds said, and the Hellenes
listened with heavy hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and his words were few;
"Conquerors do not, as a rule, give up their arms"; then turning to the others
he added, "I leave it to you, my fellow-generals, to make the best and
noblest answer, that ye may, to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you presently."
At the moment an official had summoned him to come and look at the
entrails which had been taken out, for, as it chanced, he was engaged in
sacrificing. As soon as he was gone, Cleanor the Arcadian, by right of
seniority, answered: "They would sooner die than give up their arms." Then
Proxenus the Theban said: "For my part, I marvel if the king demands our
arms as our master, or for the sake of friendship merely, as presents. If as
our master, why need he ask for them rather than come and take them? But
if he would fain wheedle us out of them by fine speeches, he should tell us
what the soldiers will receive in turn for such kindness." In answer to him
Phalinus said: "The king claims to have conquered, because he has put
Cyrus to death; and who is there now to claim the kingdom as against
himself? He further flatters himself that you also are in his power, since he
holds you in the heart of his country, hemmed in by impassable rivers; and
he can at any moment bring against you a multitude so vast that even if
leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them." After him
Theopompus (3) the Athenian spoke. "Phalinus," he said, "at this instant, as
you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our arms and our valour. If

we keep the former we imagine we can make use of the latter; but if we
deliver up our arms we shall presently be robbed of our lives. Do not
suppose then that we are going to give up to you the only good things which
we possess. We prefer to keep them; and by their help we will do battle with
you for the good things which are yours." Phalinus laughed when he heard
those words, and said: "Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young man, and
very pretty reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your wits are somewhat
scattered if you imagine that your valour will get the better of the king's
power." There were one or two others, it was said, who with a touch of
weakness in their tone or argument, made answer: "They had proved good
and trusty friends to Cyrus, and the king might find them no less valuable.
If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them to any use that
pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against Egypt. Their arms were at his
service; they would help to lay that country at his feet."

(2) 10 A.M.

(3) So the best MSS. Others read "Xenophon," which Kruger maintains to
be the true reading. He suggests that "Theopompus" may have crept
into the text from a marginal note of a scholiast, "Theopompus"
(the historian) "gives the remark to Proxenus."

Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what answer they had
given. The words were barely out of his mouth before Phalinus interrupting,
answered: "As for your friends here, one says one thing and one another;
will you please give us your opinion"; and he replied: "The sight of you,
Phalinus, caused me much pleasure; and not only me, but all of us, I feel
sure; for you are a Hellene even as we are—every one of us whom you see
before you. In our present plight we would like to take you into our counsel
as to what we had better do touching your proposals. I beg you then
solemnly, in the sight of heaven—do you tender us such advice as you shall
deem best and worthiest, and such as shall bring you honour of after time,
when it will be said of you how once on a time Phalinus was sent by the
great king to bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms, and when they had
taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such advice. You know
that whatever advice you do give us cannot fail to be reported in Hellas."
Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that this man, who
was the ambassador from the king, might himself be led to advise them not
to give up their arms, in which case the Hellenes would be still more
sanguine and hopeful. But, contrary to his expectation, Phalinus turned

round and said: "I say that if you have one chance, one hope in ten thousand
to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give up your arms. That is
my advice. If, however, you have no chance of escape without the king's
consent, then I say save yourselves in the only way you can." And
Clearchus answered: "So, then, that is your deliberate view? Well, this is
our answer, take it back. We conceive that in either case, whether we are
expected to be friends with the king, we shall be worth more as friends if
we keep our arms than if we yield them to another; or whether we are to go
to war, we shall fight better with them than without." And Phalinus said:
"That answer we will repeat; but the king bade me tell you this besides,
'Whilst you remain here there is truce; but one step forward or one step
back, the truce ends; there is war.' Will you then please inform us as to that
point also? Are you minded to stop and keep truce, or is there to be war?
What answer shall I take from you?" And Clearchus replied: "Pray answer
that we hold precisely the same views on this point as the king."—"How
say you the same views?" asked Phalinus. Clearchus made answer: "As
long as we stay here there is truce, but a step forward or a step backward,
the truce ends; there is war." The other again asked: "Peace or war, what
answer shall I make?" Clearchus returned answer once again in the same
words: "Truce if we stop, but if we move forwards or backwards war." But
what he was minded really to do, that he refused to make further manifest.

II
Phalinus and those that were with him turned and went. But the
messengers from Ariaeus, Procles and Cheirisophus came back. As to
Menon, he stayed behind with Ariaeus, They brought back this answer from
Ariaeus: "'There are many Persians,' he says, 'better than himself who will
not suffer him to sit upon the king's throne; but if you are minded to go
back with him, you must join him this very night, otherwise he will set off
himself to-morrow on the homeward route.'" And Clearchus said: "It had
best stand thus between us then. If we come, well and good, be it as you
propose; but if we do not come, do whatsoever you think most conducive to
your interests." And so he kept these also in the dark as to his real intention.
After this, when the sun was already sinking, he summoned the generals
and officers, and made the following statement: "Sirs, I sacrificed and found
the victims unfavourable to an advance against the king. After all, it is not
so surprising perhaps, for, as I now learn, between us and the king flows the
river Tigris, navigable for big vessels, and we could not possibly cross it
without boats, and boats we have none. On the other hand, to stop here is
out of the question, for there is no possibility of getting provisions.
However, the victims were quite agreeable to us joining the friends of
Cyrus. This is what we must do then. Let each go away and sup on
whatever he has. At the first sound of the bugle to turn in, get kit and
baggage together; at the second signal, place them on the baggage animals;
and at the third, fall in and follow the lead, with the baggage animals on the
inside protected by the river, and the troops outside." After hearing the
orders, the generals and officers retired, and did as they were bid; and for
the future Clearchus led, and the rest followed in obedience to his orders,
not that they had expressly chosen him, but they saw that he alone had the
sense and wisdom requisite in a general, while the rest were inexperienced
(1).

(1) The MSS. add the words, "The total distance of the route, taking
Ephesus in Ionia as the starting point up to the field of battle,
consisted of 93 stages, 535 parasangs, or 16,050 furlongs; from
the battle-field to Babylon (reckoned a three days' journey) would

have been another 360 stades," which may well be an editor's or
commentator's marginal note.

Here, under cover of the darkness which descended, the Thracian
Miltocythes, with forty horsemen and three hundred Thracian infantry,
deserted to the king; but the rest of the troops—Clearchus leading and the
rest following in accordance with the orders promulgated—took their
departure, and about midnight reached their first stage, having come up
with Ariaeus and his army. They grounded arms just as they stood in rank,
and the generals and officers of the Hellenes met in the tent of Ariaeus.
There they exchanged oaths—the Hellenes on the one side and Ariaeus with
his principal officers on the other—not to betray one another, but to be true
to each other as allies. The Asiatics further solemnly pledged themselves by
oath to lead the way without treachery. The oaths were ratified by the
sacrifice of a bull, a wolf (2), a boar, and a ram over a shield. The Hellenes
dipped a sword, the barbarians a lance, into the blood of the victims.

(2) It is a question whether the words "a wolf" ought not to be
omitted.

As soon as the pledge was taken, Clearchus spoke: "And now, Ariaeus,"
he said, "since you and we have one expedition in prospect, will you tell us
what you think about the route; shall we return the way we came, or have
you devised a better?" He answered: "To return the same way is to perish to
a man by hunger; for at this moment we have no provisions whatsoever.
During the seventeen last stages, even on our way hither, we could extract
nothing from the country; or, if there was now and again anything, we
passed over and utterly consumed it. At this time our project is to take
another and a longer journey certainly, but we shall not be in straits for
provisions. The earliest stages must be very long, as long as we can make
them; the object is to put as large a space as possible between us and the
royal army; once we are two or three days' journey off, the danger is over.
The king will never overtake us. With a small army he will not dare to dog
our heels, and with a vast equipment he will lack the power to march
quickly. Perhaps he, too, may even find a scarcity of provisions. There,"
said he, "you asked for my opinion, see, I have given it."
Here was a plan of the campaign, which was equivalent to a stampede:
helter-skelter they were to run away, or get into hiding somehow; but
fortune proved a better general. For as soon as it was day they

recommenced the journey, keeping the sun on their right, and calculating
that with the westering rays they would have reached villages in the
territory of Babylonia, and in this hope they were not deceived. While it
was yet afternoon, they thought they caught sight of some of the enemy's
cavalry; and those of the Hellenes who were not in rank ran to their ranks;
and Ariaeus, who was riding in a wagon to nurse a wound, got down and
donned his cuirass, the rest of his party following his example. Whilst they
were arming themselves, the scouts, who had been sent forward, came back
with the information that they were not cavalry but baggage animals
grazing. It was at once clear to all that they must be somewhere in the
neighbourhood of the king's encampment. Smoke could actually be seen
rising, evidently from villages not far ahead. Clearchus hesitated to advance
upon the enemy, knowing that the troops were tired and hungry; and indeed
it was already late. On the other hand he had no mind either to swerve from
his route—guarding against any appearance of flight. Accordingly he
marched straight as an arrow, and with sunset entered the nearest villages
with his vanguard and took up quarters.
These villages had been thoroughly sacked and dismantled by the royal
army—down to the very woodwork and furniture of the houses. Still, the
vanguard contrived to take up their quarters in some sort of fashion; but the
rear division, coming up in the dark, had to bivouac as best they could, one
detachment after another; and a great noise they made, with hue and cry to
one another, so that the enemy could hear them; and those in their
immediate proximity actually took to their heels, left their quarters, and
decamped, as was plain enough next morning, when not a beast was to be
seen, nor sign of camp or wreath of smoke anywhere in the neighbourhood.
The king, as it would appear, was himself quite taken aback by the advent
of the army; as he fully showed by his proceedings next day.
During the progress of this night the Hellenes had their turn of scare—a
panic seized them, and there was a noise and clatter, hardly to be explained
except by the visitation of some sudden terror. But Clearchus had with him
the Eleian Tolmides, the best herald of his time; him he ordered to proclaim
silence, and then to give out this proclamation of the generals: "Whoever
will give any information as to who let an ass into the camp shall receive a
talent of silver in reward." On hearing this proclamation the soldiers made
up their minds that their fear was baseless, and their generals safe and
sound. At break of day Clearchus gave the order to the Hellenes to get

under arms in line of battle, and take up exactly the same position as they
held on the day of the battle.

III
And now comes the proof of what I stated above—that the king was
utterly taken aback by the sudden apparition of the army; only the day
before, he had sent and demanded the surrender of their arms—and now,
with the rising sun, came heralds sent by him to arrange a truce. These,
having reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The guard
reported their arrival; and Clearchus, who was busy inspecting the ranks,
sent back word to the heralds that they must await his leisure. Having
carefully arranged the troops so that from every side they might present the
appearance of a compact battle line without a single unarmed man in sight,
he summoned the ambassadors, and himself went forward to meet them
with the soldiers, who for choice accoutrement and noble aspect were the
flower of his force; a course which he had invited the other generals also to
adopt.
And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he questioned them as
to what their wishes were. They replied that they had come to arrange a
truce, and were persons competent to carry proposals from the king to the
Hellenes and from the Hellenes to the king. He returned answer to them:
"Take back word then to your master, that we need a battle first, for we
have had no breakfast; and he will be a brave man who will dare mention
the word 'truce' to Hellenes without providing them with breakfast." With
this message the heralds rode off, but were back again in no time, which
was a proof that the king, or some one appointed by him to transact the
business, was hard by. They reported that "the message seemed reasonable
to the king; they had now come bringing guides who, if a truce were
arranged, would conduct them where they would get provisions." Clearchus
inquired "whether the truce was offered to the individual men merely as
they went and came, or to all alike." "To all," they replied, "until the king
receives your final answer." When they had so spoken, Clearchus, having
removed the ambassadors, held a council; and it was resolved to make a
truce at once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions; and Clearchus
said: "I agree to the resolution; still I do not propose to announce it at once,
but to wile away time till the ambassadors begin to fear that we have

decided against the truce; though I suspect," he added, "the same fear will
be operative on the minds of our soldiers also." As soon as the right
moment seemed to have arrived, he delivered his answer in favour of the
truce, and bade the ambassadors at once conduct them to the provisions.
So these led the way; and Clearchus, without relaxing precaution, in spite
of having secured a truce, marched after them with his army in line and
himself in command of the rearguard. Over and over again they
encountered trenches and conduits so full of water that they could not be
crossed without bridges; but they contrived well enough for these by means
of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they cut down for the
occasion. And here Clearchus's system of superintendence was a study in
itself; as he stood with a spear in his left hand and a stick in the other; and
when it seemed to him there was any dawdling among the parties told off to
the work, he would pick out the right man and down would come the stick;
nor, at the same time, was he above plunging into the mud and lending a
hand himself, so that every one else was forced for very shame to display
equal alacrity. The men told off for the business were the men of thirty
years of age; but even the elder men, when they saw the energy of
Clearchus, could not resist lending their aid also. What stimulated the haste
of Clearchus was the suspicion in his mind that these trenches were not, as a
rule, so full of water, since it was not the season to irrigate the plain; and he
fancied that the king had let the water on for the express purpose of vividly
presenting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their march was
threatened at the very start.
Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where their guides
indicated to them that they would find provisions. They were found to
contain plenty of corn, and wine made from palm dates, and an acidulated
beverage extracted by boiling from the same fruit. As to the palm nuts or
dates themselves, it was noticeable that the sort which we are accustomed to
see in Hellas were set aside for the domestic servants; those put aside for
the masters are picked specimens, and are simply marvellous for their
beauty and size, looking like great golden lumps of amber; some specimens
they dried and preserved as sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an
accompaniment of wine, but apt to give headache. Here, too, for the first
time in their lives, the men tasted the brain (1) of the palm. No one could
help being struck by the beauty of this object, and the peculiarity of its
delicious flavour; but this, like the dried fruits, was exceedingly apt to give

headache. When this cabbage or brain has been removed from the palm the
whole tree withers from top to bottom.

(1) I.e. the cabbage-like crown.

In these villages they remained three days, and a deputation from the
great king arrived—Tissaphernes and the king's brother-in-law and three
other Persians—with a retinue of many slaves. As soon as the generals of
the Hellenes had presented themselves, Tissaphernes opened the
proceedings with the following speech, through the lips of an interpreter:
"Men of Hellas, I am your next-door neighbour in Hellas. Therefore was it
that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you were fallen, regarded it as
a godsend, if by any means I might obtain, as a boon from the king, the
privilege of bringing you back in safety to your own country: and that, I
take it, will earn me gratitude from you and all Hellas. In this determination
I preferred my request to the king; I claimed it as a favour which was fairly
my due; for was it not I who first announced to him the hostile approach of
Cyrus? who supported that announcement by the aid I brought; who alone
among the officers confronted with the Hellenes in battle did not flee, but
charged right through and united my troops with the king inside your camp,
where he was arrived, having slain Cyrus; it was I, lastly, who gave chase to
the barbarians under Cyrus, with the help of those here present with me at
this moment, which are also among the trustiest followers of our lord the
king. Now, I counsel you to give a moderate answer, so that it may be easier
for me to carry out my design, if haply I may obtain from him some good
thing on your behalf."
Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then they answered,
and Clearchus was their spokesman: "We neither mustered as a body to
make war against the king, nor was our march conducted with that object.
But it was Cyrus, as you know, who invented many and divers pretexts, that
he might take you off your guard, and transport us hither. Yet, after a while,
when we saw that he was in sore straits, we were ashamed in the sight of
God and man to betray him, whom we had permitted for so long a season to
benefit us. But now that Cyrus is dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom
against the king himself; there is neither person nor thing for the sake of
which we would care to injure the king's country; we would not choose to
kill him if we could, rather we would march straight home, if we were not
molested; but, God helping us, we will retaliate on all who injure us. On the

other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean to be outdone in
kindly deeds, as far as in us lies."
So he spoke, and Tissaphernes listened and replied: "That answer will I
take back to the king and bring you word from him again. Until I come
again, let the truce continue, and we will furnish you with a market." All
next day he did not come back, and the Hellenes were troubled with
anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news that he had obtained
from the king the boon he asked; he was permitted to save the Hellenes,
though there were many gainsayers who argued that it was not seemly for
the king to let those who had marched against him depart in peace. And at
last he said: "You may now, if you like, take pledges from us, that we will
make the countries through which you pass friendly to you, and will lead
you back without treachery into Hellas, and will furnish you with a market;
and wherever you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions
from the district. You, on your side, must swear that you will march as
through a friendly country, without damage—merely taking food and drink
wherever we fail to supply a market—or, if we afford a market, you shall
only obtain provisions by paying for them." This was agreed to, and oaths
and pledges exchanged between them—Tissaphernes and the king's brother-
in-law upon the one side, and the generals and officers of the Hellenes on
the other. After this Tissaphernes said: "And now I go back to the king; as
soon as I have transacted what I have a mind to, I will come back, ready
equipped, to lead you away to Hellas, and to return myself to my own
dominion."

IV
After these things the Hellenes and Ariaeus waited for Tissaphernes,
being encamped close to one another: for more than twenty days they
waited, during which time there came visitors to Ariaeus, his brother and
other kinsfolk. To those under him came certain other Persians, encouraging
them and bearing pledges to some of them from the king himself—that he
would bear no grudge against them on account of the part they bore in the
expedition against him with Cyrus, or for aught else of the things which
were past. Whilst these overtures were being made, Ariaeus and his friends
gave manifest signs of paying less attention to the Hellenes, so much so
that, if for no other reason, the majority of the latter were not well pleased,
and they came to Clearchus and the other generals, asking what they were
waiting for. "Do we not know full well," they said, "that the king would
give a great deal to destroy us, so that other Hellenes may take warning and
think twice before they march against the king. To-day it suits his purpose
to induce us to stop here, because his army is scattered; but as soon as he
has got together another armament, attack us most certainly he will. How
do we know he is not at this moment digging away at trenches, or running
up walls, to make our path impassable. It is not to be supposed that he will
desire us to return to Hellas with a tale how a handful of men like ourselves
beat the king at his own gates, laughed him to scorn, and then came home
again." Clearchus replied: "I too am keenly aware of all this; but I reason
thus: if we turn our backs now, they will say, we mean war and are acting
contrary to the truce, and then what follows? First of all, no one will furnish
us with a market or means of providing ourselves with food. Next, we shall
have no one to guide us; moreover, such action on our part will be a signal
to Ariaeus to hold aloof from us, so that not a friend will be left to us; even
those who were formerly our friends will now be numbered with our
enemies. What other river, or rivers, we may find we have to cross, I do not
know; but this we know, to cross the Euphrates in face of resistance is
impossible. You see, in the event of being driven to an engagement, we
have no cavalry to help us, but with the enemy it is the reverse—not only
the most, but the best of his troops are cavalry, so that if we are victorious,

we shall kill no one, but if we are defeated, not a man of us can escape. For
my part, I cannot see why the king, who has so many advantages on his
side, if he desires to destroy us, should swear oaths and tender solemn
pledges merely in order to perjure himself in the sight of heaven, to render
his word worthless and his credit discreditable the wide world over." These
arguments he propounded at length.
Meanwhile Tissaphernes came back, apparently ready to return home; he
had his own force with him, and so had Orontas, who was also present, his.
The latter brought, moreover, his bride with him, the king's daughter, whom
he had just wedded. The journey was now at length fairly commenced.
Tissaphernes led the way, and provided a market. They advanced, and
Ariaeus advanced too, at the head of Cyrus's Asiatic troops, side by side
with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and with these two he also pitched his
camp. The Hellenes, holding them in suspicion, marched separately with
the guides, and they encamped on each occasion a parasang apart, or rather
less; and both parties kept watch upon each other as if they were enemies,
which hardly tended to lull suspicion; and sometimes, whilst foraging for
wood and grass and so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged,
which occasioned further embitterments. Three stages they had
accomplished ere they reached the wall of Media, as it is called, and passed
within it. It was built of baked bricks laid upon bitumen. It was twenty feet
broad and a hundred feet high, and the length of it was said to be twenty
parasangs. It lies at no great distance from Babylon.
From this point they marched two stages—eight parasangs—and crossed
two canals, the first by a regular bridge, the other spanned by a bridge of
seven boats. These canals issued from the Tigris, and from them a whole
system of minor trenches was cut, leading over the country, large ones to
begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till at last they become the merest
runnels, like those in Hellas used for watering millet fields. They reached
the river Tigris. At this point there was a large and thickly populated city
named Sittace, at a distance of fifteen furlongs from the river. The Hellenes
accordingly encamped by the side of that city, near a large and beautiful
park, which was thick with all sorts of trees.
The Asiatics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were entirely hidden
from view. After supper, Proxenus and Xenophon were walking in front of
the place d'armes, when a man came up and demanded of the advanced

guard where he could find Proxenus or Clearchus. He did not ask for
Menon, and that too though he came from Ariaeus, who was Menon's
friend. As soon as Proxenus had said: "I am he, whom you seek," the man
replied: "I have been sent by Ariaeus and Artaozus, who have been trusty
friends to Cyrus in past days, and are your well-wishers. They warn you to
be on your guard, in case the barbarians attack you in the night. There is a
large body of troops in the neighbouring park. They also warn you to send
and occupy the bridge over the Tigris, since Tissaphernes is minded to
break it down in the night, if he can, so that you may not cross, but be
caught between the river and the canal." On hearing this they took the man
to Clearchus and acquainted him with his statement. Clearchus, on his side,
was much disturbed, and indeed alarmed at the news. But a young fellow
who was present (1), struck with an idea, suggested that the two statements
were inconsistent; as to the contemplated attack and the proposed
destruction of the bridge. Clearly, the attacking party must either conquer or
be worsted: if they conquer, what need of their breaking down the bridge?
"Why! if there were half a dozen bridges," said he, "we should not be any
the more able to save ourselves by flight—there would be no place to flee
to; but, in the opposite case, suppose we win, with the bridge broken down,
it is they who will not be able to save themselves by flight; and, what is
worse for them, not a single soul will be able to bring them succour from
the other side, for all their numbers, since the bridge will be broken down."

(1) Possibly Xenophon himself.

Clearchus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked the messenger,
"How large the country between the Tigris and the canal might be?" "A
large district," he replied, "and in it are villages and cities numerous and
large." Then it dawned upon them: the barbarians had sent the man with
subtlety, in fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge and occupy the
island territory, with the strong defences of the Tigris on the one side and of
the canal on the other; supplying themselves with provisions from the
country so included, large and rich as it was, with no lack of hands to till it;
in addition to which, a harbour of refuge and asylum would be found for
any one, who was minded to do the king a mischief.
After this they retired to rest in peace, not, however, neglecting to send a
guard to occupy the bridge in spite of all, and there was no attack from any
quarter whatsoever; nor did any of the enemy's people approach the bridges:

so the guards were able to report next morning. But as soon as it was
morning, they proceeded to cross the bridge, which consisted of thirty-
seven vessels, and in so doing they used the utmost precaution possible; for
reports were brought by some of the Hellenes with Tissaphernes that an
attempt was to be made to attack them while crossing. All this turned out to
be false, though it is true that while crossing they did catch sight of Glus
watching, with some others, to see if they crossed the river; but as soon as
he had satisfied himself on that point, he rode off and was gone.
From the river Tigris they advanced four stages—twenty parasangs—to
the river Physcus, which is a hundred feet broad and spanned by a bridge.
Here lay a large and populous city named Opis, close to which the Hellenes
were encountered by the natural brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was
leading a large army from Susa and Ecbatana to assist the king. He halted
his troops and watched the Helleens march past. Clearchus led them in
column two abreast: and from time to time the vanguard came to a
standstill, just so often and just so long the effect repeated itself down to the
hindmost man: halt! halt! halt! along the whole line: so that even to the
Hellenes themselves their army seemed enormous; and the Persian was
fairly astonished at the spectacle.
From this place they marched through Media six desert stages—thirty
parasangs—to the villages of Parysatis, Cyrus's and the king's mother.
These Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, delivered over to the Hellenes to
plunder, except that the folk in them were not to be made slaves. They
contained much corn, cattle, and other property. From this place they
advanced four desert stages—twenty parasangs—keeping the Tigris on the
left. On the first of these stages, on the other side of the river, lay a large
city; it was a well-to-do place named Caenae, from which the natives used
to carry across loaves and cheeses and wine on rafts made of skins.

V
After this they reached the river Zapatas (1), which is four hundred feet
broad, and here they halted three days. During the interval suspicions were
rife, though no act of treachery displayed itself. Clearchus accordingly
resolved to bring to an end these feelings of mistrust, before they led to war.
Consequently, he sent a messenger to the Persian to say that he desired an
interview with him; to which the other readily consented. As soon as they
were met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "Tissaphernes," he said, "I do not
forget that oaths have been exchanged between us, and right hands shaken,
in token that we will abstain from mutual injury; but I can see that you
watch us narrowly, as if we were foes; and we, seeing this, watch you
narrowly in return. But as I fail to discover, after investigation, that you are
endeavouring to do us a mischief—and I am quite sure that nothing of the
sort has ever entered our heads with regard to you—the best plan seemed to
me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that, if possible, we might
dispel the mutual distrust on either side. For I have known people ere now,
the victims in some cases of calumny, or possibly of mere suspicion, who in
apprehension of one another and eager to deal the first blow, have
committed irreparable wrong against those who neither intended nor so
much as harboured a thought of mischief against them. I have come to you
under a conviction that such misunderstandings may best be put a stop to by
personal intercourse, and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are wrong
in mistrusting us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oaths, which we
took in the sight of heaven, are a barrier to mutual hostility. I envy not the
man whose conscience tells him that he has disregarded these! For in a war
with heaven, by what swiftness of foot can a man escape?—in what quarter
find refuge?—in what darkness slink away and be hid?—to what strong
fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all things in all ways subject to
the gods? is not their lordship over all alike outspread? As touching the
gods, therefore, and our oaths, that is how I view this matter. To their safe
keeping we consigned the friendship which we solemnly contracted. But
turning to matters human, you I look upon as our greatest blessing in this
present time. With you every path is plain to us, every river passable, and of

provisions we shall know no stint. But without you, all our way is through
darkness; for we known nothing concerning it, every river will be an
obstacle, each multitude a terror; but, worst terror of all, the vast
wilderness, so full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a fit of madness we
murdered you, what then? in slaying our benefactor should we not have
challenged to enter the lists against us a more formidable antagonist in the
king himself? Let me tell you, how many high hopes I should rob myself of,
were I to take in hand to do you mischief.

(1) The Greater Zab, which flows into the Tigris near a town now
called Senn, with which most travellers identify Caenae.

"I coveted the friendship of Cyrus; I believed him to be abler than any
man of his day to benefit those whom he chose; but to-day I look and,
behold, it is you who are in his place; the power which belonged to Cyrus
and his territory are yours now. You have them, and your own satrapy
besides, safe and sound; while the king's power, which was a thorn in the
side of Cyrus, is your support. This being so, it would be madness not to
wish to be your friend. But I will go further and state to you the reasons of
my confidence, that you on your side will desire our friendship. I know that
the Mysians are a cause of trouble to you, and I flatter myself that with my
present force I could render them humbly obedient to you. This applies to
the Pisidians also; and I am told there are many other such tribes besides. I
think I can deal with them all; they shall cease from being a constant
disturbance to your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians (2). I
know your anger against them to-day is very great. Nor can I see what
better force you will find to help you in chastising them than this which
marches at my back to-day. Again, if you seek the friendship of any of your
neighbours round, there shall be no friend so great as you; if any one
annoys you, with us as your faithful servitors you shall belord it over him;
and such service we will render you, not as hirelings merely for pay's sake,
but for the gratitude which we shall rightly feel to you, to whom we owe
our lives. As I dwell on these matters, I confess, the idea of your feeling
mistrust of us is so astonishing, that I would give much to discover the
name of the man, who is so clever of speech that he can persuade you that
we harbour designs against you." Clearchus ended, and Tissaphernes
responded thus—

(2) We learn from Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35, that the Egyptians had
revolted from the Persians towards the end of the reign of Darius.

"I am glad, Clearchus, to listen to your sensible remarks; for with the
sentiments you hold, if you were to devise any mischief against me, it could
only be out of malevolence to yourself. But if you imagine that you, on
your side, have any better reason to mistrust the king and me, than we you,
listen to me in turn, and I will undeceive you. I ask you, does it seem to you
that we lack the means, if we had the will, to destroy you? have we not
horsemen enough, or infantry, or whatever other arm you like, whereby we
may be able to injure you, without risk of suffering in return? or, possibly,
do we seem to you to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking
you? Do you not see all these great plains, which you find it hard enough to
traverse even when they are friendly? and all yonder great mountain chains
left for you to cross, which we can at any time occupy in advance and
render impassable? and all those rivers, on whose banks we can deal craftily
by you, checking and controlling and choosing the right number of you
whom we care to fight! Nay, there are some which you will not be able to
cross at all, unless we transport you to the other side.
"And if at all these points we were worsted, yet 'fire,' as they say, 'is
stronger than the fruit of the field': we can burn it down and call up famine
in arms against you; against which you, for all your bravery, will never be
able to contend. Why then, with all these avenues of attack, this machinery
of war, open to us, not one of which can be turned against ourselves, why
should we select from among them all that method, which alone in the sight
of God is impious and of man abominable? Surely it belongs to people
altogether without resources, who are helplessly struggling in the toils of
fate, and are villains to boot, to seek accomplishment of their desires by
perjury to heaven and faithlessness to their fellows. We are not so
unreasoning, Clearchus, nor so foolish.
"Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did we not proceed to
do it? Know well that the cause of this was nothing less than my passion to
prove myself faithful to the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus went up, relying on
a foreign force attracted by payment, I in turn might go down strong in the
same through service rendered. Various ways in which you Hellenes may be
useful to me you yourself have mentioned, but there is one still greater. It is
the great king's privilege alone to wear the tiara upright upon his head, yet

in your presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, here,
upon his heart."
Throughout this speech he seemed to Clearchus to be speaking the truth,
and he rejoined: "Then are not those worthy of the worst penalties who, in
spite of all that exists to cement our friendship, endeavour by slander to
make us enemies?" "Even so," replied Tissaphernes, "and if your generals
and captains care to come in some open and public way, I will name to you
those who tell me that you are plotting against me and the army under me."
"Good," replied Clearchus. "I will bring all, and I will show you, on my
side, the source from which I derive my information concerning you."
After this conversation Tissaphernes, with kindliest expression, invited
Clearchus to remain with him at the time, and entertained him at dinner.
Next day Clearchus returned to the camp, and made no secret of his
persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the affections of Tissaphernes,
and he reported what he had said, insisting that those invited ought to go to
Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of calumnious language ought
to be punished, not only as traitors themselves, but as disaffected to their
fellow-countrymen. The slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate,
he suspected, because he knew that he had had meetings with Tissaphernes
whilst he was with Ariaeus, and was factiously opposed to himself, plotting
how to win over the whole army to him, as a means of winning the good
graces of Tissaphernes. But Clearchus wanted the entire army to give its
mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out of the way.
Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and generals had better not all
go; it was better not to put too much confidence in Tissaphernes. But
Clearchus insisted so strongly that finally it was arranged for five generals
to go and twenty captains. These were accompanied by about two hundred
of the other soldiers, who took the opportunity of marketing.
On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes's quarters the generals were
summoned inside. They were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the
Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Laconian, and Socrates the
Achaean; while the captains remained at the doors. Not long after that, at
one and the same signal, those within were seized and those without cut
down; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped over the plain,
killing every Hellene they encountered, bond or free. The Hellenes, as they
looked from the camp, viewed that strange horsemanship with surprise, and

could not explain to themselves what it all meant, until Nicarchus the
Arcadian came tearing along for bare life with a wound in the belly, and
clutching his protruding entrails in his hands. He told them all that had
happened. Instantly the Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter
consternation, and fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down
upon the camp. However, they did not all come; only Ariaeus came, and
Artaozus and Mithridates, who were Cyrus's most faithful friends; but the
interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and recognised the brother of
Tissaphernes also with them. They had at their back other Persians also,
armed with cuirasses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they were
within a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the Hellenes
who might be there to approach and hear a message from the king. After
this, two Hellene generals went out with all precaution. These were Cleanor
the Orchomenian (3), and Sophaenetus the Stymphalion, attended by
Xenophon the Athenian, who went to learn news of Proxenus. Cheirisophus
was at the time away in a village with a party gathering provisions. As soon
as they had halted within earshot, Ariaeus said: "Hellenes, Clearchus being
shown to have committed perjury and to have broken the truce, has suffered
the penalty, and he is dead; but Proxenus and Menon, in return for having
given information of his treachery, are in high esteem and honour. As to
yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his, since they
belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave." To this the Hellenes made answer
by the mouth of Cleanor of Orchomenus, their spokesman, who said,
addressing Ariaeus: "Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of you, who
were Cyrus's friends, have you no shame before God or man, first to swear
to us that you have the same friends and the same enemies as we ourselves,
and then to turn and betray us, making common cause with Tissaphernes,
that most impious and villainous of men? With him you have murdered the
very men to whom you gave your solemn word and oath, and to the rest of
us turned traitors; and, having so done, you join hand with our enemies to
come against us." Ariaeus answered: "There is no doubt but that Clearchus
has been known for some time to harbour designs against Tissaphernes and
Orontas, and all of us who side with them." Taking up this assertion,
Xenophon said: "Well, then, granting that Clearchus broke the truce
contrary to our oaths, he has his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but
where are Proxenus and Menon, our generals and your good friends and
benefactors, as you admit? Send them back to us. Surely, just because they

are friends of both parites, they will try to give us the best advice for you
and for us."
At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long while,
and then they went away without vouchsafing a word.

VI
The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there
decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier, and a true
lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew him intimately. As
long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians lasted, he
could find occupation at home; but after the peace, he persuaded his own
city that the Thracians were injuring the Hellenes, and having secured his
object, set sail, empowered by the ephorate to make war upon the Thracians
north of the Chersonese and Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started
than, for some reason or other, the ephors changed their minds, and
endeavoured to bring him back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he
refused further obedience, and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In
consequence he was condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for
disobedience to orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to
Cyrus. Working on the feelings of that prince, in language described
elsewhere, he received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics.
Having got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but
collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and
conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and plundered
them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army; whereupon he at
once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of warfare in his
company.
These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose affections are
set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace with honour, no
shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when he may live at home at
ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in fighting; when it is given to him
to keep his riches without risk, he would rather lessen his fortune by the
pastime of battle. To put it briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man
will spend his fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he
chose to squander his substance on soldiering.
But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the less a
soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him; he courted it,
attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in difficulties he did not lose

his head, as all who ever served in a campaign with him would with one
consent allow. A good solder! the question arises, Was he equally good as a
commander? It must be admitted that, as far as was compatible with his
quality of temper, he was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of
devising how his army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he
was also capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must
be obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.
With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised with
severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry afterwards himself
for what he had done. Yet it was not without purpose that he applied the
whip; he had a theory that there was no good to be got out of an
unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded to the effect that the soldier
who is to mount guard and keep his hands off his friends, and be ready to
dash without a moment's hesitation against the foe—must fear his
commander more than the enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the
man whom the soldiers were eager to obey, and they would have no other in
his place. The cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with
brightness; his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged
with vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of
salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and it was
open to them to go and taste subordination under some other officer, many
forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but was ever harsh and
savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards him was that of
schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was not his good fortune
ever to have followers inspired solely by friendship or goodwill, yet those
who found themselves under him, either by State appointment or through
want, or other arch necessity, yielded him implicit obedience. From the
moment that he led them to victory, the elements which went to make his
soldiers efficient were numerous enough. There was the feeling of
confidence in facing the foe, which never left them, and there was the dread
of punishment at his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this
extent he knew how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no
great taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must have
been about fifty years of age.
Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been the
dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great achievements. In
obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he paid his fee to Gorgias of

Leontini (1). After enojoying that teacher's society, he flattered himself that
he must be at once qualified to rule; and while he was on friendly terms
with the leaders of the age, he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of
service (2). In this mood he threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in
return expected to derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large
power, and wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he set
before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain them,
if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art of leading
gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either respect for himself or
fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he showed a more delicate regard for
his soldiers than his subordinates for him, and he was indisputably more
apprehensive of incurring their hatred than they were of losing their fidelity.
The one thing needful to real and recognised generalship was, he thought,
to praise the virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be
easily understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,
the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself open
to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person to be
dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only thirty years of
age.

(1) The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 1
minae.

(2) Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus
of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating
the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of
many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many
friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of
experience and reflection which "this young scholar or
philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to
literary account.

As to Menon the Thessalian (3), the mainspring of his action was
obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought after
only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high estate he craved
for simply that he might extend the area of his gains; and if he studied to be
on friendly terms with the powerful, it was in order that he might commit
wrong with impunity. The shortest road to the achievement of his desires
lay, he thought, through false swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his
vocabulary simplicity and truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection

he clearly entertained for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be
looked upon as certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an
enemy he considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon
the ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions of his foes
were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he thought, to steal
from people on their guard; but it was his particular good fortune to have
discovered how easy it is to rob a friend in the midst of his security. If it
were a perjured person or a wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and
intrenched; but the honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on,
regarding them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as other men pride
themselves on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself
on a capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and scorn
of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as only half
educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's friendship, he set
about his object by slandering those who stood nearest to him in affection.
He contrived to secure the obedience of his solders by making himself an
accomplice in their misdeeds, and the fluency with which he vaunted his
own capacity and readiness for enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be
honoured and courted by them. Or if any one stood aloof from him, he set it
down as a meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their
intercourse he had not robbed him of existence.

(3) For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however
unhistorical, see Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's
Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p. 265: "He is a Thessalian
Alcibiades, rich and luxurious—a spoilt child of fortune."

As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may
certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts, which are
known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured from
Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had not yet lost that bloom
when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a barbarian, whose
liking for fair young men was the explanation; and before he had grown a
beard himself, he had contracted a similar relationship with a bearded
favourite named Tharypas. When his fellow-generals were put to death on
the plea that they had marched with Cyrus against the king, he alone,
although he had shared their conduct, was exempted from their fate. But
after their deaths the vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to
death, not like Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the

speediest of deaths—decapitation—but, as report says, he lived for a year in
pain and disgrace and died the death of a felon.
Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the
sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, be it said, of both, no one
ever derided either as cowardly in war: no one ever had a fault to find with
either on the score of friendship. They were both about thirty-five years of
age.

BOOK III
(In the preceding pages of the narrative will be found a full
account, not only of the doings of the Hellenes during the
advance of Cyrus till the date of the battle, but of the
incidents which befell them after Cyrus' death at the
commencement of the retreat, while in company with
Tissaphernes during the truce.)

I
After the generals had been seized, and the captains and soldiers who
formed their escort had been killed, the Hellenes lay in deep perplexity—a
prey to painful reflections. Here were they at the king's gates, and on every
side environing them were many hostile cities and tribes of men. Who was
there now to furnish them with a market? Separated from Hellas by more
than a thousand miles, they had not even a guide to point the way.
Impassable rivers lay athwart their homeward route, and hemmed them in.
Betrayed even by the Asiatics, at whose side they had marched with Cyrus
to the attack, they were left in isolation. Without a single mounted trooper
to aid them in pursuit: was it not perfectly plain that if they won a battle,
their enemies would escape to a man, but if they were beaten themselves,
not one soul of them would survive?
Haunted by such thoughts, and with hearts full of despair, but few of
them tasted food that evening; but few of them kindled even a fire, and
many never came into camp at all that night, but took their rest where each
chanced to be. They could not close their eyes for very pain and yearning
after their fatherlands or their parents, the wife or child whom they never
expected to look upon again. Such was the plight in which each and all tried
to seek repose.
Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian (1), Xenophon,
who had accompanied Cyrus, neither as a general, nor as an officer, nor yet
as a private soldier, but simply on the invitation of an old friend, Proxenus.
This old friend had sent to fetch him from home, promising, if he would
come, to introduce him to Cyrus, "whom," said Proxenus, "I consider to be
worth my fatherland and more to me."

(1) The reader should turn to Grote's comments on the first appearance
of Xenophon. He has been mentioned before, of course, more than
once before; but he now steps, as the protagonist, upon the scene,
and as Grote says: "It is in true Homeric vein, and in something
like Homeric language, that Xenophon (to whom we owe the whole
narrative of the expedition) describes his dream, or the
intervention of Oneiros, sent by Zeus, from which this renovating
impulse took its rise."

Xenophon having read the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian,
whether he should accept or refuse the invitation. Socrates, who had a
suspicion that the State of Athens might in some way look askance at my
friendship with Cyrus, whose zealous co-operation with the
Lacedaemonians against Athens in the war was not forgotten, advised
Xenophon to go to Delphi and there to consult the god as to the desirability
of such a journey. Xenophon went and put the question to Apollo, to which
of the gods he must pray and do sacrifice, so that he might best accomplish
his intended journey and return in safety, with good fortune. Then Apollo
answered him: "To such and such gods must thou do sacrifice," and when
he had returned home he reported to Socrates the oracle. But he, when he
heard, blamed Xenophon that he had not, in the first instance, inquired of
the god, whether it were better for him to go or to stay, but had taken on
himself to settle that point affirmatively, by inquiring straightway, how he
might best perform the journey. "Since, however," continued Socrates, "you
did so put the question, you should do what the god enjoined." Thus, and
without further ado, Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god had
named, and set sail on his voyage. He overtook Proxenus and Cyrus at
Sardis, when they were just ready to start on the march up country, and was
at once introduced to Cyrus. Proxenus eagerly pressed him to stop—a
request which Cyrus with like ardour supported, adding that as soon as the
campaign was over he would send him home. The campaign referred to was
understood to be against the Pisidians. That is how Xenophon came to join
the expedition, deceived indeed, though not by Proxenus, who was equally
in the dark with the rest of the Hellenes, not counting Clearchus, as to the
intended attack upon the king. Then, though the majority were in
apprehension of the journey, which was not at all to their minds, yet, for
very shame of one another and Cyrus, they continued to follow him, and
with the rest went Xenophon.
And now in this season of perplexity, he too, with the rest, was in sore
distress, and could not sleep; but anon, getting a snatch of sleep, he had a
dream. It seemed to him in a vision that there was a storm of thunder and
lightning, and a bolt fell on his father's house, and thereupon the house was
all in a blaze. He sprung up in terror, and pondering the matter, decided that
in part the dream was good: in that he had seen a great light from Zeus,
whilst in the midst of toil and danger. But partly too he feared it, for
evidently it had come from Zeus the king. And the fire kindled all around—

what could that mean but that he was hemmed in by various perplexities,
and so could not escape from the country of the king? The full meaning,
however, is to be discovered from what happened after the dream.
This is what took place. As soon as he was fully awake, the first clear
thought which came into his head was, Why am I lying here? The night
advances; with the day, it is like enough, the enemy will be upon us. If we
are to fall into the hands of the king, what is left us but to face the most
horrible of sights, and to suffer the most fearful pains, and then to die,
insulted, an ignominious death? To defend ourselves—to ward off that fate
—not a hand stirs: no one is preparing, none cares; but here we lie, as
though it were time to rest and take our ease. I too! what am I waiting for? a
general to undertake the work? and from what city? am I waiting till I am
older mysef and of riper age? older I shall never be, if to-day I betray
myself to my enemies.
Thereupon he got up, and called together first Proxenus's officers; and
when they were met, he said: "Sleep, sirs, I cannot, nor can you, I fancy, nor
lie here longer, when I see in what straits we are. Our enemy, we may be
sure, did not open war upon us till he felt he had everything amply ready;
yet none of us shows a corresponding anxiety to enter the lists of battle in
the bravest style.
"And yet, if we yield ourselves and fall into the king's power, need we
ask what our fate will be? This man, who, when his own brother, the son of
the same parents, was dead, was not content with that, but severed head and
hand from the body, and nailed them to a cross. We, then, who have not
even the tie of blood in our favour, but who marched against him, meaning
to make a slave of him instead of a king—and to slay him if we could: what
is likely to be our fate at his hands? Will he not go all lengths so that, by
inflicting on us the extreme of ignominy and torture, he may rouse in the
rest of mankind a terror of ever marching against him any more? There is
no question but that our business is to avoid by all means getting into his
clutches.
"For my part, all the while the truce lasted, I never ceased pitying
ourselves and congratulating the king and those with him, as, like a helpless
spectator, I surveyed the extent and quality of their territory, the
plenteousness of their provisions, the multitude of their dependants, their
cattle, their gold, and their apparel. And then to turn and ponder the

condition of our soldiers, without part or lot in these good things, except we
bought it; few, I knew, had any longer the wherewithal to buy, and yet our
oath held us down, so that we could not provide ourselves otherwise than
by purchase. I say, as I reasoned thus, there were times when I dreaded the
truce more than I now dread war.
"Now, however, that they have abruptly ended the truce, there is an end
also to their own insolence and to our suspicion. All these good things of
theirs are now set as prizes for the combatants. To whichsoever of us shall
prove the better men, will they fall as guerdons; and the gods themselves
are the judges of the strife. The gods, who full surely will be on our side,
seeing it is our enemies who have taken their names falsely; whilst we, with
much to lure us, yet for our oath's sake, and the gods who were our
witnesses, sternly held aloof. So that, it seems to me, we have a right to
enter upon this contest with much more heart than our foes; and further, we
are possessed of bodies more capable than theirs of bearing cold and heat
and labour; souls too we have, by the help of heaven, better and braver; nay,
the men themselves are more vulnerable, more mortal, than ourselves, if so
be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again.
"Howbeit, for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections are being made,
whatsoever betide, let us not, in heaven's name, wait for others to come and
challenge us to noble deeds; let us rather take the lead in stimulating the rest
to valour. Show yourselves to be the bravest of officers, and among
generals, the worthiest to command. For myself, if you choose to start
forwards on this quest, I will follow; or, if you bid me lead you, my age
shall be no excuse to stand between me and your orders. At least I am of
full age, I take it, to avert misfortune from my own head."
Such were the speaker's words; and the officers, when they heard, all,
with one exception, called upon him to put himself at their head. This was a
certain Apollonides there present, who spoke in the Boeotian dialect. This
man's opinion was that it was mere nonsense for any one to pretend they
could obtain safety otherwise than by an appeal to the king, if he had skill
to enforce it; and at the same time he began to dilate on the difficulties. But
Xenophon cut him short. "O most marvellous of men! though you have
eyes to see, you do not perceive; though you have ears to hear, you do not
recollect. You were present with the rest of us now here when, after the
death of Cyrus, the king, vaunting himself on that occurrence, sent

dictatorially to bid us lay down our arms. But when we, instead of giving up
our arms, put them on and went and pitched our camp near him, his manner
changed. It is hard to say what he did not do, he was so at his wit's end,
sending us embassies and begging for a truce, and furnishing provisions the
while, until he had got it. Or to take the contrary instance, when just now,
acting precisely on your principles, our generals and captains went, trusting
to the truce, unarmed to a conference with them, what came of it? what is
happening at this instant? Beaten, goaded with pricks, insulted, poor souls,
they cannot even die: though death, I ween, would be very sweet. And you,
who know all this, how can you say that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-
defence? how can you bid us go again and try the arts of persuasion? In my
opinion, sirs, we ought not to admit this fellow to the same rank with
ourselves; rather ought we to deprive him of his captaincy, and load him
with packs and treat him as such. The man is a disgrace to his own
fatherland and the whole of Hellas, that, being a Hellene, he is what he is."
Here Agasias the Stymphalian broke in, exclaiming: "Nay, this fellow has
no connection either with Boeotia or with Hellas, none whatever. I have
noted both his ears bored like a Lydian's." And so it was. Him then they
banished. But the rest visited the ranks, and wherever a general was left,
they summoned the general; where he was gone, the lieutenant-general; and
where again the captain alone was left, the captain. As soon as they were all
met, they seated themselves in front of the place d'armes: the assembled
generals and officers, numbering about a hundred. It was nearly midnight
when this took place.
Thereupon Hieronymous the Eleian, the eldest of Proxenus's captains,
commenced speaking as follows: "Generals and captains, it seemed right to
us, in view of the present crisis, ourselves to assemble and to summon you,
that we might advise upon some practicable course. Would you, Xenophon,
repeat what you said to us?"
Thereupon Xenophon spoke as follows: "We all know only too well, that
the king and Tissaphernes have seized as many of us as they could, and it is
clear they are plotting to destroy the rest of us if they can. Our business is
plain: it is to do all we can to avoid getting into the power of the barbarians;
rather, if we can, we will get them into our power. Rely upon this then, all
you who are here assembled, now is your great opportunity. The soldiers
outside have their eyes fixed upon you; if they think that you are faint-

hearted, they will turn cowards; but if you show them that you are making
your own preparations to attack the enemy, and setting an example to the
rest—follow you, be assured, they will: imitate you they will. May be, it is
but right and fair that you should somewhat excel them, for you are
generals, you are commanders of brigades or regiments; and if, while it was
peace, you had the advantage in wealth and position, so now, when it is war,
you are expected to rise superior to the common herd—to think for them, to
toil for them, whenever there be need.
"At this very moment you would confer a great boon on the army, if you
made it your business to appoint generals and officers to fill the places of
those that are lost. For without leaders nothing good or noble, to put it
concisely, was ever wrought anywhere; and in military matters this is
absolutely true; for if discipline is held to be of saving virtue, the want of it
has been the ruin of many ere now. Well, then! when you have appointed all
the commanders necessary, it would only be opportune, I take it, if you
were to summon the rest of the soldiers and speak some words of
encouragement. Even now, I daresay you noticed yourselves the crestfallen
air with which they came into camp, the despondency with which they fell
to picket duty, so that, unless there is a change for the better, I do not know
for what service they will be fit; whether by night, if need were, or even by
day. The thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they mean to do,
instead of to what they are likely to suffer. Do that, and their spirits will
soon revive wonderfully. You know, I need hardly remind you, it is not
numbers or strength that gives victory in war; but, heaven helping them, to
one or other of two combatants it is given to dash with stouter hearts to
meet the foe, and such onset, in nine cases out of ten, those others refuse to
meet. This observation, also, I have laid to heart, that they, who in matters
of war seek in all ways to save their lives, are just they who, as a rule, die
dishonourably; whereas they who, recognising that death is the common lot
and destiny of all men, strive hard to die nobly: these more frequently, as I
observe, do after all attain to old age, or, at any rate, while life lasts, they
spend their days more happily. This lesson let all lay to heart this day, for
we are just at such a crisis of our fate. Now is the season to be brave
ourselves, and to stimulate the rest by our example."
With these words he ceased; and after him, Cheirisophus said:
"Xenophon, hitherto I knew only so much of you as that you were, I heard,
an Athenian, but now I must commend you for your words and for your

conduct. I hope that there may be many more like you, for it would prove a
public blessing." Then turning to the officers: "And now," said he, "let us
waste no time; retire at once, I beg you, and choose leaders where you need
them. After you have made your elections, come back to the middle of the
camp, and bring the newly appointed officers. After that, we will there
summon a general meeting of the soldiers. Let Tolmides, the herald," he
added, "be in attendance." With these words on his lips he got up, in order
that what was needful might be done at once without delay. After this the
generals were chosen. These were Timasion the Dardanian, in place of
Clearchus; Xanthicles, an Achaean, in place of Socrates; Cleanor, an
Arcadian, in place of Agias; Philesius, an Achaean, in place of Menon; and
in place of Proxenus, Xenophon the Athenian.

II
By the time the new generals had been chosen, the first faint glimmer of
dawn had hardly commenced, as they met in the centre of the camp, and
resolved to post an advance guard and to call a general meeting of the
soldiers. Now, when these had come together, Cheirisophus the
Lacedaemonian first rose and spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, the
present posture of affairs is not pleasant, seeing that we are robbed of so
many generals and captains and soldiers; and more than that, our former
allies, Ariaeus and his men, have betrayed us; still, we must rise above our
circumstances to prove ourselves brave men, and not give in, but try to save
ourselves by glorious victory if we can; or, if not, at least to die gloriously,
and never, while we have breath in our bodies, fall into the hands of our
enemies. In which latter case, I fear, we shall suffer things, which I pray the
gods may visit rather upon those we hate."
At this point Cleanor the Ochomenian stood up and spoke as follows:
"You see, men, the perjury and the impiety of the king. You see the
faithlessness of Tissaphernes, professing that he was next-door neighbour to
Hellas, and would give a good deal to save us, in confirmation of which he
took an oath to us himself, he gave us the pledge of his right hand, and then,
with a lie upon his lips, this same man turned round and arrested our
generals. He had no reverence even for Zeus, the god of strangers; but, after
entertaining Clearchus at his own board as a friend, he used his hospitality
to delude and decoy his victims. And Ariaeus, whom we offered to make
king, with whom we exchanged pledges not to betray each other, even this
man, without a particle of fear of the gods, or respect for Cyrus in his grave,
though he was most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime, even he has turned
aside to the worst foes of Cyrus, and is doing his best to injure the dead
man's friends. Them may the gods requite as they deserve! But we, with
these things before our eyes, will not any more be cheated and cajoled by
them; we will make the best fight we can, and having made it, whatever the
gods think fit to send, we will accept."
After him Xenophon arose; he was arrayed for war in his bravest apparel
(1): "For," said he to himself, "if the gods grant victory, the finest attire will

match with victory best; or if I must needs die, then for one who has aspired
to the noblest, it is well there should be some outward correspondence
between his expectation and his end." He began his speech as follows:
"Cleanor has spoken of the perjury and faithlessness of the barbarians, and
you yourselves know them only too well, I fancy. If then we are minded to
enter a second time into terms of friendship with them, with the experience
of what our generals, who in all confidence entrusted themselves to their
power, have suffered, reason would we should feel deep despondency. If, on
the other hand, we purpose to take our good swords in our hands and to
inflict punishment on them for what they have done, and from this time
forward will be on terms of downright war with them, then, God helping,
we have many a bright hope of safety." The words were scarcely spoken
when someone sneezed (2), and with one impulse the soldiers bowed in
worship; and Xenophon proceeded: "I propose, sirs, since, even as we
spoke of safety, an omen from Zeus the Saviour has appeared, we vow a
vow to sacrifice to the Saviour thank-offerings for safe deliverance,
wheresoever first we reach a friendly country; and let us couple with that
vow another of individual assent, that we will offer to the rest of the gods
'according to our ability.' Let all those who are in favour of this proposal
hold up their hands." They all held up their hands, and there and then they
vowed a vow and chanted the battle hymn. But as soon as these sacred
matters were duly ended, he began once more thus: "I was saying that many
and bright are the hopes we have of safety. First of all, we it is who confirm
and ratify the oaths we take by heaven, but our enemies have taken false
oaths and broken the truce, contrary to their solemn word. This being so, it
is but natural that the gods should be opposed to our enemies, but with
ourselves allied; the gods, who are able to make the great ones quickly
small, and out of sore perplexity can save the little ones with ease, what
time it pleases them. In the next place, let me recall to your minds the
dangers of our own forefathers, that you may see and know that bravery is
your heirloom, and that by the aid of the gods brave men are rescued even
out of the midst of sorest straits." So was it when the Persians came, and
their attendant hosts (3), with a very great armament, to wipe out Athens
from the face of the earth—the men of Athens had the heart to withstand
them and conquered them. Then they vowed to Artemis that for every man
they slew of the enemy, they would sacrifice to the goddess goats so many;
and when they could not find sufficient for the slain, they resolved to offer

yearly five hundred; and to this day they perform that sacrifice. And at a
somewhat later date, when Xerxes assembled his countless hosts and
marched upon Hellas, then (4) too our fathers conquered the forefathers of
our foes by land and by sea.

(1) So it is said of the Russian General Skobelef, that he had a
strange custom of going into battle in his cleanest uniform,
perfumed, and wearing a diamond-hilted sword, "in order that," as
he said, "he might die in his best attire."

(2) For this ancient omen see "Odyssey," xvii. 541: "Even as she
spake, and Telemachus sneezed loudly, and around the roof rung
wondrously. And Penelope laughed."... "Dost thou not mark how
my son has sneezed a blessing on all my words?"

(3) See Herod. vi. 114; the allusion is to the invasion of Greeze by
Datis and Artaphernes, and to their defeat at Marathon, B.C. 490.
"Heredotus estimates the number of those who fell on the Persian
side at 6400 men: the number of Athenian dead is accurately known,
since all were collected for the last solemn obsequies—they were
192."—Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. v. p. 475.

(4) Then = at Salamis, B.C. 480, and at Plataea and Mycale, B.C. 479,
on the same day.

"And proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies; but the greatest
witness of all is the freedom of our cities—the liberty of that land in which
you were born and bred. For you call no man master or lord; you bow your
heads to none save to the gods alone. Such were your forefathers, and their
sons are ye. Think not I am going to say that you put to shame in any way
your ancestry—far from it. Not many days since, you too were drawn up in
battle face to face with these true descendants of their ancestors, and by the
help of heaven you conquered them, though they many times outnumbered
you. At that time, it was to win a throne for Cyrus that you showed your
bravery; to-day, when the struggle is for your own salvation, what is more
natural than that you should show yourselves braver and more zealous still.
Nay, it is very meet and right that you should be more undaunted still to-day
to face the foe. The other day, though you had not tested them, and before
your eyes lay their immeasurable host, you had the heart to go against them
with the spirit of your fathers. To-day you have made trial of them, and
knowing that, however many times your number, they do not care to await
your onset, what concern have you now to be afraid of them?
"Nor let any one suppose that herein is a point of weakness, in that
Cyrus's troops, who before were drawn up by your side, have now deserted
us, for they are even worse cowards still than those we worsted. At any rate

they have deserted us, and sought refuge with them. Leaders of the forlorn
hope of flight—far better is it to have them brigaded with the enemy than
shoulder to shoulder in our ranks. But if any of you is out of heart to think
that we have no cavalry, while the enemy have many squadrons to
command, lay to heart this doctrine, that ten thousand horse only equal ten
thousand men upon their backs, neither less nor more. Did any one ever die
in battle from the bite or kick of a horse? It is the men, the real swordsmen,
who do whatever is done in battles. In fact we, on our stout shanks, are
better mounted than those cavalry fellows; there they hang on to their
horses' necks in mortal dread, not only of us, but of falling off; while we,
well planted upon earth, can deal far heavier blows to our assailants, and
aim more steadily at who we will. There is one point, I admit, in which their
cavalry have the whip-hand of us; it is safer for them than it is for us to run
away.
"May be, however, you are in good heart about the fighting, but annoyed
to think that Tissaphernes will not guide us any more, and that the king will
not furnish us with a market any longer. Now, consider, is it better for us to
have a guide like Tissaphernes, whom we know to be plotting against us, or
to take our chance of the stray people whom we catch and compel to guide
us, who will know that any mistake made in leading us will be a sad
mistake for their own lives? Again, is it better to be buying provisions in a
market of their providing, in scant measure and at high prices, without even
the money to pay for them any longer; or, by right of conquest, to help
ourselves, applying such measure as suits our fancy best?
"Or again, perhaps you admit that our present position is not without its
advantages, but you feel sure that the rivers are a difficulty, and think that
you were never more taken in than when you crossed them; if so, consider
whether, after all, this is not perhaps the most foolish thing which the
barbarians have done. No river is impassable throughout; whatever
difficulties it may present at some distance from its source, you need only
make your way up to the springhead, and there you may cross it without
wetting more than your ankles. But, granted that the rivers do bar our
passage, and that guides are not forthcoming, what care we? We need feel
no alarm for all that. We have heard of the Mysians, a people whom we
certainly cannot admit to be better than ourselves; and yet they inhabit
numbers of large and prosperous cities in the king's own country without
asking leave. The Pisidians are an equally good instance, or the Lycaonians.

We have seen with our own eyes how they fare: seizing fortresses down in
the plains, and reaping the fruits of these men's territory. As to us, I go so
far as to assert, we ought never to have let it be seen that we were bent on
getting home: at any rate, not so soon; we should have begun stocking and
furnishing ourselves, as if we fully meant to settle down for life somewhere
or other hereabouts. I am sure that the king would be thrice glad to give the
Mysians as many guides as they like, or as many hostages as they care to
demand, in return for a safe conduct out of his country; he would make
carriage roads for them, and if they preferred to take their departure in
coaches and four, he would not say them nay. So too, I am sure, he would
be only too glad to accommodate us in the same way, if he saw us preparing
to settle down here. But, perhaps, it is just as well that we did not stop; for I
fear, if once we learn to live in idleness and to batten in luxury and
dalliance with these tall and handsome Median and Persian women and
maidens, we shall be like the Lotus-eaters (5), and forget the road home
altogether.

(5) See "Odyssey," ix. 94, "ever feeding on the Lotus and forgetful of
returning."

"It seems to me that it is only right, in the first instance, to make an effort
to return to Hellas and to revisit our hearths and homes, if only to prove to
other Hellenes that it is their own faults if they are poor and needy (6),
seeing it is in their power to give to those now living a pauper life at home a
free passage hither, and convert them into well-to-do burghers at once.
Now, sirs, is it not clear that all these good things belong to whoever has
strength to hold them?

(6) Here seems to be the germ—unless, indeed, the thought had been
conceived above—here at any rate the first conscious expression
of the colonisation scheme, of which we shall hear more below, in
reference to Cotyora; the Phasis; Calpe. It appears again fifty
years later in the author's pamphlet "On Revenues," chapters i.
and vi. For the special evils of the fourth century B.C., and the
growth of pauperism between B.C. 401 and 338, see Jebb, "Attic
Orators," vol i. p. 17.

"Let us look another matter in the face. How are we to march most
safely? or where blows are needed, how are we to fight to the best
advantage? That is the question.

"The first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons we have got,
so that we may be free to march wherever the army needs, and not,
practically, make our baggage train our general. And, next, we should throw
our tents into the bonfire also: for these again are only a trouble to carry,
and do not contribute one grain of good either for fighting or getting
provisions. Further, let us get rid of all superfluous baggage, save only what
we require for the sake of war, or meat and drink, so that as many of us as
possible may be under arms, and as few as possible doing porterage. I need
not remind you that, in case of defeat, the owners' goods are not their own;
but if we master our foes, we will make them our baggage bearers.
"It only rests for me to name the one thing which I look upon as the
greatest of all. You see, the enemy did not dare to bring war to bear upon us
until they had first seized our generals; they felt that whilst our rulers were
there, and we obeyed them, they were no match for us in war; but having
got hold of them, they fully expected that the consequent confusion and
anarchy would prove fatal to us. What follows? This: Officers and leaders
ought to be more vigilant ever than their predecessors; subordinates still
more orderly and obedient to those in command now than even they were to
those who are gone. And you should pass a resolution that, in case of
insubordination, any one who stands by is to aid the officer in chastising the
offender. So the enemy will be mightily deceived; for on this day they will
behold ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who will not suffer one
man to play the coward. And now it is high time I brought my remarks to an
end, for may be the enemy will be here anon. Let those who are in favour of
these proposals confirm them with all speed, that they may be realised in
fact; or if any other course seem better, let not any one, even though he be a
private soldier, shrink from proposing it. Our common safety is our
common need."
After this Cheirisophus spoke. He said: "If there is anything else to be
done, beyond what Xenophon has mentioned, we shall be able to carry it
out presently; but with regard to what he has already proposed, it seems to
me the best course to vote upon the matters at once. Those who are in
favour of Xenophon's proposals, hold up their hands." They all held them
up. Xenophon rose again and said: "Listen, sirs, while I tell you what I
think we have need of besides. It is clear that we must march where we can
get provisions. Now, I am told there are some splendid villages not more
than two miles and a half distant. I should not be surprised, then, if the

enemy were to hang on our heels and dog us as we retire, like cowardly
curs which rush out at the passer-by and bite him if they can, but when you
turn upon them they run away. Such will be their tactics, I take it. It may be
safer, then, to march in a hollow square, so as to place the baggage animals
and our mob of sutlers in greater security. It will save time to make the
appointments at once, and to settle who leads the square and directs the
vanguard; who will take command of the two flanks, and who of the
rearguard; so that, when the enemy appears, we shall not need to deliberate,
but can at once set in motion the machinery in existence.
"If any one has any better plan, we need not adopt mine; but if not,
suppose Cheirisophus takes the lead, as he is a Lacedaemonian, and the two
eldest generals take in charge the two wings respectively, whilst Timasion
and I, the two youngest, will for the present guard the rear. For the rest, we
can but make experiment of this arrangement, and alter it with deliberation,
as from time to time any improvement suggests itself. If any one has a
better plan to propose, let him do so."... No dissentient voice was heard.
Accordingly he said: "Those in favour of this resolution, hold up their
hands." The resolution was carried. "And now," said he, "it would be well to
separate and carry out what we have decreed. If any of you has set his heart
on seeing his friends again, let him remember to prove himself a man; there
is no other way to achieve his heart's wish. Or is mere living an object with
any of you, strive to conquer; if to slay is the privilege of victory, to die is
the doom of the defeated. Or perhaps to gain money and wealth is your
ambition, strive again for mastery; have not conquerors the double gain of
keeping what is their own, whilst they seize the possessions of the
vanquished?"

III
The speaking was ended; they got up and retired; then they burnt the
wagons and the tents, and after sharing with one another what each needed
out of their various superfluities, they threw the remnant into the fire.
Having done that, they proceeded to make their breakfasts. While they were
breakfasting, Mithridates came with about thirty horsemen, and summoning
the generals within earshot, he thus addressed them: "Men of Hellas, I have
been faithful to Cyrus, as you know well, and to-day I am your well-wisher;
indeed, I am here spending my days in great fear: if then I could see any
salutory course in prospect, I should be disposed to join you with all my
retainers. Please inform me, then, as to what you propose, regarding me as
your friend and well-wisher, anxious only to pursue his march in your
company." The generals held council, and resolved to give the following
answer, Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: "We have resolved to make our
way through the country, inflicting the least possible damage, provided we
are allowed a free passage homewards; but if any one tries to hinder us, he
will have to fight it out with us, and we shall bring all the force in our
power to bear." Thereat Mithridates set himself to prove to them that their
deliverance, except with the king's good pleasure, was hopeless. Then the
meaning of his mission was plain. He was an agent in disguise; in fact, a
relation of Tissaphernes was in attendance to keep a check on his loyalty.
After that, the generals resolved that it would be better to proclaim open
war, without truce or herald, as long as they were in the enemy's country;
for they used to come and corrupt the soldiers, and they were even
successful with one officer—Nicarchus (1), an Arcadian, who went off in
the night with about twenty men.

(1) Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described
above?

After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas, marching in
regular order, with the beasts and mob of the army in the middle. They had
not advanced far on their route when Mithridates made his appearance
again, with about a couple of hundred horsemen at his back, and bowmen

and slingers twice as many, as nimble fellows as a man might hope to see.
He approached the Hellenes as if he were friendly; but when they had got
fairly to close quarters, all of a sudden some of them, whether mounted or
on foot, began shooting with their bows and arrows, and another set with
slings, wounding the men. The rearguard of the Hellenes suffered for a
while severely without being able to retaliate, for the Cretans had a shorter
range than the Persians, and at the same time, being light-armed troops,
they lay cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin
men again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy's slingers. This
being so, Xenophon thought there was nothing for it but to charge, and
charge they did; some of the heavy and light infantry, who were guarding
the rear, with him; but for all their charging they did not catch a single man.
The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes; nor were their infantry
able to overhaul the enemy's infantry, with the long start they had, and
considering the shortness of the race, for it was out of the question to pursue
them far from the main body of the army. On the other hand, the Asiatic
cavalry, even while fleeing, poured volleys of arrows behind their backs,
and wounded the pursuers; while the Hellenes must fall back fighting every
step of the way they had measured in the pursuit; so that by the end of that
day they had not gone much more than three miles; but in the late afternoon
they reached the villages.
Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheirisophus and the
eldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to give
chase and endangering himself thereby, while he could not damage the
enemy one whit the more. Xenophon admitted that they were right in
blaming him: no better proof of that was wanted than the result. "The fact
is," he added, "I was driven to pursue; it was too trying to look on and see
our men suffer so badly, and be unable to retaliate. However, when we did
charge, there is no denying the truth of what you say; we were not a whit
more able to injure the enemy, while we had considerable difficulty in
beating a retreat ourselves. Thank heaven they did not come upon us in any
great force, but were only a handful of men; so that the injury they did us
was not large, as it might have been; and at least it has served to show us
what we need. At present the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so
that our Cretan archers are no match for them; our hand-throwers cannot
reach as far; and when we pursue, it is not possible to push the pursuit to
any great distance from the main body, and within the short distance no

foot-soldier, however fleet of foot, could overtake another foot-soldier who
has a bow-shot the start of him. If, then, we are to exclude them from all
possibility of injuring us as we march, we must get slingers as soon as
possible and cavalry. I am told there are in the army some Rhodians, most
of whom, they say, know how to sling, and their missile will reach even
twice as far as the Persian slings (which, on account of their being loaded
with stones as big as one's fist, have a comparatively short range; but the
Rhodians are skilled in the use of leaden bullets (2)). Suppose, then, we
investigate and find out first of all who among them possess slings, and for
these slings offer the owner the money value; and to another, who will plait
some more, hand over the money price; and for a third, who will volunteer
to be enrolled as a slinger, invent some other sort of privilege, I think we
shall soon find people to come forward capable of helping us. There are
horses in the army I know; some few with myself, others belonging to
Clearchus's stud, and a good many others captured from the enemy, used for
carrying baggage. Let us take the pick of these, supplying their places by
ordinary baggage animals, and equipping the horses for cavalry. I should
not wonder if our troopers gave some annoyance to these fugitives."

(2) These words sound to me like an author's note, parenthetically,
and perhaps inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an
"aside" to the reader, which in a modern book would appear as a
footnote.

These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred slingers were
enrolled, and next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed muster
as duly qualified; buff jackets and cuirasses were provided for them, and a
commandant of cavalry appointed to command—Lycius, the son of
Polystratus, by name, an Athenian.

IV
That day they remained inactive, but the next they rose earlier than usual,
and set out betimes, for they had a ravine to cross, where they feared the
enemy might attack them in the act of crossing. When they were across,
Mithridates appeared again with one thousand horse, and archers and
slingers to the number of four thousand. This whole body he had got by
request from Tissaphernes, and in return he undertook to deliver up the
Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous since his late attack,
when, with so small a detachment, he had done, as he thought, a good deal
of mischief, without the slightest loss to himself.
When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had got about a mile
from the ravine, Mithridates also crossed with his forces. An order had been
passed down the lines, what light infantry and what heavy infantry were to
take part in the pursuit; and the cavalry were instructed to follow up the
pursuit with confidence, as a considerable support was in their rear. So,
when Mithridates had come up with them, and they were well within arrow
and sling shot, the bugle sounded the signal to the Hellenes; and
immediately the detachment under orders rushed to close quarters, and the
cavalry charged. There the enemy preferred not to wait, but fled towards the
ravine. In this pursuit the Asiatics lost several of their infantry killed, and of
their cavalry as many as eighteen were taken prisoners in the ravine. As to
those who were slain the Hellenes, acting upon impulse, mutilated their
bodies, by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful an image as
possible.
So fared the foe and so fell back; but the Hellenes, continuing their
march in safety for the rest of that day, reached the river Tigris. Here they
came upon a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa (1): a place
inhabited by the Medes in days of old; the breadth of its walls was twenty-
five feet, and the height of them a hundred, and the circuit of the whole two
parasangs. It was built of clay-bricks, supported on a stone basis twenty feet
high. This city the king of the Persians (2) besieged, what time the Persians
strove to snatch their empire from the Medes, but he could in no wise take
it; then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light thereof, until

the inhabitants were gone out of the city, and so it was taken. By the side of
this city there was a stone pyramid in breadth a hundred feet, and in height
two hundred feet; in it were many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge
from the neighbouring villages.

(1) Larissa, on the side of the modern Nimrud (the south-west corner,
as is commonly supposed, of Nineveh). The name is said to mean
"citadel," and is given to various Greek cities (of which several
occur in Xenophon).

(2) I.e. Cyrus the Great.

From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs to a great
deserted fortress (which lay over against the city), and the name of that city
was Mespila (3). The Medes once dwelt in it. The basement was made of
polished stone full of shells; fifty feet was the breadth of it, and fifty feet
the height; and on this basement was reared a wall of brick, the breadth
whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof four hundred; and the circuit
of the wall was six parasangs. Hither, as the story goes, Medea (4), the
king's wife, betook herself in flight what time the Medes lost their empire at
the hands of the Persians. To this city also the king of the Pesians laid siege,
but could not take it either by length of days or strength of hand. But Zeus
sent amazement on the inhabitants thereof, and so it was taken.

(3) Opposite Mosul, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh,
about eighteen miles above Larissa. The circuit of Nineveh is said
to have been about fifty-six miles. It was overthrown by Cyrus in
B.C. 558.

(4) The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think "the wall
of Media" should be "Medea's wall," constructed in the period of
Queen Nitocris, B.C. 560.

From this place they marched one stage—four parasangs. But, while still
on this stage, Tissaphernes made his appearance. He had with him his own
cavalry and a force belonging to Orontas, who had the king's daughter to
wife; and there were, moreover, with them the Asiatics whom Cyrus had
taken with him on his march up; together with those whom the king's
brother had brought as a reinforcement to the king; besides those whom
Tissaphernes himself had received as a gift from the king, so that the
armament appeared to be very great. When they were close, he halted some
of his regiments at the rear and wheeled others into position on either flank,
but hesitated to attack, having no mind apparently to run any risks, and

contenting himself with an order to his slingers to sling and his archers to
shoot. But when the Rhodian slingers and the bowmen (5), posted at
intervals, retaliated, and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss it
would have been hard to do so under the circumstanecs), then Tissaphernes
with all speed retired out of range, the other regiments following suit; and
for the rest of the day the one party advanced and the other followed. But
now the Asiatics had ceased to be dangerous with their sharpshooting. For
the Rhodians could reach further than the Persian slingers, or, indeed, than
most of the bowmen. The Persian bows are of great size, so that the Cretans
found the arrows which were picked up serviceable, and persevered in
using their enemies' arrows, and practised shooting with them, letting them
fly upwards to a great height (6). There were also plenty of bowstrings
found in the villages—and lead, which they turned to account for their
slings. As a result of this day, then, the Hellenes chancing upon some
villages had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back, having had
distinctly the worst of it in the skirmishing.

(5) The best MSS read {Skuthai}, Scythians; if this is correct, it is
only the technical name for "archers." Cf. Arrian, "Tact." ii. 13.
The police at Athens were technically so called, as being composed
of Scythian slaves. Cf. Aristoph. "Thesm." 1017.

(6) I.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let
fly the arrows, not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W.
Raleigh (Hist. of the World, III. x. 8) says that Xenophon
"trained his archers to short compass, who had been accustomed to
the point blank," but this is surely not Xenophon's meaning.

The next day was a day of inaction: they halted and took in supplies, as
there was much corn in the villages; but on the day following, the march
was continued through the plain (of the Tigris), and Tissaphernes still hung
on their skirts with his skirmishers. And now it was that the Hellenes
discovered the defect of marching in a square with an enemy following. As
a matter of necessity, whenever the wings of an army so disposed draw
together, either where a road narrows, or hills close in, or a bridge has to be
crossed, the heavy infantry cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks,
and march with difficulty, partly from actual pressure, and partly from the
general confusion that ensues. Or, supposing the wings are again extended,
the troops have hardly recovered from their former distress before they are
pulled asunder, and there is a wide space between the wings, and the men
concerned lose confidence in themselves, especially with an enemy close

behind. What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or other passage
effected, was, that each unit of the force pressed on in anxiety to get over
first, and at these moments it was easy for the enemy to make an attack. The
generals accordingly, having recognised the defect, set about curing it. To
do so, they made six lochi, or divisions of a hundred men apiece, each of
which had its own set of captains and under-officers in command of half
and quarter companies. It was the duty of these new companies, during a
march, whenever the flanks needed to close in, to fall back to the rear, so as
to disencumber the wings. This they did by wheeling clear of them. When
the sides of the oblong again extended, they filled up the interstices, if the
gap were narrow, by columns of companies, if broader, by columns of half-
companies, or, if broader still, by columns of quarter-companies, so that the
space between was always filled up. If again it were necessary to effect a
passage by bridge or otherwise, there was no confusion, the several
companies crossing in turns; or, if the occasion arose to form in line of
battle, these companies came up to the front and fell in (7).

(7) In the passage above I have translated {lokhoi} companies, and, as
usual, {lokhagoi} captains. The half company is technically called
a pentecostys, and a quarter company an enomoty, and the officers
in charge of them respectively penteconter and enomotarch. These
would be equivalent nearly to our subalterns and sergeants, and in
the evolutions described would act as guides and markers in charge
of their sections. Grote thinks there were six companies formed on
each flank—twelve in all. See "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 123,
note (1st ed.)

In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth was completed,
they came in sight of a palace of some sort, with villages clustered round it;
they could further see that the road leading to this place pursued its course
over high undulating hillocks, the spur of the mountain range, under which
lay the village. These knolls were a welcome sight to the Hellenes, naturally
enough, as the enemy were cavalry. However, when they had issued from
the plain and ascended the first crest, and were in the act of descending it so
as to mount the next, at this juncture the barbarians came upon them. From
the high ground down the sheer steep they poured a volley of darts,
slingstones, and arrows, which they discharged "under the lash (8),"
wounding many, until they got the better of the Hellenic light troops, and
drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry, so that this day that arm
was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers, both slingers and
archers alike.

(8) I.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to the
attack. Cf. Herod. vii. 22. 3.

But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt to pursue, they
could barely scale to the summit, being heavy-armed troops, while the
enemy as lightly sprung away; and they suffered similarly in retiring to join
the rest of the army. And then, on the second hill, the whole had to be gone
through again; so that when it came to the third hillock, they determined not
to move the main body of troops from their position until they had brought
up a squadron of light infantry from the right flank of the square to a point
on the mountain range. When this detachment were once posted above their
pursuers, the latter desisted from attacking the main body in its descent, for
fear of being cut off and finding themselves between two assailants. Thus
the rest of the day they moved on in two divisions: one set keeping to the
road by the hillocks, the other marching parallel on the higher level along
the mountains; and thus they reached the villages and appointed eight
surgeons to attend to the many wounded.
Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly, while a
further inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they found,
wheat and wine, and large stores of barley laid up for horses. These supplies
had been collected by the ruling satrap of the country. On the fourth day
they began their descent into the plain; but when Tissaphernes overtook
them, necessity taught them to camp in the first village they caught sight of,
and give over the attempt of marching and fighting simultaneously, as so
many were hors de combat, being either on the list of wounded themselves,
or else engaged in carrying the wounded, or laden with the heavy arms of
those so occupied. But when they were once encamped, and the barbarians,
advancing upon the village, made an attempt to harass them with their
sharp-shooters, the superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. To sustain a
running fight with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing; to keep
him at arm's length from a fixed base of action another: and the difference
was much in their favour.
But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for the enemy to
withdraw, since the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within
seven or eight miles of the Hellenic camp. This he did in apprehension of a
night attack, for a Persian army is good for nothing at night. Their horses
are haltered, and, as a rule, hobbled as well, to prevent their escaping, as

they might if loose; so that, if any alarm occurs, the trooper has to saddle
and bridle his horse, and then he must put on his own cuirass, and then
mount—all which performances are difficult at night and in the midst of
confusion. For this reason they always encamped at a distance from the
Hellenes.
When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to retire, and that
the order was being given, the herald's cry, "Pack up for starting," might be
heard before the enemy was fairly out of earshot. For a while the Asiatics
paused, as if unwilling to be gone; but as night closed in, off they went, for
it did not suit their notions of expediency to set off on a march and arrive by
night. And now, when the Hellenes saw that they were really and clearly
gone, they too broke up their camp and pursued their march till they had
traversed seven and a half miles. Thus the distance between the two armies
grew to be so great, that the next day the enemy did not appear at all, nor
yet on the third day; but on the fourth the barbarians had pushed on by a
forced night march and occupied a commanding position on the right,
where the Hellenes had to pass. It was a narrow mountain spur (9)
overhanging the descent into the plain.

(9) Lit. "a mere nail tip."

But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, he summoned
Xenophon from the rear, bidding him at the same time to bring up peltasts
to the front. That Xenophon hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes and his whole
army were coming up and were well within sight. Galloping up to the front
himself, he asked: "Why do you summon me?" The other answered him:
"The reason is plain; look yonder; this crest which overhangs our descent
has been occupied. There is no passing, until we have dislodged these
fellows; why have you not brought up the light infantry?" Xenophon
explained: he had not thought it desirable to leave the rear unprotected, with
an enemy appearing in the field of view. "However, it is time," he added,
"to decide how we are to dislodge these fellows from the crest." At this
moment his eye fell on the peak of the mountain, rising immediately above
their army, and he could see an approach leading from it to the crest in
question where the enemy lay. He exclaimed: "The best thing we can do,
Cheirisophus, is to make a dash at the height itself, and with what speed we
may. If we take it, the party in command of the road will never be able to
stop. If you like, stay in command of the army, and I will go; or, if you

prefer, do you go to the mountain, and I will stay here."—"I leave it to
you," Cheirisophus answered, "to choose which you like best." Xenophon
remarking, "I am the younger," elected to go; but he stipulated for a
detachment from the front to accompany him, since it was a long way to
fetch up troops from the rear. Accordingly Cheirisophus furnished him with
the light infantry from the front, reoccupying their place by those from the
centre. He also gave him, to form part of the detachment, the three hundred
of the picked corps (10) under his own command at the head of the square.

(10) Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached
companies described above; others, that they were a picked corps
in attendance on the commander-in-chief.

They set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable. But the
enemy in position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance upon the
summit of the pass than they themselves set off full tilt in a rival race for the
summit too. Hoarse were the shouts of the Hellenic troops as the men
cheered their companions forwards, and hoarse the answering shouts from
the troops of Tissaphernes, urging on theirs. Xenophon, mounted on his
charger, rode beside his men, and roused their ardour the while. "Now for it,
brave sirs; bethink you that this race is for Hellas!—now or never!—to find
your boys, your wives; one small effort, and the rest of the march we shall
pursue in peace, without ever a blow to strike; now for it." But Soteridas the
Sicyonian said: "We are not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted on
a horse; I can hardly get along with my shield to carry;" and he, on hearing
the reproach, leapt from his horse. In another instant he had pushed
Soteridas from the ranks, snatched from him his shield, and begun marching
as quickly as he might under the circumstances, having his horseman's
cuirass to carry as well, so that he was sore pressed; but he continued to
cheer on the troops: exhorting those in front to lead on and the men toiling
behind to follow up (11). Soteridas was not spared by the rest of the men.
They gave him blows, they pelted him, they showered him with abuse, till
they compelled him to take back his shield and march on; and the other,
remounting, led them on horseback as long as the footing held; but when
the ground became too steep, he left his horse and pressed forward on foot,
and so they found themselves on the summit before the enemy.

(11) Some MSS. "and the men behind to pass him by, as he could but ill
keep up the pace."

V
There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might, and the
Hellenes held the summit, while the troops with Tissaphernes and Ariaeus
turned aside and disappeared by another road. The main body with
Cheirisophus made its way down into the plain and encamped in a village
filled with good things of divers sorts. Nor did this village stand alone;
there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris equally overflowing
with plenty. It was now afternoon; and all of a sudden the enemy came in
sight on the plain, and succeeded in cutting down some of the Hellenes
belonging to parties who were scattered over the flat land in quest of spoil.
Indeed, many herds of cattle had been caught whilst being conveyed across
to the other side of the river. And now Tissaphernes and his troops made an
attempt to burn the villages, and some of the Hellenes were disposed to take
the matter deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might not know
where to get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages.
Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally of defence
when Xenophon and his party descended, and the latter rode along the ranks
as the rescuing party came up, and greeted them thus: "Do you not see, men
of Hellas, they admit that the country is now ours; what they stipulated
against our doing when they made the treaty, viz. that we were not to fire
the king's country, they are now themselves doing—setting fire to it as if it
were not their own. But we will be even with them; if they leave provisions
for themselves anywhere, there also shall they see us marching;" and,
turning to Cheirisophus, he added: "But it strikes me, we should sally forth
against these incendiaries and protect our country." Cheirisophus retorted:
"That is not quite my view; I say, let us do a little burning ourselves, and
they will cease all the quicker."
When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were busy about
provisions, the generals and officers met: and here there was deep
despondency. For on the one side were exceedingly high mountains; on the
other a river of such depth that they failed to reach the bottom with their
spears. In the midst of their perplexities, a Rhodian came up with a
proposal, as follows: "I am ready, sirs to carry you across, four thousand

heavy infantry at a time; if you will furnish me with what I need and give
me a talent into the bargain for my pains." When asked, "What shall you
need?" he replied: "Two thousand wine-skins. I see there are plenty of
sheep and goats and asses. They have only to be flayed, and their skins
inflated, and they will readily give us a passage. I shall want also the straps
which you use for the baggage animals. With these I shall couple the skins
to one another; then I shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting
them down like anchors into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and
when I have fastened the links at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on
them and a coating of earth on the top of that. You will see in a minute that
there's no danger of your drowning, for every skin will be able to support a
couple of men without sinking, and the wood and earth will prevent your
slipping off."
The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its realisation
impracticable, for on the other side were masses of cavalry posted and
ready to bar the passage; who, to begin with, would not suffer the first
detachment of crossers to carry out any item of the programme.
Under these circumstances, the next day they turned right about face, and
began retracing their steps in the direction of Babylon to the unburnt
villages, having previously set fire to those they left, so that the enemy did
not ride up to them, but stood and stared, all agape to see in what direction
the Hellenes would betake themselves and what they were minded to do.
Here, again, while the rest of the soldiers were busy about provisions, the
generals and officers met in council, and after collecting the prisoners
together, submitted them to a cross-examination touching the whole country
round, the names, and so forth, of each district.
The prisoners informed them that the regions south, through which they
had come, belonged to the district towards Babylon and Media; the road
east led to Susa and Ecbatana, where the king is said to spend summer and
spring; crossing the river, the road west led to Lydia and Ionia; and the part
through the mountains facing towards the Great Bear, led, they said, to the
Carduchians (1). They were a people, so said the prisoners, dwelling up on
the hills, addicted to war, and not subject to the king; so much so that once,
when a royal army one hundred and twenty thousand strong had invaded
them, not a man came back, owing to the intricacies of the country.
Occasionally, however, they made truce or treaty with the satrap in the

plain, and, for the nonce, there would be intercourse: "they will come in and
out amongst us," "and we will go in and out amongst them," said the
captives.

(1) See Dr. Kiepert, "Man. Anc. Geog." (Mr. G. A. Macmillan) iv. 47.
The Karduchians or Kurds belong by speech to the Iranian stock,
forming in fact their farthest outpost to the west, little given
to agriculture, but chiefly to the breeding of cattle. Their name,
pronounced Kardu by the ancient Syrians and Assyrians, Kordu by
the Armenians (plural Kordukh), first appears in its narrower
sense in western literature in the pages of the eye-witness
Xenophon as {Kardoukhoi}. Later writers knew of a small kingdom
here at the time of the Roman occupation, ruled by native princes,
who after Tigranes II (about 80 B.C.) recognised the overlordship
of the Armenian king. Later it became a province of the Sassanid
kingdom, and as such was in 297 A.D. handed over among the
regiones transtigritanae to the Roman empire, but in 364 was again
ceded to Persia.

After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart those who
claimed to have any special knowledge of the country in any direction; they
put them to sit apart without making it clear which particular route they
intended to take. Finally the resolution to which they came was that they
must force a passage through the hills into the territory of the Kurds; since,
according to what their informants told them, when they had once passed
these, they would find themselves in Armenia—the rich and large territory
governed by Orontas; and from Armenia, it would be easy to proceed in any
direction whatever. Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as to be ready to
start on the march as soon as the right moment appeared to have arrived.
Their chief fear was that the high pass over the mountains must be occupied
in advance: and a general order was issued, that after supper every one
should get his kit together for starting, and repose, in readiness to follow as
soon as the word of command was given.

BOOK IV
(In the preceding portion of the narrative a full account is
given of the incidents of the march up to the battle, and of
the occurrences after the battle during the truce which was
established between the king and the Hellenes, who marched up
with Cyrus, and thirdly, of the fighting to which the Hellenes
were exposed, after the king and Tissaphernes had broken the
treaty, while a Persian army hung on their rear. Having
finally reached a point at which the Tigris was absolutely
impassable owing to its depth and breadth, while there was no
passage along the bank itself, and the Carduchian hills hung
sheer over the river, the generals took the resolution above
mentioned of forcing a passage through the mountains. The
information derived from the prisoners taken along the way led
them to believe that once across the Carduchian mountains they
would have the choice either of crossing the Tigris—if they
liked to do so—at its sources in Armenia, or of going round
them, if so they preferred. Report further said that the
sources of the Euphrates also were not far from those of the
Tigris, and this is actually the case. The advance into the
country of the Carduchians was conducted with a view partly to
secrecy, and partly to speed, so as to effect their entry
before the enemy could occupy the passes.)

I
It was now about the last watch, and enough of the night remained to
allow them to cross the valley under cover of darkness; when, at the word
of command, they rose and set off on their march, reaching the mountains at
daybreak. At this stage of the march Cheirisophus, at the head of his own
division, with the whole of the light troops, led the van, while Xenophon
followed behind with the heavy infantry of the rearguard, but without any
light troops, since there seemed to be no danger of pursuit or attack from
the rear, while they were making their way up hill. Cheirisophus reached
the summit without any of the enemy perceiving him. Then he led on
slowly, and the rest of the army followed, wave upon wave, cresting the
summit and descending into the villages which nestled in the hollows and
recesses of the hills.
Thereupon the Carduchians abandoned their dwelling places, and with
their wives and children fled to the mountains; so there was plenty of
provisions to be got for the mere trouble of taking, and the homesteads too
were well supplied with a copious store of bronze vessels and utensils
which the Hellenes kept their hands off, abstaining at the same time from all
pursuit of the folk themselves, gently handling them, in hopes that the
Carduchians might be willing to give them friendly passage through their
country, since they too were enemies of the king: only they helped
themselves to such provisions as fell in their way, which indeed was a sheer
necessity. But the Carduchians neither gave ear, when they called to them,
nor showed any other friendly sign; and now, as the last of the Hellenes
descended into the villages from the pass, they were already in the dark,
since, owing to the narrowness of the road, the whole day had been spent in
the ascent and descent. At that instant a party of the Carduchians, who had
collected, made an attack on the hindmost men, killing some and wounding
others with stones and arrows—though it was quite a small body who
attacked. The fact was, the approach of the Hellenic army had taken them
by surprise; if, however, they had mustered in larger force at this time, the
chances are that a large portion of the army would have been annihilated.
As it was, they got into quarters, and bivouacked in the villages that night,

while the Carduchians kept many watch-fires blazing in a circle on the
mountains, and kept each other in sight all round.
But with the dawn the generals and officers of the Hellenes met and
resolved to proceed, taking only the necessary number of stout baggage
animals, and leaving the weaklings behind. They resolved further to let go
free all the lately-captured slaves in the host; for the pace of the march was
necessarily rendered slow by the quantity of animals and prisoners, and the
number of non-combatants in attendance on these was excessive, while,
with such a crowd of human beings to satisfy, twice the amount of
provisions had to be procured and carried. These resolutions passed, they
caused a proclamation by herald to be made for their enforcement.
When they had breakfasted and the march recommenced, the generals
planted themselves a little to one side in a narrow place, and when they
found any of the aforesaid slaves or other property still retained, they
confiscated them. The soldiers yielded obedience, except where some
smuggler, prompted by desire of a good-looking boy or woman, managed to
make off with his prize. During this day they contrived to get along after a
fashion, now fighting and now resting. But on the next day they were
visited by a great storm, in spite of which they were obliged to continue the
march, owing to insufficiency of provisions. Cheirisophus was as usual
leading in front, while Xenophon headed the rearguard, when the enemy
began a violent and sustained attack. At one narrow place after another they
came up quite close, pouring in volleys of arrows and slingstones, so that
the Hellenes had no choice but to make sallies in pursuit and then again
recoil, making but very little progress. Over and over again Xenophon
would send an order to the front to slacken pace, when the enemy were
pressing their attack severely. As a rule, when the word was so passed up,
Cheirisophus slackened; but sometimes instead of slackening, Cheirisophus
quickened, sending down a counter-order to the rear to follow on quickly. It
was clear that there was something or other happening, but there was no
time to go to the front and discover the cause of the hurry. Under the
circumstances the march, at any rate in the rear, became very like a rout,
and here a brave man lost his life, Cleonymus the Laconian, shot with an
arrow in the ribs right through shield and corselet, as also Basias, an
Arcadian, shot clean through the head.

As soon as they reached a halting-place, Xenophon, without more ado,
came up to Cheirisophus, and took him to task for not having waited,
"whereby," he said, "we were forced to fight and flee at the same moment;
and now it has cost us the lives of two fine fellows; they are dead, and we
were not able to pick up their bodies or bury them." Cheirisophus answered:
"Look up there," pointing as he spoke to the mountain, "do you see how
inaccessible it all is? only this one road, which you see, going straight up,
and on it all that crowd of men who have seized and are guarding the single
exit. That is why I hastened on, and why I could not wait for you, hoping to
be beforehand with them yonder in seizing the pass: the guides we have got
say there is no other way." And Xenophon replied: "But I have got two
prisoners also; the enemy annoyed us so much that we laid an ambuscade
for them, which also gave us time to recover our breaths; we killed some of
them, and did our best to catch one or two alive—for this very reason—that
we might have guides who knew the country, to depend upon."
The two were brought up at once and questioned separately: "Did they
know of any other road than the one visible?" The first said no; and in spite
of all sorts of terrors applied to extract a better answer—"no," he persisted.
When nothing could be got out of him, he was killed before the eyes of his
fellow. This latter then explained: "Yonder man said, he did not know,
because he has got a daughter married to a husband in those parts. I can
take you," he added, "by a good road, practicable even for beasts." And
when asked whether there was any point on it difficult to pass, he replied
that there was a col which it would be impossible to pass unless it were
occupied in advance.
Then it was resolved to summon the officers of the light infantry and
some of those of the heavy infantry, and to acquaint them with the state of
affairs, and ask them whether any of them were minded to distinguish
themselves, and would step forward as volunteers on an expedition. Two or
three heavy infantry soldiers stepped forward at once—two Arcadians,
Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of Stymphalus—and in
emulation of these, a third, also an Arcadian, Callimachus from Parrhasia,
who said he was ready to go, and would get volunteers from the whole
army to join him. "I know," he added, "there will be no lack of youngsters
to follow where I lead." After that they asked, "Were there any captains of
light infantry willing to accompany the expedition?" Aristeas, a Chian, who

on several occasions proved his usefulness to the army on such service,
volunteered.

II
It was already late afternoon, when they ordered the storming party to
take a snatch of food and set off; then they bound the guide and handed him
over to them. The agreement was, that if they succeeded in taking the
summit they were to guard the position that night, and at daybreak to give a
signal by bugle. At this signal the party on the summit were to attack the
enemy in occupation of the visible pass, while the generals with the main
body would bring up their succours; making their way up with what speed
they might. With this understanding, off they set, two thousand strong; and
there was a heavy downpour of rain, but Xenophon, with his rearguard,
began advancing to the visible pass, so that the enemy might fix his
attention on this road, and the party creeping round might, as much as
possible, elude observation. Now when the rearguard, so advancing, had
reached a ravine which they must cross in order to strike up the steep, at
that instant the barbarians began rolling down great boulders, each a wagon
load (1), some larger, some smaller; against the rocks they crashed and
splintered flying like slingstones in every direction—so that it was
absolutely out of the question even to approach the entrance of the pass.
Some of the officers finding themselves baulked at this point, kept trying
other ways, nor did they desist till darkness set in; and then, when they
thought they would not be seen retiring, they returned to supper. Some of
them who had been on duty in the rearguard had had no breakfast (it so
happened). However, the enemy never ceased rolling down their stones all
through the night, as was easy to infer from the booming sound.

(1) I.e. several ton weight.

The party with the guide made a circuit and surprised the enemy's guards
seated round their fire, and after killing some, and driving out the rest, took
their places, thinking that they were in possession of the height. As a matter
of fact they were not, for above them lay a breast-like hill (2) skirted by the
narrow road on which they had found the guards seated. Still, from the spot
in question there was an approach to the enemy, who were seated on the
pass before mentioned.

(2) Or, "mamelon."

Here then they passed the night, but at the first glimpse of dawn they
marched stealthily and in battle order against the enemy. There was a mist,
so that they could get quite close without being observed. But as soon as
they caught sight of one another, the trumpet sounded, and with a loud
cheer they rushed upon the fellows, who did not wait their coming, but left
the road and made off; with the loss of only a few lives however, so nimble
were they. Cheirisophus and his men, catching the sound of the bugle,
charged up by the well-marked road, while others of the generals pushed
their way up by pathless routes, where each division chanced to be; the men
mounting as they were best able, and hoisting one another up by means of
their spears; and these were the first to unite with the party who had already
taken the position by storm. Xenophon, with the rearguard, followed the
path which the party with the guide had taken, since it was easiest for the
beasts of burthen; one half of his men he had posted in rear of the baggage
animals; the other half he had with himself. In their course they encountered
a crest above the road, occupied by the enemy, whom they must either
dislodge or be themselves cut off from the rest of the Hellenes. The men by
themselves could have taken the same route as the rest, but the baggage
animals could not mount by any other way than this.
Here then, with shouts of encouragement to each other, they dashed at the
hill with their storming columns, not from all sides, but leaving an avenue
of escape for the enemy, if he chose to avail himself of it. For a while, as
the men scrambled up where each best could, the natives kept up a fire of
arrows and darts, yet did not receive them at close quarters, but presently
left the position in flight. No sooner, however, were the Hellenes safely past
this crest, than they came in sight of another in front of them, also occupied,
and deemed it advisable to storm it also. But now it struck Xenophon that if
they left the ridge just taken unprotected in their rear, the enemy might re-
occupy it and attack the baggage animals as they filed past, presenting a
long extended line owing to the narrowness of the road by which they made
their way. To obviate this, he left some officers in charge of the ridge—
Cephisodorus, son of Cephisophon, an Athenian; Amphicrates, the son of
Amphidemus, an Athenian; and Archagoras, an Argive exile—while he in
person with the rest of the men attacked the second ridge; this they took in
the same fashion, only to find that they had still a third knoll left, far the

steepest of the three. This was none other than the mamelon mentioned as
above the outpost, which had been captured over their fire by the volunteer
storming party in the night. But when the Hellenes were close, the natives,
to the astonishment of all, without a struggle deserted the knoll. It was
conjectured that they had left their position from fear of being encircled and
besieged, but the fact was that they, from their higher ground, had been able
to see what was going on in the rear, and had all made off in this fashion to
attack the rearguard.
So then Xenophon, with the youngest men, scaled up to the top, leaving
orders to the rest to march on slowly, so as to allow the hindmost companies
to unite with them; they were to advance by the road, and when they
reached the level to ground arms (3). Meanwhile the Argive Archagoras
arrived, in full flight, with the announcement that they had been dislodged
from the first ridge, and that Cephisodorus and Amphicrates were slain,
with a number of others besides, all in fact who had not jumped down the
crags and so reached the rearguard. After this achievement the barbarians
came to a crest facing the mamelon, and Xenophon held a colloquy with
them by means of an interpreter, to negotiate a truce, and demanded back
the dead bodies. These they agreed to restore if he would not burn their
houses, and to these terms Xenophon agreed. Meanwhile, as the rest of the
army filed past, and the colloquy was proceeding, all the people of the place
had time to gather gradually, and the enemy formed; and as soon as the
Hellenes began to descend from the mamelon to join the others where the
troops were halted, on rushed the foe, in full force, with hue and cry. They
reached the summit of the mamelon from which Xenophon was descending,
and began rolling down crags. One man's leg was crushed to pieces.
Xenophon was left by his shield-bearer, who carried off his shield, but
Eurylochus of Lusia (4), an Arcadian hoplite, ran up to him, and threw his
shield in front to protect both of them; so the two together beat a retreat,
and so too the rest, and joined the serried ranks of the main body.

(3) To take up position.

(4) I.e. of Lusi (or Lusia), a town (or district) in Northern Arcadia.

After this the whole Hellenic force united, and took up their quarters
there in numerous beautiful dwellings, with an ample store of provisions,
for there was wine so plentiful that they had it in cemented cisterns.

Xenophon and Cheirisophus arranged to recover the dead, and in return
restored the guide; afterwards they did everything for the dead, according to
the means at their disposal, with the customary honours paid to good men.
Next day they set off without a guide; and the enemy, by keeping up a
continuous battle and occupying in advance every narrow place, obstructed
passage after passage. Accordingly, whenever the van was obstructed,
Xenophon, from behind, made a dash up the hills and broke the barricade,
and freed the vanguard by endeavouring to get above the obstructing
enemy. Whenever the rear was the point attacked, Cheirisophus, in the same
way, made a detour, and by endeavouring to mount higher than the
barricaders, freed the passage for the rear rank; and in this way, turn and
turn about, they rescued each other, and paid unflinching attention to their
mutual needs. At times it happened that, the relief party having mounted,
encountered considerable annoyance in their descent from the barbarians,
who were so agile that they allowed them to come up quite close, before
they turned back, and still escaped, partly no doubt because the only
weapons they had to carry were bows and slings.
They were, moreover, excellent archers, using bows nearly three cubits
long and arrows more than two cubits. When discharging the arrow, they
draw the string by getting a purchase with the left foot planted forward on
the lower end of the bow. The arrows pierced through shield and cuirass,
and the Hellenes, when they got hold of them, used them as javelins, fitting
them to their thongs. In these districts the Cretans were highly serviceable.
They were under the command of Stratocles, a Cretan.

III
During this day they bivouacked in the villages which lie above the plain
of the river Centrites (1), which is about two hundred feet broad. It is the
frontier river between Armenia and the country of the Carduchians. Here
the Hellenes recruited themselves, and the sight of the plain filled them with
joy, for the river was but six or seven furlongs distant from the mountains of
the Carduchians. For the moment then they bivouacked right happily; they
had their provisions, they had also many memories of the labours that were
now passed; seeing that the last seven days spent in traversing the country
of the Carduchians had been one long continuous battle, which had cost
them more suffering than the whole of their troubles at the hands of the king
and Tissaphernes put together. As though they were truly quit of them for
ever, they laid their heads to rest in sweet content.

(1) I.e. the Eastern Tigris.

But with the morrow's dawn they espied horsemen at a certain point
across the river, armed cap-a-pie, as if they meant to dispute the passage.
Infantry, too, drawn up in line upon the banks above the cavalry, threatened
to prevent them debouching into Armenia. These troops were Armenian and
Mardian and Chaldaean mercenaries belonging to Orontas and Artuchas.
The last of the three, the Chaldaeans, were said to be a free and brave set of
people. They were armed with long wicker shields and lances. The banks
before named on which they were drawn up were a hundred yards or more
distant from the river, and the single road which was visible was one
leading upwards and looking like a regular artificially constructed highway.
At this point the Hellenes endeavoured to cross, but on their making the
attempt the water proved to be more than breast-deep, and the river bed was
rough with great slippery stones, and as to holding their arms in the water, it
was out of the question—the stream swept them away—or if they tried to
carry them over the head, the body was left exposed to the arrows and other
missiles; accordingly they turned back and encamped there by the bank of
the river.

At the point where they had themselves been last night, up on the
mountains, they could see the Carduchians collected in large numbers and
under arms. A shadow of deep despair again descended on their souls,
whichever way they turned their eyes—in front lay the river so difficult to
ford; over, on the other side, a new enemy threatening to bar the passage; on
the hills behind, the Carduchians ready to fall upon their rear should they
once again attempt to cross. Thus for this day and night they halted, sunk in
perplexity. But Xenophon had a dream. In his sleep he thought that he was
bound in fetters, but these, of their own accord, fell from off him, so that he
was loosed, and could stretch his legs as freely as he wished (2). So at the
first glimpse of daylight he came to Cheirisophus and told him that he had
hopes that all things would go well, and related to him his dream.

(2) It is impossible to give the true sense and humour of the passage
in English, depending, as it does, on the double meaning of
{diabainein} (1) to cross (a river), (2) to stride or straddle (of
the legs). The army is unable to cross the Centrites; Xenophon
dreams that he is fettered, but the chains drop off his legs and
he is able to stride as freely as ever; next morning the two young
men come to him with the story how they have found themselves able
to walk cross the river instead of having to swim it. It is
obvious to Xenophon that the dream is sent from Heaven.

The other was well pleased, and with the first faint gleam of dawn the
generals all were present and did sacrifice; and the victims were favourable
in the first essay. Retiring from the sacrifice, the generals and officers
issued an order to the troops to take their breakfasts; and while Xenophon
was taking his, two young men came running up to him, for every one knew
that, breakfasting or supping, he was always accessible, or that even if
asleep any one was welcome to awaken him who had anything to say
bearing on the business of war. What the two young men had at this time to
say was that they had been collecting brushwood for fire, and had presently
espied on the opposite side, in among some rocks which came down to the
river's brink, an old man and some women and little girls depositing, as it
would appear, bags of clothes in a cavernous rock. When they saw them, it
struck them that it was safe to cross; in any case the enemy's cavalry could
not approach at this point. So they stripped naked, expecting to have to
swim for it, and with their long knives in their hands began crossing, but
going forward crossed without being wet up to the fork. Once across they
captured the clothes, and came back again.

Accordingly Xenophon at once poured out a libation himself, and bade
the two young fellows fill the cup and pray to the gods, who showed to him
this vision and to them a passage, to bring all other blessings for them to
accomplishment. When he had poured out the libation, he at once led the
two young men to Cheirisophus, and they repeated to him their story.
Cheirisophus, on hearing it, offered libations also, and when they had
performed them, they sent a general order to the troops to pack up ready for
starting, while they themselves called a meeting of the generals and took
counsel how they might best effect a passage, so as to overpower the enemy
in front without suffering any loss from the men behind. And they resolved
that Cheirisophus should lead the van and cross with half the army, the
other half still remaining behind under Xenophon, while the baggage
animals and the mob of sutlers were to cross between the two divisions.
When all was duly ordered the move began, the young men pioneering
them, and keeping the river on their left. It was about four furlongs' march
to the crossing, and as they moved along the bank, the squadrons of cavalry
kept pace with them on the opposite side.
But when they had reached a point in a line with the ford, and the cliff-
like banks of the river, they grounded arms, and first Cheirisophus himself
placed a wreath upon his brows, and throwing off his cloak (3), resumed his
arms, passing the order to all the rest to do the same, and bade the captains
form their companies in open order in deep columns, some to left and some
to right of himself. Meanwhile the soothsayers were slaying a victim over
the river, and the enemy were letting fly their arrows and slingstones; but as
yet they were out of range. As soon as the victims were favourable, all the
soldiers began singing the battle hymn, and with the notes of the paean
mingled the shouting of the men accompanied by the shriller chant of the
women, for there were many women (4) in the camp.

(3) Or, "having doffed it," i.e. the wreath, an action which the
soldiers would perform symbolically, if Grote is right in his
interpretation of the passage, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 137.

(4) Lit. "comrade-women."

So Cheirisophus with his detachment stepped in. But Xenophon, taking
the most active-bodied of the rearguard, began running back at full speed to
the passage facing the egress into the hills of Armenia, making a feint of
crossing at that point to intercept their cavalry on the river bank. The

enemy, seeing Cheirisophus's detachment easily crossing the stream, and
Xenophon's men racing back, were seized with the fear of being
intercepted, and fled at full speed in the direction of the road which emerges
from the stream. But when they were come opposite to it they raced up hill
towards their mountains. Then Lycius, who commanded the cavalry, and
Aeschines, who was in command of the division of light infantry attached
to Cheirisophus, no sooner saw them fleeing so lustily than they were after
them, and the soldiers shouted not to fall behind (5), but to follow them
right up to the mountains. Cheirisophus, on getting across, forbore to pursue
the cavalry, but advanced by the bluffs which reached to the river to attack
the enemy overhead. And these, seeing their own cavalry fleeing, seeing
also the heavy infantry advancing upon them, abandoned the heights above
the river.

(5) Or, "to stick tight to them and not to be outdone"; or, as others
understand, "the (infantry) soldiers clamoured not to be left
behind, but to follow them up into the mountains."

Xenophon, as soon as he saw that things were going well on the other
side, fell back with all speed to join the troops engaged in crossing, for by
this time the Carduchians were well in sight, descending into the plain to
attack their rear.
Cheirisophus was in possession of the higher ground, and Lycius, with
his little squadron, in an attempt to follow up the pursuit, had captured some
stragglers of their baggage-bearers, and with them some handsome apparel
and drinking-cups. The baggage animals of the Hellenes and the mob of
non-combatants were just about to cross, when Xenonphon turned his
troops right about to face the Carduchians. Vis-a-vis he formed his line,
passing the order to the captains each to form his company into sections,
and to deploy them into line by the left, the captains of companies and
lieutenants in command of sections to advance to meet the Carduchians,
while the rear leaders would keep their position facing the river. But when
the Carduchians saw the rearguard so stript of the mass, and looking now
like a mere handful of men, they advanced all the more quickly, singing
certain songs the while. Then, as matters were safe with him, Cheirisophus
sent back the peltasts and slingers and archers to join Xenophon, with
orders to carry out his instructions. They were in the act of recrossing, when
Xenophon, who saw their intention, sent a messenger across, bidding them

wait there at the river's brink without crossing; but as soon as he and his
detachment began to cross they were to step in facing him in two flanking
divisions right and left of them, as if in the act of crossing; the javelin men
with their javelins on the thong, and the bowmen with their arrows on the
string; but they were not to advance far into the stream. The order passed to
his own men was: "Wait till you are within sling-shot, and the shield rattles,
then sound the paean and charge the enemy. As soon as he turns, and the
bugle from the river sounds for 'the attack,' you will face about to the right,
the rear rank leading, and the whole detachment falling back and crossing
the river as quickly as possible, every one preserving his original rank, so as
to avoid tramelling one another: the bravest man is he who gets to the other
side first."
The Carduchians, seeing that the remnant left was the merest handful (for
many even of those whose duty it was to remain had gone off in their
anxiety to protect their beasts of burden, or their personal kit, or their
mistresses), bore down upon them valorously, and opened fire with
slingstones and arrows. But the Hellenes, raising the battle hymn, dashed at
them at a run, and they did not await them; armed well enough for mountain
warfare, and with a view to sudden attack followed by speedy flight, they
were not by any means sufficiently equipped for an engagement at close
quarters. At this instant the signal of the bugle was heard. Its notes added
wings to the flight of the barbarians, but the Hellenes turned right about in
the opposite direction, and betook themselves to the river with what speed
they might. Some of the enemy, here a man and there another, perceived,
and running back to the river, let fly their arrows and wounded a few; but
the majority, even when the Hellenes were well across, were still to be seen
pursuing their flight. The detachment which came to meet Xenophon's men,
carried away by their valour, advanced further than they had need to, and
had to cross back again in the rear of Xenophon's men, and of these too a
few were wounded.

IV
The passage effected, they fell into line about mid-day, and marched
through Armenian territory, one long plain with smooth rolling hillocks, not
less than five parasangs in distance; for owing to the wars of this people
with the Carduchians there were no villages near the river. The village
eventually reached was large, and possessed a palace belonging to the
satrap, and most of the houses were crowned with turrets; provisions were
plentiful.
From this village they marched two stages—ten parasangs—until they
had surmounted the sources of the river Tigris; and from this point they
marched three stages—fifteen parasangs—to the river Teleboas. This was a
fine stream, though not large, and there were many villages about it. The
district was named Western Armenia. The lieutenant-governor of it was
Tiribazus, the king's friend, and whenever the latter paid a visit, he alone
had the privilege of mounting the king upon his horse. This officer rode up
to the Hellenes with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter,
stated that he desired a colloquy with the leaders. The generals resolved to
hear what he had to say; and advancing on their side to within speaking
distance, they demanded what he wanted. He replied that he wished to
make a treaty with them, in accordance with which he on his side would
abstain from injuring the Hellenes, if they would not burn his houses, but
merely take such provisions as they needed. This proposal satisfied the
generals, and a treaty was made on the terms suggested.
From this place they marched three stages—fifteen parasangs—through
plain country, Tiribazus the while keeping close behind with his own forces
more than a mile off. Presently they reached a palace with villages clustered
round about it, which were full of supplies in great variety. But while they
were encamping in the night, there was a heavy fall of snow, and in the
morning it was resolved to billet out the different regiments, with their
generals, throughout the villages. There was no enemy in sight, and the
proceeding seemed prudent, owing to the quantity of snow. In these quarters
they had for provisions all the good things there are—sacrificial beasts,
corn, old wines with an exquisite bouquet, dried grapes, and vegetables of

all sorts. But some of the stragglers from the camp reported having seen an
army, and the blaze of many watchfires in the night. Accordingly the
generals concluded that it was not prudent to separate their quarters in this
way, and a resolution was passed to bring the troops together again. After
that they reunited, the more so that the weather promised to be fine with a
clear sky; but while they lay there in open quarters, during the night down
came so thick a fall of snow that it completely covered up the stacks of
arms and the men themselves lying down. It cramped and crippled the
baggage animals; and there was great unreadiness to get up, so gently fell
the snow as they lay there warm and comfortable, and formed a blanket,
except where it slipped off the sleepers' shoulders; and it was not until
Xenophon roused himself to get up, and, without his cloak on (1), began to
split wood, that quickly first one and then another got up, and taking the log
away from him, fell to splitting. Thereat the rest followed suit, got up, and
began kindling fire and oiling their bodies, for there was a scented unguent
to be found there in abundance, which they used instead of oil. It was made
from pig's fat, sesame, bitter almonds, and turpentine. There was a sweet oil
also to be found, made of the same ingredients.

(1) Or, as we should say, "in his shirt sleeves." Doubtless he lay
with his {imation} or cloak loosely wrapped round him; as he
sprang to his feet he would throw it off, or it would fall off,
and with the simple inner covering of the {khiton} to protect him,
and arms free, he fell to chopping the wood, only half clad.

After this it was resolved that they must again separate their quarters and
get under cover in the villages. At this news the soldiers, with much joy and
shouting, rushed upon the covered houses and the provisions; but all who in
their blind folly had set fire to the houses when they left them before, now
paid the penalty in the poor quarters they got. From this place one night
they sent off a party under Democrates, a Temenite (2), up into the
mountains, where the stragglers reported having seen watchfires. The leader
selected was a man whose judgement might be depended upon to verify the
truth of the matter. With a happy gift to distinguish between fact and fiction,
he had often been successfully appealed to. He went and reported that he
had seen no watchfires, but he had got a man, whom he brought back with
him, carrying a Persian bow and quiver, and a sagaris or battleaxe like those
worn by the Amazons. When asked "from what country he came," the
prisoner answered that he was "a Persian, and was going from the army of

Tiribazus to get provisions." They next asked him "how large the army was,
and for what object it had been collected." His answer was that "it consisted
of Tiribazus at the head of his own forces, and aided by some Chalybian
and Taochian mercenaries. Tiribazus had got it together," he added,
"meaning to attack the Hellenes on the high mountain pass, in a defile
which was the sole passage."

(2) Reading {Temeniten}, i.e. a native of Temenus, a district of
Syracuse; al. {Temniten}, i.e. from Temnus in the Aeolid; al.
{Temeniten}, i.e. from Temenum in the Argolid.

When the generals heard this news, they resolved to collect the troops,
and they set off at once, taking the prisoner to act as guide, and leaving a
garrison behind with Sophaenetus the Stymphalian in command of those
who remained in the camp. As soon as they had begun to cross the hills, the
light infantry, advancing in front and catching sight of the camp, did not
wait for the heavy infantry, but with a loud shout rushed upon the enemy's
entrenchment. The natives, hearing the din and clatter, did not care to stop,
but took rapidly to their heels. But, for all their expedition, some of them
were killed, and as many as twenty horses were captured, with the tent of
Tiribazus, and its contents, silver-footed couches and goblets, besides
certain persons styling themselves the butlers and bakers. As soon as the
generals of the heavy infantry division had learnt the news, they resolved to
return to the camp with all speed, for fear of an attack being made on the
remnant left behind. The recall was sounded and the retreat commenced; the
camp was reached the same day.

V
The next day it was resolved that they should set off with all possible
speed, before the enemy had time to collect and occupy the defile. Having
got their kit and baggage together, they at once began their march through
deep snow with several guides, and, crossing the high pass the same day on
which Tiribazus was to have attacked them, got safely into cantonments.
From this point they marched three desert stages—fifteen parassangs—to
the river Euphrates, and crossed it in water up to the waist. The sources of
the river were reported to be at no great distance. From this place they
marched through deep snow over a flat country three stages—fifteen
parasangs (1). The last of these marches was trying, with the north wind
blowing in their teeth, drying up everything and benumbing the men. Here
one of the seers suggested to them to do sacrifice to Boreas, and sacrifice
was done. The effect was obvious to all in the diminished fierceness of the
blast. But there was six feet of snow, so that many of the baggage animals
and slaves were lost, and about thirty of the men themselves.

(1) Al. "ten," al. "five."

They spent the whole night in kindling fire; for there was fortunately no
dearth of wood at the halting-place; only those who came late into camp
had no wood. Accordingly those who had arrived a good while and had
kindled fires were not for allowing these late-comers near the fires, unless
they would in return give a share of their corn or of any other victuals they
might have. Here then a general exchange of goods was set up. Where the
fire was kindled the snow melted, and great trenches formed themselves
down to the bare earth, and here it was possible to measure the depth of the
snow.
Leaving these quarters, they marched the whole of the next day over
snow, and many of the men were afflicted with "boulimia" (or hunger-
faintness). Xenophon, who was guarding the rear, came upon some men
who had dropt down, and he did not know what ailed them; but some one
who was experienced in such matters suggested to him that they had
evidently got boulimia; and if they got something to eat, they would revive.

Then he went the round of the baggage train, and laying an embargo on any
eatables he could see, doled out with his own hands, or sent off other able-
bodied agents to distribute to the sufferers, who as soon as they had taken a
mouthful got on their legs again and continued the march.
On and on they marched, and about dusk Cheirisophus reached a village,
and surprised some women and girls who had come from the village to
fetch water at the fountain outside the stockade. These asked them who they
were. The interpreters answered for them in Persian: "They were on their
way from the king to the satrap;" in reply to which the women gave them to
understand that the satrap was not at home, but was away a parasang farther
on. As it was late they entered with the water-carriers within the stockade to
visit the headman of the village. Accordingly Cheirisophus and as many of
the troops as were able got into cantonments there, while the rest of the
soldiers—those namely who were unable to complete the march—had to
spend the night out, without food and without fire; under the circumstances
some of the men perished.
On the heels of the army hung perpetually bands of the enemy, snatching
away disabled baggage animals and fighting with each other over the
carcases. And in its track not seldom were left to their fate disabled soldiers,
struck down with snow-blindness or with toes mortified by frostbite. As to
the eyes, it was some alleviation against the snow to march with something
black before them; for the feet, the only remedy was to keep in motion
without stopping for an instant, and to loose the sandal at night. If they went
to sleep with the sandals on, the thong worked into the feet, and the sandals
were frozen fast to them. This was partly due to the fact that, since their old
sandals had failed, they wore untanned brogues made of newly-flayed ox-
hides. It was owing to some such dire necessity that a party of men fell out
and were left behind, and seeing a black-looking patch of ground where the
snow had evidently disappeared, they conjectured it must have been melted;
and this was actually so, owing to a spring of some sort which was to be
seen steaming up in a dell close by. To this they had turned aside and sat
down, and were loth to go a step further. But Xenophon, with his rearguard,
perceived them, and begged and implored them by all manner of means not
to be left behind, telling them that the enemy were after them in large packs
pursuing; and he ended by growing angry. They merely bade him put a
knife to their throats; not one step farther would they stir. Then it seemed
best to frighten the pursuing enemy if possible, and prevent their falling

upon the invalids. It was already dusk, and the pursuers were advancing
with much noise and hubbub, wrangling and disputing over their spoils.
Then all of a sudden the rearguard, in the plenitude of health and strength
(2), sprang up out of their lair and run upon the enemy, whilst those weary
wights (3) bawled out as loud as their sick throats could sound, and clashed
their spears against their shields; and the enemy in terror hurled themselves
through the snow into the dell, and not one of them ever uttered a sound
again.

(2) Hug, after Rehdantz, would omit the words "in the plenitude of
health and strength."

(3) Or, "the invalids."

Xenophon and his party, telling the sick folk that next day people would
come for them, set off, and before they had gone half a mile they fell in
with some soldiers who had laid down to rest on the snow with their cloaks
wrapped round them, but never a guard was established, and they made
them get up. Their explanation was that those in front would not move on.
Passing by this group he sent forward the strongest of his light infantry in
advance, with orders to find out what the stoppage was. They reported that
the whole army lay reposing in such fashion. That being so, Xenophon's
men had nothing for it but to bivouac in the open air also, without fire and
supperless, merely posting what pickets they could under the circumstances.
But as soon as it drew towards day, Xenophon despatched the youngest of
his men to the sick folk behind, with orders to make them get up and force
them to proceed. Meanwhile Cheirisophus had sent some of his men
quartered in the village to enquire how they fared in the rear; they were
overjoyed to see them, and handed over the sick folk to them to carry into
camp, while they themselves continued their march forward, and ere twenty
furlongs were past reached the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered.
As soon as the two divisions were met, the resolution was come to that it
would be safe to billet the regiments throughout the villages; Cheirisophus
remained where he was, while the rest drew lots for the villages in sight,
and then, with their several detachments, marched off to their respective
destinations.
It was here that Polycrates, an Athenian and captain of a company, asked
for leave of absence—he wished to be off on a quest of his own; and putting
himself at the head of the active men of the division, he ran to the village

which had been allotted to Xenophon. He surprised within it the villagers
with their headman, and seventeen young horses which were being reared
as a tribute for the king, and, last of all, the headman's own daughter, a
young bride only eight days wed. Her husband had gone off to chase hares,
and so he escaped being taken with the other villagers. The houses were
underground structures with an aperture like the mouth of a well by which
to enter, but they were broad and spacious below. The entrance for the
beasts of burden was dug out, but the human occupants descended by a
ladder. In these dwellings were to be found goats and sheep and cattle, and
cocks and hens, with their various progeny. The flocks and herds were all
reared under cover upon green food. There were stores within of wheat and
barley and vegetables, and wine made from barley in great big bowls; the
grains of barley malt lay floating in the beverage up to the lip of the vessel,
and reeds lay in them, some longer, some shorter, without joints; when you
were thirsty you must take one of these into your mouth, and suck. The
beverage without admixture of water was very strong, and of a delicious
flavour to certain palates, but the taste must be acquired.
Xenophon made the headman of the village his guest at supper, and bade
him keep a good heart; so far from robbing him of his children, they would
fill his house full of good things in return for what they took before they
went away; only he must set them an example, and discover some blessing
or other for the army, until they found themselves with another tribe. To this
he readily assented, and with the utmost cordiality showed them the cellar
where the wine was buried. For this night then, having taken up their
several quarters as described, they slumbered in the midst of plenty, one and
all, with the headman under watch and ward, and his children with him safe
in sight.
But on the following day Xenophon took the headman and set off to
Cheirisophus, making a round of the villages, and at each place turning in to
visit the different parties. Everywhere alike he found them faring
sumptuously and merry-making. There was not a single village where they
did not insist on setting a breakfast before them, and on the same table were
spread half a dozen dishes at least, lamb, kid, pork, veal, fowls, with various
sorts of bread, some of wheat and some of barley. When, as an act of
courtesy, any one wished to drink his neighbour's health, he would drag him
to the big bowl, and when there, he must duck his head and take a long pull,
drinking like an ox. The headman, they insisted everywhere, must accept as

a present whatever he liked to have. But he would accept nothing, except
where he espied any of his relations, when he made a point of taking them
off, him or her, with himself.
When they reached Cheirisophus they found a similar scene. There too
the men were feasting in their quarters, garlanded with whisps of hay and
dry grass, and Armenian boys were playing the part of waiters in barbaric
costumes, only they had to point out by gesture to the boys what they were
to do, like deaf and dumb. After the first formalities, when Cheirisophus
and Xenophon had greeted one another like bosom friends, they
interrogated the headman in common by means of the Persian-speaking
interpreter. "What was the country?" they asked: he replied, "Armenia."
And again, "For whom are the horses being bred?" "They are tribute for the
king," he replied. "And the neighbouring country?" "Is the land of the
Chalybes," he said; and he described the road which led to it. So for the
present Xenophon went off, taking the headman back with him to his
household and friends. He also made him a present of an oldish horse which
he had got; he had heard that the headman was a priest of the sun, and so he
could fatten up the beast and sacrifice him; otherwise he was afraid it might
die outright, for it had been injured by the long marching. For himself he
took his pick of the colts, and gave a colt apiece to each of his fellow-
generals and officers. The horses here were smaller than the Persian horses,
but much more spirited. It was here too that their friend the headman
explained to them, how they should wrap small bags or sacks around the
feet of the horses and other cattle when marching through the snow, for
without such precautions the creatures sank up to their bellies.

VI
When a week had passed, on the eighth day Xenophon delivered over the
guide (that is to say, the village headman) to Cheirisophus. He left the
headman's household safe behind in the village, with the exception of his
son, a lad in the bloom of youth. This boy was entrusted to Episthenes of
Amphipolis to guard; if the headman proved himself a good guide, he was
to take away his son also at his departure. They finally made his house the
repository of all the good things they could contrive to get together; then
they broke up their camp and commenced to march, the headman guiding
them through the snow unfettered. When they had reached the third stage
Cheirisophus flew into a rage with him, because he had not brought them to
any villages. The headman pleaded that there were none in this part.
Cheirisophus struck him, but forgot to bind him, and the end of it was that
the headman ran away in the night and was gone, leaving his son behind
him. This was the sole ground of difference between Cheirisophus and
Xenophon during the march, this combination of ill-treatment and neglect
in the case of the guide. As to the boy, Episthenes conceived a passion for
him, and took him home with him, and found in him the most faithful of
friends.
After this they marched seven stages at the rate of five parasangs a day,
to the banks of the river Phasis (1), which is a hundred feet broad: and
thence they marched another couple of stages, ten parasangs; but at the pass
leading down into the plain there appeared in front of them a mixed body of
Chalybes and Taochians and Phasianians. When Cheirisophus caught sight
of the enemy on the pass at a distance of about three or four miles, he
ceased marching, not caring to approach the enemy with his troops in
column, and he passed down the order to the others: to deploy their
companies to the front, that the troops might form into line. As soon as the
rearguard had come up, he assembled the generals and officers, and
addressed them: "The enemy, as you see, are in occupation of the mountain
pass, it is time we should consider how we are to make the best fight to win
it. My opinion is, that we should give orders to the troops to take their
morning meal, whilst we deliberate whether we should cross the mountains

to-day or to-morrow." "My opinion," said Cleanor, "is, that as soon as we
have breakfasted, we should arm for the fight and attack the enemy, without
loss of time, for if we fritter away to-day, the enemy who are now content to
look at us, will grow bolder, and with their growing courage, depend upon
it, others more numerous will join them."

(1) Probably a tributary of the Araxes = modern Pasin-Su.

After him Xenophon spoke: "This," he said, "is how I see the matter; if
fight we must, let us make preparation to sell our lives dearly, but if we
desire to cross with the greatest ease, the point to consider is, how we may
get the fewest wounds and throw away the smallest number of good men.
Well then, that part of the mountain which is visible stretches nearly seven
miles. Where are the men posted to intercept us? except at the road itself,
they are nowhere to be seen. It is much better to try if possible to steal a
point of this desert mountain unobserved, and before they know where we
are, secure the prize, than to fly at a strong position and an enemy
thoroughly prepared. Since it is much easier to march up a mountain
without fighting than to tramp along a level when assailants are at either
hand; and provided he has not to fight, a man will see what lies at his feet
much more plainly even at night than in broad daylight in the midst of
battle; and a rough road to feet that roam in peace may be pleasanter than a
smooth surface with the bullets whistling about your ears (2). Nor is it so
impossible, I take it, to steal a march, since it is open to us to go by night,
when we cannot be seen, and to fall back so far that they will never notice
us. In my opinion, however, if we make a feint of attacking here, we shall
find the mountain chain all the more deserted elsewhere, since the enemy
will be waiting for us here in thicker swarm.

(2) Or, more lit., "with the head a mark for missiles."

"But what right have I to be drawing conclusions about stealing in your
presence, Cheirisophus? for you Lacedaemonians, as I have often been told,
you who belong to the 'peers,' practise stealing from your boyhood up; and
it is no disgrace but honourable rather to steal, except such things as the law
forbids; and in order, I presume, to stimulate your sense of secretiveness,
and to make you master thieves, it is lawful for you further to get a
whipping if you are caught. Now then you have a fine opportunity of
displaying your training. But take care we are not caught stealing over the

mountain, or we shall catch it ourselves." "For all that," retorted
Cheirisophus, "I have heard that you Athenians are clever hands at stealing
the public moneys; and that too though there is a fearful risk for the person
so employed; but, I am told, it is your best men who are addicted to it; if it
is your best men who are thought worthy to rule. So it is a fine opportunity
for yourself also, Xenophon, to exhibit your education." "And I," replied
Xenophon, "am ready to take the rear division, as soon as we have supped,
and seize the mountain chain. I have already got guides, for the light troops
laid an ambuscade, and seized some of the cut-purse vagabonds who hung
on our rear. I am further informed by them that the mountain is not
inaccessible, but is grazed by goats and cattle, so that if we can once get
hold of any portion of it, there will be no difficulty as regards our animals—
they can cross. As to the enemy, I expect they will not even wait for us any
longer, when they once see us on a level with themselves on the heights, for
they do not even at present care to come down and meet us on fair ground."
Cheirisophus answered: "But why should you go and leave your command
in the rear? Send others rather, unless a band of volunteers will present
themselves." Thereupon Aristonymus the Methydrian came forward with
some heavy infantry, and Nicomachus the Oetean with another body of
light troops, and they made an agreement to kindle several watch-fires as
soon as they held the heights. The arrangements made, they breakfasted;
and after breakfast Cheirisophus advanced the whole army ten furlongs
closer towards the enemy, so as to strengthen the impression that he
intended to attack them at that point.
But as soon as they had supped and night had fallen, the party under
orders set off and occupied the mountain, while the main body rested where
they were. Now as soon as the enemy perceived that the mountain was
taken, they banished all thought of sleep, and kept many watch-fires blazing
throughout the night. But at break of day Cheirisophus offered sacrifice,
and began advancing along the road, while the detachment which held the
mountain advanced pari passu by the high ground. The larger mass of the
enemy, on his side, remained still on the mountain-pass, but a section of
them turned to confront the detachment on the heights. Before the main
bodies had time to draw together, the detachment on the height came to
close quarters, and the Hellenes were victorious and gave chase. Meanwhile
the light division of the Hellenes, issuing from the plain, were rapidly
advancing against the serried lines of the enemy, whilst Cheirisophus

followed up with his heavy infantry at quick march. But the enemy on the
road no sooner saw their higher division being worsted than they fled, and
some few of them were slain, and a vast number of wicker shields were
taken, which the Hellenes hacked to pieces with their short swords and
rendered useless. So when they had reached the summit of the pass, they
sacrificed and set up a trophy, and descending into the plain, reached
villages abounding in good things of every kind.

VII
After this they marched into the country of the Taochians five stages—
thirty parasangs—and provisions failed; for the Taochians lived in strong
places, into which they had carried up all their stores. Now when the army
arrived before one of these strong places—a mere fortress, without city or
houses, into which a motley crowd of men and women and numerous flocks
and herds were gathered—Cheirisophus attacked at once. When the first
regiment fell back tired, a second advanced, and again a third, for it was
impossible to surround the place in full force, as it was encircled by a river.
Presently Xenophon came up with the rearguard, consisting of both light
and heavy infantry, whereupon Cheirisophus halted him with the words: "In
the nick of time you have come; we must take this place, for the troops have
no provisions, unless we take it." Thereupon they consulted together, and to
Xenophon's inquiry, "What it was which hindered their simply walking in?"
Cheirisophus replied, "There is just this one narrow approach which you
see, but when we attempt to pass it by they roll down volleys of stones from
yonder overhanging crag," pointing up, "and this is the state in which you
find yourself, if you chance to be caught;" and he pointed to some poor
fellows with their legs or ribs crushed to bits. "But when they have
expended their ammunition," said Xenophon, "there is nothing else, is there,
to hinder our passing? Certainly, except yonder handful of fellows, there is
no one in front of us that we can see; and of them, only two or three
apparently are armed, and the distance to be traversed under fire is, as your
eyes will tell you, about one hundred and fifty feet as near as can be, and of
this space the first hundred is thickly covered with great pines at intervals;
under cover of these, what harm can come to our men from a pelt of stones,
flying or rolling? So then, there is only fifty feet left to cross, during a lull
of stones." "Ay," said Cheirisophus, "but with our first attempt to approach
the bush a galling fire of stones commences." "The very thing we want,"
said the other, "for they will use up their ammunition all the quicker; but let
us select a point from which we shall have only a brief space to run across,
if we can, and from which it will be easier to get back, if we wish."

Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set out with Callimachus the
Parrhasian, the captain in command of the officers of the rearguard that day;
the rest of the captains remained out of danger. That done, the next step was
for a party of about seventy men to get away under the trees, not in a body,
but one by one, every one using his best precaution; and Agasis the
Stymphalian, and Aristonymous the Methydrian, who were also officers of
the rearguard, were posted as supports outside the trees; for it was not
possible for more than a single company to stand safely within the trees.
Here Callimachus hit upon a pretty contrivance—he ran forward from the
tree under which he was posted two or three paces, and as soon as the
stones came whizzing, he retired easily, but at each excursion more than ten
wagon-loads of rocks were expended. Agasias, seeing how Callimachus
was amusing himself, and the whole army looking on as spectators, was
seized with the fear that he might miss his chance of being first to run the
gauntlet of the enemy's fire and get into the place. So, without a word of
summons to his neighbour, Aristonymous, or to Eurylochus of Lusia, both
comrades of his, or to any one else, off he set on his own account, and
passed the whole detachment. But Callimachus, seeing him tearing past,
caught hold of his shield by the rim, and in the meantime Aristonymous the
Methydrian ran past both, and after him Eurylochus of Lusia; for they were
one and all aspirants to valour, and in that high pursuit, each was the eager
rival of the rest. So in this strife of honour, the three of them took the
fortress, and when they had once rushed in, not a stone more was hurled
from overhead.
And here a terrible spectacle displayed itself: the women first cast their
infants down the cliff, and then they cast themselves after their fallen little
ones, and the men likewise. In such a scene, Aeneas the Stymphalian, an
officer, caught sight of a man with a fine dress about to throw himself over,
and seized hold of him to stop him; but the other caught him to his arms,
and both were gone in an instant headlong down the crags, and were killed.
Out of this place the merest handful of human beings were taken prisoners,
but cattle and asses in abundance and flocks of sheep.
From this place they marched through the Chalybes (1) seven stages,
fifty parasangs. These were the bravest men whom they encountered on the
whole march, coming cheerily to close quarters with them. They wore linen
cuirasses reaching to the groin, and instead of the ordinary "wings" or
basques, a thickly-plaited fringe of cords. They were also provided with

greaves and helmets, and at the girdle a short sabre, about as long as the
Laconian dagger, with which they cut the throats of those they mastered,
and after severing the head from the trunk they would march along carrying
it, singing and dancing, when they drew within their enemy's field of view.
They carried also a spear fifteen cubits long, lanced at one end (2). This folk
stayed in regular townships, and whenever the Hellenes passed by they
invariably hung close on their heels fighting. They had dwelling-places in
their fortresses, and into them they had carried up their supplies, so that the
Hellenes could get nothing from this district, but supported themselves on
the flocks and herds they had taken from the Taochians. After this the
Hellenes reached the river Harpasus, which was four hundred feet broad.
Hence they marched through the Scythenians four stages—twenty
parasangs—through a long level country to more villages, among which
they halted three days, and got in supplies.

(1) These are the Armeno-Chalybes, so called by Pliny in
contradistinction to another mountain tribe in Pontus so named,
who were famous for their forging, and from whom steel received
its Greek name {khalups}. With these latter we shall make
acquaintance later on.

(2) I.e. with a single point or spike only, the Hellenic spear having
a spike at the butt end also.

Passing on from thence in four stages of twenty parasangs, they reached a
large and prosperous well-populated city, which went by the name of
Gymnias (3), from which the governor of the country sent them a guide to
lead them through a district hostile to his own. This guide told them that
within five days he would lead them to a place from which they would see
the sea, "and," he added, "if I fail of my word, you are free to take my life."
Accordingly he put himself at their head; but he no sooner set foot in the
country hostile to himself than he fell to encouraging them to burn and
harry the land; indeed his exhortations were so earnest, it was plain that it
was for this he had come, and not out of the good-will he bore the Hellenes.

(3) Gymnias is supposed (by Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 161)
to be the same as that which is now called Gumisch-Kana—perhaps
"at no great distance from Baibut," Tozer, "Turkish Armenia," p.
432. Others have identified it with Erzeroum, others with Ispir.

On the fifth day they reached the mountain, the name of which was
Theches (4). No sooner had the men in front ascended it and caught sight of

the sea than a great cry arose, and Xenophon, in the rearguard, catching the
sound of it, conjectured that another set of enemies must surely be attacking
in front; for they were followed by the inhabitants of the country, which
was all aflame; indeed the rearguard had killed some and captured others
alive by laying an ambuscade; they had taken also about twenty wicker
shields, covered with the raw hides of shaggy oxen.

(4) Some MSS. give "the sacred mountain." The height in question has
been identified with "the ridge called Tekieh-Dagh to the east of
Gumisch-Kana, nearer to the sea than that place" (Grote, ib. p.
162), but the exact place from which they caught sight of the sea
has not been identified as yet, and other mountain ranges have
been suggested.

But as the shout became louder and nearer, and those who from time to
time came up, began racing at the top of their speed towards the shouters,
and the shouting continually recommenced with yet greater volume as the
numbers increased, Xenophon settled in his mind that something
extraordinary must have happened, so he mounted his horse, and taking
with him Lycius and the cavalry, he galloped to the rescue. Presently they
could hear the soldiers shouting and passing on the joyful word, "The sea!
the sea!"
Thereupon they began running, rearguard and all, and the baggage
animals and horses came galloping up. But when they had reached the
summit, then indeed they fell to embracing one another—generals and
officers and all—and the tears trickled down their cheeks. And on a sudden,
some one, whoever it was, having passed down the order, the soldiers began
bringing stones and erecting a great cairn, whereon they dedicated a host of
untanned skins, and staves, and captured wicker shields, and with his own
hand the guide hacked the shields to pieces, inviting the rest to follow his
example. After this the Hellenes dismissed the guide with a present raised
from the common store, to wit, a horse, a silver bowl, a Persian dress, and
ten darics; but what he most begged to have were their rings, and of these
he got several from the soldiers. So, after pointing out to them a village
where they would find quarters, and the road by which they would proceed
towards the land of the Macrones, as evening fell, he turned his back upon
them in the night and was gone.

VIII
From this point the Hellenes marched through the country of the
Macrones three stages—ten parasangs, and on the first day they reached the
river, which formed the boundary between the land of the Macrones and the
land of the Scythenians. Above them, on their right, they had a country of
the sternest and ruggedest character, and on their left another river, into
which the frontier river discharges itself, and which they must cross. This
was thickly fringed with trees which, though not of any great bulk, were
closely packed. As soon as they came up to them, the Hellenes proceeded to
cut them down in their haste to get out of the place as soon as possible. But
the Macrones, armed with wicker shields and lances and hair tunics, were
already drawn up to receive them opposite the crossing. They were cheering
one another on, and kept up a steady pelt of stones into the river, though
they failed to reach the other side or do any harm.
At this juncture one of the light infantry came up to Xenophon; he had
been, he said, a slave at Athens, and he wished to tell him that he
recognised the speech of these people. "I think," said he, "that this must be
my native country, and if there is no objection I will have a talk with them."
"No objection at all," replied Xenophon, "pray talk to them, and ask them
first, who they are." In answer to this question they said, "they were
Macrones." "Well, then," said he, "ask them why they are drawn up in battle
and want to fight with us." They answered, "Because you are invading our
country." The generals bade him say: "If so, it is with not intention certainly
of doing it or you any harm: but we have been at war with the king, and are
now returning to Hellas, and all we want is to reach the sea." The others
asked, "Were they willing to give them pledges to that effect?" They
replied: "Yes, they were ready to give and receive pledges to that effect."
Then the Macrones gave a barbaric lance to the Hellenes, and the Hellenes
a Hellenic lance to them: "for these," they said, "would serve as pledges,"
and both sides called upon the gods to witness.
After the pledges were exchanged, the Macrones fell to vigorously
hewing down trees and constructing a road to help them across, mingling
freely with the Hellenes and fraternising in their midst, and they afforded

them as good as market as they could, and for three days conducted them on
their march, until they had brought them safely to the confines of the
Colchians. At this point they were confronted by a great mountain chain,
which however was accessible, and on it the Colchians were drawn up for
battle. In the first instance, the Hellenes drew up opposite in line of battle,
as though they were minded to assault the hill in that order; but afterwards
the generals determined to hold a council of war, and consider how to make
the fairest fight.
Accordingly Xenophon said: "I am not for advancing in line, but advise
to form companies by columns. To begin with, the line," he urged, "would
be scattered and thrown into disorder at once; for we shall find the
mountain full of inequalities, it will be pathless here and easy to traverse
there. The mere fact of first having formed in line, and then seeing the line
thrown into disorder, must exercise a disheartening effect. Again, if we
advance several deep, the enemy will none the less overlap us, and turn
their superfluous numbers to account as best they like; while, if we march
in shallow order, we may fully expect our line to be cut through and
through by the thick rain of missiles and rush of men, and if this happen
anywhere along the line, the whole line will equally suffer. No; my notion is
to form columns by companies, covering ground sufficient with spaces
between the companies to allow the last companies of each flank to be
outside the enemy's flanks. Thus we shall with our extreme companies be
outside the enemy's line, and the best men at the head of their columns will
lead the attack, and every company will pick its way where the ground is
easy; also it will be difficult for the enemy to force his way into the
intervening spaces, when there are companies on both sides; nor will it be
easy for him to cut in twain any individual company marching in column.
If, too, any particular company should be pressed, the neighbouring
company will come to the rescue, or if at any point any single company
succeed in reaching the height, from that moment not one man of the enemy
will stand his ground."
This proposal was carried, and they formed into columns by companies
(1). Then Xenophon, returning from the right wing to the left, addressed the
soldiers. "Men," he said, "these men whom you see in front of you are the
sole obstacles still interposed between us and the haven of our hopes so
long deferred. We will swallow them up whole, without cooking (2), if we
can."

(1) For this formation, see "The Retreat of the Ten Thousand; a
military study for all time," by Lieut.-General J. L. Vaughan,
C.B.

(2) Or, "we will gobble them up raw." He is thinking of the Homeric
line ("Iliad", iv. 35) "Perchance wert thou to enter within the
gates and long walls and devour Priam raw, and Priam's sons and
all the Trojans, then mightest thou assuage thine anger."—Leaf.

The several divisions fell into position, the companies were formed into
columns, and the result was a total of something like eighty companies of
heavy infantry, each company consisting on an average of a hundred men.
The light infantry and bowmen were arranged in three divisions—two
outside to support the left and the right respectively, and the third in the
centre—each division consisting of about six hundred men (3).

(3) This suggests 1800 as the total of the peltasts, 8000 as the total
of the hoplites, but the companies were probably not limited to
100, and under "peltasts" were probably included other light
troops.

Before starting, the generals passed the order to offer prayer; and with the
prayer and battle hymn rising from their lips they commenced their
advance. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the light infantry with them,
advanced outside the enemy's line to right and left, and the enemy, seeing
their advance, made an effort to keep parallel and confront them, but in
order to do so, as he extended partly to right and partly to left, he was
pulled to pieces, and there was a large space or hollow left in the centre of
his line. Seeing them separate thus, the light infantry attached to the
Arcadian battalion, under command of Aeschines, an Arcarnanian, mistook
the movement for flight, and with a loud shout rushed on, and these were
the first to scale the mountain summit; but they were closely followed up by
the Arcadian heavy infantry, under command of Cleanor of Orchomenus.
When they began running in that way, the enemy stood their ground no
longer, but betook themselves to flight, one in one direction, one in another,
and the Hellenes scaled the hill and found quarters in numerous villages
which contained supplies in abundance. Here, generally speaking, there was
nothing to excite their wonderment, but the numbers of bee-hives were
indeed astonishing, and so were certain properties of the honey (4). The
effect upon the soldiers who tasted the combs was, that they all went for the
nonce quite off their heads, and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea, with
a total inability to stand steady on their legs. A small dose produced a

condition not unlike violent drunkenness, a large one an attack very like a
fit of madness, and some dropped down, apparently at death's door. So they
lay, hundreds of them, as if there had been a great defeat, a prey to the
cruellest despondency. But the next day, none had died; and almost at the
same hour of the day at which they had eaten they recovered their senses,
and on the third or fourth day got on their legs again like convalescents
after a severe course of medical treatment.

(4) "Modern travellers attest the existence, in these regions, of
honey intoxicating and poisonous.... They point out the Azalea
Pontica as the flower from which the bees imbibe this peculiar
quality."—Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 155.

From this place they marched on two stages—seven parasangs—and
reached the sea at Trapezus (5), a populous Hellenic city on the Euxine Sea,
a colony of the Sinopeans, in the territory of the Colchians. Here they halted
about thirty days in the villages of the Colchians, which they used as a base
of operations to ravage the whole territory of Colchis. The men of Trapezus
supplied the army with a market, entertained them, and gave them, as gifts
of hospitality, oxen and wheat and wine. Further, they negotiated with them
in behalf of their neighbours the Colchians, who dwelt in the plain for the
most part, and from this folk also came gifts of hospitality in the shape of
cattle. And now the Hellenes made preparation for the sacrifice which they
had vowed, and a sufficient number of cattle came in for them to offer
thank-offerings for safe guidance to Zeus the Saviour, and to Heracles (6),
and to the other gods, according to their vows. They instituted also a
gymnastic contest on the mountain side, just where they were quartered,
and chose Dracontius, a Spartan (who had been banished from home when
a lad, having unintentionally slain another boy with a blow of his dagger),
to superintend the course, and be president of the games.

(5) Trebizond.

(6) Or, "to sacrifice to Zeus the Preserver, and to Heracles
thank-offerings for safe guidance," Heracles "the conductor"
having special sympathy with wanderers.

As soon as the sacrifices were over, they handed over the hides of the
beasts to Dracontius, and bade him lead the way to his racecourse. He
merely waved his hand and pointed to where they were standing, and said,
"There, this ridge is just the place for running, anywhere, everywhere." "But

how," it was asked, "will they manage to wrestle on the hard scrubby
ground?" "Oh! worse knocks for those who are thrown," the president
replied. There was a mile race for boys, the majority being captive lads; and
for the long race more than sixty Cretans competed; there was wrestling,
boxing, and the pankration (7). Altogether it was a beautiful spectacle.
There was a large number of entries, and the emulation, with their
companions, male and female, standing as spectators, was immense. There
was horse-racing also; the riders had to gallop down a steep incline to the
sea, and then turn and come up again to the altar, and on the descent more
than half rolled head over heels, and then back they came toiling up the
tremendous steep, scarcely out of a walking pace. Loud were the shouts, the
laughter, and the cheers.

(7) The pankration combined both wrestling and boxing.

BOOK V
(In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account
is given of all that the Hellenes did, and how they fared on
the march up with Cyrus; and also of all that befell them on
their march subsequently, until they reached the seaboard of
the Euxine Sea, or Pontus, and the Hellenic city of Trapezus,
where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe deliverance
which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a
friendly soil.)

I
After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the
march. The first speaker was Antileon of Thurii. He rose and said: "For my
part, sirs, I am weary by this time of getting kit together and packing up for
a start, of walking and running and carrying heavy arms, and of tramping
along in line, or mounting guard, and doing battle. The sole desire I now
have is to cease from all these pains, and for the future, since here we have
the sea before us, to sail on and on, 'stretched out in sleep,' like Odysseus,
and so to find myself in Hellas." When they heard these remarks, the
soldiers showed their approval with loud cries of "well said," and then
another spoke to the same effect, and then another, and indeed all present.
Then Cheirisophus got up and said: "I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap
will have it, is now high admiral, Anaxibius. If you like to send me to him, I
think I can safely promise to return with some men-of-war and other vessels
which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are really minded to go home
by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will be back ere long." The soldiers were
delighted at these words, and voted that Cheirisophus should set sail on his
mission without delay.
After him, Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: "Cheirisophus, it is
agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him. Let me
tell you what, in my opinion, it is reasonable to do while we are waiting.
First of all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries from hostile
territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if there were, have we,
with a few solitary exceptions, the means of purchase. Now, the district is
hostile, so that if you set off in search of provisions without care and
precaution, the chances are that many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I
propose that we should organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and,
for the rest, not roam about the country at random. The organisation of the
matter should be left to us." (The resolution was passed.) "Please listen to
another proposal;" he continued: "Some of you, no doubt, will be going out
to pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should in each case
before starting inform us of his intent, and in what direction he means to go,
so that we may know the exact number of those who are out and of those

who stop behind. Thus we shall be able to help in preparing and starting the
expedition where necessary; and in case of aid or reinforcements being
called for, we shall know in what direction to proceed; or, again, if the
attempt is to be undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in
the weight of our experience and advice by endeavouring to discover the
strength of those whom they design to attack." This proposal was also
carried. "Here is another point," he continued, "to which I would draw your
attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon us: nor is it
unnatural, that they should lay plots for us; for we have appropriated what
is theirs; they are seated over us ever on the watch. I propose then that we
should have regular outposts round the camp. If we take it in succession to
do picket and outlook duty, the enemy will be less able to harry us. And
here is another point for your observation; supposing we knew for certain
that Cheirisophus must return with a sufficient number of vessels, there
would be no need of the remark, but as that is still problematical, I propose
that we should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If he comes and
finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we need,
that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have the local supply to
fall back upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually, so we have only to ask
the loan of some war-ships from the men of Trapezus, and we can bring
them into port, and safeguard them with their rudders unshipped, until we
have enough to carry us. By this course I think we shall not fail of finding
the means of transport requisite." That resolution was also passed. He
proceeded: "Consider whether you think it equitable to support by means of
a general fund the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait
here for our benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying
kindnesses in kind." That too was passed. "Well then," said he, "in case,
after all, our endeavours should not be crowned with success, and we find
that we have not vessels enough, I propose that we should enjoin on the
cities along the seaboard the duty of constructing and putting in order the
roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be only too glad to obey, no
doubt, out of mere terror and their desire to be rid of us."
This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the
idea of going by land at all. So, perceiving their infatuation, he did not put
the question to the vote, but eventually persuaded the cities voluntarily to
construct roads by the suggestion, "If you get your roads in good order, we
shall all the sooner be gone." They further got a fifty-oared galley from the

Trapezuntines, and gave the command of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of
the perioeci (1). This man altogether neglected to collect vessels on the
offing, but slunk off himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus.
Later on, however, he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved
in some meddling and making in Thrace at the court of Seuthes, and was
put to death by the Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley,
the command of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and that
officer brought into harbour to the camp all the vessels he could lay his
hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and appointed
guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they used the ships
themselves for transport service on the coast. While matters stood at this
point, the Hellenes used to make forays with varying success; sometimes
they captured prey and sometimes they failed. On one occasion Cleanetus
led his own and another company against a strong position, and was killed
himself, with many others of his party.

(1) A native of the country parts of Laconia.

II
The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions,
going and returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this,
Xenophon took some guides from the Trapezuntines and led half the army
out against the Drilae, leaving the other half to guard the camp. That was
necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their houses,
were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights above; on the
other hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to the native inhabitants, were
not for leading the Hellenes to places where it was easy to capture
provisions. But against the Drilae, from whom they personally suffered,
they would lead them with enthusiasm, up into mountainous and scarcely
accessible fortresses, and against the most warlike people of any in the
Pontus.
But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae set fire to all
their fastnesses which they thought could be taken easily, and beat a retreat;
and except here and there a stray pig or bullock or other animal which had
escaped the fire there was nothing to capture; but there was one fastness
which served as their metropolis: into this the different streams of people
collected; round it ran a tremendously deep ravine, and the approaches to
the place were difficult. So the light infantry ran forward five or six
furlongs in advance of the heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine; and
seeing quantities of sheep and other things, proceeded to attack the place.
Close at their heels followed a number of those who had set out on the foray
armed with spears, so that the storming party across the ravine amounted to
more than two thousand. But, finding that they could not take the place by a
coup-de-main, as there was a trench running round it, mounded up some
breadth, with a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a close-packed row
of wooden bastions, they made an attempt to run back, but the enemy fell
upon them from the rear. To get away by a sudden rush was out of the
question, since the descent from the fortress into the ravine only admitted of
moving in single file. Under the circumstances they sent to Xenophon, who
was in command of the heavy infantry. The messenger came and delivered
his message: "There is a fastness choke full of all sorts of stores, but we

cannot take it, it is too strong; nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush
out and deliver battle, and the return is difficult."
On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the edge
of the ravine, and there ordered them to take up a position, while he himself
with the officers crossed over to determine whether it were better to
withdraw the party already across, or to bring over the heavy infantry also,
on the supposition that the fortress might be taken. In favour of the latter
opinion it was agreed that the retreat must cost many lives, and the officers
were further disposed to think, they could take the place. Xenophon
consented, relying on the victims, for the seers had announced, that there
would be a battle, but that the result of the expedition would be good. So he
sent the officers to bring the heavy troops across, while he himself
remained, having drawn off all the light infantry and forbidden all sharp-
shooting at long range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived, he
ordered each captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to
make it most effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they
stood, these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors for the award
of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, he—the general—was
engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the light infantry and
archers respectively to march with the javelin on its thong and the arrow to
the string, ready at the word "shoot" to discharge their missiles, while the
light troops were to have their wallets well stocked with slingstones; lastly,
he despatched his adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders.
And now the preparations were complete: the officers and lieutenants and
all others claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their several
places. With a glance each was able to command the rest in the crescent-
like disposition which the ground invited. Presently the notes of the battle
hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a thrilling cry in honour of the
warrior-god, commenced a rush of the heavy infantry at full speed under
cover of a storm of missiles, lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones
hurled from the hand with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who
brought firebrands to bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the
enemy left their stockades and their bastion towers, which gave Agasias the
Stymphalian and Philoxenus of Pellene a chance not to be missed; laying
aside their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled
another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place was taken, as
they thought. Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and began

snatching what each man could. Xenophon the while, posted at the gates,
kept back as many of the hoplites as he could, for there were other enemies
now visible on certain strong citadel heights; and after a lapse of no long
time a shout arose within, and the men came running back, some still
clutching what they had seized; and presently here and there a wounded
man; and mighty was the jostling about the portals. To the questions which
were put to them the outpouring fugitives repeated the same story: there
was a citadel within and enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and
beating the fellows inside.
At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim: "Enter all
who are minded to capture aught." In poured the surging multitude, and the
counter-current of persons elbowing their passage in prevailed over the
stream of those who issued forth, until they beat back and cooped up the
enemy within the citadel again. So outside the citadel everything was
sacked and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy infantry took up their
position, some about the stockades, others along the road leading up to the
citadel. Xenophon and the officers meantime considered the possibility of
taking the citadel, for if so, their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it
would be very difficult to get away. As the result of their deliberations they
agreed that the place was impregnable. Then they began making
preparations for the retreat. Each set of men proceeded to pull down the
palisading which faced themselves; further, they sent away all who were
useless or who had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the
heavy infantry accompanying them; the officers in each case leaving behind
men whom they could severally depend on.
But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them from within a
host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves and
Paphlagonian helmets. Others might be seen scaling the houses on this side
and that of the road leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in the direction of
the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept hurling down on them
great beams from above, so that to stop and to make off were alike
dangerous, and night approaching was full of terrors. But in the midst of
their fighting and their despair some god gave them a means of safety. All
of a sudden, by whatsoever hand ignited, a flame shot up; it came from a
house on the right hand, and as this gradually fell in, the people from the
other houses on the right took to their heels and fled.

Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set fire to
the left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly, with the
result that the occupants of these also took to flight. The men immediately
at their front were the sole annoyance now, and these were safe to fall upon
them as they made their exit and in their descent. Here then the word was
passed for all who were out of range to bring up logs of wood and pile them
between themselves and the enemy, and when there was enough of these
they set them on fire; they also fired the houses along the trench-work itself,
so as to occupy the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with
difficulty, and escaped from the place by putting a fire between them and
the enemy; and the whole city was burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading,
and everything belonging to it except the citadel.
Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions; but
as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and narrow,
they laid a false ambuscade, and a Mysian, called after the name of his
nation (Mysus) (1), took ten of the Cretans and halted in some thick brushy
ground, where he made a feint of endeavouring to escape the notice of the
enemy. The glint of their light shields, which were of brass, now and again
gleamed through the brushwood. The enemy, seeing it all through the
thicket, were confirmed in their fears of an ambuscade. But the army
meanwhile was quietly making its descent; and when it appeared that they
had crept down far enough, the signal was given to the Mysian to flee as
fast as he could, and he, springing up, fled with his men. The rest of the
party, that is the Cretans, saying, "We are caught if we race," left the road
and plunged into a wood, and tumbling and rolling down the gullies were
saved. The Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which
they sent him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a
retreat themselves with their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of
missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen responded with their arrows.
In this way they all reached the camp in safety.

(1) Lit. "{Musos} (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and {Musos} (Mysus) by
name."

III
Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was
insufficient, and to get provisions longer was impossible, they resolved to
depart. On board the vessels they embarked the sick, and those above forty
years of age, with the boys and women, and all the baggage which the
solders were not absolutely forced to take for their own use. The two eldest
generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put in charge, and so the party
embarked, while the rest resumed their march, for the road was now
completely constructed. Continuing their march that day and the next, on
the third they reached Cerasus, a Hellenic city on the sea, and a colony of
Sinope, in the country of the Colchians. Here they halted ten days, and there
was a review and numbering of the troops under arms, when there were
found to be eight thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped; the rest
had perished at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else
disease.
At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the captives
sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the Ephesians was
divided between the generals, each of whom took a portion to guard for the
gods, Neon the Asinaean (1) taking on behalf of Cheirisophus.

(1) I.e. of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi.
situated on the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo,
however, speaks of another Asine near Gytheum, but possibly means
Las. See Arnold's note to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's "Dict. Geog.
(s.v.)"

Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory
offering to Apollo to be made and dedicated among the treasures of the
Athenians at Delphi (2). It was inscribed with his own name and that of
Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clearchus. The gift for Artemis of
the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by him in Asia at the
time when he left that part of the world himself with Agesilaus on the
march into Boeotia (3). He left it behind in charge of Megabyzus, the
sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the voyage on which he was starting
was fraught with danger. In the event of his coming out of it alive, he

charged Megabyzus to restore to him the deposit; but should any evil
happen to him, then he was to cause to be made and to dedicate on his
behalf to Artemis, whatsoever thing he thought would be pleasing to the
goddess.

(2) Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo. ix. 420 for such private treasuries at
Delphi.

(3) I.e. in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus
was recalled from Asia, with the details of his march and the
battle of Coronea, are described by Xenophon in the fourth book of
the "Hellenica."

In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by
the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus (4), a place which lies on the
main road to Olympia, Megabyzus arrived on his way to Olympia as a
spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the deposit. Xenophon
took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at a point
indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had its own Selinus
river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river Selinus flows past the
temple of Artemis, and in both streams fish and mussels are to be found. On
the estate at Scillus there is hunting and shooting of all the beasts of the
chase that are.

(4) Scillus, a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis. In B.C. 572 the
Eleians had razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C.
392 and 387 the Lacedaemonians, having previously (B.C. 400,
"Hell." III. ii. 30) compelled the Eleians to renounce their
supremacy over their dependent cities, colonised Scillus and
eventually gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from Athens.
Xenophon resided here from fifteen to twenty years, but was, it is
said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle of
Leuctra, in B.C. 371.—"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)" The site of the place,
and of Xenophon's temple, is supposed to be in the neighbourhood
of the modern village of Chrestena, or possibly nearer Mazi. To
reach Olympia, about 2 1/2 miles distant, one must cross the
Alpheus.

Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever after,
year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season and did sacrifice to
the goddess, while all the citizens and neighbours, men and women, shared
in the festival. The goddess herself provided for the banqueters meat and
loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with portions of the victims sacrificed
from the sacred pasture, as also of those which were slain in the chase; for
Xenophon's own lads, with the lads of the other citizens, always made a
hunting excursion against the festival day, in which any grown men who

liked might join. The game was captured partly from the sacred district
itself, partly from Pholoe (5), pigs and gazelles and stags. The place lies on
the direct road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty furlongs from
the temple of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure there is
meadow-land and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and
goats and cattle and horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the pilgrims
passing to the feast fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled by a grove of
cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is a
facsimile on a small scale of the great temple at Ephesus, and the image of
the goddess is like the golden statue at Ephesus, save only that it is made,
not of gold, but of cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column
bearing this inscription:—THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. HE
WHO HOLDS IT AND ENJOYS THE FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO
SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE PRODUCE. AND FROM THE
RESIDUE THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF ANY
MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF WILL
LOOK TO IT THAT THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP.

(5) Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of
Erymanthus, crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating
the waters of the Peneus and the Ladon from those of the Alpheus
—"Dict. Geog." (Elis).

IV
From Cerasus they continued the march, the same portion of the troops
being conveyed by sea as before, and the rest marching by land. When they
had reached the frontiers of the Mossynoecians (1) they sent to him
Timesitheus the Trapezuntine, who was the proxenos (2) of the
Mossynoecians, to inquire whether they were to pass through their territory
as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds, replied that they
would not give them passage. It was then that Timesitheus informed them
that the Mossynoecians on the farther side of the country were hostile to
these members of the tribe; and it was resolved to invite the former to make
an alliance, if they wished it. So Timesitheus was sent, and came back with
their chiefs. On their arrival there was a conference of the Mossynoecian
chiefs and the generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech
which Timesitheus interpreted. He said: "Men of the Mossynoecians, our
desire is to reach Hellas in safety; and since we have no vessels we must
needs go by foot, but these people who, as we hear, are your enemies,
prevent us. Will you take us for your allies? Now is your chance to exact
vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put upon you,
and for the future they will be your subjects; but if you send us about our
business, consider and ask yourselves from what quarter will you ever again
obtain so strong a force to help you?" To this the chief of the
Mossynoecians made answer:—that the proposal was in accordance with
their wishes and they welcomed the alliance. "Good," said Xenophon, "but
to what use do you propose to put us, if we become your allies? And what
will you in turn be able to do to assist our passage?" They replied: "We can
make an incursion into this country hostile to yourselves and us, from the
opposite side, and also send you ships and men to this place, who will aid
you in fighting and conduct you on the road."

(1) I.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94;
vii. 78. Cf. also Strabo, xi. 41.

(2) Or, "consul."

On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were gone. The next
day they returned, bringing three hundred canoes, each hollowed out of a
single trunk. There were three men in each, two of whom disembarked and
fell into rank, whilst the third remained. Then the one set took the boats and
sailed back again, whilst the other two-thirds who remained marshalled
themselves in the following way. They stood in rows of about a hundred
each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus, standing vis-a-vis to one another,
and all bearing wicker shields, made of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped
like an ivy leaf; in the right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits
long, with a lance in front, and rounded like a ball at the butt end of the
shaft.
Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to the knees and
in texture closely resembling that of a linen bedclothes' bag; on their heads
they wore leathern helmets just like the Paphlagonian helmet, with a tuft of
hair in the middle, as like a tiara in shape as possible. They carried
moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them gave, as it were, the key-note
and started, while the rest, taking up the strain and the step, followed
singing and marking time. Passing through the various corps and heavy
armed battalions of the Hellenes, they marched straight against the enemy,
to what appeared the most assailable of his fortresses. It was situated in
front of the city, or mother city, as it is called, which latter contains the high
citadel of the Mossynoecians. This citadel was the real bone of contention,
the occupants at any time being acknowledged as the masters of all the
other Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) had no right
to its possession; for the sake of self-aggrandisement they had seized what
was really common property.
Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not under the orders
of the generals, but for the sake of plunder. As they advanced, the enemy for
a while kept quiet; but as they got near the place, they made a sortie and
routed them, killing several of the barbarians as well as some of the
Hellenes who had gone up with them; and so pursued them until they saw
the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they turned round and made off,
first cutting off the heads of the dead men and flaunting them in the face of
the Hellenes and of their own private foes, dancing the while and singing in
a measured strain. But the Hellenes were much vexed to think that their
foes had only been rendered bolder, while the Hellenes who had formed
part of the expedition had turned tail and fled, in spite of their numbers; a

thing which had not happened previously during the whole expedition. So
Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as follows: "Soldiers,
do not in any wise be cast down by what has happened, be sure that good no
less than evil will be the result; for to begin with, you now know certainly
that those who are going to guide us are in very deed hostile to those with
whom necessity drives us to quarrel; and, in the next place, some of our
own body, these Hellenes who have made so light of orderly array and
conjoint action with ourselves, as though they must needs achieve in the
company of barbarians all they could with ourselves, have paid the penalty
and been taught a lesson, so that another time they will be less prone to
leave our ranks. But you must be prepared to show these friendly barbarians
that you are of a better sort, and prove to the enemy that battle with the
undisciplined is one thing, but with men like yourselves another."
Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next day they sacrificed
and finding the victims favourable, they breakfasted, formed the companies
into columns, and with their barbarians arranged in similar order on their
left, began their march. Between the companies were the archers only
slightly retired behind the front of the heavy infantry, on account of the
enemy's active light troops, who ran down and kept up volleys of stones.
These were held in check by the archers and peltasts; and steadily step by
step the mass marched on, first to the position from which the barbarians
and those with them had been driven two days back, and where the enemy
were now drawn up to meet them. Thus it came to pass that the barbarians
first grappled with the peltasts and maintained the battle until the heavy
infantry were close, when they turned and fled. The peltasts followed
without delay, and pursued them right up to their city, while the heavy
troops in unbroken order followed. As soon as they were up at the houses of
the capital, there and then the enemy, collecting all together in one strong
body, fought valiantly, and hurled their javelins, or else clenched their long
stout spears, almost too heavy for a man to wield, and did their best to ward
off the attack at close quarters.
But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing together
more thickly, the barbarians fled from this place also, and in a body
deserted the fortress. Their king, who sat in his wooden tower or mossyn,
built on the citadel (there he sits and there they maintain him, all at the
common cost, and guard him narrowly), refused to come forth, as did also
those in the fortress first taken, and so were burnt to a cinder where they

were, their mossyns, themselves, and all. The Hellenes, pillaging and
ransacking these places, discovered in the different houses treasures and
magazines of loaves, pile upon pile, "the ancestral stores," as the
Mossynoecians told them; but the new corn was laid up apart with the
straw-stalk and ear together, and this was for the most part spelt. Slices of
dolphin were another discovery, in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted
and pickled; and there was blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the
Mossynoecians used precisely as the Hellenes use oil. Then there were large
stores of nuts on the upper floor, the broad kind without a division (3). This
was also a chief article of food with them—boiled nuts and baked loaves.
Wine was also discovered. This, from its rough, dry quality, tasted sharp
when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and fragrant.

(3) I.e. "chestnuts."

The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their march, having
first delivered the stronghold to their allies among the Mossynoecians. As
for the other strongholds belonging to tribes allied with their foes, which
they passed en route, the most accessible were either deserted by their
inhabitants or gave in their adhesion voluntarily. The following description
will apply to the majority of them: the cities were on an average ten miles
apart, some more, some less; but so elevated is the country and intersected
by such deep clefts that if they chose to shout across to one another, their
cries would be heard from one city to another. When, in the course of their
march, they came upon a friendly population, these would entertain them
with exhibitions of fatted children belonging to the wealthy classes, fed up
on boiled chestnuts until they were as white as white can be, of skin plump
and delicate, and very nearly as broad as they were long, with their backs
variegated and their breasts tattooed with patterns of all sorts of flowers.
They sought after the women in the Hellenic army, and would fain have laid
with them openly in broad daylight, for that was their custom. The whole
community, male and female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-
skinned.
It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and outlandish people that
they had passed through on the whole expedition, and the furthest removed
from the Hellenic customs, doing in a crowd precisely what other people
would prefer to do in solitude, and when alone behaving exactly as others
would behave in company, talking to themselves and laughing at their own

expense, standing still and then again capering about, wherever they might
chance to be, without rhyme or reason, as if their sole business were to
show off to the rest of the world.

V
Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance might be, the
Hellenes marched, eight stages in all, and reached the Chalybes. These were
a people few in number, and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their livelihood
was for the most part derived from mining and forging iron.
Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the Tibarenians was
far more level, and their fortresses lay on the seaboard and were less strong,
whether by art or nature. The generals wanted to attack these places, so that
the army might get some pickings, and they would not accept the gifts of
hospitality which came in from the Tibarenians, but bidding them wait till
they had taken counsel, they proceeded to offer sacrifice. After several
abortive attempts, the seers at last pronounced an opinion that the gods in
no wise countenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and
marching through what was now recognised as a friendly country, in two
days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic city, and a colony of Sinope, albeit
situated in the territory of the Tibarenians (1).

(1) The MSS. here read, "Up to this point the expedition was conducted
on land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field
near Babylon down to Cotyora amounted to one hundred and
twenty-two stages—that is to say, six hundred and twenty
parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if measured in time, an
eight months' march." The words are probably the note of some
editor or commentator, though it is quite likely that the author
himself may have gone through such calculations and even have
inserted them as a note to his text.

Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of all sacrificed
to the gods, and instituted processions, each set of the Hellenes according to
their several tribes, with gymnastic contests. Provisions they got in
meanwhile, partly from Paphlagonia, partly from the estates of the
Cotyorites, for the latter would neither provide them a market nor receive
their sick within their walls.
Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, not only for
the Cotyorites and their city, which belonged to Sinope, and brought in
tribute, but also for the territory which, as they had heard, was being
pillaged. Accordingly they came to the camp and made a speech.

Hecatonymus, who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their
spokesman: "Soldiers," he said, "the city of the Sinopeans has sent us to
offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and congratulations on your
victories over the barbarians; and next, to express our joyful satisfaction
that you have surmounted all those terrible sufferings of which we have
heard, and have reached this place in safety. As Hellenes we claim to
receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes, kindness and not harm. We have
certainly not ourselves set you an example heretofore of evil treatment.
Now the Cotyorites are our colonists. It was we who gave them this country
to dwell in, having taken it from the barbarians; for which reason also they,
with the men of Cerasus and Trapezus, pay us an appointed tribute. So that,
whatever mischief you inflict on the men of Cotyora, the city of Sinope
takes as personal to herself. At the present time we hear that you have made
forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are quartered in the houses,
besides taking forcibly from the Cotyorite estates whatever you need, by
hook and by crook. Now against these things we enter protest. If you mean
to go on so doing, you will drive us to make friends with Corylas and the
Paphlagonians, or any one else we can find."
To meet these charges Xenophon, on behalf of the soldiers, rose and said:
"As to ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so far, we are well content to
have saved our bodies and our arms. Indeed it was impossible at one and
the same moment to keep our enemies at bay and to despoil them of their
goods and chattels. And now, since we have reached Hellenic cities, how
has it fared with us? At Trapezus they gave us a market, and we paid for our
provisions at a fair market price. In return for the honour they did us, and
the gifts of hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with honour.
Where the barbarian was friendly to them, we stayed our hands from injury;
or under their escort, we did damage to their enemies to the utmost of our
power. Ask them, what sort of people they found us. They are here, some of
them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow-citizens and the state of
Trapezus, for friendship's sake, have sent them with us to act as our guides.
"But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and find no
market for provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, not out of insolence
but from necessity. There have been tribes like the Carduchians, the
Taochians, the Chaldaeans, which, albeit they were not subject to the great
king, yet were no less formidable than independent. These we had to bring
over by our arms. The necessity of getting provisions forced us; since they

refused to offer us a market. Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in
spite of their being barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because
they did provide us with the best market in their power, and we took no
single thing of theirs by force. But, to come to these Cotyorites, whom you
claim to be your people, if we have taken aught from them, they have
themselves to blame, for they did not deal with us as friends, but shut their
gates in our faces. They would neither welcome us within nor furnish us
with a market without. The only justification they alleged was that your
governor (2) had authorised this conduct.

(2) Lit. "harmost". The term, denoting properly a governor of the
islands and foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during
their supremacy, came, it would seem, to be adopted by other Greek
communities under somewhat similar circumstances. Cotyora receives
a harmost from her mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies
here mentioned, see Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Engl. tr., Mr.
G. A. Macmillan), p. 63.

"As to your assertion," he continued, turning to Hecatonymus, "that we
have got in by force and have taken up quarters, this is what we did. We
requested them to receive our sick and wounded under cover; and when
they refused to open their gates, we walked in where the place itself invited
us. All the violence we have committed amounts to this, that our sick folk
are quartered under cover, paying for their expenses, and we keep a sentry
at the gates, so that our sick and wounded may not lie at the mercy of your
governor, but we may have it in our power to remove them whenever we
like. The rest of us, you observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven,
in regular rank and file, and we are ready to requite kindness with kindness,
but to repel evil vigorously. And as for your threat," he said, once again
turning to the spokesman, "that you will, if it suits you, make alliance with
Corylas and the Paphlagonians to attack us, for our part, we have no
objection to fighting both sets of you, if so be we must; we have already
fought others many times more numerous than you. Besides, 'if it suits us,'
as you put it, to make the Paphlagonian our friend (report says that he has a
hankering after your city and some other places on the seaboard), we can
enhance the value of our friendship by helping to win for him what he
covets."
Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their annoyance with
Hecatonymus, on account of the style of his remarks, and one of them stept
forward to explain that their intention in coming was not at all to raise a

war, but on the contrary to demonstrate their friendliness. "And if you come
to Sinope itself," the speaker continued, "we will welcome you there with
gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will enjoin upon the citizens of this place
to give you what they can; for we can see that every word of what you say
is true." Thereupon the Cotyorites sent gifts of hospitality, and the generals
of the Hellenes entertained the ambassadors of the Sinopeans. Many and
friendly were the topics of conversation; freely flowed the talk on things in
general; and, in particular, both parties were able to make inquiries and
satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the march.

VI
Such was the conclusion of that day. On the following day the generals
summoned an assembly of the soldiers, when it was resolved to invite the
men of Sinope, and to take advice with them touching the remainder of the
journey. In the event of their having to continue it on foot, the Sinopeans
through their acquaintance with Paphlagonia would be useful to them;
while, if they had to go by sea, the services of the same people would be at
a premium; for who but they could furnish ships sufficient for the army?
Accordingly, they summoned their ambassadors, and took counsel with
them, begging them, on the strength of the sacred ties which bind Hellenes
to Hellenes, to inaugurate the good reception they had spoken of, by present
kindliness and their best advice.
Hecatonymus rose and wished at once to offer an apology with regard to
what he had said about the possibility of making friends with the
Paphlagonians. "The words were not intended," he said, "to convey a threat,
as though they were minded to go to war with the Hellenes, but as meaning
rather: albeit we have it in our power to be friendly with the barbarians, we
will choose the Hellenes." Then, being urged to aid them by some advice,
with a pious ejaculation, he commenced: "If I bestow upon you the best
counsel I am able, God grant that blessings in abundance may descend on
me; but if the contrary, may evil betide me! 'Sacred counsel (1),' as the
saying goes—well, sirs, if ever the saying held, it should hold I think to-
day; when, if I be proved to have given you good counsel, I shall not lack
panegyrists, or if evil, your imprecations will be many-tongued.

(1) Cf. Plato, "Theages," 122.

"As to trouble, I am quite aware, we shall have much more trouble if you
are conveyed by sea, for we must provide the vessels; whereas, if you go by
land, all the fighting will evolve on you. Still, let come what may, it
behoves me to state my views. I have an intimate acquaintance with the
country of the Paphlagonians and their power. The country possesses the
two features of hill and vale, that is to say, the fairest plains and the highest
mountains. To begin with the mountains, I know the exact point at which

you must make your entry. It is precisely where the horns of a mountain
tower over both sides of the road. Let the merest handful of men occupy
these and they can hold the pass with ease; for when that is done not all the
enemies in the world could effect a passage. I could point out the whole
with my finger, if you like to send any one with me to the scene.
"So much for the mountain barrier. But the next thing I know is that there
are plains and a cavalry which the barbarians themselves hold to be superior
to the entire cavalry of the great king. Why, only the other day these people
refused to present themselves to the summons of the king; their chief is too
proud for that.
"But now, supposing you were able to seize the mountain barrier, by
stealth, or expedition, before the enemy could stop you; supposing further,
you were able to win an engagement in the plain against not only their
cavalry but their more than one hundred and twenty thousand infantry—you
will only find yourself face to face with rivers, a series of them. First the
Thermodon, three hundred feet broad, which I take it will be difficult to
pass, especially with a host of foes in front and another following behind.
Next comes the Iris river, three hundred feet broad; and thirdly, the Halys,
at least two furlongs broad, which you could not possibly cross without
vessels, and who is going to supply you with vessels? In the same way too
the Parthenius is impassable, which you will reach if you cross the Halys.
For my part, then, I consider the land-journey, I will not say difficult, but
absolutely impossible for you. Whereas if you go by sea, you can coast
along from here to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea. From Heraclea
onwards there is no difficulty, whether by land or by sea; for there are
plenty of vessels at Heraclea."
After he had finished his remarks, some of his hearers thought they
detected a certain bias in them. He would not have spoken so, but for his
friendship with Corylas, whose official representative he was. Others
guessed he had an itching palm, and that he was hoping to receive a present
for his "sacred advice." Others again suspected that his object was to
prevent their going by foot and doing some mischief to the country of the
Sinopeans. However that might be, the Hellenes voted in favour of
continuing the journey by sea. After this Xenophon said: "Sinopeans, the
army has chosen that method of procedure which you advise, and thus the
matter stands. If there are sure to be vessels enough to make it impossible

for a single man to be left behind, go by sea we will; but if part of us are to
be left while part go by sea, we will not set foot on board the vessels. One
fact we plainly recognise, strength is everything to us. So long as we have
the mastery, we shall be able to protect ourselves and get provisions; but if
we are once caught at the mercy of our foes, it is plain, we shall be reduced
to slavery." On hearing this the ambassadors bade them send an embassy,
which they did, to wit, Callimachus the Arcadian, and Ariston the Athenian,
and Samolas the Achaean.
So these set off, but meanwhile a thought shaped itself in the mind of
Xenophon, as there before his eyes lay that vast army of Hellene hoplites,
and that other array of peltasts, archers, and slingers, with cavalry to boot,
and all in a state of thorough efficiency from long practice, hardened
veterans, and all collected in Pontus, where to raise so large a force would
cost a mint of money. Then the idea dawned upon him: how noble an
opportunity to acquire new territory and power for Hellas, by the founding
of a colony—a city of no mean size, moreover, said he to himself, as he
reckoned up their own numbers—and besides themselves a population
planted on the shores of Pontus. Thereupon he summoned Silanus the
Ambraciot, the soothsayer of Cyrus above mentioned, and before breathing
a syllable to any of the soldiers, he consulted the victims by sacrifice.
But Silanus, in apprehension lest these ideas might embody themselves,
and the army be permanently halted at some point or other, set a tale going
among the men, to the effect that Xenophon was minded to detain the army
and found a city in order to win himself a name and acquire power, Silanus
himself being minded to reach Hellas with all possible speed, for the simple
reason that he had still got the three thousand darics presented to him by
Cyrus on the occasion of the sacrifice when he hit the truth so happily about
the ten days. Silanus's story was variously received, some few of the
soldiers thinking it would be an excellent thing to stay in that country; but
the majority were strongly averse. The next incident was that Timasion the
Dardanian, with Thorax the Boeotian, addressed themselves to some
Heracleot and Sinopean traders who had come to Cotyora, and told them
that if they did not find means to furnish the army with pay sufficient to
keep them in provisions on the homeward voyage, all that great force would
most likely settle down permanently in Pontus. "Xenophon has a pet idea,"
they continued, "which he urges upon us. We are to wait until the ships
come, and then we are suddenly to turn round to the army and say:

'Soldiers, we now see the straits we are in, unable to keep ourselves in
provisions on the return voyage, or to make our friends at home a little
present at the end of our journey. But if you like to select some place on the
inhabited seaboard of the Black Sea which may take your fancy and there
put in, this is open to you to do. Those who like to go home, go; those who
care to stay here, stay. You have got vessels now, so that you can make a
sudden pounce upon any point you choose.'"
The merchants went off with this tale and reported it to every city they
came to in turn, nor did they go alone, but Timasion the Dardanian sent a
fellow-citizen of his own, Eurymachus, with the Boeotian Thorax, to repeat
the same story. So when it reached the ears of the men of Sinope and the
Heracleots, they sent to Timasion and pressed him to accept of a gratuity, in
return for which he was to arrange for the departure of the troops. Timasion
was only too glad to hear this, and he took the opportunity when the
soldiers were convened in meeting to make the following remarks:
"Soldiers," he said, "do not set your thoughts on staying here; let Hellas,
and Hellas only, be the object of your affection, for I am told that certain
persons have been sacrificing on this very question, without saying a word
to you. Now I can promise you, if you once leave these waters, to furnish
you with regular monthly pay, dating from the first of the month, at the rate
of one cyzicene (2) a head per month. I will bring you to the Troad, from
which part I am an exile, and my own state is at your service. They will
receive me with open arms. I will be your guide personally, and I will take
you to places where you will get plenty of money. I know every corner of
the Aeolid, and Phrygia, and the Troad, and indeed the whole satrapy of
Pharnabazus, partly because it is my birthplace, partly from campaigns in
that region with Clearchus and Dercylidas (3)."

(2) A cyzicene stater = twenty-eight silver drachmae of Attic money
B.C. 335, in the time of Demosthenes; but, like the daric, this
gold coin would fluctuate in value relatively to silver. It
contained more grains of gold than the daric.

(3) Of Dercylidas we hear more in the "Hellenica." In B.C. 411 he was
harmost at Abydos; in B.C. 399 he superseded Thimbron in Asia
Minor; and was himself superseded by Agesilaus in B.C. 396.

No sooner had he ceased than up got Thorax the Boeotian. This was a
man who had a standing battle with Xenophon about the generalship of the
army. What he said was that, if they once got fairly out of the Euxine, there

was the Chersonese, a beautiful and prosperous country, where they could
settle or not, as they chose. Those who liked could stay; and those who
liked could return to their homes; how ridiculous then, when there was so
much territory in Hellas and to spare, to be poking about (4) in the land of
the barbarian. "But until you find yourselves there," he added, "I, no less
than Timasion, can guarantee you regular pay." This he said, knowing what
promises had been made Timasion by the men of Heraclea and Sinope to
induce them to set sail.

(4) The word {masteuein} occurs above, and again below, and in other
writings of our author. It is probably Ionic or old Attic, and
occurs in poetry.

Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got Philesius and Lycon,
two Achaeans: "It was monstrous," they said, "that Xenophon should be
privately persuading people to stop there, and consulting the victims for that
end, without letting the army into the secret, or breathing a syllable in
public about the matter." When it came to this, Xenophon was forced to get
up, and speak as follows: "Sirs, you are well aware that my habit is to
sacrifice at all times; whether in your own behalf or my own, I strive in
every thought, word, and deed to be directed as is best for yourselves and
for me. And in the present instance my sole object was to learn whether it
were better even so much as to broach the subject, and so take action, or to
have absolutely nothing to do with the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer
assured me by his answer of what was the main point: 'the victims were
favourable.' No doubt Silanus knew that I was not unversed myself in his
lore, as I have so often assisted at the sacrifice; but he added that there were
symptoms in the victims of some guile or conspiracy against me. That was a
happy discovery on his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at the
moment to traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale going
that I had actually made up my mind to carry out these projects without
procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if I saw that you were in any
difficulties, I should set myself to discover how you might capture a city, on
the understanding of course that all who wished might sail away at once,
leaving those who did not wish, to follow at a later date, with something
perhaps in their pockets to benefit their friends at home. Now, however, as I
see that the men of Heraclea and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you
to sail away, and more than one person guarantees to give you regular
monthly pay, it is, I admit, a rare chance to be safely piloted to the haven of

our hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our preservation. For
myself I have done with that dream, and to those, who came to me to urge
these projects, my advice is to have done with them. In fact, this is my view.
As long as you stay together united as to-day, you will command respect
and procure provisions; for might certainly exercises a right over what
belongs to the weaker. But once broken up, with your force split into bits,
you will neither be able to get subsistence, nor indeed will you get off
without paying dearly for it. In fact, my resolution coincides precisely with
yours. It is that we should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops behind, or
is caught deserting before the whole army is in safety, let him be judged as
an evil-doer. Pray let all who are in favour of this proposition hold up their
hands."
They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and vainly striving to
maintain the right of departure for all who liked to depart. But the soldiers
would not suffer him, threatening him that if he were himself caught
attempting to run away they would inflict the aforesaid penalty. After this,
when the Heracleots learned that the departure by sea was resolved upon,
and that the measure itself emanated from Xenophon, they sent the vessels
indeed; but as to the money which they had promised to Timasion and
Thorax as pay for the soldiers, they were not as good as their word, in fact
they cheated them both. Thus the two who had guaranteed regular monthly
pay were utterly confounded, and stood in terror of the soldiers. What they
did then, was to take to them the other generals to whom they had
communicated their former transactions (that is to say, all except Neon the
Asniaean, who, as lieutenant-general, was acting for Cheirisophus during
his continued absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and
said that their views were changed. As they had now got the ships, they
thought it best to sail to the Phasis, and seize the territory of the Phasians
(whose present king was a descendant of Aeetes (5)). Xenophon's reply was
curt:—Not one syllable would he have to say himself to the army in this
matter, "But," he added, "if you like, you can summon an assembly and
have your say." Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set forth as his opinion:
—It were best to hold no parliament at present, but first to go and
conciliate, each of them, his own officers. Thus they went away and
proceeded to execute their plans.

(5) Aeetes is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical times
onwards; e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes.

VII
Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in course of agitation, and
Neon gave out that Xenophon had persuaded the other generals to adopt his
views, and had a plan to cheat the soldiers and take them back to the Phasis.
The soldiers were highly indignant; meetings were held; little groups
gathered ominously; and there seemed an alarming probability that they
would repeat the violence with which they had lately treated the heralds of
the Colchians and the clerks of the market; when all who did not save
themselves by jumping into the sea were stoned to death. So Xenophon,
seeing what a storm was brewing, resolved to anticipate matters so far as to
summon a meeting of the men without delay, and thus prevent their
collecting of their own accord, and he ordered the herald to announce an
assembly. The voice of the herald was no sooner heard than they rushed
with great readiness to the place of meeting. Then Xenophon, without
accusing the generals of having come to him, made the following speech: "I
hear that a charge is brought against me. It is I apparently who am going to
cheat you and carry you off to Phasis. I beg you by all that is holy to listen
to me; and if there be found any guilt in me, let me not leave this place till I
have paid the penalty of my misdoing; but if my accusers are found guilty,
treat them as they deserve. I presume, sirs, you know where the sun rises
and where he sets, and that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey
towards the sunset; whereas he who seeks the land of the barbarian must
contrariwise fix his face towards the dawn. Now is that a point in which a
man might hope to cheat you? Could any one make you believe that the sun
rises here and sets there, or that he sets here and rises there? And doubtless
you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who bears the mariner
out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind inwards towards the
Phasis, whence the saying—

"'When the North wind doth blow
Home to Hellas we will go (1).'

(1) Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The
words have a poetical ring about them: "When Borrhas blows, fair
voyages to Hellas."

"He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into embarking with
a south wind blowing. That sounds all very well, you think, only I may get
you on board during a calm. Granted, but I shall be on board my one ship,
and you on board another hundred at least, and how am I to constrain you to
voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery shall I carry you off?
But I will imagine you so far befooled and bewitched by me, that I have got
you to the Phasis; we proceed to disembark on dry land. At last it will come
out, that wherever you are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor of the
trick will be one sole man, and you who have been caught by it will number
something like ten thousand with swords in your hands. I do not know how
a man could better ensure his own punishment than by embarking on such a
policy with regards to himself and you.
"Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are jealous of the
honour you bestow on me. A most uncalled-for jealousy! Do I hinder any of
them from speaking any word of import in his power? of striking a blow in
your behalf and his own, if that is his choice? or, finally, of keeping his eyes
and ears open to secure your safety? What is it? In your choice of leaders do
I stand in the way of any one, is that it? Let him step forward, I yield him
place; he shall be your general; only he must prove that he has your good at
heart.
"For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of you conceive
either that he himself could be the victim of a fraud, or that he could
victimise any one else in such a thing as this, let him open his lips and
explain to us how. Take your time, but when you have sifted the matter to
your hearts' content, do not go away without suffering me to tell you of
something which I see looming. If it should burst upon us and prove in fact
anything like what it gives signs of being now, it is time for us to take
counsel for ourselves and see that we do not prove ourselves to be the worst
and basest of men in the sight of gods and men, be they friends or be they
foes." The words moved the curiosity of the soldiers. They marvelled what
this matter might be, and bade him explain. Thereupon he began again:
"You will not have forgotten certain places in the hills—barbaric fastnesses,
but friendly to the Cerasuntines—from which people used to come down
and sell us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I
mistake not, some of you went to the nearest of these places and made
purchases in the market and came back again. Clearetus the captain learnt
of this place, that it was but a little one and unguarded. Why should it be

guarded since it was friendly? so the folk thought. Thus he stole upon it in
the dead of night, and meant to sack it without saying a word to any of us.
His design was, if he took the place, not to return again to the army, but to
mount a vessel which, with his messmates on board her, was sailing past at
the time, and stowing away what he had seized, to set sail and begone
beyond the Euxine. All this had been agreed upon and arranged with his
comrades on board the vessel, as I now discover. Accordingly, he
summoned to his side all whom he could persuade, and set off at their head
against the little place. But dawn overtook him on his march. The men
collected out of their strongholds, and whether from a distance or close
quarters, made such a fight that they killed Clearetus and a good many of
the rest, and only a few of them got safe back to Cerasus.
"These things took place on the day on which we started to come hither
on foot; while some of those who were to go by sea were still at Cerasus,
not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, according to what the
Cerasuntines state, there arrived three inhabitants of the place which had
been attacked; three elderly men, seeking an interview with our public
assembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to the men of Cerasus,
and told them, they were astonished that we should have thought it right to
attack them; however, when, as the Cerasuntines assert, they had assured
them that the occurrence was not authorised by public consent, they were
pleased, and proposed to sail here, not only to state to us what had occurred,
but to offer that those who were interested should take up and bury the
bodies of the slain.
"But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of those who had
escaped. They found out in which direction the barbarians were minded to
go, and not only had the face themselves to pelt them with stones, but
vociferously encouraged their neighbours to do the same. The three men—
ambassadors, mark you—were slain, stoned to death. After this occurrence,
the men of Cerasus came to us and reported the affair, and we generals, on
being informed, were annoyed at what had taken place, and took counsel
with the Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the Hellenes might be buried.
While seated in conclave outside the camp, we suddenly were aware of a
great hubbub. We heard cries: 'Cut them down!' 'Shoot them!' 'Stone them!'
and presently we caught sight of a mass of people racing towards us with
stones in their hands, and others picking them up. The Cerasuntines,
naturally enough, considering the incident they had lately witnessed, retired

in terror to their vessels, and, upon my word, some of us did not feel too
comfortable. All I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all meant.
Some of them had not the slightest notion, although they had stones in their
hands, but chancing on some one who was better informed, I was told by
him that 'the clerks of the market were treating the army most scandalously.'
Just then some one got sight of the market clerk, Zelarchus, making his way
off towards the sea, and lifted up his voice aloud, and the rest responding to
the cry as if a wild boar or a stag had been started, they rushed upon him.
"The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought that, without
a doubt, it was directed against themselves, and fled with all speed and
threw themselves into the sea, in which proceeding they were imitated by
some few of our own men, and all who did not know how to swim were
drowned. But now, what do you think of their case, these men of Cerasus?
They had done no wrong. They were simply afraid that some madness had
seized us, like that to which dogs are liable.
"I say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of the day, you had
better consider what the ultimate condition of the army is like to be. As a
body you will not have it in your power to undertake war against whom you
like, or to conclude peace. But in private any one who chooses will conduct
the army on any quest which takes his fancy. And when ambassadors come
to you to demand peace, or whatever it may be, officious people will put
them to death and prevent your hearing the proposals which brought them
to you. The next step will be that those whom you as a body may choose as
generals will be of no account; but any one who likes to elect himself
general, and will adopt the formula 'Shoot him! shoot him!' will be
competent to cut down whomsoever he pleases untried, be it general or
private soldier, if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just
now. But just consider what these self-appointed generals have achieved for
you. Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may possibly have done you a
wrong; if so, he has sailed off and is gone without paying you any penalty;
or he may be guiltless, in which case we have driven him from the army in
terror of perishing unjustly without a trial. While those who stoned the
ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we alone of all Hellenes cannot
approach Cerasus safely without a strong force, and the corpses which the
very men who slew them themselves invited us to bury, we cannot now pick
up with safety even under a flag of truce. Who indeed would care to carry a

flag of truce, or go as a herald with the blood of heralds upon his hands? All
we could do was to implore the Cerasuntines to bury them.
"If then you approve of such doings, have a resolution passed to that
effect, so that, with a prospect of like occurrences in the future, a man may
privately set up a guard and do his best to fix his tent where he can find a
strong position with a commanding site. If, however, these seem to you to
be the deeds rather of wild beasts than of human beings, bethink you of
some means by which to stay them; or else, in heaven's name, how shall we
do sacrifice to the gods gladly, with impious deeds to answer for? or how
shall we, who lay the knife to each other's throats, give battle to our
enemies? What friendly city will receive us when they see rampant
lawlessness in our midst? Who will have the courage to afford us a market,
when we prove our worthlessness in these weightiest concerns? and what
becomes of the praise we expect to win from the mouths of men? who will
vouchsafe it to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we not ourselves bestow
the worst of names on the perpetrators of like deeds?"
After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the ringleaders in
these matters should be punished; and that for the future, to set an example
of lawlessness should be forbidden. Every such ringleader was to be
prosecuted on the capital charge; the generals were to bring all offenders to
the bar of justice; prosecutions for all other misdemeanours committed
since the death of Cyrus were to be instituted; and they ended by
constituting the officers into a board of dicasts (2); and upon the strong
representation of Xenophon, with the concurrence of the soothsayers, it was
resolved to purify the army, and this purification was made.

(2) I.e. a board of judges or jurors.

VIII
It was further resolved that the generals themselves should undergo a
judicial examination in reference to their conduct in past time. In course of
investigation, Philesius and Xanthicles respectively were condemned to pay
a sum of twenty minae, to meet a deficiency to that amount incurred during
the guardianship of the cargoes of the merchantmen. Sophaenetus was fined
ten minae for inadequate performance of his duty as one of the chief
officers selected. Against Xenophon a charge was brought by certain
people, who asserted that they had been beaten by him, and framed the
indictment as one of personal outrage with violence (1). Xenophon got up
and demanded that the first speaker should state "where and when it was he
had received these blows." The other, so challenged, answered, "When we
were perishing of cold and there was a great depth of snow." Xenophon
said: "Upon my word, with weather such as you describe, when our
provisions had run out, when the wine could not even be smelt, when
numbers were dropping down dead beat, so acute was the suffering, with
the enemy close on our heels; certainly, if at such a season as that I was
guilty of outrage, I plead guilty to being a more outrageous brute than the
ass, which is too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I wish you would
tell us," said he, "what led to my striking you. Did I ask you for something
and, on your refusing it to me, did I proceed to beat you? Was it a debt, for
which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some boy or other? Was I
the worse for liquor, and behaving like a drunkard?" When the man met
each of these questions with a negative, he questioned him further: "Are
you a heavy infantry soldier?" "No," said he. "A peltast, then?" "No, nor yet
a peltast"; but he had been ordered by his messmates to drive a mule,
although he was a free man. Then at last he recognised him, and inquired:
"Are you the fellow who carried home the sick man?" "Yes, I am," said he,
"thanks to your driving; and you made havoc of my messmates' kit."
"Havoc!" said Xenophon: "Nay, I distributed it; some to one man, some to
another to carry, and bade them bring the things safely to me; and when I
got them back I delivered them all safely to you, and you, on your side, had

rendered an account to me of the man. Let me tell you," he continued,
turning to the court, "what the circumstances were; it is worth hearing:—

(1) See the "Dict. of Antiq." 622 a. HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of
common assaults as opposed to indecent assault, the prosecution
seems to have been allowable only when the object of a wanton
attack was a free person. Cf. Arist. "Rhet." ii. 24.

"A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther; I recognised the
poor fellow sufficiently to see that he was one of ours, and I forced you, sir,
to carry him to save his life. For if I am not much mistaken, the enemy were
close at our heels?" The fellow assented to this. "Well then," said
Xenophon, "after I had sent you forward, I overtook you again, as I came
up with the rearguard; you were digging a trench with intent to bury the
man; I pulled up and said something in commendation; as we stood by the
poor fellow twitched his leg, and the bystanders all cried out, 'Why, the
man's alive!' Your remark was: 'Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to
carry him' Then I struck you. Yes! you are right, for it looked very much as
if you knew him to be alive." "Well," said he, "was he any the less dead
when I reported him to you?" "Nay," retorted Xenophon, "by the same
token we shall all one day be dead, but that is no reason why meantime we
should all be buried alive?" Then there was a general shout: "If Xenophon
had given the fellow a few more blows, it might have been better." The
others were now called upon to state the grounds on which they had been
beaten in each case; but when they refused to get up, he proceeded to state
them himself.
"I confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in discipline.
These were men who were quite content to owe their safety to us. Whilst
the rest of the world marched on in rank and did whatever fighting had to be
done, they preferred to leave the ranks, and rush forward to loot and enrich
themselves at our expense. Now, if this conduct were to be the rule, general
ruin would be the result. I do not deny that I have given blows to this man
or the other who played the poltroon and refused to get up, helplessly
abandoning himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to march on. For
once in the severe wintry weather I myself happened to sit down for a long
time, whilst waiting for a party who were getting their kit together, and I
discovered how difficult it was to get up again and stretch one's legs. After
this personal experience, whenever I saw any one else seated in slack and
lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere movement and effort to play

the man caused warmth and moisture, whereas it was plain that sitting down
and keeping quiet helped the blood to freeze and the toes to mortify,
calamities which really befell several of the men, as you yourselves are
aware.
"I can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping behind,
merely to rest for rest's sake, and hindering you in front and us behind alike
from pressing on the march. If he got a blow with the fist from me it saved
him a thrust with the lance from the enemy. In fact, the opportunity they
enjoy to-day of taking vengeance on me for any treatment which I put upon
them wrongfully, is derived from their salvation then; whereas, if they had
fallen into the enemy's hands, let them ask themselves for what outrage,
however great, they could expect to get satisfaction now. My defence," he
continued, "is simple: if I chastised any one for his own good, I claim to
suffer the same penalties as parents pay their children or masters their boys.
Does not the surgeon also cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you
really believe that these acts are the outcome of wanton insolence, I beg you
to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am heartier than formerly, I
wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink more wine, yet I never strike
a soul; no, for I see that you have reached smooth water. When storm arises,
and a great sea strikes the vessel amidships, a mere shake of the head will
make the look-out man furious with the crew in the forecastle, or the
helmsman with the men in the stern sheets, for at such a crisis even a slight
slip may ruin everything. But I appeal to your own verdict, already
recorded, in proof that I was justified in striking these men. You stood by,
sirs, with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in your
power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest truth, you
neither aided them nor did you join me in striking the disorderly. In other
words, you enabled any evilly-disposed person among them to give rein to
his wantonness by your passivity. For if you will be at pains to investigate,
you will find that those who were then most cowardly are the ringleaders
to-day in brutality and outrage.
"There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle he fought then to
escape carrying his shield! so tired was he, and to-day I am told he has
stripped several citizens of Cotyora of the clothes on their backs. If then
you are wise, you will treat this personage in a way the contrary to that in
which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied up on the day and loosed at

night, but if you are wise you will tie this fellow up at night and only let
him loose in the day.
"But really," he added, "it does surprise me with what keenness you
remember and recount the times when I incurred the hatred of some one;
but some other occasions when I eased the burden of winter and storm for
any of you, or beat off an enemy, or helped to minister to you in sickness
and want, not a soul of you remembers these. Or when for any noble deed
done by any of you I praised the doer, and according to my ability did
honour to this brave man or that; these things have slipped from your
memories, and are clean forgotten. Yet it were surely more noble, just, and
holy, sweeter and kindlier to treasure the memory of good rather than of
evil."
He ended, and then one after another of the assembly got up and began
recalling incidents of the kind suggested, and things ended not so
unpleasantly after all.

BOOK VI

I
After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies from the market,
partly on the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. The Paphlagonians, on their
side, showed much skill in kidnapping stragglers, wherever they could lay
hands on them, and in the night time tried to do mischief to those whose
quarters were at a distance from the camp. The result was that their relations
to one another were exceedingly hostile, so much so that Corylas, who was
the chief of Paphlagonia at that date, sent ambassadors to the Hellenes,
bearing horses and fine apparel, and charged with a proposal on the part of
Corylas to make terms with the Hellenes on the principle of mutual
forbearance from injuries. The generals replied that they would consult with
the army about the matter. Meanwhile they gave them a hospitable
reception, to which they invited certain members of the army whose claims
were obvious. They sacrificed some of the captive cattle and other
sacrificial beasts, and with these they furnished forth a sufficiently festal
entertainment, and reclining on their truckle beds, fell to eating and
drinking out of beakers made of horn which they happened to find in the
country.
But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung the hymn, up got
first some Thracians, who performed a dance under arms to the sound of a
pipe, leaping high into the air with much nimbleness, and brandishing their
swords, till at last one man struck his fellow, and every one thought he was
really wounded, so skilfully and artistically did he fall, and the
Paphlagonians screamed out. Then he that gave the blow stripped the other
of his arms, and marched off chanting the "Sitalcas (1)," whilst others of the
Thracians bore off the other, who lay as if dead, though he had not received
even a scratch.

(1) I.e. the national Thracian hymn; for Sitalcas the king, a national
hero, see Thuc. ii. 29.

After this some Aenianians (2) and Magnesians got up and fell to dancing
the Carpaea, as it is called, under arms. This was the manner of the dance:
one man lays aside his arms and proceeds to drive a yoke of oxen, and

while he drives he sows, turning him about frequently, as though he were
afraid of something; up comes a cattle-lifter, and no sooner does the
ploughman catch sight of him afar, than he snatches up his arms and
confronts him. They fight in front of his team, and all in rhythm to the
sound of the pipe. At last the robber binds the countryman and drives off the
team. Or sometimes the cattle-driver binds the robber, and then he puts him
under the yoke beside the oxen, with his two hands tied behind his back,
and off he drives.

(2) The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of
the Sperchius (the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata.
These men belonged to the army collected by Menon, the Thessalian.
So, doubtless, did the Magnesians, another Aeolian tribe occupying
the mountainous coast district on the east of Thessaly. See
Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Macmillan's tr.), chap. vi.. 161,
170.

After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either hand and danced,
at one time going through a pantomime, as if he were dealing with two
assailants at once; at another plying his shields as if to face a single foe, and
then again he would whirl about and throw somersaults, keeping the shields
in his hands, so that it was a beautiful spectacle. Last of all he danced the
Persian dance, clashing the shields together, crouching down on one knee
and springing up again from earth; and all this he did in measured time to
the sound of the flute. After him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and
some other Arcadians also stood up; they had accoutred themselves in all
their warlike finery. They marched with measured tread, pipes playing, to
the tune of the 'warrior's march (3)'; the notes of the paean rose, lightly their
limbs moved in dance, as in solemn procession to the holy gods. The
Paphlagonians looked upon it as something truly strange that all these
dances should be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing their astonishment
persuaded one of the Arcadians who had got a dancing girl to let him
introduce her, which he did after dressing her up magnificently and giving
her a light shield. When, lithe of limb, she danced the Pyrrhic (4), loud
clapping followed; and the Paphlagonians asked, "If these women fought by
their side in battle?" to which they answered, "To be sure, it was the women
who routed the great King, and drove him out of camp." So ended the night.

(3) See Plato, "Rep." 400 B, for this "war measure"; also Aristoph.
"Clouds," 653.

(4) For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan)

origin, see Smith's "Dict. of Antiquities," "Saltatio"; also Guhl
and Koner, "The Life of the Greeks and Romans," Eng. tr.

But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the army, and the
soldiers passed a resolution in the sense proposed: between themselves and
the Paphlagonians there was to be a mutual abstinence from injuries. After
this the ambassadors went on their way, and the Hellenes, as soon as it was
thought that sufficient vessels had arrived, went on board ship, and voyaged
a day and a night with a fair breeze, keeping Paphlagonia on their left. And
on the following day, arriving at Sinope, they came to moorings in the
harbour of Harmene, near Sinope (5). The Sinopeans, though inhabitants of
Paphlagonia, are really colonists of the Milesians. They sent gifts of
hospitality to the Hellenes, three thousand measures of barley with fifteen
hundred jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus rejoined them with a man-
of-war. The soldiers certainly expected that, having come, he would have
brought them something, but he brought them nothing, except
complimentary phrases, on the part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and the
rest, who sent them their congratulations, coupled with a promise on the
part of Anaxibius that, as soon as they were outside the Euxine, pay would
be forthcoming.

(5) Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty
stades) west of that important city, itself a port town. See
Smith, "Dict. Geog.," "Sinope"; and Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv.
60.

At Harmene the army halted five days; and now that they seemed to be
so close to Hellas, the question how they were to reach home not empty-
handed presented itself more forcibly to their minds than heretofore. The
conclusion they came to was to appoint a single general, since one man
would be better able to handle the troops, by night or by day, than was
possible while the generalship was divided. If secrecy were desirable, it
would be easier to keep matters dark, or if again expedition were an object,
there would be less risk of arriving a day too late, since mutual explanations
would be avoided, and whatever approved itself to the single judgement
would at once be carried into effect, whereas previously the generals had
done everything in obedience to the opinion of the majority.
With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to Xenophon, and
the officers came to him and told him that this was how the soldiers viewed
matters; and each of them, displaying a warmth of kindly feeling, pressed

him to accept the office. Xenophon partly would have liked to do so, in the
belief that by so doing he would win to himself a higher repute in the
esteem of his friends, and that his name would be reported to the city
written large; and by some stroke of fortune he might even be the
discoverer of some blessing to the army collectively.
These and the like considerations elated him; he had a strong desire to
hold the supreme command. But then again, as he turned the matter over,
the conviction deepened in his mind that the issue of the future is to every
man uncertain; and hence there was the risk of perhaps losing such
reputation has he had already acquired. He was in sore straights, and, not
knowing how to decide, it seemed best to him to lay the matter before
heaven. Accordingly, he led two victims to the altar and made sacrifice to
Zeus the King, for it was he and no other who had been named by the oracle
at Delphi, and his belief was that the vision which he had beheld when he
first essayed to undertake the joint administration of the army was sent to
him by that god. He also recalled to mind a circumstance which befell him
still earlier, when setting out from Ephesus to associate himself with Cyrus
(6);—how an eagle screamed on his right hand from the east, and still
remained perched, and the soothsayer who was escorting him said that it
was a great and royal omen (7); indicating glory and yet suffering; for the
punier race of birds only attack the eagle when seated. "Yet," added he, "it
bodes not gain in money; for the eagle seizes his food, not when seated, but
on the wing."

(6) Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers
of Persia, when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media,
on his expedition against the Assyrian.

(7) It is important to note that the Greek word {oionos}, a solitary
or lone-flying bird, also means an omen. "It was a mighty bird and
a mighty omen."

Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might be gave him a
sign, neither to demand the generalship, nor, if chosen, to accept the office.
And that was how the matter stood when the army met, and the proposal to
elect a single leader was unanimous. After this resolution was passed, they
proposed Xenophon for election, and when it seemed quite evident that they
would elect him, if he put the question to the vote, he got up and spoke as
follows:—

"Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be honoured by you. I
thank you, and am grateful, and my prayer is that the gods may grant me to
be an instrument of blessing to you. Still, when I consider it closer, thus, in
the presence of a Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by you as general, seems
to me but ill conducive either to your interests or to mine, since you will the
less readily obtain from them hereafter anything you may need, while for
myself I look upon acceptance as even somewhat dangerous. Do I not see
and know with what persistence these Lacedaemonians prosecuted the war
till finally they forced our State to acknowledge the leadership of
Lacedaemon? This confession once extorted from their antagonists, they
ceased warring at once, and the siege of the city was at an end. If, with
these facts before my eyes, I seem to be doing all I can to neutralise their
high self-esteem, I cannot escape the reflection that personally I may be
taught wisdom by a painful process. But with your own idea that under a
single general there will be less factiousness than when there were many, be
assured that in choosing some other than me you will not find me factious. I
hold that whosoever sets up factious opposition to his leader factiously
opposes his own safety. While if you determine to choose me, I should not
be surprised were that choice to entail upon you and me the resentment of
other people."
After those remarks on Xenophon's part, many more got up, one after
another, insisting on the propriety of his undertaking the command. One of
them, Agasias the Stymphalian, said: It was really ridiculous, if things had
come to this pass that the Lacedeamonians are to fly into a rage because a
number of friends have met together to dinner, and omitted to choose a
Lacedaemonian to sit at the head of the table. "Really, if that is how matters
stand," said he, "I do not see what right we have to be officers even, we
who are only Arcadians." That sally brought down the plaudits of the
assembly; and Xenophon, seeing that something more was needed, stepped
forward again and spoke, "Pardon, sirs," he said, "let me make a clean
breast of it. I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses; verily and indeed,
I no sooner perceived your purpose, than I consulted the victims, whether it
was better for you to entrust this leadership to me, and for me to undertake
it, or the reverse. And the gods vouchsafed a sign to me so plain that even a
common man might understand it, and perceive that from such sovereignty
I must needs hold myself aloof."

Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, after his
election, stepped forward and said: "Nay, sirs, be well assured of this, that
had you chosen some one else, I for my part should not have set up factious
opposition. As to Xenophon, I believe you have done him a good turn by
not appointing him; for even now Dexippus has gone some way in
traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay in his power to do so, and that,
in spite of my attempts to silence him. What he said was that he believed
Xenophon would rather share the command of Clearchus's army with
Timasion, a Dardanian, than with himself, a Laconian. But," continued
Cheirisophus, "since your choice has fallen upon me, I will make it my
endeavour to do you all the good in my power; so make your preparations
to weigh anchor to-morrow; wind and weather permitting, we will voyage
to Heraclea; every one must endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and
for the rest we will consult, when we are come thither."

II
The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair
breeze, two days' voyage along the coast. (As they coasted along they came
in sight of Jason's beach (1), where, as the story says, the ship Argo came to
moorings; and then the mouths of the rivers, first the Thermodon, then the
Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the Parthenius.) Coasting past (the latter),
they reached Heraclea (2), a Hellenic city and a colony of the Megarians,
situated in the territory of the Mariandynians. So they came to anchorage
off the Acherusian Chersonese, where Heracles (3) is said to have
descended to bring up the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still show the
marks of his descent, a deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the
Heracleots sent the Hellenes, as gifts of hospitality, three thousand
measures of barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one
hundred sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it is
called, about two hundred feet in breadth.

(1) I have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at
first sight, a topographical error on the part of whoever wrote
it, and Hug and other commentators regard it as spurious. Jason's
beach (the modern Yasoun Bouroun) and the three first-named rivers
lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the author, or one of his
editors, somewhat loosely inserted a recapitulatory note
concerning the scenery of this coasting voyage at this point. "By
the way, I ought to have told you that as they coasted along,"
etc.

(2) One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as
Pontica (whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It
was one of the older Greek settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to
give that town its proper name), a Megaro-Doric colony. See
Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 62.

(3) According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to
bring up Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum.

The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of the
journey: should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by land? and
Lycon the Achaean got up and said: "I am astonished, sirs, that the generals
do not endeavour to provide us more efficiently with provisions. These gifts
of hospitality will not afford three days' victuals for the army; nor do I see
from what region we are to provide ourselves as we march. My proposal,

therefore, is to demand of the Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes."
Another speaker suggested, "not less than ten thousand. Let us at once,
before we break up this meeting, send ambassadors to the city and ascertain
their answer to the demand and take counsel accordingly." Thereupon they
proceeded to put up as ambassadors, first and foremost Cheirisophus, as he
had been chosen general-in-chief; others also named Xenophon.
But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both
alike that they could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly, to give
anything which they did not spontaneously offer. So, since these two
appeared to be backward, the soldiers sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus
the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian. These three went and
announced the resolutions passed by the army. Lycon, it was said, even
went so far as to threaten certain consequences in case they refused to
comply. The Heracleots said they would deliberate; and, without more ado,
they got together their goods and chattels from their farms and fields
outside, and dismantled the market outside and transferred it within, after
which the gates were closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the
walls.
At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to accusing
the generals, as if they had marred the proceeding; and the Arcadians and
Archaeans banded together, chiefly under the auspices of the two
ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean. The
language they held was to this effect: It was outrageous that a single
Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed a soldier to the
expedition, should rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they themselves
should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils, and that too though
the preservation of the army was due to themselves; for, as every one must
admit, to the Arcadians and Achaeans the credit of that achievement was
due, and the rest of the army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true
that the Arcadians and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the
whole army). What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the
Arcadians and Achaeans, should make common cause, choose generals for
themselves independently, continue the march, and try somewhat to better
their condition. This proposal was carried. All the Arcadians and Achaeans
who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, setting up for
themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These ten, it was
decreed, were to put into effect such measures as approved themselves to

the majority. Thus the absolute authority vested in Cheirisophus was
terminated there and then, within less than a week of his appointment.
Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their
company, thinking that this would be a safer plan than for each to start on
his own account. But Neon threw in his weight in favour of separate action.
"Every one for himself," he said, for he had heard from Cheirisophus that
Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at Byzantium, talked of coming to
Calpe Haven with some war vessels. Neon's advice was due to his desire to
secure a passage home in these war vessels for themselves and their
soldiers, without allowing any one else to share in their good-fortune. As
for Cheirisophus, he was at once so out of heart at the turn things had taken,
and soured with the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, to
do just what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still have been glad to
be quit of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to Heracles
the Leader, and seeking advice, whether it were better and more desirable to
continue the march in charge of the soldiers who had remained faithful, or
to take his departure, the god indicated to him by the victims that he should
adopt the former course.
In this way the army was now split up into three divisions (4). First, the
Arcadians and Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all heavy
infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus and his men, viz. one thousand four
hundred heavy infantry and the seven hundred peltasts, or Clearchus's
Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon's division of one thousand seven hundred
heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but then he alone had the cavalry
—about forty troopers.

(4) The total now amounted to 8640 and over.

The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some
vessels from them, were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing
suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as large a haul as possible. With that
object they disembarked at Calpe Haven (5), pretty nearly at the middle
point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off straight from Heraclea,
commenced a land march through the country; but having entered into
Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and strength failing
him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and disembarking on the confines of

Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through the heart of the
country (6).

(5) The Haven of Calpe = Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the modern maps. The
name is interesting as being also the ancient name of the rock
fortress of Gibraltar.

(6) Some MSS. here read, "In the prior chapter will be found a
description of the manner in which the absolute command of
Cheirisophus was abruptly terminated and the army of the Hellenes
broken up. The sequel will show how each of these divisions
fared." The passage is probably one of those commentators' notes,
with which we are now familiar.

III
The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at Calpe Haven,
marched against the nearest villages about thirty furlongs from the sea; and
as soon as it was light, each of the ten generals led his company to attack
one village, or if the village were large, a couple of companies advanced
under their combined generals. They further agreed upon a certain knoll,
where they were all eventually to assemble. So sudden was their attack that
they seized a number of captives and enclosed a multitude of small cattle.
But the Thracians who escaped began to collect again; for being light-
armed troops they had slipped in large numbers through the hands of the
heavy infantry; and now that they were got together they first attacked the
company of the Arcadian general, Smicres, who had done his work and was
retiring to the appointed meeting-place, driving along a large train of
captives and cattle. For a good while the Hellenes maintained a running
fight (1); but at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them, slaying
Smicres himself and those with him to a man. The fate of another company
under command of Hegesander, another of the ten, was nearly as bad; only
eight men escaped, Hegesander being one of them. The remaining captains
eventually met, some with somewhat to show for their pains, others empty-
handed.

(1) Lit. "marched and fought," as did the forlorn hope under Sir C.
Wilson making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan. 1885.

The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a continual shouting
and clatter of conversation to one another during the night; but with day-
dawn they marshalled themselves right round the knoll on which the
Hellenes were encamped—both cavalry in large numbers and light-armed
troops—while every minute the stream of new-comers grew greater. Then
they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry in all security, for the
Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin-man, or mounted trooper
amongst them; while the enemy rushed forward on foot or galloped up on
horseback and let fly their javelins. It was vain to attempt to retaliate, so
lightly did they spring back and escape; and ever the attack renewed itself

from every point, so that on one side man after man was wounded, on the
other not a soul was touched; the result being that they could not stir from
their position, and the Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their
water. In their despair they began to parley about a truce, and finally various
concessions were made and terms agreed to between them; but the
Thracians would not hear of giving hostages in answer to the demand of the
Hellenes; at that point the matter rested. So fared it with the Arcadians.
As to Cheirisophus, that general prosecuted his march along the
seaboard, and without check reached Calpe Haven. Xenophon advanced
through the heart of the country; and his cavalry pushing on in front, came
upon some old men pursuing their road somewither, who were brought to
him, and in answer to his question, whether they had caught sight of another
Hellenic army anywhere, told him all that had already taken place, adding
that at present they were being besieged upon a knoll with all the Thracians
in close circle round them. Thereupon he kept the old men under strict
guard to serve as guides in case of need; next, having appointed outposts, he
called a meeting of the soldiers, and addressed them: "Soldiers, some of the
Arcadians are dead and the rest are being besieged upon a certain knoll.
Now my own belief is, that if they are to perish, with their deaths the seal is
set to our own fate: since we must reckon with an enemy at once numerous
and emboldened. Clearly our best course is to hasten to their rescue, if
haply we may find them still alive, and do battle by their side rather than
suffer isolation, confronting danger single-handed.
"Let us then at once push forward as far as may seem opportune till
supper-time, and then encamp. As long as we are marching, let Timasion,
with the cavalry, gallop on in front, but without losing sight of us; and let
him examine all closely in front, so that nothing may escape our
observation." (At the same time too, he sent out some nimble fellows of the
light-armed troops to the flanks and to the high tops, who were to give a
signal if they espied anything anywhere; ordering them to burn everything
inflammable which lay in their path.) "As for ourselves," he continued, "we
need not look to find cover in any direction; for it is a long step back to
Heraclea and a long leap across to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is at the
door. The shortest road is to Calpe Haven, where we suppose Cheirisophus,
if safe, to be; but then, when we get there, at Calpe Haven there are no
vessels for us to sail away in; and if we stop here, we have not provisions
for a single day. Suppose the beleaguered Arcadians left to their fate, we

shall find it but a sorry alternative to run the gauntlet with Cheirisophus's
detachment alone; better to save them if we can, and with united forces
work out our deliverance in common. But if so, we must set out with minds
prepared, since to-day either a glorious death awaits us or the achievement
of a deed of noblest emprise in the rescue of so many Hellene lives. Maybe
it is God who leads us thus, God who chooses to humble the proud boaster,
boasting as though he were exceedingly wise, but for us, the beginning of
whose every act is by heaven's grace, that same God reserves a higher grade
of honour. One duty I would recall to you, to apply your minds to the
execution of the orders with promptitude."
With these words he led the way. The cavalry, scattering as far in advance
as was prudent, wherever they set foot, set fire. The peltasts moving parallel
on the high ground were similarly employed, burning everything
combustible they could discover. While the main army, wherever they came
upon anything which had accidentally escaped, completed the work, so that
the whole country looked as if it were ablaze; and the army might easily
pass for a larger one. When the hour had come, they turned aside to a knoll
and took up quarters; and there they espied the enemy's watch-fires. He was
about forty furlongs distant. On their side also they kindled as many watch-
fires as possible; but as soon as they had dined the order was passed to
quench all the fires. So during the night they posted guards and slept. But at
daybreak they offered prayers to the gods, and drawing up in order of battle,
began marching with what speed they might. Timasion and the cavalry, who
had the guides with them, and were moving on briskly in front, found
themselves without knowing it at the very knoll upon which the Hellenes
had been beleaguered. But no army could they discover, whether of friend
or foe; only some starveling old women and men, with a few sheep and
oxen which had been left behind. This news they reported to Xenophon and
the main body. At first the marvel was what had happened; but ere long they
found out by inquiries from the folk who had been left behind, that the
Thracians had set off immediately after sundown, and were gone; the
Hellenes had waited till morning before they made off, but in what
direction, they could not say.
On hearing this, Xenophon's troops first breakfasted, and then getting
their kit together began their march, desiring to unite with the rest at Calpe's
Haven without loss of time. As they continued their march, they came
across the track of the Arcadians and Achaeans along the road to Calpe, and

both divisions arriving eventually at the same place, were overjoyed to see
one another again, and they embraced each other like brothers. Then the
Arcadians inquired of Xenophon's officers—why they had quenched the
watch-fires? "At first," said they, "when we lost sight of your watch-fires,
we expected you to attack the enemy in the night; and the enemy, so at least
we imagined, must have been afraid of that and so set off. The time at any
rate at which they set off would correspond. But when the requisite time
had elapsed and you did not come, we concluded that you must have learnt
what was happening to us, and in terror had made a bolt for it to the
seaboard. We resolved not to be left behind by you; and that is how we also
came to march hither."

IV
During this day they contented themselves with bivouacking there on the
beach at the harbour. The place which goes by the name of Calpe Haven is
in Asiatic Thrace, the name given to a region extending from the mouth of
the Euxine all the way to Heraclea, which lies on the right hand as you sail
into the Euxine. It is a long day's voyage for a war-ship, using her three
banks of oars, from Byzantium to Heraclea, and between these two there is
not a single Hellenic or friendly city, but only these Bithynian Thracians,
who have a bad reputation for the savagery with which they treat any
Hellenes cast ashore by shipwreck or otherwise thrown into their power.
Now the haven of Calpe lies exactly midway, halving the voyage
between Byzantium and Heraclea. It is a long promontory running out into
the sea; the seaward portion being a rocky precipice, at no point less than
twenty fathoms high; but on the landward side there is a neck about four
hundred feet wide; and the space inside the neck is capable of
accommodating ten thousand inhabitants, and there is a haven immediately
under the crag with a beach facing the west. Then there is a copious spring
of fresh water flowing on the very marge of the sea commanded by the
stronghold. Again, there is plenty of wood of various sorts; but most
plentiful of all, fine shipbuilding timber down to the very edge of the sea.
The upland stretches into the heart of the country for twenty furlongs at
least. It is good loamy soil, free from stones. For a still greater distance the
seaboard is thickly grown with large timber trees of every description. The
surrounding country is beautiful and spacious, containing numerous well
populated villages. The soil produces barley and wheat, and pulse of all
sorts, millet and sesame, figs in ample supply, with numerous vines
producing sweet wines, and indeed everything else except olives. Such is
the character of the country.
The tents were pitched on the seaward-facing beach, the soldiers being
altogether averse to camping on ground which might so easily be converted
into a city. Indeed, their arrival at the place at all seemed very like the crafty
design of some persons who were minded to form a city. The aversion was
not unnatural, since the majority of the soldiers had not left their homes on

so long a voyage from scantiness or subsistence, but attracted by the fame
of Cyrus's virtues; some of them bringing followers, while others had
expended money on the expedition. And amongst them was a third set who
had run away from fathers and mothers; while a different class had left
children behind, hoping to return to them with money or other gains. Other
people with Cyrus won great success, they were told (1); why should it not
be so with them? Being persons then of this description, the one longing of
their hearts was to reach Hellas safely.

(1) I.e. "his society was itself a passport to good fortune."

It was on the day after their meeting that Xenophon sacrificed as a
preliminary to a military expedition; for it was needful to march out in
search of provisions, besides which he designed burying the dead. As soon
as the victims proved favourable they all set out, the Arcadians following
with the rest. The majority of the dead, who had lain already five days, they
buried just where they had fallen, in groups; to remove their bodies now
would have been impossible. Some few, who lay off the roads, they got
together and buried with what splendour they could, considering the means
in their power. Others they could not find, and for these they erected a great
cenotaph (2), and covered it with wreaths. When it was all done, they
returned home to camp. At that time they supped, and went to rest.

(2) "Cenotaph", i.e. "an empty tomb." The word is interesting as
occurring only in Xenophon, until we come to the writers of the
common dialect. Compare "hyuscyamus," hogbean, our henbane, which
we also owe to Xenophon. "Oecon." i. 13, see Sauppe, "Lexil. Xen."
s.vv.

Next day there was a general meeting of the soldiers, collected chiefly by
Agasias the Stymphalian, a captain, and Hieronymus, an Eleian, also a
captain, and other seniors of the Arcadians; and they passed a resolution
that, for the future, whoever revived the idea of breaking up the army
should be punished by death. And the army, it was decided, would now
resume its old position under the command of its former generals. Though
Cheirisophus, indeed, had already died under medical treatment for fever
(3); and Neon the Asinaean had taken his place.

(3) This I take to be the meaning of the words, which are necessarily
ambiguous, since {pharmakon}, "a drug," also means "poison." Did
Cheirisophus conceivably die of fever brought on by some poisonous

draught? or did he take poison whilst suffering from fever? or did
he die under treatment?

After these resolutions Xenophon got up and said: "Soldiers, the journey
must now, I presume, be conducted on foot; indeed, this is clear, since we
have no vessels; and we are driven to commence it at once, for we have no
provisions if we stop. We then," he continued, "will sacrifice, and you must
prepare yourselves to fight now, if ever, for the spirit of the enemy has
revived."
Thereupon the generals sacrificed, in the presence of the Arcadian seer,
Arexion; for Silanus the Ambraciot had chartered a vessel at Heraclea and
made his escape ere this. Sacrificing with a view to departure, the victims
proved unfavourable to them. Accordingly they waited that day. Certain
people were bold enough to say that Xenophon, out of his desire to colonise
the place, had persuaded the seer to say that the victims were unfavourable
to departure. Consequently he proclaimed by herald next morning that any
one who liked should be present at the sacrifice; or if he were a seer he was
bidden to be present and help to inspect the victims. Then he sacrificed, and
there were numbers present; but though the sacrifice on the question of
departure was repeated as many as three times, the victims were persistently
unfavourable. Thereat the soldiers were in high dudgeon, for the provisions
they had brought with them had reached the lowest ebb, and there was no
market to be had.
Consequently there was another meeting, and Xenophon spoke again:
"Men," said he, "the victims are, as you may see for yourselves, not yet
favourable to the march; but meanwhile, I can see for myself that you are in
need of provisions; accordingly we must narrow the sacrifice to the
particular point." Some one got up and said: "Naturally enough the victims
are unfavourable, for, as I learnt from some one on a vessel which arrived
here yesterday by accident, Cleander, the governor at Byzantium, intends
coming here with ships and men-of-war." Thereat they were all in favour of
stopping; but they must needs go out for provisions, and with this object he
again sacrificed three times, and the victims remained adverse. Things had
now reached such a pass that the men actually came to Xenophon's tent to
proclaim that they had no provisions. His sole answer was that he would not
lead them out till the victims were favourable.
So again the next day he sacrificed; and nearly the whole army, so strong
was the general anxiety, flocked round the victims; and now the very

victims themselves failed. So the generals, instead of leading out the army,
called the men together. Xenophon, as was incumbent on him, spoke: "It is
quite possible that the enemy are collected in a body, and we shall have to
fight. If we were to leave our baggage in the strong place" (pointing
overhead) "and sally forth prepared for battle, the victims might favour us."
But the soldiers, on hearing this proposal, cried out, "No need to take us
inside that place; better sacrifice with all speed." Now sheep there were
none any longer. So they purchased oxen from under a wagon and
sacrificed; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to superintend the
sacrifice on his behalf, in case there might be some change now. But even
so there was no improvement.
Now Neon was general in place of Cheirisophus, and seeing the men
suffering so cruelly from want, he was willing to do them a good turn. So
he got hold of some Heracleot or other who said he knew of villages close
by from which they could get provisions, and proclaimed by herald: "If any
one liked to come out and get provisions, be it known that he, Neon, would
be their leader." So out came the men with spears, and wine skins and sacks
and other vessels—two thousand strong in all. But when they had reached
the villages and began to scatter for the purpose of foraging, Pharnabazus's
cavalry were the first to fall upon them. They had come to the aid of the
Bithynians, wishing, if possible, in conjunction with the latter, to hinder the
Hellenes from entering Phrygia. These troopers killed no less than five
hundred of the men; the rest fled for the lives up into the hill country.
News of the catastrophe was presently brought into camp by one of those
who had escaped, and Xenophon, seeing that the victims had not been
favourable on that day, took a wagon bullock, in the absence of other
sacrificial beasts, offered it up, and started for the rescue, he and the rest
under thirty years of age to the last man. Thus they picked up the remnant
of Neon's party and returned to camp. It was now about sunset; and the
Hellenes in deep despondency were making their evening meal, when all of
a sudden, through bush and brake, a party of Bithynians fell upon the
pickets, cutting down some and chasing the rest into camp. In the midst of
screams and shouts the Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all; yet to pursue
or move the camp in the night seemed hardly safe, for the ground was
thickly grown with bush; all they could do was to strengthen the outposts
and keep watch under arms the livelong night.

V
And so they spent the night, but with day-dawn the generals led the way
into the natural fastness, and the others picked up their arms and baggage
and followed the lead. Before the breakfast-hour arrived, they had fenced
off with a ditch the only side on which lay ingress into the place, and had
palisaded off the whole, leaving only three gates. Anon a ship from
Heraclea arrived bringing barleymeal, victim animals, and wine.
Xenophon was up betimes, and made the usual offering before starting on
an expedition, and at the first victim the sacrifice was favourable. Just as the
sacrifice ended, the seer, Arexion the Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle,
which boded well, and bade Xenophon lead on. So they crossed the trench
and grounded arms. Then proclamation was made by herald for the soldiers
to breakfast and start on an expedition under arms; the mob of sutlers and
the captured slaves would be left in camp. Accordingly the mass of the
troops set out. Neon alone remained; for it seemed best to leave that general
and his men to guard the contents of the camp. But when the officers and
soldiers had left them in the lurch, they were so ashamed to stop in camp
while the rest marched out, that they too set out, leaving only those above
five-and-forty years of age.
These then stayed, while the rest set out on the march. Before they had
gone two miles, they stumbled upon dead bodies, and when they had
brought up the rear of the column in a line with the first bodies to be seen,
they began digging graves and burying all included in the column from end
to end. After burying the first batch, they advanced, and again bringing the
rear even with the first unburied bodies which appeared, they buried in the
same way all which the line of troops included. Finally, reaching the road
that led out of the villages where the bodies lay thick together, they
collected them and laid them in a common grave.
It was now about midday, when pushing forward the troops up to the
villages without entering them, they proceeded to seize provisions, laying
hands on everything they could set eyes on under cover of their lines; when
suddenly they caught sight of the enemy cresting certain hillocks in front of
them, duly marshalled in line—a large body of cavalry and infantry. It was

Spithridates and Rhathines, sent by Pharnabazus with their force at their
backs. As soon as the enemy caught sight of the Hellenes, they stood still,
about two miles distant. Then Arexion the seer sacrificed, and at the first
essay the victims were favourable. Whereupon Xenophon addressed the
other generals: "I would advise, sirs, that we should detach one or more
flying columns to support our main attack, so that in case of need at any
point we may have reserves in readiness to assist our main body, and the
enemy, in the confusion of battle, may find himself attacking the unbroken
lines of troops not hitherto engaged." These views approved themselves to
all. "Do you then," said he, "lead on the vanguard straight at the enemy. Do
not let us stand parleying here, now that we have caught sight of him and he
of us. I will detach the hindmost companies in the way we have decided
upon and follow you." After that they quietly advanced, and he,
withdrawing the rear-rank companies in three brigades consisting of a
couple of hundred men apiece, commissioned the first on the right to follow
the main body at the distance of a hundred feet. Samolas the Achaean was
in command of this brigade. The duty of the second, under the command of
Pyrrhias the Arcadian, was to follow in the centre. The last was posted on
the left, with Phrasias, an Athenian, in command. As they advanced, the
vanguard reached a large and difficult woody glen, and halted, not knowing
whether the obstacle needed to be crossed or not. They passed down the
word for the generals and officers to come forward to the front. Xenophon,
wondering what it was that stopped the march, and presently hearing the
above order passed along the ranks, rode up with all speed. As soon as they
were met, Sophaenetus, as the eldest general, stated his opinion that the
question, whether a gully of that kind ought to be crossed or not, was not
worth discussing. Xenophon, with some ardour, retorted: "You know, sirs, I
have not been in the habit hitherto of introducing you to danger which you
might avoid. It is not your reputation for courage surely that is at stake, but
your safe return home. But now the matter stands thus: It is impossible to
retire from this point without a battle; if we do not advance against the
enemy ourselves, he will follow us as soon as we have turned our backs and
attack us. Consider, then; is it better to go and meet the foe with arms
advanced, or with arms reversed to watch him as he assails us on our rear?
You know this at any rate, that to retire before an enemy has nothing
glorious about it, whereas attack engenders courage even in a coward. For
my part, I would rather at any time attack with half my men than retreat

with twice the number. As to these fellows, if we attack them, I am sure you
do not really expect them to await us; though, if we retreat, we know for
certain they will be emboldened to pursue us. Nay, if the result of crossing
is to place a difficult gully behind us when we are on the point of engaging,
surely that is an advantage worth seizing. At least, if it were left to me, I
would choose that everything should appear smooth and passable to the
enemy, which may invite retreat; but for ourselves we may bless the ground
which teaches us that except in victory we have no deliverance. It
astonishes me that any one should deem this particular gully a whit more
terrible than any of the other barriers which we have successfully passed.
How impassable was the plain, had we failed to conquer their cavalry! how
insurmountable the mountains already traversed by us, with all their peltasts
in hot pursuit at our heels! Nay, when we have safely reached the sea, the
Pontus will present a somewhat formidable gully, when we have neither
vessels to convey us away nor corn to keep us alive whilst we stop. But we
shall no sooner be there than we must be off again to get provisions. Surely
it is better to fight to-day after a good breakfast than to-morrow on an
empty stomach. Sirs, the offerings are favourable to us, the omens are
propitious, the victims more than promising; let us attack the enemy! Now
that they have had a good look at us, these fellows must not be allowed to
enjoy their dinners or choose a camp at their own sweet will."
After that the officers bade him lead on. None gainsaid, and he led the
way. His orders were to cross the gully, where each man chanced to find
himself. By this method, as it seemed to him, the troops would more
quickly mass themselves on the far side than was possible, if they defiled
along (1) the bridge which spanned the gully. But once across he passed
along the line and addressed the troops: "Sirs, call to mind what by help of
the gods you have already done. Bethink you of the battles you have won at
close quarters with the foe; of the fate which awaits those who flee before
their foes. Forget not that we stand at the very doors of Hellas. Follow in
the steps of Heracles, our guide, and cheer each the other onwards by name.
Sweet were it surely by some brave and noble word or deed, spoken or done
this day, to leave the memory of oneself in the hearts of those one loves."

(1) Lit. "had they wound off thread by thread"; the metaphor is from
unwinding a ball of wool.

These words were spoken as he rode past, and simultaneously he began
leading on the troops in battle line; and, placing the peltasts on either flank
of the main body, they moved against the enemy. Along the line the order
had sped "to keep their spears at rest on the right shoulder until the bugle
signal; then lower them for the charge, slow march, and even pace, no one
to quicken into a run." Lastly, the watchword was passed, "Zeus the
Saviour, Heracles our Guide." The enemy waited their approach, confident
in the excellence of his position; but as they drew closer the Hellene light
troops, with a loud alala! without waiting for the order, dashed against the
foe. The latter, on their side, came forward eagerly to meet the charge, both
the cavalry and the mass of the Bithynians; and these turned the peltasts.
But when with counter-wave the phalanx of the heavy infantry rapidly
advancing, faced them, and at the same time the bugle sounded, and the
battle hymn rose from all lips, and after this a loud cheer rose, and at the
same instant they couched their spears;—at this conjuncture the enemy no
longer welcomed them, but fled. Timasion with his cavalry followed close,
and, considering their scant numbers, they did great execution. It was the
left wing of the enemy, in a line with which the Hellene cavalry were
posted, that was so speedily scattered. But the right, which was not so hotly
pursued, collected upon a knoll; and when the Hellenes saw them standing
firm, it seemed the easiest and least dangerous course to go against them at
once. Raising the battle hymn, they straightway fell upon them, but the
others did not await their coming. Thereupon the peltasts gave chase until
the right of the enemy was in its turn scattered, though with slight loss in
killed; for the enemy's cavalry was numerous and threatening.
But when the Hellenes saw the cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in
compact order, and the Bithynian horsemen massing together as if to join it,
and like spectators gazing down from a knoll at the occurrences below;
though weary, they determined to attack the enemy as best they could, and
not suffer him to recover breath with reviving courage. So they formed in
compact line and advanced. Thereupon the hostile cavalry turned and fled
down the steep as swiftly as if they had been pursued by cavalry. In fact
they sought the shelter of a gully, the existence of which was unknown to
the Hellenes. The latter accordingly turned aside too soon and gave up the
chase, for it was too late. Returning to the point where the first encounter
took place they erected a trophy, and went back to the sea about sunset. It
was something like seven miles to camp.

VI
After this the enemy confined themselves to their own concerns, and
removed their households and property as far away as possible. The
Hellenes, on their side, were still awaiting the arrival of Cleander with the
ships of war and transports, which ought to be there soon. So each day they
went out with the baggage animals and slaves and fearlessly brought in
wheat and barley, wine and vegetables, millet and figs; since the district
produced all good things, the olive alone excepted. When the army stayed
in camp to rest, pillaging parties were allowed to go out, and those who
went out appropriated the spoils; but when the whole army went out, if any
one went off apart and seized anything, it was voted to be public property.
Ere long there was an ample abundance of supplies of all sorts, for
marketables arrived from Hellenic cities on all sides, and marts were
established. Mariners coasting by, and hearing that a city was being founded
and that there was a harbour, were glad to put in. Even the hostile tribes
dwelling in the neighbourhood presently began to send envoys to
Xenophon. It was he who was forming the place into a city, as they
understood, and they would be glad to learn on what terms they might
secure his friendship. He made a point of introducing these visitors to the
soldiers.
Meanwhile Cleander arrived with two ships of war, but not a single
transport. At the moment of his arrival, as it happened, the army had taken
the field, and a separate party had gone off on a pillaging expedition into
the hills and had captured a number of small cattle. In thir apprehension of
being deprived of them, these same people spoke to Dexippus (this was the
same man who had made off from Trapezus with the fifty-oared galley),
and urged him to save their sheep for them. "Take some for yourself," said
they, "and give the rest back to us." So, without more ado, he drove off the
soldiers standing near, who kept repeating that the spoil was public
property. Then off he went to Cleander. "Here is an attempt," said he, "at
robbery." Cleander bade him to bring up the culprit to him. Dexippus seized
on some one, and was for haling him to the Spartan governor. Just then
Agasias came across him and rescued the man, who was a member of his

company; and the rest of the soldiers present set to work to stone Dexippus,
calling him "traitor." Things looked so ill that a number of the crew of the
ships of war took fright and fled to the sea, and with the rest Cleander
himself. Xenophon and the other generals tried to hold the men back,
assuring Cleander that the affair signified nothing at all, and that the origin
of it was a decree pased by the army. That was to blame, if anything. But
Cleander, goaded by Dexippus, and personally annoyed at the fright which
he had experienced, threatened to sail away and publish an interdict against
them, forbidding any city to receive them, as being public enemies. For at
this date the Lacedaemonians held sway over the whole Hellenic world.
Thereat the affair began to wear an ugly look, and the Hellenes begged
and implored Cleander to reconsider his intention. He replied that he would
be as good as his word, and that nothing should stop him, unless the man
who set the example of stoning, with the other who rescued the prisoner,
were given up to him. Now, one of the two whose persons were thus
demanded—Agasias—had been a friend to Xenophon throughout; and that
was just why Dexippus was all the more anxious to accuse him. In their
perplexity the generals summoned a full meeting of the soldiers, and some
speakers were disposed to make very light of Cleander and set him at
naught. But Xenophon took a more serious view of the matter; he rose and
addressed the meeting thus: "Soldiers, I cannot say that I feel disposed to
make light of this business, if Cleander be allowed to go away, as he
threatens to do, in his present temper towards us. There are Hellenic cities
close by; but then the Lacedaemonians are the lords of Hellas, and they can,
any one of them, carry out whatever they like in the cities. If then the first
thing this Lacedaemonian does is to close the gates of Byzantium, and next
to pass an order to the other governors, city by city, not to receive us
because we are a set of lawless ruffians disloyal to the Lacedaemonians;
and if, further, this report of us should reach the ears of their admiral,
Anaxibius, to stay or to sail away will alike be difficult. Remember, the
Lacedaemonians at the present time are lords alike on land and on sea. For
the sake then of a single man, or for two men's sake, it is not right that the
rest of us should be debarred from Hellas; but whatever they enjoin we
must obey. Do not the cities which gave us birth yield them obedience also?
For my own part, inasmuch as Dexippus, I believe, keeps telling Cleander
that Agasias would never have done this had not I, Xenophon, bidden him, I
absolve you of all complicity, and Agasias too, if Agasias himself states that

I am in any way a prime mover in this matter. If I have set the fashion of
stone-throwing or any other sort of violence I condemn myself—I say that I
deserve the extreme penalty, and I will submit to undergo it. I further say
that if any one else is accused, that man is bound to surrender himself to
Cleander for judgement, for by this means you will be absolved entirely
from the accusation. But as the matter now stands, it is cruel that just when
we were aspiring to win praise and honour throughout Hellas, we are
destined to sink below the level of the rest of the world, banned from the
Hellenic cities whose common name we boast."
After him Agasias got up, and said, "I swear to you, sirs, by the gods and
goddesses, verily and indeed, neither Xenophon nor any one else among
you bade me rescue the man. I saw an honest man—one of my own
company—being taken up by Dexippus, the man who betrayed you, as you
know full well. That I could not endure; I rescued him, I admit the fact. Do
not you deliver me up. I will surrender myself, as Xenophon suggests, to
Cleander to pass what verdict on me he thinks right. Do not, for the sake of
such a matter, make foes of the Lacedaemonians; rather God grant that (1)
each of you may safely reach the goal of his desire. Only do you choose
from among yourselves and send with me to Cleander those who, in case of
any omission on my part, may by their words and acts supply what is
lacking." Thereupon the army granted him to choose for himself whom he
would have go with him and to go; and he at once chose the generals. After
this they all set off to Cleander—Agasias and the generals and the man who
had been rescued by Agasias—and the generals spoke as follows: "The
army has sent us to you, Cleander, and this is their bidding: 'If you have
fault to find with all, they say, you ought to pass sentence on all, and do
with them what seems best; or if the charge is against one man or two, or
possibly several, what they expect of these people is to surrender
themselves to you for judgement.' Accordingly, if you lay anything to the
charge of us generals, here we stand at your bar. Or do you impute the fault
to some one not here? tell us whom. Short of flying in the face of our
authority, there is no one who will absent himself."

(1) Reading with the best MSS., {sozoisthe}. Agasias ends his sentence
with a prayer. Al. {sozesthe}, "act so that each," etc.

At this point Agasias stepped forward and said: "It was I, Cleander, who
rescued the man before you yonder from Dexippus, when the latter was

carrying him off, and it was I who gave the order to strike Dexippus. My
plea is that I know the prisoner to be an honest man. As to Dexippus, I
know that he was chosen by the army to command a fifty-oared galley,
which we had obtained by request from the men of Trapezus for the express
purpose of collecting vessels to carry us safely home. But this same
Dexippus betrayed his fellow-soldiers, with whom he had been delivered
from so many perils, and made off into hiding like a runaway slave,
whereby we have robbed the Trapezuntines of their frigate, and must needs
appear as knaves in their eyes for this man's sake. As to ourselves, as far as
he could, he has ruined us; for, like the rest of us, he had heard how all but
impossible it was for us to retreat by foot across the rivers and to reach
Hellas in safety. That is the stamp of man whom I robbed of his prey. Now,
had it been you yourself who carried him off, or one of your emissaries, or
indeed any one short of a runaway from ourselves, be sure that I should
have acted far otherwise. Be assured that if you put me to death at this time
you are sacrificing a good, honest man for the sake of a coward and a
scamp."
When he had listened to these remarks, Cleander replied that if such had
been the conduct of Dexippus, he could not congratulate him. "But still," he
added, turning to the generals, "were Dexippus ever so great a scamp he
ought not to suffer violence; but in the language of your own demand he
was entitled to a fair trial, and so to obtain his deserts. What I have to say at
present therefore is: leave your friend here and go your way, and when I
give the order be present at the trial. I have no further charge against the
army or any one, since the prisoner himself admits that he rescued the
man." Then the man who had been rescued said: "In behalf of myself,
Cleander, if possibly you think that I was being taken up for some misdeed,
it is not so; I neither struck nor shot; I merely said, 'The sheep are public
property;' for it was a resolution of the soldiers that whenever the army
went out as a body any booty privately obtained was to be public property.
That was all I said, and thereupon yonder fellow seized me and began
dragging me off. He wanted to stop our mouths, so that he might have a
share of the things himself, and keep the rest for these buccaneers, contrary
to the ordinance." In answer to that Cleander said: "Very well, if that is your
disposition you can stay behind too, and we will take your case into
consideration also."

Thereupon Cleander and his party proceeded to breakfast; but Xenophon
collected the army in assembly, and advised their sending a deputation to
Cleander to intercede in behalf of the men. Accordingly it was resolved to
send some generals and officers with Dracontius the Spartan, and of the rest
those who seemed best fitted to go. The deputation was to request Cleander
by all means to release the two men. Accordingly Xenophon came and
addressed him thus: "Cleander, you have the men; the army has bowed to
you and assented to do what you wished with respect to these two members
of their body and themselves in general. But now they beg and pray you to
give up these two men, and not to put them to death. Many a good service
have these two wrought for our army in past days. Let them but obtain this
from you, and in return the army promises that, if you will put yourself at
their head and the gracious gods approve, they will show you how orderly
they are, how apt to obey their general, and, with heaven's help, to face their
foes unflinchingly. They make this further request to you, that you will
present yourself and take command of them and make trial of them. 'Test us
ourselves,' they say, 'and test Dexippus, what each of us is like, and
afterwards assign to each his due.'" When Cleander heard these things, he
answered: "Nay, by the twin gods, I will answer you quickly enough. Here I
make you a present of the two men, and I will as you say present myself,
and then, if the gods vouchsafe, I will put myself at your head and lead you
into Hellas. Very different is your language from the tale I used to hear
concerning you from certain people, that you wanted to withdraw the army
from allegiance to the Lacedaemonians."
After this the deputation thanked him and retired, taking with them the
two men; then Cleander sacrificed as a preliminary to marching and
consorted friendlily with Xenophon, and the two struck up an alliance.
When the Spartan saw with what good discipline the men carried out their
orders, he was still more anxious to become their leader. However, in spite
of sacrifices repeated on three successive days, the victims steadily
remained unfavourable. So he summoned the generals and said to them:
"The victims smile not on me, they suffer me not to lead you home; but be
not out of heart at that. To you it is given, as it would appear, to bring your
men safe home. Forwards then, and for our part, whenever you come
yonder, we will bestow on you as warm a welcome as we may."
Then the soldiers resolved to make him a present of the public cattle,
which he accepted, but again gave back to them. So he sailed away; but the

soldiers made division of the corn which they had collected and of the other
captured property, and commenced their homeward march through the
territory of the Bithynians.
At first they confined themselves to the main road; but not chancing upon
anything whereby they might reach a friendly territory with something in
their pockets for themselves, they resolved to turn sharp round, and
marched for one day and night in the opposite direction. By this proceeding
they captured many slaves and much small cattle; and on the sixth day
reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia (2). Here they halted seven days while
they disposed of their booty by sale.

(2) The name should be written "Calchedonia." The false form drove out
the more correct, probably through a mispronunciation, based on a
wrong derivation, at some date long ago. The sites of Chrysopolis
and Calchedon correspond respectively to the modern Scutari and
Kadikoi.

BOOK VII
(In the earlier portion of the narrative will be found a
detailed history of the fortunes of the Hellenes during their
march up country with Cyrus down to the date of the battle;
and, subsequently to his death, until they reached the Euxine;
as also of all their doings in their efforts to escape from
the Euxine, partly by land marches and partly under sail by
sea, until they found themselves outside the mouth of the
Black Sea (south of the Bosphorus) at Chrysopolis in Asia.)

I
At this point Pharnabazus, who was afraid that the army might undertake
a campaign against his satrapy, sent to Anaxibius, the Spartan high admiral,
who chanced to be in Byzantium, and begged him to convey the army out
of Asia, undertaking to comply with his wishes in every respect. Anaxibius
accordingly sent to summon the generals and officers to Byzantium, and
promised that the soldiers should not lack pay for service, if they crossed
the strait. The officers said that they would deliberate and return an answer.
Xenophon individually informed them that he was about to quit the army at
once, and was only anxious to set sail. Anaxibius pressed him not to be in
so great a hurry: "Cross over with the rest," he said, "and then it will be
time enough to think about quitting the army." This the other undertook to
do.
Now Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades and begged Xenophon to use
his influence to get the army across. "Tell Xenophon, if he will do his best
for me in this matter, he will not regret it." Xenophon answered: "The army
is in any case going to cross; so that, as far as that is concerned, Seuthes is
under no obligation to me or to any one else; but as soon as it is once
across, I personally shall be quit of it. Let Seuthes, therefore, as far as he
may deem consistent with prudence, apply to those who are going to remain
and will have a voice in affairs."
After this the whole body of troops crossed to Byzantium. But Anaxibius,
instead of proceeding to give pay, made proclamation that, "The soldiers
were to take up their arms and baggage and go forth," as if all he wished
were to ascertain their numbers and bid them god-speed at the same
moment. The soldiers were not well pleased at that, because they had no
money to furnish themselves with provisions for the march; and they
sluggishly set about getting their baggage together. Xenophon meanwhile,
being on terms of intimacy with the governor, Cleander, came to pay his
host a final visit, and bid him adieu, being on the point of setting sail. But
the other protested; "Do not do so, or else," said he, "you will be blamed,
for even now certain people are disposed to hold you to account because the
army is so slow in getting under weigh." The other answered, "Nay, I am

not to blame for that. It is the men themselves, who are in want of
provisions; that is why they are out of heart at their exodus." "All the
same," he replied, "I advise you to go out, as if you intended to march with
them, and when you are well outside, it will be time enough to take yourself
off." "Well then," said Xenophon, "we will go and arrange all this with
Anaxibius." They went and stated the case to the admiral, who insisted that
they must do as he had said, and march out, bag and baggage, by the
quickest road; and as an appendix to the former edict, he added, "Any one
absenting himself from the review and the muster will have himself to
blame for the consequences." This was peremptory. So out marched, the
generals first, and then the rest; and now, with the exception of here a man
and there, they were all outside; it was a "clean sweep"; and Eteonicus
stood posted near the gates, ready to close them, as soon as the men were
fairly out, and to thrust in the bolt pin.
Then Anaxibius summoned the generals and captains, and addressed
them: "Provisions you had better get from the Thracian villages; you will
find plenty of barley, wheat, and other necessaries in them; and when you
have got them, off with you to the Chersonese, where Cyniscus will take
you into his service." Some of the soldiers overheard what was said, or
possibly one of the officers was the medium of communication; however it
was, the news was handed on to the army. As to the generals, their
immediate concern was to try and gain some information as to Seuthes:
"Was he hostile or friendly? also, would they have to march through the
Sacred mountain (1), or round about through the middle of Thrace?"

(1) So the mountain-range is named which runs parallel to the
Propontis (Sea of Marmora) from lat. 41 degrees N. circa to lat.
40 degrees 30'; from Bisanthe (Rhodosto) to the neck of the
Chersonese (Gallipoli).

While they were discussing these points, the soldiers snatched up their
arms and made a rush full speed at the gates, with the intention of getting
inside the fortification again. But Eteonicus and his men, seeing the heavy
infantry coming up at a run promptly closed the gates and thrust in the bolt
pin. Then the soldiers fell to battering the gates, exclaiming that it was
iniquitous to thrust them forth in this fashion into the jaws of their enemies.
"If you do not of your own accord open the gates," they cried, "we will split
them in half"; and another set rushed down to the sea, and so along the
break-water and over the wall into the city; while a third set, consisting of

those few who were still inside, having never left the city, seeing the affair
at the gates, severed the bars with axes and flung the portals wide open; and
the rest came pouring in.
Xenophon, seeing what was happening, was seized with alarm lest the
army betake itself to pillage, and ills incurable be wrought to the city, to
himself, and to the soldiers. Then he set off, and, plunging into the throng,
was swept through the gates with the crowd. The Byzantines no sooner saw
the soldiers forcibly rushing in than they left the open square, and fled,
some to the shipping, others to their homes, while those already indoors
came racing out, and some fell to dragging down their ships of war, hoping
possibly to be safe on board these; while there was not a soul who doubted
but that the city was taken, and that they were all undone. Eteonicus made a
swift retreat to the citadel. Anaxibius ran down to the sea, and, getting on
board a fisherman's smack, sailed round to the acropolis, and at once sent
off to fetch over the garrison troops from Chalcedon, since those already in
the acropolis seemed hardly sufficient to keep the men in check.
The soldiers, catching sight of Xenophon, threw themselves upon him,
crying: "Now, Xenophon, is the time to prove yourself a man. You have got
a city, you have got triremes, you have got money, you have got men; to-
day, if you only chose, you can do us a good turn, and we will make you a
great man." He replied: "Nay, I like what you say, and I will do it all; but if
that is what you have set your hearts on, fall into rank and take up position
at once." This he said, wishing to quiet them, and so passed the order along
the lines himself, while bidding the rest to do the same: "Take up position;
stand easy." But the men themselves, by a species of self-marshalling, fell
into rank, and were soon formed, the heavy infantry eight deep, while the
light infantry had run up to cover either wing. The Thracian Square, as it is
called, is a fine site for manouvering, being bare of buildings and level. As
soon as the arms were stacked and the men's tempers cooled, Xenophon
called a general meeting of the soldiers, and made the following speech:—
"Soldiers, I am not surprised at your wrath, or that you deem it monstrous
treatment so to be cheated; but consider what will be the consequences if
we gratify our indignation, and in return for such deception, avenge
ourselves on the Lacedaemonians here present, and plunder an innocent
city. We shall be declared enemies of the Lacedaemonians and their allies;
and what sort of war that will be, we need not go far to conjecture. I take it,

you have not forgotten some quite recent occurrences. We Athenians
entered into war against the Lacedaemonians and their allies with a fleet
consisting of not less than three hundred line-of-battle ships, including
those in dock as well as those afloat. We had vast treasures stored up in the
city, and a yearly income which, derived from home or foreign sources,
amounted to no less than a thousand talents. Our empire included all the
islands, and we were possessed of numerous cities both in Asia and in
Europe. Amongst others, this very Byzantium, where we are now, was ours;
and yet in the end we were vanquished, as you all very well know.
"What, must we anticipate, will now be our fate? The Lacedaemonians
have not only their old allies, but the Athenians and those who were at that
time allies of Athens are added to them. Tissaphernes and all the rest of the
Asiatics on the seaboard are our foes, not to speak of our arch-enemy, the
king himself, up yonder, whom we came to deprive of his empire, and to
kill, if possible. I ask then, with all these banded together against us, is there
any one so insensate as to imagine that we can survive the contest? For
heaven's sake, let us not go mad or loosely throw away our lives in war with
our own native cities—nay, our own friends, our kith and our kin; for in one
or other of the cities they are all included. Every city will march against us,
and not unjustly, if, after refusing to hold one single barbarian city by right
of conquest, we seize the first Hellenic city that we come to and make it a
ruinous heap. For my part, my prayer is that before I see such things
wrought by you, I, at any rate, may lie ten thousand fathoms under ground!
My counsel to you, as Hellenes, is to try and obtain your just rights, through
obedience to those who stand at the head of Hellas; and if so be that you fail
in those demands, why, being more sinned against than sinning, need we
rob ourselves of Hellas too? At present, I propose that we should send to
Anaxibius and tell him that we have made an entrance into the city, not
meditating violence, but merely to discover if he and his will show us any
good; for if so, it is well; but of otherwise, at least we will let him see that
he does not shut the door upon us as dupes and fools. We know the meaning
of discipline; we turn our backs and go."
This resolution was passed, and they sent Hieronymus an Eleian, with
two others, Eurylochus an Arcadian and Philesius an Achaean, to deliver the
message. So these set off on their errand. But while the soldiers were still
seated in conclave, Coeratadas, of Thebes, arrived. He was a Theban not in
exile, but with a taste for generalship, who made it his business to see if any

city or nation were in need of his services. Thus, on the present occasion, he
presented himself, and begged to state that he was ready to put himself at
their head, and lead them into the Delta of Thrace (2), as it is called, where
they would find themselves in a land of plenty; but until they got there, he
would provide them with meat and drink enough and to spare. While they
were still listening to this tale, the return message from Anaxibius came.
His answer was: "The discipline, they had spoken of, was not a thing they
would regret; indeed he would report their behaviour to the authorities at
home; and for himself, he would take advice and do the best he could for
them."

(2) The exact locality, so called, is not known; doubtless it lay
somewhere between Byzantium and Salmydessus, possibly at Declus
(mod. Derkos); or possibly the narrow portion of Thrace between
the Euxine, Bosphorus, and Propontis went by this name. See note
in Pretor ad. loc., and "Dict. Geog." "Thracia."

Thereupon the soldiers accepted Coeratadas as their general, and retired
without the walls. Their new general undertook to present himself to the
troops next day with sacrificial beasts and a soothsayer, with eatables also
and drinkables for the army. Now, as soon as they were gone out, Anaxibius
closed the gates and issued a proclamation to the effect that "any of the
soldiers caught inside should be knocked down to the hammer and sold at
once." Next day, Coeratadas arrived with the victims and the soothsayer. A
string of twenty bearers bearing barleymeal followed at his heels, succeeded
by other twenty carrying wine, and three laden with a supply of olives, and
two others carrying, the one about as much garlic as a single man could lift,
and the other a similar load of onions. These various supplies he set down,
apparently for distribution, and began to sacrifice.
Now Xenophon sent to Cleander, begging him to arrange matters so that
he might be allowed to enter the walls, with a view to starting from
Byzantium on his homeward voyage. Cleander came, and this is what he
said: "I have come; but I was barely able to arrange what you want.
Anaxibius insisted: 'It was not convenient that Xenophon should be inside
while the soldiers are close to the walls without; the Byzantines at sixes and
sevens moreover; and no love lost between the one party of them and the
other.' Still, he ended by bidding you to come inside, if you were really
minded to leave the town by sea with himself." Accordingly Xenophon
bade the soldiers good-bye, and returned with Cleander within the walls.

To return to Coeratadas. The first day he failed to get favourable signs at
the sacrifice, and never a dole of rations did he make to the soldiers. On the
second day the victims were standing ready near the altar, and so was
Coeratadas, with chaplet crowned, all ready to sacrifice, when up comes
Timasion the Dardanian, with Neon the Asinaean, and Cleanor of
Orchomenus, forbidding Coeratadas to sacrifice: "He must understand there
was an end to his generalship, unless he gave them provisions." The other
bade them measure out the supplies, "Pray, dole them out." But when he
found that he had a good deal short of a single day's provisions for each
man, he picked up his paraphernalia of sacrifice and withdrew. As to being
general, he would have nothing more to say to it.

II
Now these five were left—Neon the Asinaean, Phryniscus the Achaean,
Philesius the Achaean, Xanthicles the Achaean, Timasion the Dardanian—
at the head of the army, and they pushed on to some villages of the
Thracians facing Byzantium, and there encamped. Now the generals could
not agree. Cleanor and Phryniscus wished to march to join Seuthes, who
had worked upon their feelings by presenting one with a horse and the other
with a woman to wife. But Neon's object was to come to the Chersonese:
"When we are under the wing of the Lacedaemonians," he thought, "I shall
step to the front and command the whole army."
Timasion's one ambition was to cross back again into Asia, hoping to be
reinstated at home and end his exile. The soldiers shared the wishes of the
last general. But, as time dragged on, many of the men sold their arms at
different places and set sail as best they could; others (actually gave away
their arms, some here, some there, and (1)) became absorbed in the cities.
One man rejoiced. This was Anaxibius, to whom the break-up of the army
was a blessing. "That is the way," he said to himself, "I can best gratify
Pharnabazus."

(1) The MSS. give the words so rendered—{oi de kai (didontes ta opla
kata tous khorous)}, which some critics emend {diadidontes},
others bracket as suspected, others expunge.

But Anaxibius, while prosecuting his voyage from Byzantium, was met
at Cyzicus by Aristarchus, the new governor, who was to succeed Cleander
at Byzantium; and report said that a new admiral, Polus, if he had not
actually arrived, would presently reach the Hellespont and relieve
Anaxibius. The latter sent a parting injunction to Aristarchus to be sure and
sell all the Cyreian soldiers he could lay hands on still lingering in
Byzantium; for Cleander had not sold a single man of them; on the contrary,
he had made it his business to tend the sick and wounded, pitying them, and
insisting on their being received in the houses. Aristarchus changed all that,
and was no sooner arrived in Byzantium than he sold no less than four
hundred of them. Meanwhile Anaxibius, on his coasting voyage, reached
Parium, and, according to the terms of their agreement, he sent to

Pharnabazus. But the latter, learning that Aristarchus was the new governor
at Byzantim, and that Anixibius had ceased to be admiral, turned upon him
a cold shoulder, and set out concocting the same measures concerning the
Cyreian army with Aristarchus, as he had lately been at work upon with
Anaxibius.
Anaxibius thereupon summoned Xenophon and bade him, by every
manner of means, sail to the army with the utmost speed, and keep it
together. "He was to collect the scattered fragments and march them down
to Perinthus, and thence convey them across to Asia without loss of time."
And herewith he put a thirty-oared galley at his service, and gave him a
letter of authority and an officer to accompany him, with an order to the
Perinthians "to escort Xenophon without delay on horseback to the army."
So it was that Xenophon sailed across and eventually reached the army. The
soldiers gave him a joyous welcome, and would have been only too glad to
cross from Thrace into Asia under his leadership.
But Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon had arrived, sent Medosades again,
by sea to meet him, and begged him to bring the army to him; and whatever
he thought would make his speech persuasive, he was ready to promise
him. But the other replied, that none of these things were open to him to do;
and with this answer Medosades departed, and the Hellenes proceeded to
Perinthus. Here on arrival Neon withdrew his troops and encamped apart,
having about eight hundred men; while the remainder of the army lay in one
place under the walls of Perinthus.
After this, Xenophon set himself to find vessels, so as to lose no time in
crossing. But in the interval Aristarchus, the governor from Byzantium,
arrived with a couple of war-ships, being moved to do so by Pharnabazus.
To make doubly sure, he first forbade the skippers and shipmasters to carry
the troops across, and then he visited the camp and informed the soldiers
that their passage into Asia was forbidden. Xenophon replied that he was
acting under the orders of Anaxibius, who had sent him thither for this
express purpose; to which Aristarchus retorted, "For the matter of that,
Anaxibius is no longer admiral, and I am governor in this quarter; if I catch
any of you at sea, I will sink you." With these remarks he retired within the
walls of Perinthus.
Next day, he sent for the generals and officers of the army. They had
already reached the fortification walls, when some one brought word to

Xenophon that if he set foot inside, he would be seized, and either meet
some ill fate there or more likely be delivered up to Pharnabazus. On
hearing this Xenophon sent forward the rest of the party, but for himself
pleaded that there was a sacrifice which he wished to offer. In this way he
contrived to turn back and consult the victims, "Would the gods allow him
to try and bring the army over to Seuthes?" On the one hand it was plain
that the idea of crossing over to Asia in the face of this man with his ships
of war, who meant to bar the passage, was too dangerous. Nor did he
altogether like the notion of being blocked up in the Chersonese with an
army in dire need of everything; where, besides being at the beck and call
of the governor of the place, they would be debarred from the necessities of
life.
While Xenophon was thus employed, the generals and officers came
back with a message from Aristarchus, who had told them they might retire
for the present, but in the afternoon he would expect them. The former
suspicions of a plot had now ripened to a certainty. Xenophon meantime
had ascertained that the victims were favourable to his project. He
personally, and the army as a whole, might with safety proceed to Seuthes,
they seemed to say. Accordingly, he took with him Polycrates, the Athenian
captain, and from each of the generals, not including Neon, some one man
whom they could in each case trust, and in the night they set off to visit the
army of Seuthes, sixty furlongs distant.
As they approached, they came upon some deserted watch-fires, and their
first impression was that Seuthes had shifted his position; but presently
perceiving a confused sound (the voices of Seuthes' people signalling to one
another), the explanation dawned on him: Seuthes kept his watch-fires
kindled in front of, instead of behind, his night pickets, in order that the
outposts, being in the dark, might escape notice, their numbers and position
thus being a mystery; whilst any party approaching from the outside, so far
from escaping notice, would, through the glare of the fire, stand out
conspicuously. Perceiving how matters stood, Xenophon sent forward his
interpreter, who was one of the party, and bade him inform Seuthes that
Xenophon was there and craved conference with him. The others asked if
he were an Athenian from the army yonder, and no sooner had the
interpreter replied, "Yes, the same," than up they leapt and galloped off; and
in less time than it takes to tell a couple of hundred peltasts had come up
who seized and carried off Xenophon and those with him and brought them

to Seuthes. The latter was in a tower right well guarded, and there were
horses round it in a circle, standing all ready bitted and bridled; for his
alarm was so great that he gave his horses their provender during the day
(2), and during the nights he kept watch and ward with the brutes thus bitted
and bridled. It was stated in explanation that in old days an ancestor of his,
named Teres, had been in this very country with a large army, several of
whom he had lost at the hands of the native inhabitants, besides being
robbed of his baggage train. The inhabitants of the country are Thynians,
and they are reputed to be far the most warlike set of fighters—especially at
night.

(2) I.e. "instead of letting them graze."

When they drew near, Seuthes bade Xenophon enter, and bring with him
any two he might choose. As soon as they were inside, they first greeted
one another warmly, and then, according to the Thracian custom, pledged
themselves in bowls of wine. There was further present at the elbow of
Seuthes, Medosades, who on all occasions acted as his ambassador-in-chief.
Xenophon took the initiative and spoke as follows: "You have sent to me,
Seuthes, once and again. On the first occasion you sent Medosades yonder,
to Chalcedon, and you begged me to use my influence in favour of the army
crossing over from Asia. You promised me, in return for this conduct on my
part, various kindnesses; at least that is what Medosades stated"; and before
proceeding further he turned to Medosades and asked, "Is not that so?" The
other assented. "Again, on a second occasion, the same Medosades came
when I had crossed over from Parium to rejoin the army; and he promised
me that if I would bring you the army, you would in various respects treat
me as a friend and brother. He said especially with regard to certain
seaboard places of which you are the owner and lord, that you were minded
to make me a present of them." At this point he again questioned
Medosades, "Whether the words attributed to him were exact?" and
Medosades once more fully assented. "Come now," proceeded Xenophon,
"recount what answer I made you, and first at Chalcedon." "You answered
that the army was, in any case, about to cross over to Byzantium; and as far
as that went, there was no need to pay you or any one else anything; and for
yourself, you added, that once across you were minded to leave the army,
which thing came to pass even as you said." "Well! what did I say," he
asked, "at your next visit, when you came to me in Selybria?" "You said

that the proposal was impossible; you were all going to Perinthus to cross
into Asia." "Good," said Xenophon, "and in spite of it all, at the present
moment, here I am myself, and Phryniscus, one of my colleagues, and
Polycrates yonder, a captain; and outside, to represent the other generals (all
except Neon the Laconian), the trustiest men they could find to send. So
that if you wish to give these transactions the seal of still greater security,
you have nothing to do but to summon them also; and do you, Polycrates,
go and say from me, that I bid them leave their arms outside, and you can
leave your own sword outside before you enter with them on your return."
When Seuthes had heard so far, he interposed: "I should never mistrust
an Athenian, for we are relatives already (3), I know; and the best of
friends, I believe, we shall be." After that, as soon as the right men entered,
Xenophon first questioned Seuthes as to what use he intended to make of
the army, and he replied as follows: "Maesades was my father; his sway
extended over the Melanditae, the Thynians, and the Tranipsae. Then the
affairs of the Odrysians took a bad turn, and my father was driven out of
this country, and later on died himself of sickness, leaving me to be brought
up as an orphan at the court of Medocus, the present king. But I, when I had
grown to man's estate, could not endure to live with my eyes fixed on
another's board. So I seated myself on the seat by him as a suppliant, and
begged him to give me as many men as he could spare, that I might wreak
what mischief I could on those who had driven us forth from our land; that
thus I might cease to live in dependence upon another's board, like a dog
watching his master's hand. In answer to my petition, he gave me the men
and the horses which you will see at break of day, and nowadays I live with
these, pillaging my own ancestral land. But if you would join me, I think,
with the help of heaven, we might easily recover my empire. That is what I
want of you." "Well then," said Xenophon, "supposing we came, what
should you be able to give us? the soldiers, the officers, and the generals?
Tell us that these witnesses may report your answer." And he promised to
give "to the common soldiers a cyzicene (4), to a captain twice as much,
and to a general four times as much, with as much land as ever they liked,
some yoke of oxen, and a fortified place upon the seaboard." "But now
supposing," said Xenophon, "we fail of success, in spite of our endeavours;
suppose any intimidation on the part of the Lacedaemonians should arise;
will you receive into your country any of us who may seek to find a refuge
with you?" He answered: "Nay, not only so, but I shall look upon you as my

brothers, entitled to share my seat, and the joint possessors of all the wealth
which we may be able to acquire. And to you yourself, O Xenophon! I will
give my daughter, and if you have a daughter, I will buy her in Thracian
fashion; and I will give you Bisanthe as a dwelling-place, which is the
fairest of all my possessions on the seaboard (5)."

(3) Tradition said that the Thracians and Athenians were connected,
through the marriage of a former prince Tereus (or Teres) with
Procne, the daughter of Pandion. This old story, discredited by
Thucydides, ii. 29, is referred to in Arist. "Birds," 368 foll.
The Birds are about to charge the two Athenian intruders, when
Epops, king of the Birds, formerly Tereus, king of Thrace, but
long ago transformed into a hoopoe, intercedes in behalf of two
men, {tes emes gunaikos onte suggene kai phuleta}, "who are of my
lady's tribe and kin." As a matter of history, the Athenians had
in the year B.C. 431 made alliance with Sitalces, king of the
Odrysians (the son of Teres, the first founder of their empire),
and made his son, Sadocus, an Athenian citizen. Cf. Thuc. ib.;
Arist. Acharnians, 141 foll.

(4) A cyzicene monthly is to be understood.

(5) Bisanthe, one of the Ionic colonies founded by Samos, with the
Thracian name Rhaedestus (now Rodosto), strongly placed so as to
command the entrance into the Sacred mountain.

III
After listening to these proposals, they gave and accepted pledges of
good faith; and so the deputation rode off. Before day they were back again
in camp, and severally rendered a report to those who sent them. At dawn
Aristarchus again summoned the generals and officers, but the latter
resolved to have done with the visit to Aristarchus, and to summon a
meeting of the army. In full conclave the soldiers met, with the exception of
Neon's men, who remained about ten furlongs off. When they were met
together Xenophon rose, and made the following announcement: "Men,
Aristarchus with his ships of war hinders us from sailing where we fain
would go; it is not even safe to set foot on board a vessel. But if he hinders
us here, he hastens us there. 'Be off to the Chersonese,' says he, 'force a
passage through the Sacred mountain.' If we master it and succeed in
getting to that place, he has something in store for us. He promises that he
will not sell you any more, as he did at Byzantium; you shall not be cheated
again; you shall have pay; he will no longer, as now, suffer you to remain in
want of provisions. That is his proposal. But Seuthes says that if you will go
to him he will treat you well. What you have now to consider is, whether
you will stay to debate this question, or leave its settlement till we have
gone up into a land of provisions. If you ask me my opinion, it is this: Since
here we have neither money to buy, nor leave to take without money what
we need, why should we not go up into these villages where the right to
help ourselves is conferred by might? There, unhampered by the want of
bare necessaries, you can listen to what this man and the other wants of you
and choose whichever sounds best. Let those," he added, "who agree to this,
hold up their hands." They all held them up. "Retire then," said he, "and get
your kit together, and at the word of command, follow your leader."
After this, Xenophon put himself at the head and the rest followed. Neon,
indeed, and other agents from Aristarchus tried to turn them from their
purpose, but to their persuasions they turned a deaf ear. They had not
advanced much more than three miles, when Seuthes met them; and
Xenophon, seeing him, bade him ride up. He wished to tell him what they
felt to be conducive to their interests, and in the presence of as many

witnesses as possible. As soon as he had approached, Xenophon said: "We
are going where the troops will have enough to live upon; when we are
there, we will listen to you and to the emissaries of the Laconian, and
choose between you both whatever seems best. If then you will lead us
where provisions are to be got in plenty, we shall feel indebted to you for
your hospitality." And Seuthes answered: "For the matter of that, I know
many villages, close-packed and stocked with all kinds of provisions, just
far enough off to give you a good appetite for your breakfasts." "Lead on
then!" said Xenophon. When they had reached the villages in the afternoon,
the soldiers met, and Seuthes made the following speech: "My request to
you, sirs, is that you will take the field with me, and my promise to you is
that I will give every man of you a cyzicene, and to the officers and
generals at the customary rate; besides this I will honour those who show
special merit. Food and drink you shall get as now for yourselves from the
country; but whatever is captured, I shall claim to have myself, so that by
distribution of it I may provide you with pay. Let them flee, let them creep
into hiding-places, we shall be able to pursue after them, we will track them
out; or if they resist, along with you we will endeavour to subdue them to
our hands." Xenophon inquired: "And how far from the sea shall you expect
the army to follow you?" "Nowhere more than seven days' journey," he
answered, "and in many places less."
After this, permission was given for all who wished to speak, and many
spoke, but ever to one and the same tune: "What Seuthes said, was very
right. It was winter, and for a man to sail home, even if he had the will to do
so, was impossible. On the other hand, to continue long in a friendly
country, where they must depend upon what they could purchase, was
equally beyond their power. If they were to wear away time and support life
in a hostile country, it was safer to do so with Seuthes than by themselves,
not to speak of all these good things; but if they were going to get pay into
the bargain, that indeed was a godsend." To complete the proceedings,
Xenophon said: "If any one opposes the measure, let him state his views; if
not, let the officer put the proposition to the vote." No one opposed; they
put it to the vote, and the resolution was carried; and without loss of time,
he informed Seuthes that they would take the field with him.
After this the troops messed in their separate divisions, but the generals
and officers were invited by Seuthes to dinner at a neighbouring village
which was in his possession. When they were at the doors, and on the point

of stepping in to dinner, they were met by a certain Heracleides, of Maronea
(1). He came up to each guest, addressing himself particularly to those who,
as he conjectured, ought to be able to make a present to Seuthes. He
addressed himself first to some Parians who were there to arrange a
friendship with Medocus, the king of the Odrysians, and were bearers of
presents to the king and to his wife. Heracleides reminded them: "Medocus
is up country twelve days' journey from the sea; but Seuthes, now that he
has got this army, will be lord on the sea-coast; as your neighbour, then, he
is the man to do you good or do you ill. If you are wise, you will give him
whatever he askes of you. On the whole, it will be laid out at better interest
than if you have it to Medocus, who lives so far off." That was his mode of
persuasion in their case. Next he came to Timasion the Dardanian, who,
some one had told him, was the happy possessor of certain goblets and
oriental carpets. What he said to him was: "It is customary when people are
invited to dinner by Seuthes for the guests to make him a present; now if he
should become a great person in these parts, he will be able to restore you
to your native land, or to make you a rich man here." Such were the
solicitations which he applied to each man in turn whom he accosted.
Presently he came to Xenophon and said: "You are at once a citizen of no
mean city, and with Seuthes also your own name is very great. Maybe you
expect to obtain a fort or two in this country, just as others of your
countrymen have done (2), and territory. It is only right and proper
therefore that you should honour Seuthes in the most magnificent style. Be
sure, I give this advice out of pure friendliness, for I know that the greater
the gift that you are ready to bestow on him, the better the treatment you
will receive at his hands." Xenophon, on hearing this, was in a sad
dilemma, for he had brought with him, when he crossed from Parium,
nothing but one boy and just enough to pay his travelling expenses.

(1) A Greek colony in Thrace. Among Asiatico-Ionian colonies were
Abdera, founded by Teos, and Maroneia, celebrated for its wine,
founded by Chios about 540 B.C.—Kiepert, "Man. Anct. Geog." viii.
182.

(2) Notably Alcibiades, who possessed two or three such fortresses.

As soon as the company, consisting of the most powerful Thracians there
present, with the generals and captains of the Hellenes, and any embassy
from a state which might be there, had arrived, they were seated in a circle,
and the dinner was served. Thereupon three-legged stools were brought in

and placed in front of the assembled guests. They were laden with pieces of
meat, piled up, and there were huge leavened-loaves fastened on to the
pieces of meat with long skewers. The tables, as a rule, were set beside the
guests at intervals. That was the custom; and Seuthes set the fashion of the
performance. He took up the loaves which lay by his side and broke them
into little pieces, and then threw the fragments here to one and there to
another as seemed to him good; and so with the meat likewise, leaving for
himself the merest taste. Then the rest fell to following the fashion set them,
those that is who had tables placed beside them.
Now there was an Arcadian, Arystas by name, a huge eater; he soon got
tired of throwing the pieces about, and seized a good three-quarters loaf in
his two hands, placed some pieces of meat upon his knees, and proceeded to
discuss his dinner. Then beakers of wine were brought round, and every one
partook in turn; but when the cupbearer came to Arystas and handed him
the bowl, he looked up, and seeing that Xenophon had done eating: "Give it
him," quoth he, "he is more at leisure. I have something better to do at
present." Seuthes, hearing a remark, asked the cupbearer what was said, and
the cupbearer, who knew how to talk Greek, explained. Then followed a
peal of laughter.
When the drinking had advanced somewhat, in came a Thracian with a
white horse, who snatched the brimming bowl and said: "Here's a health to
thee, O Seuthes! Let me present thee with this horse. Mounted on him, thou
shalt capture whom thou choosest to pursue, or retiring from battle, thou
shalt not dread the foe." He was followed by one who brought in a boy, and
presented him in proper style with "Here's a health to thee, O Seuthes!" A
third had "clothes for his wife." Timasion, the Dardanian, pledged Seuthes,
and presented a silver bowl (3) and a carpet worth ten minae. Gnesippus, an
Athenian, got up and said: "It was a good old custom, and a fine one too,
that those who had, should give to the king for honour's sake, but to those
who had not, the king should give; whereby, my lord," he added, "I too may
one day have the wherewithal to give thee gifts and honour." Xenophon the
while was racking his brains what he was to do; he was not the happier
because he was seated in the seat next Seuthes as a mark of honour; and
Heracleides bade the cupbearer hand him the bowl. The wine had perhaps a
little mounted to his head; he rose, and manfully seized the cup, and spoke:
"I also, Seuthes, have to present you with myself and these my dear
comrades to be your trusty friends, and not one of them against his will.

They are more ready, one and all, still more than I, to be your friends. Here
they are; they ask nothing from you in return, rather they are forward to
labour in your behalf; it will be their pleasure to bear the brunt of battle in
voluntary service. With them, God willing, you will gain vast territory; you
will recover what was once your forefathers'; you will win for yourself new
lands; and not lands only, but horses many, and of men a multitude, and
many a fair dame besides. You will not need to seize upon them in robber
fashion; it is your friends here who, of their own accord, shall take and
bring them to you, they shall lay them at your feet as gifts." Up got Seuthes
and drained with him the cup, and with him sprinkled the last drops
fraternally (4).

(3) Or rather "saucer" ({phiale}).

(4) For the Thracian custom, vide Suidas, s.v. {kataskedazein}.

At this stage entered musicians blowing upon horns such as they use for
signal calls, and trumpeting on trumpets, made of raw oxhide, tunes and
airs, like the music of the double-octave harp (5). Seuthes himself got up
and shouted, trolling forth a war song; then he sprang from his place and
leapt about as though he would guard himself against a missile, in right
nimble style. Then came in a set of clowns and jesters.

(5) Or, "magadis." This is said to have been one of the most perfect
instruments. It comprised two full octaves, the left hand playing
the same notes as the right an octave lower. Guhl and Koner, p.
203, Engl. transl. See also "Dict. Antiq." "Musica"; and Arist.
"Polit." xix. 18, {Dia ti e dia pason sumphonia adetai mone;
magasizousi gar tauten, allen de oudemian}, i.e. "since no
interval except the octave ({dia pason}) could be 'magidised' (the
effect of any other is well known to be intolerable), therefore no
other interval was employed at all."

But when the sun began to set, the Hellenes rose from their seats. It was
time, they said, to place the night sentinels and to pass the watchword;
further, they begged of Seuthes to issue an order that none of the Thracians
were to enter the Hellenic camp at night, "since between your Thracian foes
and our Thracian friends there might be some confusion." As they sallied
forth, Seuthes rose to accompany them, like the soberest of men. When they
were outside, he summoned the generals apart and said: "Sirs, our enemies
are not aware as yet of our alliance. If, therefore, we attack them before
they take precautions not to be caught, or are prepared to repel assault, we

shall make a fine haul of captives and other stock." The generals fully
approved of these views, and bade him lead on. He answered: "Prepare and
wait; as soon as the right time comes I will be with you. I shall pick up the
peltasts and yourselves, and with the help of the gods, I will lead on." "But
consider one point," urged Xenophon; "if we are to march by night, is not
the Hellenic fashion best? When marching in the daytime that part of the
army leads the van which seems best suited to the nature of the country to
be traversed—heavy or light infantry, or cavalry; but by night our rule is
that the slowest arm should take the lead. Thus we avoid the risk of being
pulled to pieces: and it is not so easy for a man to give his neighbour the
slip without intending, whereas the scattered fragments of an army are apt
to fall foul of one another, and to cause damage or incur it in sheer
ignorance." To this Seuthes replied: "You reason well, and I will adopt your
custom. I will furnish you with guides chosen from the oldest experts of the
country, and I will myself follow with the cavalry in the rear; it will not take
me long, if need be, to present myself at the front." Then, for kinship's sake,
they chose "Athenaia (6)" as their watchword. With this, they turned and
sought repose.

(6) "Our Lady of Athens."

It was about midnight when Seuthes presented himself with his cavalry
troopers armed with corselets, and his light infantry under arms. As soon as
he had handed over to them the promised guides, the heavy infantry took
the van, followed by the light troops in the centre, while the cavalry brought
up the rear. At daybreak Seuthes rode up to the front. He complimented
them on their method: so often had he himself, while marching by night
with a mere handful of men, been separated with his cavalry from his
infantry. "But now," said he, "we find ourselves at dawn of day all happily
together, just as we ought to be. Do you wait for me here," he proceeded,
"and recruit yourselves. I will take a look round and rejoin you." So saying
he took a certain path over hill and rode off. As soon as he had reached deep
snow, he looked to see whether there were footprints of human beings
leading forward or in the opposite direction; and having satisfied himself
that the road was untrodden, back he came, exclaiming: "God willing, sirs,
it will be all right; we shall fall on the fellows, before they know where they
are. I will lead on with the cavalry; so that if we catch sight of any one, he
shall not escape and give warning to the enemy. Do you follow, and if you

are left behind, keep to the trail of the horses. Once on the other side of the
mountains, we shall find ourselves in numerous thriving villages."
By the middle of the day he had already gained the top of the pass and
looked down upon the villages below. Back he came riding to the heavy
infantry and said: "I will at once send off the cavalry into the plain below,
and the peltasts too, to attack the villages. Do you follow with what speed
you may, so that in case of resistance you may lend us your aid." Hearing
this, Xenophon dismounted, and the other asked: "Why do you dismount
just when speed is the thing we want?" The other answered: "But you do
not want me alone, I am sure. The hoplites will run all the quicker and more
cheerily if I lead them on foot."
Thereupon Seuthes went off, and Timasion with him, taking the Hellene
squadron of something like forty troopers. Then Xenophon passed the
order: the active young fellows up to thirty years of age from the different
companies to the front; and off with these he went himself, bowling along
(7); while Cleanor led the other Hellenes. When they had reached the
villages, Seuthes, with about thirty troopers, rode up, exclaiming: "Well,
Xenophon, this is just what you said! the fellows are caught, but now look
here. My cavalry have gone off unsupported; they are scattered in pursuit,
one here, one there, and upon my word, I am more than half afraid the
enemy will collect somewhere and do them a mischief. Some of us must
remain in the villages, for they are swarming with human beings." "Well
then," said Xenophon, "I will seize the heights with the men I have with me,
and do you bid Cleanor extend his line along the level beside the villages."
When they had done so, there were enclosed—of captives for the slave
market, one thousand; of cattle, two thousand; and of other small cattle, ten
thousand. For the time being they took up quarters there.

(7) {etropkhaze}, a favourite word with our author. Herodotus uses it;
so does Aristot.; so also Polybius; but the Atticists condemn it,
except of course in poetry.

IV
But the next day Seuthes burnt the villages to the ground; he left not a
single house, being minded to inspire terror in the rest of his enemies, and
to show them what they also were to expect, if they refused obedience; and
so he went back again. As to the booty, he sent off Heracliedes to Perinthus
to dispose of it, with a view to future pay for the soldiers. But for himself he
encamped with the Hellenes in the lowland country of the Thynians, the
natives leaving the flats and betaking themselves in flight to the uplands.
There was deep snow, and cold so intense that the water brought in for
dinner and the wine within the jars froze; and many of the Hellenes had
their noses and ears frost-bitten. Now they came to understand why the
Thracians wear fox-skin caps on their heads and about their ears; and why,
on the same principle, they are frocked not only about the chest and bust but
so as to cover the loins and thighs as well; and why on horseback they
envelop themselves in long shawls which reach down to the feet, instead of
the ordinary short rider's cloak. Seuthes sent off some of the prisoners to the
hills with a message to say that if they did not come down to their homes,
and live quietly and obey him, he would burn down their villages and their
corn, and leave them to perish with hunger. Thereupon down they came,
women and children and the older men; the younger men preferred to
quarter themselves in the villages on the skirts of the hills. On discovering
this, Seuthes bade Xenophon take the youngest of the heavy infantry and
join him on an expedition. They rose in the night, and by daybreak had
reached the villages; but the majority of the inhabitants made good their
escape, for the hills were close at hand. Those whom he did catch, Seuthes
unsparingly shot down.
Now there was a certain Olynthian, named Episthenes; he was a great
lover of boys, and seeing a handsome lad, just in the bloom of youth, and
carrying a light shield, about to be slain, he ran up to Xenophon and
supplicated him to rescue the fair youth. Xenophon went to Seuthes and
begged him not to put the boy to death. He explained to him the disposition
of Episthenes; how he had once enrolled a company, the only qualification
required being that of personal beauty; and with these handsome young men

at his side there were none so brave as he. Seuthes put the question, "Would
you like to die on his behalf, Episthenes?" whereat the other stretched out
his neck, and said, "Strike, if the boy bids you, and will thank his
preserver." Seuthes, turning to the boy, asked, "Shall I smite him instead of
you?" The boy shook his head, imploring him to slay neither the one nor the
other, whereupon Episthenes caught the lad in his arms, exclaiming, "It is
time you did battle with me, Seuthes, for my boy; never will I yield him
up," and Seuthes laughed: "what must be must," and so consented.
In these villages he decided that they must bivouac, so that the men on
the mountains might be still further deprived of subsistence. Stealthily
descending he himself found quarters in the plain; while Xenophon with his
picked troops encamped in the highest village on the skirts of the hills,; and
the rest of the Hellenes hard by, among the highland Thracians (1), as they
are called.

(1) Cf. "Highlanders."

After this, not many days had idly slipt away before the Thracians from
the mountains came down and wished to arrange with Seuthes for terms of
truce and hostages. Simultaneously came Xenophon and informed Seuthes
that they were camped in bad quarters, with the enemy next door; "it would
be pleasanter too," he added, "to bivouac in a strong position in the open,
than under cover on the edge of destruction." The other bade him take heart
and pointed to some of their hostages, as much as to say "Look there!"
Parties also from the mountaineers came down and pleaded with Xenophon
himself, to help arrange a truce for them. This he agreed to do, bidding
them to pluck up heart, and assuring them that they would meet with no
mischief, if they yielded obedience to Seuthes. All their parleying, however,
was, as it turned out, merely to get a closer inspection of things. This
happened in the day, and in the following night the Thynians descended
from the hill country and made an attack. In each case, the guide was the
master of the house attacked; otherwise it would have taxed their powers to
discover the houses in the dark, which, for the sake of their flocks and
herds, were palisaded all round with great stockades. As soon as they had
reached the doors of any particular house, the attack began, some hurling in
their spears, others belabouring with their clubs, which they carried, it was
said, for the purpose of knocking off the lance points from the shaft. Others
were busy setting the place on fire; and they kept calling Xenophon by

name: "Come out, Xenophon, and die like a man, or we will roast you alive
inside."
By this time too the flames were making their appearance through the
roof, and Xenophon and his followers were within, with their coats of mail
on, and big shields, swords, and helmets. Then Silanus, a Macistian (2), a
youth of some eighteen years, signalled on the trumpet; and in an instant,
out they all leapt with their drawn swords, and the inmates of other quarters
as well. The Thracians took to their heels, according to their custom,
swinging their light shields round their backs. As they leapt over the
stockade some were captured, hanging on the top with their shields caught
in the palings; others missed the way out, and so were slain; and the
Hellenes chased them hotly, till they were outside the village.

(2) "Of Macistus," a town in the Triphylia near Scillus.

A party of Thynians turned back, and as the men ran past in bold relief
against a blazing house, they let fly a volley of javelins, out of the darkness
into the glare, and wounded two captains, Hieronymus, an Euodean (3), and
Theogenes, a Locrian. No one was killed, only the clothes and baggage of
some of the men were consumed in the flames. Presently up came Seuthes
to the rescue with seven troopers, the first to hand, and his Thracian
trumpeteer by his side. Seeing that something had happened, he hastened to
the rescue, and ever the while his bugler wound his horn, which music
added terror to the foe. Arrived at length, he greeted them with outstretched
hand, exclaiming, "I thought to find you all dead men."

(3) If this is the same man as Hieronymus of Elis, who has been
mentioned two or three times already, possibly the word {Euodea}
points to some town or district of Elis; or perhaps the text is
corrupt.

After that, Xenophon begged him to hand over the hostages to himself,
and if so disposed, to join him on an expedition to the hills, or if not, to let
him go alone. Accordingly the next day Seuthes delivered up the hostages.
They were men already advanced in years, but the pick of the mountaineers,
as they themselves gave out. Not merely did Seuthes do this, but he came
himself, with his force at his back (and by this time he had treble his former
force, for many of the Odrysians, hearing of his proceedings, came down to
join in the campaign); and the Thynians, espying from the mountains the
vast array of heavy infantry and light infantry and cavalry, rank upon rank,

came down and supplicated him to make terms. "They were ready," they
professed, "to do all that he demanded; let him take pledges of their good
faith." So Seuthes summoned Xenophon and explained their proposals,
adding that he should make no terms with them, if Xenophon wished to
punish them for their night attack. The latter replied: "For my part, I should
think their punishment is great enough already, if they are to be slaves
instead of free men; still," he added, "I advise you for the future to take as
hostages those who are most capable of doing mischief, and to let the old
men abide in peace at home." So to a man they gave in their adhesion in
that quarter of the country.

V
Crossing over in the direction of the Thracians above Byzantium, they
reached the Delta, as it is called. Here they were no longer in the
territory of the Maesades, but in the country of Teres the Odrysian
(an ancient worthy (1)). Here Heracleides met them with the proceeds of
the spoil, and Seuthes picked out three pairs of mules (there were
only three, the other teams being oxen); then he summoned Xenophon and
bade him take them, and divide the rest between the generals and
officers, to which Xenophon replied that for himself, he was content
to receive his share another time, but added: "Make a present of these
to my friends here, the generals who have served with me, and to the
officers." So of the pairs of mules Timasion the Dardanian received
one, Cleanor the Orchomenian one, and Phryniscus the Achaean one. The
teams of oxen were divided among the officers. Then Seuthes proceeded
to remit pay due for the month already passed, but all he could give
was the equivalent of twenty days. Heracleides insisted that this was
all he had got by his trafficking. Whereupon Xenophon with some warmth
exclaimed: "Upon my word, Heracleides, I do not think you care for
Seuthes' interest as you should. If you did, you have been at pains to
bring back the full amount of the pay, even if you had had to raise a
loan to do so, and, if by no other means, by selling the coat off your
own back."

(1) See above re previous Teres. The words "an ancient worthy" may
possibly be an editor's or commentator's note.

What he said annoyed Heracleides, who was afraid of being ousted from
the friendship of Seuthes, and from that day forward he did his best to
calumniate Xenophon before Seuthes. The soldiers, on their side, laid the
blame of course on Xenophon: "Where was their pay?" and Seuthes was
vexed with him for persistently demanding it for them. Up to this date he
had frequently referred to what he would do when he got to the seaboard
again; how he intended to hand over to him Bisanthe, Ganos, and
Neontichos (2). But from this time forward he never mentioned one of them
again. The slanderous tongue of Heracleides had whispered him:—it was
not safe to hand over fortified towns to a man with a force at his back.

(2) For Bisanthe see above. Ganos, a little lower down the coast, with
Neontichos once belonged to Alcibiades, if we may believe
Cornelius Nepos, "Alc." vii. 4, and Plutarch, "Alc." c. 36. See
above.

Consequently Xenophon fell to considering what he ought to do as
regards marching any further up the country; and Heracleides introduced

the other generals to Seuthes, urging them to say that they were quite as
well able to lead the army as Xenophon, and promising them that within a
day or two they should have full pay for two months, and he again implored
them to continue the campaign with Seuthes. To which Timasion replied
that for his part he would continue no campaign without Xenophon; not
even if they were to give him pay for five months; and what Timasion said,
Phryniscus and Cleanor repeated; the views of all three coincided.
Seuthes fell to upbraiding Heracleides in round terms. "Why had he not
invited Xenophon with the others?" and presently they invited him, but by
himself alone. He, perceiving the knavery of Heracleides, and that his
object was to calumniate him with the other generals, presented himself; but
at the same time he took care to bring all the generals and the officers. After
their joint consent had been secured, they continued the campaign. Keeping
the Pontus on their right, they passed through the millet-eating (3)
Thracians, as they are called, and reached Salmydessus. This is a point at
which many trading vessels bound for the Black Sea run aground and are
wrecked, owing to a sort of marshy ledge or sandbank which runs out for a
considerable distance into the sea (4). The Thracians, who dwell in these
parts, have set up pillars as boundary marks, and each set of them has the
pillage of its own flotsom and jetsom; for in old days, before they set up
these landmarks, the wreckers, it is said, used freely to fall foul of and slay
one another. Here was a rich treasure trove, of beds and boxes numberless,
with a mass of written books, and all the various things which mariners
carry in their wooden chests. Having reduced this district, they turned round
and went back again. By this time the army of Seuthes had grown to be
considerably larger than the Hellenic army; for on the one hand, the
Odrysians flocked down in still larger numbers, and on the other, the tribes
which gave in their adhesion from time to time were amalgamated with his
armament. They got into quarters on the flat country above Selybria at
about three miles (5) distance from the sea. As to pay, not a penny was as
yet forthcoming, and the soldiers were cruelly disaffected to Xenophon,
whilst Seuthes, on his side, was no longer so friendlily disposed. If
Xenophon ever wished to come face to face with him, want of leisure or
some other difficulty always seemed to present itself.

(3) Or, "the Melinophagi."

(4) See, for a description of this savage coast, Aesch. "Prom." vinc.
726, etc.—

"{trakheia pontou Salmudesia gnathos ekhthroxenos nautaisi, metruia
neon.}"
"The rugged Salmudesian jaw of the Black Sea, Inhospitable to sailors,
stepmother of ships."
But the poet is at fault in his geography, since he connects "the
Salmydesian jaw" with the Thermodon.

(5) Lit. "thirty stades." Selybria is about fourty-four miles from
Byzantium, two-thirds of the way to Perinthus.

VI
At this date, when nearly two months had already passed, an embassy
arrived. These were two agents from Thibron—Charminus, a
Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus. They were sent to say that the
Lacedaemonians had resolved to open a campaign against Tissaphernes,
and that Thibron, who had set sail to conduct the war, was anxious to avail
himself of the troops. He could guarantee that each soldier should receive a
daric a month as pay, the officers double pay, and the generals quadruple.
The Lacedaemonian emissaries had no sooner arrived than Heracleides,
having learnt that they had come in search of the Hellenic troops, goes off
himself to Seuthes and says: "The best thing that could have happened; the
Lacedaemonians want these troops and you have done with them, so that if
you hand over the troops to them, you will do the Lacedaemonians a good
turn and will cease to be bothered for pay any more. The country will be
quit of them once and for ever."
On hearing this Seuthes bade him introduce the emissaries. As soon as
they had stated that the object of their coming was to treat for the Hellenic
troops, he replied that he would willingly give them up, that his one desire
was to be the friend and ally of Lacedaemon. So he invited them to partake
of hospitality, and entertained them magnificently; but he did not invite
Xenophon, nor indeed any of the other generals. Presently the
Lacedaemonians asked: "What sort of man is Xenophon?" and Seuthes
answered: "Not a bad fellow in most respects; but he is too much the
soldiers' friend; and that is why it goes ill with him." They asked: "Does he
play the popular leader?" and Heracleides answered: "Exactly so." "Well
then," said they, "he will oppose our taking away the troops, will he not?"
"To be sure he will," said Heracleides; "but you have only to call a meeting
of the whole body, and promise them pay, and little further heed will they
pay to him; they will run off with you." "How then are we to get them
collected?" they asked. "Early to-morrow," said Heracleides, "we will bring
you to them; and I know," he added once more, "as soon as they set eyes on
you, they will flock to you with alacrity." Thus the day ended.

The next day Seuthes and Heracleides brought the two Laconian agents
to the army, and the troops were collected, and the agents made a statement
as follows: "The Lacedaemonians have resolved on war with Tissaphernes,
who did you so much wrong. By going with us therefore you will punish
your enemy, and each of you will get a daric a month, the officers twice that
sum, and the generals quadruple." The soldiers lent willing ears, and up
jumped one of the Arcadians at once, to find fault with Xenophon. Seuthes
also was hard by, wishing to know what was going to happen. He stood
within ear shot, and his interpreter by his side; not but what he could
understand most of what was said in Greek himself. At this point the
Arcadian spoke: "For the matter of that, Lacedaemonians, we should have
been by your sides long ago, if Xenophon had not persuaded us and brought
us hither. We have never ceased campaigning, night and day, the dismal
winter through, but he reaps the fruit of our toils. Seuthes has enriched him
privately, but deprives us of our honest earnings; so that, standing here as I
do to address you first, all I can say is, that if I might see the fellow stoned
to death as a penalty for all the long dance he has led us, I should feel I had
got my pay in full, and no longer grudge the pains we have undergone." The
speaker was followed by another and then another in the same strain; and
after that Xenophon made the following speech:—
"True is the old adage; there is nothing which mortal man may not expect
to see. Here am I being accused by you to-day, just where my conscience
tells me that I have displayed the greatest zeal on your behalf. Was I not
actually on my road home when I turned back? Not, God knows, because I
learned that you were in luck's way, but because I heard that you were in
sore straits, and I wished to help you, if in any way I could. I returned, and
Seuthes yonder sent me messenger after messenger, and made me promise
upon promise, if only I could persuade you to come to him. Yet, as you
yourselves will bear me witness, I was not to be diverted. Instead of setting
my hand to do that, I simply led you to a point from which, with least loss
of time, I thought you could cross into Asia. This I believed was the best
thing for you, and you I knew desired it.
"But when Aristarchus came with his ships of war and hindered our
passage across, you will hardly quarrel with me for the step I then took in
calling you together that we might advisedly consider our best course.
Having heard both sides—first Aristarchus, who ordered you to march to
the Chersonese, then Seuthes, who pleaded with you to undertake a

campaign with himself—you all proposed to go with Seuthes; and you all
gave your votes to that effect. What wrong did I commit in bringing you,
whither you were eager to go? If, indeed, since the time when Seuthes
began to tell lies and cheat us about the pay, I have supported him in this,
you may justly find fault with me and hate me. But if I, who at first was
most of all his friend, to-day am more than any one else at variance with
him, how can I, who have chosen you and rejected Seuthes, in fairness be
blamed by you for the very thing which has been the ground of quarrel
between him and me? But you will tell me, perhaps, that I get from Seuthes
what is by right yours, and that I deal subtly by you? But is it not clear that,
if Seuthes has paid me anything, he has at any rate not done so with the
intention of losing by what he gives me, whilst he is still your debtor? If he
gave to me, he gave in order that, by a small gift to me, he might escape a
larger payment to yourselves. But if that is what you really think has
happened, you can render this whole scheme of ours null and void in an
instant by exacting from him the money which is your due. It is clear,
Seuthes will demand back from me whatever I have got from him, and he
will have all the more right to do so, if I have failed to secure for him what
he bargained for when I took his gifts. But indeed, I am far removed from
enjoying what is yours, and I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses
that I have not taken even what Seuthes promised me in private. He is
present himself and listening, and he is aware in his own heart whether I
swear falsely. And what will surprise you the more, I can swear besides,
that I have not received even what the other generals have received, no, nor
yet what some of the officers have received. But how so? why have I
managed my affairs no better? I thought, sirs, the more I helped him to bear
his poverty at the time, the more I should make him my friend in the day of
his power. Whereas, it is just when I see the star of his good fortune rising,
that I have come to divine the secret of his character.
"Some one may say, are you not ashamed to be so taken in like a fool?
Yes, I should be ashamed, if it had been an open enemy who had so
deceived me. But, to my mind, when friend cheats friend, a deeper stain
attaches to the perpetrator than to the victim of deceit. Whatever precaution
a man may take against his friend, that we took in full. We certainly gave
him no pretext for refusing to pay us what he promised. We were perfectly
upright in our dealings with him. We did not dawdle over his affairs, nor did
we shrink from any work to which he challenged us.

"But you will say, I ought to have taken security of him at the time, so
that had he fostered the wish, he might have lacked the ability to deceive.
To meet that retort, I must beg you to listen to certain things, which I should
never have said in his presence, except for your utter want of feeling
towards me, or your extraordinary ingratitude. Try and recall the posture of
your affairs, when I extricated you and brought you to Seuthes. Do you not
recollect how at Perinthus Aristarchus shut the gates in your faces each time
you offered to approach the town, and how you were driven to camp outside
under the canopy of heaven? It was midwinter; you were thrown upon the
resources of a market wherein few were the articles offered for sale, and
scanty the wherewithal to purchase them. Yet stay in Thrace you must, for
there were ships of war riding at anchor in the bay, ready to hinder your
passage across; and what did that stay imply? It meant being in a hostile
country, confronted by countless cavalry, legions of light infantry. And what
had we? A heavy infantry force certainly, with which we could have dashed
at villages in a body possibly, and seized a modicum of food at most; but as
to pursuing the enemy with such a force as ours, or capturing men or cattle,
the thing was out of the question; for when I rejoined you your original
cavalry and light infantry divisions had disappeared. In such sore straits you
lay!
"Supposing that, without making any demands for pay whatever, I had
merely won for you the alliance of Seuthes—whose cavalry and light
infantry were just what you needed—would you not have thought that I had
planned very well for you? I presume, it was through your partnership with
him and his that you were able to find such complete stores of corn in the
villages, when the Thracians were driven to take to their heels in such hot
haste, and you had so large a share of captives and cattle. Why! from the
day on which his cavalry force was attached to us, we never set eyes on a
single foeman in the field, though up to that date the enemy with his cavalry
and his light infantry used undauntedly to hang on our heels, and effectually
prevented us from scattering in small bodies and reaping a rich harvest of
provisions. But if he who partly gave you this security has failed to pay in
full the wages due to you therefrom, is not that a terrible misfortune? So
monstrous indeed that you think I ought not to go forth alive (1).

(1) I.e. the fate of a scape-goat is too good for me.

"But let me ask you, in what condition do you turn your backs on this
land to-day? Have you not wintered here in the lap of plenty? Whatever you
have got from Seuthes has been surplus gain. Your enemies have had to
meet the bill of your expenses, whilst you led a merry round of existence, in
which you have not once set eyes on the dead body of a comrade or lost one
living man. Again, if you have achieved any, (or rather many) noble deeds
against the Asiatic barbarian, you have them safe. And in addition to these
to-day you have won for yourselves a second glory. You undertook a
campaign against the European Thracians, and have mastered them. What I
say then is, that these very matters which you make a ground of quarrel
against myself, are rather blessings for which you ought to show gratitude
to heaven.
"Thus far I have confined myself to your side of the matter. Bear with
me, I beg you, while we examine mine. When I first essayed to part with
you and journey homewards, I was doubly blest. From your lips I had won
some praise, and, thanks to you, I had obtained glory from the rest of
Hellas. I was trusted by the Lacedaemonians; else would they not have sent
me back to you. Whereas to-day I turn to go, calumniated before the
Lacedaemonians by yourselves, detested in your behalf by Seuthes, whom I
meant so to benefit, by help of you, that I should find in him a refuge for
myself and for my children, if children I might have, in after time. And you
the while, for whose sake I have incurred so much hate, the hate of people
far superior to me in strength, you, for whom I have not yet ceased to devise
all the good I can, entertain such sentiments about me. Why? I am no
renegade or runaway slave, you have got hold of. If you carry out what you
say, be sure you will have done to death a man who has passed many a vigil
in watching over you; who has shared with you many a toil and run many a
risk in turn and out of turn; who, thanks to the gracious gods! has by your
side set up full many a trophy over the barbarian; who, lastly, has strained
every nerve in his body to protect you against yourselves. And so it is, that
to-day you can move freely, where you choose, by sea or by land, and no
one can say you nay; and you, on whom this large liberty dawns, who are
sailing to a long desired goal, who are sought after by the greatest of
military powers, who have pay in prospect, and for leaders these
Lacedaemonians, our acknowledged chiefs: now is the appointed time, you
think, to put me to a speedy death. But in the days of our difficulties it was
very different, O ye men of marvellous memory! No! in those days you

called me 'father!' and you promised you would bear me ever in mind, 'your
benefactor.' Not so, however, not so ungracious are those who have come to
you to-day; nor, if I mistake not, have you bettered yourselves in their eyes
by your treatment of me."
With these words he paused, and Charminus the Lacedaemonian got up
and said: "Nay, by the Twins, you are wrong, surely, in your anger against
this man; I myself can bear testimony in his favour. When Polynicus and I
asked Seuthes, what sort of a man he was? Seuthes answered:—he had but
one fault to find with him, that he was too much the soldiers' friend, which
also was the cause why things went wrong with him, whether as regards us
Lacedaemonians or himself, Seuthes."
Upon that Eurylochus of Lusia, an Arcadian, got up and said (addressing
the two Lacedaemonians), "Yes, sirs; and what strikes me is that you cannot
begin your generalship of us better than by exacting from Seuthes our pay.
Whether he like it or no, let him pay in full; and do not take us away
before."
Polycrates the Athenian, who was put forward by Xenophon, said: "If my
eyes do not deceive me, sirs, there stands Heracleides, yonder, the man who
received the property won by our toil, who took and sold it, and never gave
back either to Seuthes or to us the proceeds of the sale, but kept the money
to himself, like the thief he is. If we are wise, we will lay hold of him, for
he is no Thracian, but a Hellene; and against Hellenes is the wrong he has
committed."
When Heracleides heard these words, he was in great consternation; so
he came to Seuthes and said: "If we are wise we will get away from here
out of reach of these fellows." So they mounted their horses and were gone
in a trice, galloping to their own camp. Subsequently Seuthes sent
Abrozelmes, his private interpreter, to Xenophon, begging him to stay
behind with one thousand heavy troops; and engaging duly to deliver to him
the places on the seaboard, and the other things which he had promised; and
then, as a great secret, he told him, that he had heard from Polynicus that if
he once got into the clutches of the Lacedaemonians, Thibron was certain to
put him to death. Similar messages kept coming to Xenophon by letter or
otherwise from several quarters, warning him that he was calumniated, and
had best be on his guard. Hearing which, he took two victims and sacrificed
to Zeus the King: "Whether it were better and happier to stay with Seuthes

on the terms proposed, or depart with the army?" The answer he received
was, "Depart."

VII
After this, Seuthes removed his camp to some considerable distance; and
the Hellenes took up their quarters in some villages, selecting those in
which they could best supply their commissariat, on the road to the sea.
Now these particular villages had been given by Seuthes to Medosades.
Accordingly, when the latter saw his property in the villages being
expended by the Hellenes, he was not over well pleased; and taking with
him an Odrysian, a powerful person amongst those who had come down
from the interior, and about thirty mounted troopers, he came and
challenged Xenophon to come forth from the Hellenic host. He, taking
some of the officers and others of a character to be relied upon, came
forward. Then Medosades, addressing Xenophon, said: "You are doing
wrong to pillage our villages; we give you fair warning—I, in behalf of
Seuthes, and this man by my side, who comes from Medocus, the king up
country—to begone out of the land. If you refuse, understand, we have no
notion of handing it over to you; but if you injure our country we will
retaliate upon you as foes."
Xenophon, hearing what they had to say, replied: "Such language
addressed to us by you, of all people, is hard to answer. Yet for the sake of
the young man with you, I will attempt to do so, that at least he may learn
how different your nature is from ours. We," he continued, "before we were
your friends, had the free run of this country, moving this way or that, as it
took our fancy, pillaging and burning just as we chose; and you yourself,
Medosades, whenever you came to us on an embassy, camped with us,
without apprehension of any foe. As a tribe collectively you scarcely
approached the country at all, or if you found yourselves in it, you
bivouacked with your horses bitted and bridled, as being in the territory of
your superiors. Presently you made friends with us, and, thanks to us, by
God's help you have won this country, out of which to-day you seek to drive
us; a country which we held by our own strength and gave to you. No
hostile force, as you well know, was capable of expelling us. It might have
been expected of you personally to speed us on our way with some gift, in
return for the good we did you. Not so; even though our backs are turned to